Honorifics (linguistics)

Honorifics(Longman Dictionary of

LANGUAGE TEACHING ANDAPPLIED LINGUISTICS

Jack C. Richards and Richard Schmidt Fourth edition

politeness formulas in a particular language which may be specific affixes,

words, or sentence structures. Languages which have a complex system of
honorifics are, for instance, Japanese, Madurese (a language of Eastern
Java), and Hindi. Although English has no complex system of honorifics,
expressions such as would you . . . , may I . . . , and polite address forms
fulfil similar functions.

In linguistics, an honorific (abbreviated hon) is a grammatical or morphosyntactic

form that encodes the relative social status of the participants of the conversation.
Distinct from honorific titles, linguistic honorifics convey formality form, social
distance, politeness pol, humility hbl, deference, or respect through the choice of
an alternate form such as an affix, clitic, grammatical case, change in person or
number, or an entirely different lexical item. A key feature of an honorific system
is that one can convey the same message in both honorific and familiar forms—
i.e., it is possible to say something like (as in an oft-cited example from Brown
and Levinson) "The soup is hot" in a way that confers honor or deference on one
of the participants of the conversation.

Honorific speech is a type of social deixis, as an understanding of the context—

in this case, the social status of the speaker relative to the other participants or
bystanders—is crucial to its use.
There are three main types of honorifics, categorized according to the individual
whose status is being expressed:[2]

Addressee (or speaker/hearer)

Referent (or speaker/referent)
Bystander (or speaker/bystander)
Addressee honorifics express the social status of the person being spoken to (the
hearer), regardless of what is being talked about. For example, Javanese has three
different words for "house" depending on the status level of the person spoken to.
Referent honorifics express the status of the person being spoken about. In this
type of honorific, both the referent (the person being spoken about) and the target
(the person whose status is being expressed) of the honorific expression are the
same. This is exemplified by the T–V distinction present in many Indo-European
languages, in which a different 2nd person pronoun (such as tu or vous in French)
is chosen based on the relative social status of the speaker and the hearer (the
hearer, in this case, also being the referent).[3] Bystander honorifics express the
status of someone who is nearby, but not a participant in the conversation (the
overhearer). These are the least common, and are found primarily in avoidance
speech such as the "mother-in-law languages" of aboriginal Australia, where one
changes one's speech in the presence of an in-law or other tabooed relative.

A fourth type, the Speaker/Situation honorific, does not concern the status of any
participant or bystander, but the circumstances and environment in which the
conversation is occurring. The classic example of this is diglossia, in which an
elevated or "high form" of a language is used in situations where more formality
is called for, and a vernacular or "low form" of a language is used in more casual
situations.
T–V distinction in Indo-European languages[edit]
Main article: T–V distinction
One common system of honorific speech is T–V distinction. The terms T-form
and V-form to describe the second person pronouns tu and vos, respectively, were
introduced by Brown and Gilman, whose 1960 study of them introduced the idea
that the use of these forms was governed by "power and solidarity." The Latin tu
refers to the singular T-form, while the Latin vos refers to the V-form, which is
usually plural-marked. Tu is used to express informality, and in contrast, vos is
used to express politeness and formality. T–V distinction is characteristic of many
Indo-European languages, including Persian, Portuguese, Polish, and Russian, as
detailed below.[4]

Brazilian Portuguese[edit]
The pronouns tu (informal) and você (more formal) fit the T–V pattern nicely,
except that their use varies a great deal from region to region. For instance, in
most parts of Brazil, tu is not used; whereas in the northern state of Maranhão and
southern regions, it is. A third lexical option is added to the honorific scheme: o
senhor and a senhora (literally meaning “sir” and “madam”, which are third-
person references that are used in direct address (that would "normally" require
the second person tu or você). These forms are highly formal and used when
speaking “upward” and always used in formal correspondence, such as in
governmental letters, to authorities, customers and elders. See more discussion at
Portuguese personal pronouns.

Persian[edit]
As an Indo-European language the pronouns tu (informal) and Shoma (more
formal form of second-person single and also used alone for second-person plural)
fit the T–V pattern except that the Name Shoma is actually a modern Persian word
originating from the old Avestan Persian words shê-Va where Va or Ve used as
more formal form of second-person single and also used alone for second-person
plural and shê which means for him or his. Therefore the words shê-Va together,
had been used to refer to formal form of second-male person single and also used
alone for second-male person plural.

