Mapping Flows and Patterns Gábor Hunya
Mapping Flows and Patterns Gábor Hunya
Mapping Flows and Patterns Gábor Hunya
Gábor Hunya
1. Introduction
Economic growth in Europe took a downturn in 2008/2009 due to the
financial crisis. Since then, recurring setbacks and modest short-term
recoveries have occurred, with significant national variations. Foreign
direct investment (FDI) was one of the driving factors of the pre-crisis
boom period, when large capital inflows – especially in the banking and
real estate sectors – contributed to economic overheating in several
countries. In response to the new macroeconomic environment and
financing conditions that set in from 2008 – such as contracting demand
for products and increased perceptions of investment risk – FDI flows
suffered a harsh Europe-wide decline. Data indicate some recovery of
cross-border investment activities in some countries already in 2010 and
more robustly in 2011. But the euro crisis brought about a new setback
in 2012 and 2013 when EU27 FDI flows plummeted below the 2009 level.
Preliminary 2014 data and prospects for 2015 signal some recovery, but
not beyond the 2011 level. FDI has lost its growth-engine function, while
economic growth has become sluggish and new EU members’ efforts to
catch up with the EU15 have slowed down. Meanwhile, some
characteristics and the structure of FDI have also changed, making a new
review necessary.
The method used in this chapter is descriptive, as is often the case for
discussing short-term changes. It relies on standard datasets and
compares cross-country changes, but without going into a general
explanation of causal relationships. Scrutiny of data and resources is
perhaps a novelty compared with most econometric studies.
First, we look at FDI flow and stock trends based on FDI statistics of the
balance of payments (wiiw FDI database incorporating national statistics
and Eurostat). As for FDI inflow and outflow data we make some
adjustments in the time series published by Eurostat. Based on the
reporting of the national banks of Poland and Hungary we exclude the
investments of special purpose entities (SPEs) and in the case of Hungary
also capital in transit. Data for 2014 are not yet available for all countries;
those that are are based on the Balance of Payments Manual, 6th edition
(IMF 2013). We estimated the flow data relying on available information.
FDI in- and outflows in the 13 selected countries roughly followed the
European trend. They reported record high flows in 2006–2007, sharp
declines in subsequent years and modest recovery in 2011 and 2012,
followed by a renewed setback. Changes went in the same direction
regarding both the direct investments of foreigners in the host countries
(FDI inflow having a positive sign in the balance of payments) and the
investments of domestic companies abroad (FDI outflow having a
negative sign in the balance of payments). As a result, the amount of net
FDI diminished in the years 2009–2013 to about one half of the level
attained in 2007–2008 (Figure 1). The lowest level of both net FDI and
FDI inflow was recorded in 2013, which points to a lasting phenomenon
of low FDI in the region.
Figure 1 FDI inflow, outflow and net FDI in the NMS11, Greece and Portugal
60000
50000
40000
30000
20000
10000
0
-10000
-20000
2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014*
Inflow Outflow FDI-net
Note: Balance of Payments Manual (IMF 2013); 2014 estimated. Hungary and Poland: excluding SPEs,
Hungary excluding capital in transit.
Source: National statistics and Eurostat
Net FDI is one of the financing resources of the current account deficit.
Since the outset of the financial crisis, capital inflows of all kinds have
diminished and current account deficits were cut back. Rebalancing was
steepest in countries that had previously relied on external financing to
a large extent, such as Bulgaria, Greece and Romania. But FDI was
usually less curtailed than portfolio and other investments and thus the
role of FDI increased in the financing of current account deficits. (Other
relatively stable inflows were the transfer of EU funds and in some
countries’ IMF loans.) Although FDI did mitigate the need for current
account rebalancing, it was far from enough. Rebalancing took place
mainly by the contraction of domestic demand, which triggered a further
fall in domestic market–oriented FDI. Demand contracted also in the
main trading partners, thus curtailing FDI in export-oriented capacities.
