Pakistan A Slave State Vol - 4
Pakistan A Slave State Vol - 4
Pakistan A Slave State Vol - 4
ROEDAD KHAN
Volume - 4
his second book The American Papers, Secret and Confidential India, Pakistan,
Bangladesh, 1965-1973. This 997 page volume contains massive compilation of
secret and confidential documents recently declassified. And his third book is
The British Papers, Secret and Confidential; India, Pakistan, Bangladesh Documents
1958-1969.
We are reproducing some of his articles in four volumes, these articles show the
in-depth knowledge and understating of the issues Pakistan has today and Khan
have suggested the solutions for most of the problems nation is facing.
I hope you will enjoy reading the articles.
Sani Panhwar
California 2013
CONTENTS
Save the Margallah Hills National Park
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I Love Alex ..
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Unprepared Prose ..
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What is to be done?
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Great Expectations ..
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On To The Summit
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Democracy In America
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Moment of Truth
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In Defence of Machiavelli
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Witness to History
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In Search of a Constitution?
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Musharraf a modernizer who, I hope, will not hesitate to tell the people not
where they want to go but where there ought to go, and who will, if necessary,
resort to extreme measures in order, as Henry Kissenger once remarked, to save
the country from its own irresponsibility and drag it, kicking and quite literally
screaming into the next millenium.
The advent of the new regime has rekindled our hope that after years of criminal
neglect, urgent steps will now be taken to protect the Margallah Hills National
Park, or whatever is left of it, against further degradation and decimation of its
fauna, flora and other physical, biological, historical and cultural resources.
government on October 12 but when the axe fell on it, no tears were shed
because it was thoroughly corrupt and discredited. The people were sick and
tired of fake democracy. Commitment to democratic process in any case is quite
weak, if not non-existent in Pakistan. Not surprisingly, Pakistan has swung
between fake democracy and dictatorship several times in the past and it does
not look if the pendulum will ever stop swinging from one extreme to the other.
The future of democracy in fact the future of Pakistan itself will depend on
the role of the army in the political history of the country and how the problem
of political succession is resolved.
It is now abundantly clear that whatever the constitutional position, in the final
analysis defacto sovereignty in Pakistan (Majestas est summa in civas ac
subditoes legibusque soluta potestas i.e. highest power over citizens and
subjects unrestrained by law in the words of French Jurist Jean Bodin) resides
neither in the electorate, nor the Parliament nor the executive, nor the judiciary,
nor even the constitution which has superiority over all the institutions it
creates. It resides, if it resides anywhere at all, where the coercive power resides.
In practice, it is the pouvoir occulte which is the ultimate authority in the
decision making process in Pakistan. They decide when to abrogate the
constitution; when it should be suspended; when elected governments shall be
sacked, and when democracy should be given a chance. The political sovereignty
of the people is a myth. To apply the adjective sovereign to the people in todays
Pakistan is a tragic farce. Of course, if the term is used in the strictly legal sense,
sovereign power under our constitution also resides in our parliament (now
suspended). But as Dicey says, the word sovereignty is sometimes employed in a
political rather than in a legal sense, and in that sense that body alone is
sovereign in a state the will of which is ultimately obeyed by the citizens. This is
clearly reflected in several judicial pronouncements made in a number of cases
beginning with Tamizuddin Khans case and ending with the cases arising out of
the Dissolution of National Assembly by Presidents Ghulam Ishaq Khan and
Farooq Leghari. In the process, the courts not only made judicial history. They
also unveiled the locus in quo of ultimate power.
From the countrys first decade, Pakistans Judges have tried to match their
constitutional ideas and legal language to the exigencies of current politics. So
wrote Paula Newburg in her book Judging the State. Their judgements have
often supported the government of the day, presumably to retain a degree of
future institutional autonomy. This was their chosen path through the 1950s
when there was no constitution, during the martial law period of the 1960s
when the constitution was a moving target and under the mixed constitutional
rule of Zulfikar Ali Bhutto in the 1970s when hopes for democracy outweighed
its reality.