Polish[edit]
See also: T-V distinction in Polish and Polish name § Formal and informal use
Polish has a simpler grammatical and lexical politeness incorporated into its
language, in comparison to Japanese and Korean. It uses grammatical category of
honorifics within certain verbs and personal pronouns; this honorific system is
namely split into two basic levels – the familiar (T) and the polite (V):

ty: second-person singular, informal

on (masculine) / ona (feminine): third-person singular, informal (note that there's
also neuter ono, but it's not used when referring to people except small children)
wy: second-person plural, informal
oni (used when referring to a group of men or people of mixed gender)/one (when
referring to a group of women): third-person plural
pan (male-marked) / pani (female-marked): second- and third-person singular,
formal
panowie (male-marked) / panie (female-marked) / państwo (mixed gender):
second- and third-person plural, formal
Sometimes panna is used for an unmarried woman, along with using different
suffixes for last name, although it's mostly obsolete and can be considered
condescending. Using first name alone is familiar (but not necessarily intimate,
as in Japanese—it's commonly used among colleagues, for example). Using the
last name alone is extremely rare and when it's employed, it's usually very rude.
These can be used as a prefix to a first or last name, as in the example:

Pan Karol: Mr. Karol

Pani Kowalska: Mrs./Ms. Kowalska
Pani Anna: Mrs./Ms. Anna
Which are more formal than using the typical familiar ty/on/ona, but they may
imply familiarity, especially in second person. Using a prefix with the first name
is almost always considered familiar and possibly rude. Using the last name with
a prefix in second person can still be considered impolite. Using the set phrase
proszę pana, proszę pani is preferred (and polite) when drawing attention (in a
way akin to using sir in English).

In addition, there are two different V forms within the honorific usage – the more
formal and the less formal form. The less formal form is more colloquial and used
in daily speech more frequently. The higher honorific level includes “compound”
pronouns consisting of prefixal pan or pani in conjunction with professional titles.
Here are some examples (for males/females resp.):

Pan minister / Pani minister: Minister

Pan dyrektor / Pani dyrektor: Director
Pan kierowca / Pani kierowca: driver
Pan doktor / Pani doktor: doctor
These professional titles are more formal as the speaker humbles him/herself and
puts the addressee at a higher rank or status. These can also be used along with a
name (only last or both names), but that's extremely formal and almost never used
in direct conversation. For some professional titles (e.g. doktor, profesor), the
pan/pani can be dropped, resulting in a form which is less formal, but still polite.
Unlike the above, this can also precede a name (almost always last), but it's
seldom used in second person. As with pan/pani phrases such as proszę pana
ministra (which can be translated "Minister, sir") can also be used for calling
attention, although they are less common. The pan/pani can also be dropped with
some titles in the phrase, but it's even less common and can be inappropriate.

Historical factors played a major role in shaping the Polish usage of honorifics.
Poland’s history of nobility was the major source for Polish politeness, which
explains how the honorific male-marked pronoun pan (pani is female-marked)
was derived from the old word for “lord.” There are separate honorific pronouns
used to address a priest (ksiądz), a nun or nurse (siostra). It is acceptable to replace
siostra with pani when addressing a nurse, but it is unacceptable when speaking
to a nun. Likewise, it is unacceptable to replace ksiądz with pan when speaking
to a priest. The intimate T form is marked as neutral when used reciprocally
between children, relatives, students, soldiers and young people.[5]

Russian[edit]
Native Russian speakers usually know when to use the informal second person
singular pronoun (ty) or the formal form (vy). The practice of being informal is
known as týkan’e while the practice of being formal and polite is referred to
výkan’e.[citation needed]

It has been suggested that the origin of vy-address came from the Roman Empire
and the French due to the influence of their language and culture on the Russian
aristocracy. In many other European countries, ty initially was used to address any
one person or object, regardless of age and social ranking. Vy was then used to
address multiple people or objects altogether. Later, after being in contact with
foreigners, the second person plural pronoun acquired another function.
Displaying respect and formality, it was used for addressing aristocrats – people
of higher social status and power.

Another theory suggests that in Russia, the Emperor first adopted the plural vy-
form. The Emperor is considered plural because he is the representation of the
people. Likewise, the Emperor could refer to himself using vos (we), to represent
"I and my people". From the courts, the middle and lower classes gradually
adopted this usage.