Still, net exports were able to mitigate the GDP decline and in general
exports recovered more rapidly in the wake of the financial crisis than
domestic demand. Foreign subsidiaries played a leading role in export
recovery to the extent that they have dominated the export sectors of a
particular country.
The importance of FDI goes well beyond its role in the balance of
payments. FDI inflows may finance new investments and allow access to
technology and markets. FDI outflows, on the other hand, indicate the
competitiveness of domestic companies in penetrating foreign markets
based on their own superior technology and specialised knowledge. Thus
while from a balance of payments viewpoint outward FDI is a capital loss
to the country, it may play a positive role from a developmental
viewpoint. It allows domestic companies to improve competitiveness by
sourcing cheap inputs and to penetrate new markets, which in turn can
have positive production and employment effects.
Developed countries usually export more FDI than they import or the two
items are similar to each other at a high level. Catching-up countries, such
as those under survey, have far more FDI inflow than outflow, although
their outward FDI has increased with time. Some of the more developed
countries among those we are looking at register significant amounts of
FDI outflows, including Czechia, Estonia, Hungary, Poland, Greece and
Portugal. The FDI outflow of the other countries is marginal and thus FDI
inflow and net FDI are similar in their case. A negative net-FDI position,
when outflows are higher than inflows, rarely occurs among the countries
under survey, but it did in two years in Greece and one year in Portugal,
Latvia, Slovakia and Slovenia. In the latter three countries this happened
in 2009 when inflows were negative. Negative FDI inflow occurs when
the capital withdrawal of foreign investors in the host country is larger
than their new direct investments. Such deleveraging can be a sign of an
acute crisis either in the home or the host economies or signal a change
in international capital flows away from emerging markets, as was the
case in 2013.
Companies from the countries hardest hit by the crisis curtailed their
foreign investment activity the most (Greece, Slovenia). Poland was in
much better shape and boosted outward FDI. Also Hungary and Czechia
have domestic multinationals that are penetrating less advanced
countries of the region. Unexpected high fluctuation in FDI outflows may
occur, as in the case of inflows, for example, in Portugal in 2010–2011,
when disinvestments of one year were compensated by even higher
investments in the next. In fact, the small overall FDI outflow figure for
2010 and its sudden increase in 2011 (Figure 1) can be attributed mainly
to this one country.
Croatia
Czechia
Estonia
Hungary1
Hungary2
Latvia
Lithuania
Poland
Romania
Slovakia
Slovenia
Greece
Portugal
2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014*
Note: Hungary1 and Poland excluding SPEs; Hungary2 excluding SPEs and capital in transit; 2014 estimated.
Sources: National statistics and Eurostat
Let’s first summarise the main trends (Figure 2). FDI inflows were at a
high level in most of the countries in 2008 with the remarkable exception
of the Baltic states, which fell into recession and whose receipt of FDI had
been declining already the previous year. Due to the financial crisis 2009
inflows were only a fraction of 2008 in most countries, but declines
registered in Poland as well as in Greece and in Portugal were more
modest than elsewhere. In some of the countries – including Bulgaria,
Croatia and Greece – inflows fell to even lower levels in 2010. The year
2011 brought some modest recovery almost throughout the region, with
the exception of Estonia, Romania and Czechia. In 2012 the recovery
reversed in Latvia and Lithuania, whereas it continued in Slovakia,
Bulgaria, and Greece. Only Poland recorded almost uninterrupted high
inflows throughout the five years. One country suffering constant decline
throughout these years is Romania. Some data can be considered outliers,
namely very high figures in 2012 for Czechia (matched by a very low
figure in 2011), Hungary and Portugal (also 2011). Except for these
countries and Poland, the 2012 inflow figures were significantly below
the 2008 level. The year 2013 brought a renewed setback – with the
exception of Romania and Greece – in line with the deleveraging in
emerging markets. This was corrected in 2014, especially in Poland, while
one can observe no significant change in most of the other countries.