The question of political succession and legitimacy has plagued the Muslim
world since the death of the Prophet (PBUH) in A.D 632. The Holy Quran is
silent beyond saying that Muslims should settle their affairs by mutual
consultation. The Prophet had abstained from nominating a successor or laying
down any rules of political succession. This has inevitably led to uncertainty,
civil wars, wars of succession etc. In actual practice, the question of succession
throughout Muslim history was decided not by the Qazi but by the length of the
contenders sword and the sharpness of its blade. On the occasion of the
deposition of Caliph Qahir, the Qazi, who was sent to attest the documents
declaring the formers abdication, was very upset when the caliph refused to
submit. The Qazi said, What use was it to summon us to a man who had not
been forced to submit? On hearing this, Ali Ibn Isa remarked, his conduct is
notorious, and therefore, he must be deposed. To this the Qazi replied. It is not
for us to establish dynasties that is accomplished by the men of swords. We are
only suited and required for attestation. Therefore, when Munir validated
martial law in 1958 or Anwar ul Haq sanctified Zia ul Haqs military take-over
and usurpation of power, they were both following well-established traditions of
Muslim history and were not innovating.
If any doubt remained as to the locus of ultimate power in Pakistan, it was
removed when after the death of Zia ul Haq, the army decided, after internal
discussion, not to impose martial law, and asked Ghulam Ishaq Khan, Chairman
Senate, to assume office as the Acting President. The constitution provided that
in the event of the death of the President, the Chairman Senate become the
Acting President. But this didnt happen. The news was withheld for over three
hours. For three hours, the country was without a President and the Pakistan
Army without its Chief. The question of succession had been foreseen in the
Constitution. Its provisions were unambiguous. But the constitutional path was
not automatically followed.
What conclusions should be drawn from this analysis of our political history?
Briefly stated, these are:
1.
2.
3.
4.
That the highest power over citizens, unrestrained by law, will continue to
reside where the coercive power resides.
5.
6.
That it is unrealistic, nave and quite unfair to expect the judges alone to
uphold the supremacy of the constitution and confront the state when
nobody else is willing to do so. Who was there to defend the Supreme
Court when it was assaulted by goondas organized and led by the
government?
7.
Ironically, it is the army and not any political institution which represents
the General Will , and the hopes, aspirations and dreams of the people
of Pakistan today, and yet this same day come four years - ! But let the
curtains of the Future hang.
8.
This, in short, is the lesson of our history. We must, confront our history
dispassionately and courageously. We must stare it in the face, warts and all, if
we are to avoid past mistakes. Our history can be summed up in one sentence. It
is the sound of heavy boots coming up the stairs and the rustle of satin slippers
coming down. Will it ever be possible for Pakistan to break out of this vicious
cycle of corrupt political governments followed by military dictators, who
usurped power for power sake; had no radical socio-economic agenda for the
welfare of the common man, and left behind a splintered, ruined country torn by
conflict, hijacked by thugs and robber barons, and in doubt about its future. Each
of them started with a blank cheque of goodwill and popular enthusiasm given
to him by the people of Pakistan and each of them ended with a bankruptcy of
moral and political support, leaving the country in worse condition then he
found it in. It is not that there are no other alternatives: the question is whether
Pakistan has the capability to grasp one. I have no prescription to offer but, if we
are to preserve the integrity, honour and dignity of our country, is it not time to
devise and institute a form, a just, egalitarian, and durable system of rule so that
the person, property and honour of its citizens in short all the fortunes of
Pakistan are not periodically imperilled? There is nothing in the stars that says
that either the American model of democracy or the British Westminster system
of parliamentary democracy is uniquely suited to every place on the globe.
address, President Kennedy said that Pakistan was a friend of immediacy and
constancy, and observed that Americans in private and in their public life
appreciate the value of friendship and the constancy of friends. Fine words and
noble sentiments but they ring so hollow today.