The younger generation and commoners, with minimal education still address
each other using ty with no connotation of disrespect, however. Certain Russians
who are used to vy-address may perceive the ones who don’t differentiate between
ty and vy forms as uneducated, offensive and uncultured. This leads to the
conclusion that this honorific was not a Russian innovation. Instead, the use of vy
in both the singular and plural form is due to the exposure to the Latin historical
and political developments. The usage of vy did not spread throughout the Russian
population quickly; as a result, the usage was inconsistent until the eighteenth
century, when Vy became more prominent in secular literature.[6]

Avoidance speech[edit]
Main article: Avoidance speech
Avoidance speech, or "mother-in-law language," is the most common example of
a bystander honorific. In this honorific system, a speaker switches to a different
variety of speech in the presence of an in-law or other relative for whom an affinal
taboo exists. These languages usually have the same phonology and grammatical
structure as the standard language they derived from, but are characterized by a
smaller lexical inventory than the standard language. Avoidance speech of this
sort is primarily found in Australian Aboriginal languages such as Dyirbal, but
can also be found in some Native American languages, including Navajo, and
some Bantu languages, including Zulu.

Dyirbal[edit]
The Dyirbal language has a special avoidance speech style called Jalnguy that is
used by a speaker when in the presence of the speaker’s mother-in-law.[7] This
mother-in-law language has the same phonology and grammar as the everyday
style, but uses an almost totally distinct set of lexemes when in the presence of
the tabooed relative. This special lexicon has fewer lexemes than the everyday
style and typically employs only transitive verb roots whereas everyday style uses
non-cognate transitive and intransitive roots.[8] By using this mother-in-law
language a speaker then indicates a deferential social relationship.

Guugu-Yimidhirr[edit]
In Guugu-Yimidhirr, a traditional Australian Aboriginal language, special
avoidance lexemes are used to express deference when in the presence of tabooed
in-law relatives. In other words, speakers will either be completely prohibited
from speaking to one’s mother-in-law or must employ “avoidance language” to
one’s brother-in-law. The brother-in-law language involves a special set of words
to replace regular Guugu-Yimidhirr words and the speaker must avoid words
which could suggest reference to genitalia or bodily acts. This brother-in-law
language therefore indexes a deferential social relationship of the brother-in-law
to the speaker and is reflected in the appropriate social behavior of Guugu-
Yimidhirr society. For example, one avoids touching tabooed in-laws, looking at
them, joking with them, and cursing in their presence.[9]

Mortlockese[edit]
The Mortlockese Language utilises avoidance speech between genders. In
Mortlock culture, there are many restrictions and rules when interacting with
people of the opposite gender, such as how only males are allowed to go fishing
or how women are supposed to lower their posture in the presence of men. This
avoidance speech showcases one of these restrictions/rules. This gender-
restrictive vocabulary can only be used when speaking to people of the same
gender. For men, this is sometimes referred to as kapsen leefalang or the speech
of the cookhouse.[10]

Other examples of honorifics[edit]

English[edit]
Modern English has no system of honorific speech. Middle English once
exhibited a T–V distinction between the 2nd person singular pronoun thou and
the 2nd person plural ye and later you, with the latter being used as an honorific
regardless of the number of addressees. Thou and its associated forms have fallen
into disuse and are considered archaic, though it is often used in recreations of
archaic-sounding speech. It has also survived in some dialect forms of English,
notably in some regions of Yorkshire, especially amongst the older and more rural
populations. Ye usage can still be found in pockets of the east coast of North
America, such as rural Newfoundland.

Japanese[edit]
Main article: Honorific speech in Japanese
Japanese honorific speech requires either honorific morphemes to be appended to
verbs and some nouns or verbs and pronouns be replaced by words that mean the
same but incorporate different honorific connotations.[11] Japanese honorific
speech is broadly referred to as keigo (literally "respectful language"), and
includes three main categories according to Western linguistic theory: sonkeigo,
respectful language; kensongo or kenjōgo, humble language; and teineigo, polite
language.