It is worth looking at the annual data in more detail. In 2009 FDI inflows
plummeted to less than half compared with the previous year in almost
all of the 13 countries, reaching a level nearly as low as in 2002–2003
when the decline was due to the ‘dotcom’ crisis. Two countries, Slovakia
and Slovenia, booked negative FDI inflows, implying that accumulated
capital reserves were being repatriated. In some countries – including
Czechia, Hungary, Latvia and Lithuania – the setback was more than 50
per cent. Less hard hit were Poland, which showed the strongest
economic performance in terms of real GDP growth, and Estonia, which
consolidated its economic position after severe GDP and FDI declines in
the previous year.
The crisis of core European countries was directly transferred to the less
developed regions via foreign subsidiaries. Countries with a strong
presence of export-oriented subsidiaries suffered immediate drawbacks
when demand in western Europe shrank. In addition, foreign owned
banks holding the wide majority of banking assets in most countries also
curtailed their activities. In addition, capital repatriation escalated to
mitigate losses of the parent companies.
credits dried up and it was often the subsidiaries that credited the parent.
As a result, the FDI inflow in the form of ‘other capital’ became negative
in Czechia, Estonia, Hungary, Slovakia and Slovenia. In the two latter
countries, the withdrawal of ‘other capital’ was even higher than the
inflow of equity and reinvested earnings, which led to the mentioned
negative figure for FDI inflow.
The correlation between FDI inflow and real GDP growth is fairly robust
if we take several years, such as 2008–2011 (Figure 3). Demand
contraction and the financial crisis in Europe curtailed investments,
including FDI. Even if economic growth was, on the whole, positive in
some countries, FDI inflow became lower due to investors’ deleveraging.
The positive relationship between FDI and GDP hardly existed in
individual years as one-off effects took on overwhelming importance in
shaping FDI.
20
0
PL
CZ
-20
LT HU
-40
SI
SK
-60
RO
-80 BG
EE
-100
-15 -10 -5 0 5 10 15
GDP real change 2011/2008
Source: wiiw database relying on national statistics; author’s own calculations
Returning to 2012, the structure of the record inflow to Czechia did not
show many peculiar features: almost one-quarter was in the financial
sector, exceptionally high amounts in the automotive sector and almost
40 per cent of FDI came from the Netherlands. Because outward Czech
FDI is only around 1 billion euros, high inflows cannot be considered
transitory, such as in Hungary. But Hungary and Portugal were in a true
outlier position in 2012, Portugal already in 2011, for which we can find
some methodological explanation (Box 1).
Inward FDI to Greece remained marginal but saw a rise in 2012, mostly
explained by injections of capital by parent companies to cover losses of
Box 1
Table 1 Inflow and outflow of FDI including and excluding capital in transit and
restructuring of assets in Hungary, EUR million
Source and explanation: Hungarian National Bank; updated December 2014 (HNB 2014)
Outlier 2: Portugal
The Bank of Portugal does not give an official explanation for the sudden rise of FDI in the
years 2011 and 2012. Standard explanations related to economic conditions do not work
either. UNCTAD explains that in 2012 inflow remained at a relatively high level, helped
by Chinese acquisitions of state assets in the energy sector (UNCTAD 2013). Despite this
operation, FDI inflows from non-OECD countries were negative in both 2011 and 2012
(Bank de Portugal 2013). The bulk of inflows in both years were investments from the
Netherlands in the financial sector. FDI outflow was at a record high in 2011, amounting
to 9 billion euros and going also to the Netherlands and to the financial sector. These data
indicated similar processes to those in Hungary and point to capital in transit operations.
Bank, which ran losses of 6 billion euros from 2008 to 2012. ‘In
response, the parent company, Crédit Agricole, injected capital worth
$2.85 billion, as required by the Greek regulator, before it sold off the
unit’, UNCTAD (2013b) states. In Greece, as in Italy, Portugal and Spain,
the crisis has also been marked by the foreign acquisition of distressed
assets and the exit and relocation of firms from the crisis-hit countries,
the report added.