Until 1962, the US continued to distinguish between a non-aligned India and the
American ally, Pakistan. Over the years, this distinction first became blurred and
then disappeared altogether. Now the Americans are openly saying that the
policy of even-handed treatment of the two countries is a thing of the past.
Pakistan has watched this transformation in American foreign policy with
increasing perplexity and dismay. Therefore, when the two leaders meet on
March 25, on Pakistan soil, they would be like a pair of two ex-lovers who had
bumped into each other by force of circumstances one of whom is afraid of
what might happen if he lingered too long, or said too much, or said the wrong
things, or conveyed the wrong impression, or worse still, the jilted lover tried to
rekindle the old love affair, and therefore wants to get away as quickly as
possible.
General Musharraf is naturally very pleased with the White House
announcement about the Presidents visit and, regardless of what the Americans
say, interprets it as a gesture of support for his government. It indicates the
legitimacy of my governments stand and gives credence to our aim to put thing
right in our country. The question of legitimacy has plagued all the military
rulers of Pakistan because as Rousseau said, however strong a man is, he is
never strong enough to remain master always unless he transforms his might
into right and obedience into duty. This is not a new problem in the Islamic
world. The Holy Quran is silent beyond saying that Muslims should settle their
affairs by mutual consultation. The Prophet had abstained from nominating a
successor or laying down any rules of political succession. Islam also does not
recognize hereditary monarchy. In the days of Khilafat, the leader of the Muslims
was the Caliph. He was the defender of the Faith, the protector of the territory of
Islam and the Supreme Judge of the State. He was the successor to the Holy
Prophet as head of the community, Commander of the Faithful and leader and
ruler of all Muslims. So great was the prestige of the Caliph that a powerful ruler
like Buwahid Adud-al-Dawlah, made a pretence of complete submission before
the puppet caliph, Tais whose name he used to maintain his own authority.
Mahmud of Ghazni could threaten the caliph, but he too sought recognition from
him. Even the mighty Seljuks who ruled the largest empire of the day, could not
ignore the Caliphs position. No monarchy could consider itself legally
established without recognition by the Commander of the Faithful. When the
emissaries of the Caliphs Abu Jafar Mansur Al-Mustanasir-Billah reached Delhi,
it was a day of rejoicing for the newly established empire of Sultan Shamsuddin
Iltutmish who was receiving formal recognition from the Commander of the
Faithful. When the Caliph Mustasim was executed by Halaku Khan in A.D. 1258
without leaving any heir, the Sultans of Delhi resolved their problem by the
simple device of continuing Mustasims name on their coins long after his death.
In actual fact, the question of succession was decided by the length of the
contenders sword and the sharpness of its blade. Therefore, when Munir
validated martial law in 1958 or Anwar ul Haq sanctified Zia ul Haqs military
take-over and usurpation of power, they were both following well-established
traditions of Muslim history and were not innovating.
Ayub faced the same dilemma. How was his rule to acquire legitimacy? He
created 80,000 basic democrats. Zia ul Haq held a fraudulent referendum on
Islamization and when a small percentage of people voted for Islamization, he
concluded that it was a vote of confidence in him and on the strength of this
verdict he could rule for five years. The Caliphate disappeared long ago, but the
Caliphs role is now played by Washington. No Muslim ruler, barring some
exceptions, considers himself firmly in the saddle without recognition by the
United States. The visit of the Caliphs emissary was always a big event and was
celebrated as a day of rejoicing. Feroz Shah, one of the Delhi Sultans, received the
Caliphs emissaries with humility and prostrated himself in the direction of the
Caliphs Capital when he received the standards and robes. More or less the
same respect is shown by Muslim rulers, specially the corrupt ones, to emissaries
of the President of the USA. A visit by the American President himself is
considered as a dream come true and, in the eyes of the ruler at least, puts the
seal of authority on his title to rule. However, sometimes such visits produce
unintended results and expedite the rulers fall as happened in the case of Reza
Shah Pehlavi, the King of Kings, after Carters visit to Tehran and his fulsome
praise of the Shah.