Sonkeigo
raises the status of the addressee or referent (e.g. third person) in relation to the
speaker
encodes a feeling of respect
example: Sensei ga sochira ni oide ni naru. 'The teacher is going there.'
Kenjōgo
humbles the status of the speaker in relation to the addressee or referent
encodes a feeling of humility
example: Asu sensei no tokoro ni ukagau. 'I will go to the teacher's place
tomorrow.'
Teineigo
raises the status of the addressee or referent in relation to the speaker
encodes politeness
example: Sensei ga achira ni ikimasu. 'The teacher is going there.'
Another subcategory of keigo is bikago or bika-hyōgen, which means "word
beautification" and is used to demonstrate the quality of the speaker’s language.
Each type of speech has its own vocabulary and verb endings.[12]

Japanese linguist Hatsutarō Ōishi distinguishes four sources of respect as the

primary reasons for using keigo:

respecting those who have a higher social rank, extraordinary ability, or

credentials
respecting those who occupy a dominant position
respecting those to whom one is indebted
respect for humanity
Comparatively, a more contemporary linguistic account by functional linguist
Yasuto Kikuchi posits that honorific speech is governed by social factors and
psychological factors.

Some examples of what Kikuchi considers social factors include:

the location and topic being discussed by the speaker
whether the context is written or spoken
interpersonal relationships between the speaker, listener, and referent (i.e.
positional relationships, relative familiarity, and in-group/out-group
relationships).
Some examples of what Kikuchi considers psychological factors are:
the intention of the speaker in using polite speech
how relative distance in relationships is understood
how skilled the speaker is in expression.[12]
Javanese[edit]
Speech levels, although not as developed or as complex as honorific speech found
in Javanese, are but one of a complex and nuanced aspect of Javanese etiquette:
etiquette governs not only speaking but, "sitting, speaking, standing, pointing,
composing one's countenance"[13][14] and one could add mastery of English and
Western table manners.[15]

According to Wolfowitz, as quoted in:[16]

"The system is based on sets of precisely ranked or style-coded morphemes that

are semantically equivalent but stylistically contrastive"

important is an honorific vocabulary referring to the possessions, attributes, states

and actions of persons, a vocabulary that includes honorific kin terms.

The Javanese perception of this is best summarized as per Errington's anecdote of

an old Javanese man explaining:

Whenever two people meet they should ask themselves: "Who is this person?
Who am I? What is this person to me? Balanced against one another on a scale:
this is unggah-unggah- relative value[14]

The understanding of honorifics is heavily emphasized by speakers of Javanese.

High-strata Javanese will bluntly state: "to be human is to be Javanese". Those
who are "sampun Jawa" or "already Javanese" are those who have a good grasp
of social interaction and stratified Javanese language and applied to foreigners as
well. Children, boors, simpletons, the insane, the immoral are durung Jawa: not
yet Javanese.[17]

Javanese speech is stratified. The three levels are:

Ngoko is the common "everyday" speech.

Krama is known as the polite and formal style. Krama is divided into two other
categories:
Krama Madya: semi-polite and semi-formal
Krama Inggil: fully polite and formal
"Krama" is pronounced as [krɔmɔ]

All these categories are ranked according to age, rank, kinship relations, and
“intimacy.”[18]

If a speaker is uncertain about the addressee’s age or rank, they commence with
krama inggil and adapt their speech strata according to the highest level of
formality, moving down to lower levels. Krama is usually learned from parents
and teachers, and Ngoko is usually learned from interacting with peers at a
younger age.[19]

Javanese women are expected to address their husbands in front of others,

including their children in a respectful manner. Such speech pattern is especially
more pronounced in areas where arranged marriage are prominent and within
households where the husband is considerably older than the wife. Husbands
generally address their wives by their first name, pet name, or “younger sibling”
(dhik or mbak lik) while wives generally address their husbands as “elder brother”
(mas), this is often due to actual age differences, and it serves the females'
vanity[according to whom?] to not be called "older sister" (mbak).

High-strata children are expected to speak in krama inggil to both father and
mother. This is less reinforced as the social strata descends, to the point of being
near non-existent especially among the modern working class strata who may
have the necessity of both parents working. At this point grandparents take the
role of educating the children to correct language usage.

Women are considered the custodians of language and culture within the
household.[13][20][21][22][23]

Korean[edit]
Main article: Korean honorifics
Korean honorific speech is a mixture of subject honorification, object exaltation,
and the various speech styles. Depending on how these three factors are used, the
speaker highlights different aspects of the relationship between the speaker, the
subject, and the listener (who may also be the subject).[24]

The Korean language incorporates a hierarchy of speech styles divided according

to its system of honorifics each with its own set of verb endings.[24]

The six speech styles from lowest to highest are:

plain style (haerache or 해라체)

formal
signals more social distance between the speaker and addressee than that when
using intimate style
generally used when writing for a general audience
generally used in written language, but when it used in spoken language, it
represents admiration.