As for more recent years, FDI recovery seems even farther away than in
the core years of the financial and euro crisis (Hunya 2014). Another
negative global event – the deleveraging of emerging markets investments
in 2013 – took its toll. FDI inflow to the 13 countries plummeted to its
lowest level since 2008. The intra-company loan component of FDI was
highly negative in many countries, meaning that a large part of FDI was
made liquid and repatriated. This was possible because it had not been
invested in physical assets but kept on the accounts of the foreign
subsidiaries. This development challenged the general belief concerning
the lasting character of FDI; a part of the capital classified as FDI behaved
in fact like portfolio investment.
In 2012 the stock of FDI was highest in the largest new member state,
Poland, followed by Portugal, Czechia and Hungary (Table 2). The second
largest country, Romania, comes only fifth as inflows started belatedly
compared with most other countries in the group. Poland takes almost
one-third of the foreign capital invested in the NMS region and Czechia
almost 20 per cent. These two countries, together with Hungary, Romania
and Slovakia, form the core of the new member states which have received
most of the large investment projects. Here the concentration of capital
and population produce agglomeration advantages that attract further
investments. Small countries necessarily have smaller FDI stocks in
nominal terms and do not host very large investment projects. Greece is
among the countries with low FDI stocks, similar to much smaller
countries in the Baltics, Slovenia and Croatia.
The amount of FDI stock in a country changes due to inflows of new FDI,
exchange rate fluctuations and the revaluation of foreign assets. Over a
longer period of time, stock changes may reflect shifts in countries’
relative attractiveness. In the 2008–2012 period FDI stocks increased at
the highest rate, by 55 per cent in Poland reflecting the continuously
robust inflows to the country and the overall good economic performance
underpinning the value of firms. The Baltic countries, Czechia, Hungary
and Portugal obtained 25–32 per cent and form the mid-range. The
relatively good position of Hungary (and probably also of Portugal) is,
however, the result of including transit capital in the statistics, in the
absence of which the change would be only in the range of 15 per cent,
putting the country into the third group, alongside Bulgaria, Romania
and Slovakia. The worst performers were Croatia, Slovenia and,
especially, Greece. These countries received meagre inflows and probably
the value of FDI capital also diminished. Greece is the only country in the
group in which the value of FDI stock became smaller despite positive
inflows indicating a radical devaluation of the existing FDI stock.
10000
8000
6000
4000
2000
0
Bulgaria
Croatia
Czechia
Estonia
Hungary
Latvia
Lithuania
Poland
Romania
Slovakia
Slovenia
Greece
Portugal
2008 2012
Sources: Eurostat and national statistics
1. The relative size of FDI stock can be calculated either per capita or per GDP. We use per
capita stock in the first instance as population was fairly stable over 2008-2012 while GDP
fluctuated a lot.
The level of economic development is one of the factors that attracts FDI
and countries with higher GDP generally receive more FDI, too. On the
other hand, some of the less developed countries in the group fare better
in terms of FDI stock per GDP than in per capita terms. Relative to GDP,
the FDI penetration of Bulgaria, Romania, Latvia and Lithuania would
be upgraded relative to the other countries in the group and that of
Czechia, Slovenia and Croatia would be scaled down in relative terms.
The weak position of Greece would be even more striking.
Figure 5 FDI stock change and GDP change (nominal euro based),
2012/2008 (%)
Portugal
Greece
Slovenia
Slovakia
Romania
Poland
Hungary
Estonia
Czechia
Croatia
Bulgaria
60 70 80 90 100 110 120 130 140 150 160
GDP FDI
Sources: Eurostat and national statistics
Greece suffered the biggest fall in GDP – 17 per cent – which coincided
with an even larger decline in FDI (28 per cent), thus demonstrating the
extremity of the country’s crisis. Countries with a 5–8 per cent fall in
GDP, but a positive change in FDI included Hungary, Croatia, Romania
and Slovenia, closely followed by Portugal and Latvia. FDI growth ran
counter to GDP decline in these countries, and FDI grew more in
countries with higher FDI stocks at the outset of the crisis (Hungary or
Portugal) than in those that did not have a strong FDI sector (Croatia and
Slovenia). A fast and thorough economic adjustment in Latvia triggered
some GDP decline but also attracted FDI. The case was similar in the
other two Baltic countries, which suffered severe GDP declines ahead of
the global financial crisis and also until 2010 but received high FDI.