No American President and no court can confer legitimacy on General Pervez
Musharraf. He derives his title to rule from the length of his sword and the
sharpness of its blade, and, ultimately, the Will of the People of Pakistan. That is
where the sources of his strength reside.
10
based on the scrutiny of the record alone and without hearing the parties, no
charge could be established. Nobody expected a Presidential reference, prepared
by some of the best legal experts in the country after a good deal of care and
deliberation, to be dismissed in such a summary fashion, without hearing the
referring authority and without an opportunity having been given to produce
evidence in support of the charges. We were given a foretaste of what was to
follow.
Inspite of our best efforts to expedite the proceedings, none of the six references
against the former prime minister, Ms. Benazir Bhutto could be decided one way
or the other for more than two years. Adjournments were frequently asked for
and freely given. No opportunity was missed to delay the proceedings. Why
should the respondents, all holders of public offices, have expedited the
proceedings when they knew that time was on their side; that witnesses who
could prove the cases against them may forget, or lose interest out of sheer
disgust, or be won over, or most important of all the political situation may
undergo a favorable change? We soon realized that we had gotten off the main
track. No wonder, there is a widespread popular belief that people who loot and
plunder can get away with anything and that our law is neither swift, nor sure,
nor powerful, nor just, but only a paper tiger. It is a standard practice to allow
atleast one appeal on the final order or judgement. But we were horrified to learn
that every interim order passed by the Special Court in the course of the inquiry
could be appealed against. The proceedings in the Special Courts could thus be
brought to a standstill, pending disposal of the appeal. For this, we had only
ourselves to blame. The laws were amended by us, so that we could appeal
against the order passed in the reference against Jehangir Badr. We were paying
a heavy price for this amendment of dubious value.
We soon realized that, under our existing judicial system, it takes longer to get an
answer from a respondent in a reference case than it takes to send a man to the
moon and bring him back. There are so many loopholes in the system that the
final judgement could easily be avoided for years. On one pretext or another, Ms.
Benazir Bhutto successfully evaded submitting her reply to the prosecution case
made out against her after a long, tortuous, and dilatory process in which some
witnesses were cross-examined for months. No wonder, some of them became
nervous wrecks.
Once Benazir Bhutto came back to power, all references were decided in her
favor with lightning speed. This did not come as a surprise. The objective
situation had changed. Benazir Bhutto was now occupying the Prime Ministers
house once again. Ghulam Ishaq Khan, the referring authority, had ceased to be
the President and the referring authority. In the midst of all this, our difficulties
were further compounded when Mian Muhammad Nawaz Sharif, who had been
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elected as Prime Minister in October 1990, took a fateful political decision not to
associate himself with the process of accountability against Benazir Bhutto. I
used to send a weekly report to the Prime Minister explaining the progress, or
lack of it, in each case and the problems we were facing both within and outside
the courts. Not once did he ask me what I was doing or why the references were
not moving forward. He did hold one meeting but that was on the initiative of
Chaudary Shujaat Hussain, the Interior Minister, who called me after a meeting
with the President and invited me to his house for a breakfast session. The
President had drawn his attention to the lack of interest in the references on the
part of the government and the supreme indifference shown by the Prime
Minister to the fate of these cases. After his meeting with the President, reality
suddenly hit Shujaat. With a rare clarity of vision and in almost prophetic words,
Shujaat gave expression to his worst fears: If Benazir Bhutto went scot-free and
returned to power, Shujaat told me in Punjabi, Bibi would hang us upside
down. This calamity has to be averted at all costs. Within twenty-four hours,
Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif called a meeting to discuss accountability. Those
present were: Choudhary Nisar, Aziz Munshi, the Attorney General, the law
secretary, Choudhary Shujaat and myself. Each reference was reviewed in depth.
Some decisions were taken to expedite the cases. I felt better. At last, things were
moving. Not long after, I realized how I had misjudged Nawaz Sharif. Little did I
know that this was destined to be our first and last meeting on accountability?