banmal or intimate style (haeche or 해체)

informal
typically used with close friends, by parents to their children, by a relatively older
speaker to a child, by children to children, or by youngsters to the same-ages.
recently, many children use banmal to their parents.

familiar style (hageche or 하게체)

more formal than banmal style

signals that the speaker will treat the listener with consideration and courtesy
typically used when the addressee is below the speaker in age or social rank (e.g.
the speaker is at least thirty years old and the addressee is of college age)
The familiar style generally implies the speaker is showing authority therefore
typically requires the speaker to be sufficiently mature.
Women seldom use familiar style because it is commonly associated with male
authority.
Generally, it is used by senior citizens, getting out of use by most of people in
everyday language.

semiformal or blunt style (haoche or 하오체)

more formal than familiar style with neutral politeness

used to address someone in an inferior position (e.g. age or social rank)
A speaker will use semiformal style with a stranger whose social rank is clear but
not particularly lower compared to the speaker.
It is generally used by senior citizens, getting out of used by most of people in
everyday language.
When semiformal style is used by young people, it also represents humorous
sense, and is thought to be unsuitable for serious situations.

polite style (haeyoche or 해요체)

informal but polite.

typically used when the addressee is a superior (e.g. by children to their parents,
students to teachers)
This is the most common speech style and is commonly used between strangers.

formal or deferential style (hapshoche or 합쇼체)

used to treat superiors with the most reserve and the most respect
commonly used in speeches delivered to large audiences, in news reports, radio
broadcasts, business, and formal discussions.
in most of cases, books are written in plain style(herache), or formal
style(hapshoche).
In some cases, speakers will switch between polite and formal styles depending
on the situation and the atmosphere that one wishes to convey.[24]
These six speech styles are sometimes divided into honorific and non-honorific
levels where the formal and polite styles are honorific and the rest are non-
honorific. According to Strauss and Eun, the two honorific speech levels are
“prototypically used among non-intimate adults of relatively equal rank”.
Comparatively, the non-honorific speech levels are typically used between
intimates, in-group members, or in “downward directions of address by the
speaker to his or her interlocutor."[25]
Modern Nahuatl[edit]
Main article: Nahuatl honorifics
The Nahuatl language, spoken in scattered communities in rural areas of Central
Mexico, utilizes a system of honorific speech to mark social distance and respect.
The honorific speech of the Nahuatl dialects spoken in the Malinche Volcano area
of Puebla and Tlaxcala in Mexico is divided into four levels: an “intimate or
subordinating” Level I; a “neutral, socially distant” or “respectful between
intimates” Level II; “noble” or “reverential” Level III; and the “compadrazgo” or
“maximally social distant” Level IV.

Level I is typically used by non-age-mates and non-intimates and is unmarked in

terms of prefixation or suffixation of the listener and verbs. Level II is marked by
the prefix on- on the verb and is used between intimates. Some Nahuatl speakers
have been observed to alternate between Level I and Level II for one listener. The
use of both levels is believed to show some respect or to not subordinate the
listener. Level III is marked by the prefix on-, the reflexive prefix mo-, and an
appropriate transitivizing suffix based on the verb stem. Verbs in Level III may
additionally be marked with the reverential suffix –tzinōa. Finally, Level IV is
typically used between people who share a ritual kinship relationship (e.g. parent
with godparent, godparent with godparent of the same child). Level IV is marked
by a proclitic (i.e. word that depends on the following word and works similarly
to an affix, such as the word “a” or “an” in English) ma. Another important aspect
of Level IV is that it addresses the listener in 3rd person whereas Level I through
III all use 2nd person forms. By using this 3rd person form, maximal social
distance is achieved.[26]

Mortlockese[edit]
The Mortlockese Language is an Austronesian language spoken primarily on the
Mortlock islands in Micronesia.[10] In Mortlock culture, there is a hierarchy with
chiefs called samwool. When speaking to these chiefs or to anyone of higher
status, one must use honorifics (in Mortlockese called kapas pwéteete or kapas
amáfel) in order to convey respect. In the Mortlockese Language, there are only
two levels of speaking - common language and respectful
language(honorifics).[10] While respectful language is used when speaking to
people of higher status, common language is used when speaking to anyone of the
same or lesser status. One example showing the difference between respectful and
common language can be seen in the word sleep. The word for sleep using
common language is maúr while the word for sleep using respectful language is
saipash.[10] Along with the respectful language, there are formal greetings called
tiirou or fairo that are used in meetings and gatherings. In English, some examples
of formal greetings would be "good evening" or "it's a pleasure to meet you" or
"how are you." These formal greetings not only utilise words, but also gestures. It
is the combination of the words and gestures that create the tiirou or fairo(formal
greeting).[10] In English a formal greeting like this would be like saying "nice to
meet you" while offering a handshake.