Rather robust post-crisis economic recovery in Bulgaria and Slovakia, on
the other hand, coincided with relatively modest FDI growth; more
modest recovery in Poland and Lithuania triggered the highest rates of
FDI stock growth. The difference between these two pairs of countries in
terms of GDP is only in nominal, but not in real terms as the former had
a fixed exchange rate regime, the latter a flexible one, with stable and
depreciating currencies. Poland was the only country in the group that
did not experience real GDP decline in any of the years (national currency
based), although its nominal euro GDP fell strongly in 2009. Investors
reacted positively to the increasing cost competitiveness of production in
Poland made possible by devaluation.
About 30 per cent of the FDI stock has been invested in manufacturing
sector ‘C’ in most of the countries for which NACE Rev. 2 data are available
(Figure 6). In the relatively small Greek FDI stock manufacturing plays
the primary role, while there is relatively little foreign capital in the
financial sector, but more in the transport and telecommunications sector.
Notable exceptions are Estonia and Latvia, with shares below 20 per cent.
Another exception is Hungary, where a number of large investors have
been reorganised into holdings, making sector ‘M’ the overwhelming
economic activity. The financial sector ‘K’ has attracted more FDI than
manufacturing in Estonia, Latvia and Slovenia and is in second place in
other countries. The third investment target is generally wholesale and
retail trade ‘G’. The size of some other sectors depends on national
privatisation policy, which resulted in a high share for electricity ‘D’ in
Slovakia or the transport sector in Estonia.
90 %
80 %
70 %
60 %
50 %
40 %
30 %
20 %
10 %
0 %
Czechia
Estonia
Latvia
Lithuania
Poland
Romania
Slovakia
Slovenia
Greece
2011
Portugal
2010
Hungary
Among the countries with only NACE Rev. 1 statistics Bulgaria has a small
manufacturing sector, but a very large real estate and other business
services sector, while Croatia has more industry and a much larger
financial sector.
Changes in the sectoral distribution of the FDI stock for NACE Rev. 2
countries (Figure 7) show an increase in the weight of manufacturing ‘C’
in Czechia, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Poland and Romania, while espe-
cially in Hungary this sector’s share declined (shifted to ‘M’), as it did in
Slovakia and Slovenia. The financial sector ‘K’ gained weight in Czechia,
Lithuania, Poland and Slovakia; while declining in the other countries.
Information and communications ‘J’ increased a lot in Estonia, but
declined in all other countries. In Greece the share of manufacturing
Figure 7 Change of FDI stock between the first and last year of observation,
NACE Rev. 2 (%)
Slovenia
2012/2008
Slovakia 2012/2009
Romania 2012/2008
Poland
2012/2010
Lithuania
2012/2008
Latvia
2012/2008
Hungary
2012/2008
Estonia 2012/2008
Czechia
2012/2009
There were some major changes in the weight of one or the other industry
during the period 2008–2012. The transport sector ‘H’ gained large
shares in Czechia, Estonia and Romania. Professional, scientific and
technical activities ‘M’, which may include holdings with mixed activities,
more than doubled their share in Hungary and Lithuania.
The Netherlands is identified as the home country with the largest share
of FDI stocks in the five largest new member states, as well as in Portugal.
Germany is in second place in the new member states generally, but first
in Hungary and Lithuania and second in five other central and eastern
and southern European countries. Austria ranks first in Slovenia and sec-
ond in Bulgaria, Romania and Slovakia. Here geographic proximity plays
a role. The situation is similar in Portugal, where Spain is the second
largest investor.
Table 3 FDI stocks of the Netherlands and Austria by home and host country
statistics, 2010 (EUR million)
After the first years of the crisis, the mergers and acquisitions value
recovered and in 2011 reached the same amount as in 2008, due mainly
to foreign takeovers in Poland. In the absence of such a deal in Poland in
2012 the value of transactions was still USD 10 billion for the 13 countries
– this time it was Portugal that stood out with a record transaction level.
Disregarding these two outliers, the value of transactions was much lower
in 2012 than in 2008 in all other countries. At the same time, the value
of greenfield investment projects recovered less than that of mergers and
acquisitions transactions in 2011, to USD 63 billion and fell to its lowest
level, USD 38 billion in 2012.
The two main victims of the crisis were capital investment and employ-
ment; the number of projects fell much less (Figure 8). The size of projects
3. For comparison, UNCTAD reported FDI inflows to the 13 countries in the value of USD 78
billion in 2008 and some 35 billion in 2010.
did decrease, however, and shifts between industries took place. It seems
that investors did not cancel their plans for good, but rather scaled them
down to match the new market conditions. After some recovery in 2010,
the number of projects fell again, as did employment, while in 2012 the
amount of invested capital also declined. The decline continued and 2014
was the worst of the seven years by all three indicators, which indicates
investors’ lasting uncertainty about the region’s economic prospects. This
is a more negative conclusion than what we obtained from the FDI inflow
data. The 2013 decline was, in turn, less severe than indicated by FDI
inflow data, but the preliminary result for 2014 was much worse.
The data from fDi Markets a division of Financial Times Ltd (www.fdimarkets.com) used in
this paper are based on media reports referring to individual investment projects. The
database includes the number of registered projects and (often estimated) data on the
amount of investment commitments and the announced number of jobs. Compared with
the balance of payments, which records financial flows in a given period of time, fDi
Markets data refer to new investment projects, to be realised over a longer period of time.
Data exclude retail project which are often single shops.
400
350
300
250
200
150
100
50
0
Bulgaria
Croatia
Czechia
Estonia
Hungary
Latvia
Lithuania
Poland
Romania
Slovakia
Slovenia
Greece
Portugal
2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014
Source: fdimarkets.com
The large new member states – Poland and Romania – received the
highest number of projects and also the largest level of investment
commitment and number of jobs (Figures 9 and 10). In terms of the
number of projects per inhabitant, Czechia, Hungary and Slovakia were
the main beneficiaries, but all with declining numbers of new projects
over time. The strong increase in FDI activity suggested by balance of
payments data in 2012 for Czechia, Hungary and Portugal cannot be
underpinned by greenfield project statistics. The number of projects in
2012 declined by 30–35 per cent in these countries and there were similar
declines in terms of capital investments. These data confirm our reluc-
tance to accept the large FDI recovery indicated by inflow data for 2012.
The number of new projects fell sharply also in Bulgaria and Slovakia in
2012. In the latter country it followed two fairly strong years. Greenfield
activity in Poland almost reached the level of the previous year, which is
against the general trend, thus confirming the country’s favoured position
as location for new investments. Portugal suffered a large setback in terms
of invested capital, less so in terms of number of projects, but the decline
was continuous with no recovery in 2010 or 2011. Greece has been a
marginal recipient of greenfield projects since the outset of the crisis and
even before, similar to Estonia, Croatia and Slovenia. In 2013 there was a
14000
12000
10000
8000
6000
4000
2000
0
Bulgaria
Croatia
Czechia
Estonia
Hungary
Latvia
Lithuania
Poland
Romania
Slovakia
Slovenia
Greece
Portugal
2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014
Note: 2008 for Poland – 24991; for Romania – 26911.