Pohnpeian[edit]
In Pohnpeian, honorific speech is especially important when interacting with
chiefs and during Christian church services. Even radio announcements use
honorifics, specifically bystander honorifics, because a chief or someone of higher
status could potentially be listening. Pohnpeian honorific speech consists of:

status-lowering (humiliative) speech

status-raising (exaltive) speech
Honorific speech is usually performed through the choice of verbs and possessive
classifier. There are only status-raising nouns but none for status lowering; there
are only status-lowering pronouns but none for status-raising.

The construction of possessive classifiers depends on ownership, temporality,

degrees of control, locative associations, and status. In addition to status-rising
and status-lowering possessive classifiers, there are also common (non-status
marked) possessive classifiers. Status-rising and status-lowering possessive
classifiers have different properties of control and temporality. Common
possessive classifiers are divided into three main categories – relatives, personal
items, and food/drink.

Given that rank is inherited matrilineally, maternal relatives have specific

classifiers, but paternal relatives do not. Personal items that are in close contact
with the higher ranks are marked with honorific language. Food is related to social
ranking; there is a hierarchy of food distribution. The best share of food is first
distributed to the chief and people of higher status. In possessive constructions,
food is linked to low-status possession, but not as heavily link to high-status
possession. Tungoal (“food/eating”) is used for all categories of low-status
possessives; however, the most widely used high-status classifier, sapwelline
(“land/hand”) is not semantically connected to food. There are separate terms for
food of high-status people – koanoat, pwenieu, and sak. On Pohnpei, it is also
important to follow a specific order of serving food. The higher-ranked people eat
first, both in casual family settings and community events. The lower-status
people receive the “leftovers” or the weaker portion.[27]

Wuvulu-Aua[edit]
In Wuvulu grammar, the honorific dual is used to convey respect, especially
towards in-laws. The second person dual pronoun, amurua literally translates to
'you two', but can also be used as an honorific to address one. This communicates
to the individual being spoken to is worth the respect of two individuals. It is
undocumented if there are other honorifics greater than this one.

Ex. Mafufuo, meru. (Good Morning, you two)

Note: Meru is the shortened version of amurua

This sentence can be used to speak with one or two people.[28]

See also[edit]
Deixis
Indexicality
Pragmatics
Politeness
Thai honorifics
Honorific
Definition:
An honorific is a grammatical form, typically a word or affix, that is socially
deictic It expresses, as at least part of its meaning, the relative social status of the
speaker with .

the addressee
a bystander, or
some other referent.
Kinds:
Addressee Honorific
Definition:
An addressee honorific is an honorific in a system in which a level of status of the
addressee relative to the speaker is expressed through a choice made among
linguistic alternants, irrespective of whether the alternants refer to the addressee.
Examples:
(Javanese)

In Javanese, the following alternants all mean ‘house’:

omah
grija
dalem
Each form in the list successively expresses a higher status of the person spoken
to.
Bystander Honorific
Definition:
A bystander honorific is an honorific in which the social status of some other
person present is expressed through choices made among linguistic alternants.
These choices:

are made based upon the person’s relationship to the speaker

do not depend on whether

the alternants refer to the person

the person is the addressee
Examples:
(Dyirbal, Australia)

Dyirbal has a "mother-in-law language" which is a set of lexical items substituted

in the presence of:

opposite-sex parents-in-law
opposite-sex children-in-law
opposite-sex cross-cousins
Referent Honorific
Definition:
A referent honorific is an honorific for which both the referent and the target of
the expression of relative social status are the same.
Examples:
(French) Both the referent and target of expression of the second person pronouns
tu [familiar] and vous [polite] are the addressee.
Examples:
(French)

The second-person pronoun forms tu and vous indicate, as part of their meaning,
the speaker’s social status relative to the addressee.
Source:
Crystal 1985
149
Levinson 1983
62, 90–91
Comrie 1976b
Mish 1991
580

Levinson 1983
Levinson, Stephen C. 1983.Pragmatics. Cambridge, England: Cambridge University.