Source: fdimarkets.com
The main target of greenfield investments over the whole period was
wholesale and retail trade, with much higher shares than in the FDI
statistics. This is due to the content of the database in which shops and
shopping centre projects are counted individually. The shift to projects in
distribution and trade indicated that in crisis years there is a stronger
desire to sell than to increase underutilised production capacity. The
financial sector, on the other hand, is underrepresented in the greenfield
statistics as banks do not establish new branches very often and in the
period under discussion they tended rather to streamline their networks.
The second most significant activity for greenfield projects was manufac-
turing, whose share increased in the wake of the crisis by all three indica-
tors (Figures 11 and 12). The temporary decline in terms of project numbers
and investment value was marginal in 2009 and 2010. A recovery was
achieved in 2011 in terms of project number and jobs but was followed by
a setback in 2012, while in terms of capital investment manufacturing
continued to expand its share. The year 2013 brought a decline in the share
of manufacturing projects and investment values in a declining overall num-
ber of projects, followed by recovery in 2014. In this latest year the share of
manufacturing reached an all-time high, but the absolute number of manu-
facturing projects was lower than in four of the seven years since 2008.
35
30
25
20
15
2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014
Project number Investment capital Number of jobs
Source: fdimarkets.com
Croatia
Czechia
Estonia
Hungary
Latvia
Lithuania
Poland
Romania
Slovakia
Slovenia
Greece
Portugal
Total
Project number Capital investment Number of jobs
Source: fdimarkets.com
uses its rather detailed classification for economic activities not in line
with NACE.) The number of jobs in newly created activities of this kind
fell somewhat, but their share increased from 4 per cent to 8 per cent.
Most governments support the settling of services companies in their
territory, which, together with manufacturing, are considered primary
activities for future development.
4. ‘Inward FATS describe the overall activity of foreign affiliates resident in the compiling
economy. A foreign affiliate within the terms of inward FATS is an enterprise resident in the
compiling country over which an institutional unit not resident in the compiling country has
control. In simpler terms, inward FATS describe how many jobs, how much turnover, etc.
are generated by foreign investors in a given EU host economy. While FDI statistics give an
idea of the total amount of capital invested by foreigners in the EU economy, FATS add to
that information by providing insight into the economic impact those investments have in
the EU in terms of job creation, etc. FDI and (outward) FATS are closely related statistical
domains. Their subject of interest is the same – businesses investing abroad in other
business units, existing ones and/or newly founded ones. This similarity in substance is also
expressed in compilation practice, as outward FDI stock and outward FATS data are often
compiled with the help of the same survey. Yet, despite all these similarities, there are a
number of important methodological differences between them. These differences limit the
scope of comparability between the two datasets. FATS comprise all affiliates that are
foreign-controlled (where foreign investors have more than 50 per cent of the voting rights),
while FDI statistics include all foreign interests amounting to 10 per cent or more of the
voting power. Broadly speaking, it could be said that the outward FATS population is a sub-
group of foreign direct investments relevant for FDI statistics. FATS applies the principle of
the Ultimate Controlling Institution (UCI) versus immediate counterparty country in the
FDI statistics.’ Eurostat.
5. Defined as: total business economy; repair of computers, personal and household goods;
except financial and insurance activities.
different countries may influence these data. Small companies are most
numerous and, if not covered, the total number of companies in a country
tends to be low. But small companies are less significant in terms of
production value and thus their absence does not influence production
data much. Therefore the production value of foreign affiliates is highest
in Poland, closely followed by Czechia and, at some distance, by Hungary,
Romania and Slovakia.
70
60
50
40
30
20
10
0
Czechia
Bulgaria
Estonia
Croatia
Latvia
Lithuania
Hungary
Poland
Portugal
Romania
Slovenia
Slovakia
In what follows, data for 2011 are compared with 2008 to demonstrate
the impact of the crisis (comparison is blurred by a break in data for
Romania, Croatia and Portugal). The number of foreign affiliates was
higher in 2011 than in 2008 in almost all countries except Bulgaria,
Czechia, Estonia and Hungary. The production values of foreign affiliates
were higher in 2011 than in 2008 in all countries despite temporary
setbacks in the years in between (in current euro terms). In the whole
non-financial sector production increases were registered only in
Slovakia, Estonia, Czechia and Poland, while declines in the range of 8–
10 per cent hit the other countries. No wonder that the share of foreign
affiliates increased over the period under discussion; thus the foreign
sector proved to be a stabilising factor in the economy and especially in
industry.
Foreign affiliates in the manufacturing sector fared better than the total
of non-financial corporations. The number of affiliates increased, beyond
Romania, also in Croatia, Czechia, Latvia, Slovenia, Bulgaria and Poland.
The most significant declines were recorded in Estonia, Lithuania,
Portugal, Slovakia and Hungary. Contrary to this trend, the fdimarkets
database indicated a significant number of newly established foreign
subsidiaries in Hungarian manufacturing. Probably an even larger
number of subsidiaries were closed down. The production value of
manufacturing subsidiaries was higher in 2011 than in 2008 in all
countries under survey, most notably in Romania and Croatia, with a shift
of production to the foreign sector.
countries in terms of foreign penetration were also those with the steepest
GDP decline in Europe in the wake of the financial crisis. Slovenia only had
the advantage of entering the downward spiral later than the others.
There is a general correlation between GDP growth and FDI for the
period as a whole. The best performance in both terms was that of Poland
and, after a temporary setback, Slovakia. Among the worst performers
by both indicators we find both countries with high FDI penetration
(Estonia) and others where the importance of FDI has been marginal
(Greece). But economies with high FDI penetration, such as Estonia, were
faster to experience a GDP decline but were also faster in recovery than
countries with little FDI and a delayed outbreak of the crisis. Resumption
of economic growth in the latter – including Slovenia and Greece – seems
to be more drawn out than what it was for Slovakia or Estonia. For the
former two, attracting more FDI into the restructuring and privatisation
of uncompetitive activities may be a useful policy, although not very
promising in a risk-loaded environment.
The current slow economic growth in the 13 countries, but also in Europe
as a whole, is linked to low investment activity, both domestic and
foreign. Cross-border investments declined even more than domestic
investments. The ratio of FDI to gross fixed capital formation was about
25 per cent in 2005–2007, declining to 10 per cent in 2009–2010 and,
after some recovery, falling back to 6 per cent in 2013.
Many features of the drawn-out crisis or slow growth period are not
related to FDI, such as high public debts in Hungary or excessive self-
imposed fiscal austerity in Czechia. Such countries may enjoy robust
performance on the part of foreign affiliates, but still have low economic
growth. It is also possible that bad economic performance necessitates
more FDI, such as equity, to improve the balance sheets of banks, which
does not translate into real investments.
During the first years of the crisis, a number of foreign affiliates went out
of business but there were also a number of new greenfield projects
established, albeit fewer than earlier. The partial recovery in 2010/2011
over the previous year in terms of production in the non-financial sector
was due mainly to the better performance of foreign affiliates.
The causes of the FDI setback during the recent crisis are manifold. The
economic decline triggered a drop in FDI just as in fixed capital
investments as a whole, due to falling global demand, excess capacities,
difficulties in investment financing and the decline in subsidiary profits.
Overcapacity has made new investments both in the home and host
countries unnecessary. The export-oriented industries in particular cut
output and left capacity idle. FDI in the oil, gas and metal industries
declined also due to low commodity prices. Tight credit conditions have
curtailed FDI as the bank-financing of investments became more costly.
FDI projects were thus cancelled, delayed or scaled down due to the lack
of affordable financing. Another important part of FDI, reinvested profits,
contracted as foreign investors’ profits shrank. In addition, profits were
withdrawn by parent companies from more successful locations to
finance losses in the home country. Still, the countries with high FDI
penetration – especially in manufacturing and advanced services –
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