The word accountability was not uttered or heard again in the corridors of
power as if it were a dirty word. President Ghulam Ishaq Khan was left to fight
the battle all by himself. With no support from the Federal Government, with an
indifferent Prime Minister who showed little interest in the court battles,
everybody got the message loud and clear. The fate of the references was sealed
and the result was a foregone conclusion. Nawaz Sharif thought he could some
day offer to withdraw the references to win over Benazir to his side and enlist
her support against the President. Fate willed otherwise.
What conclusions could be drawn from this failed experiment in accountability
of the holders of public office in Pakistan? First and foremost, the people have
lost faith in the integrity, objectivity and impartiality of the judiciary, the
watchdog charged under the constitution with the responsibility of keeping a
strict watch on the excesses and arbitrariness of the executive and the conduct of
the holders of public office. Secondly, accountability has been reduced to a farce.
In the name of accountability, successive governments have hounded, harassed
and persecuted their political opponents with the connivance of a corrupt
administration and a pliant judiciary. On the other hand, acts of gross
misconduct, abuse of office, betrayal of trust, rampant corruption, and violation
of oath of office by ministers of the ruling party go unpunished. Nobody in this
country, neither the government nor the opposition, nor the judiciary, is
interested in accountability as it is understood in the west. Thirdly and most
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important of all, no matter how honest, upright, and well-intentioned you may
be, your chances of bringing the guilty under the existing judicial system are
almost nil. It is, therefore, an exercise in futility and a total waste of time, energy
and public funds.
In South Korea, two former Presidents, both military men were sent to jail and
prosecuted on charges of human rights violation and corruption. The former US
Congressman, Rostenkowski, Chairman of the House, Ways and Means
Committee, was sentenced to seventeen months in prison for abusing his office
and using employees to mow the grass at his summer house and to take
photographs at the wedding of his daughter. He was also accused of using his
house office account to buy stamps, which he then converted to cash. As the
former Congressman, the once powerful law-maker and Chairman of the
influential Ways and Means Committee stood up to hear the sentence, US
District Judge Norma Halloway rebuked him for he had violated the faith of his
constituents who had elected him from 1959 until 1994. You shamelessly abused
your position, Judge Norma said. Pretty petty stuff, people thought and pretty
unlikely behavior for a figure as powerful and as capable of commanding
support as Mr. Rostenkowski. But the case against him turned out not to be petty.
He goes to jail for having abused his office. That is a flashing yellow light for
every office holder, the New York Times commented.
Mr. Gingrich, the powerful House Speaker in the US was reprimanded and fined
US $ three hundred thousand for bringing discredit to the House by filing false
information with the ethics panel.
The fish, according to a Chinese saying, begins to rot from the head first.
Accountability must therefore start from the top and applied first to the rulers,
who should no longer feel they could get away with impunity. South Korea, Italy
and United States have demonstrated that if there is a will it can be done. The
tragedy of Pakistan is that corruption at the summit of power is not hidden from
public view - it is brazen, simply because those in power know by experience
they will get away with it.
The country needs, and unless I mistake its temper, the country demands
ruthless accountability. When will a Prime Minister in Pakistan go to jail for
having abused his or her office? And when will one of our judges rebuke a Prime
Minister for betrayal of trust and call his or her conduct reprehensible while
sentencing him or her to prison, as Judge Norma did Senator Rostenkowski?
That will be the finest hour of our superior judiciary.
Now that the political environment has undergone a favourable change, the
nation is looking up to the Chief Executive, General Pervez Musharraf to make
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good on his promise to arrange for the ruthless accountability of those who
betrayed the peoples faith; who bartered away the nations trust and who
plundered the countrys wealth. Unless the peoples representatives are strictly
called to account now and those found guilty among them sent to prison,
disqualified and prevented from capturing the Parliament, the entire democratic
process, if and when it is restored, will be reduced to a farce once again; clean
politics and an honest democratic government according to the constitution and
law will remain an illusion.
15
Paraphrasing Ayub Khan, Justice Yaqoob Ali Khan concluded that the
judgements in Tamizuddin Khans case, the 1955 reference, and Dossos case had
made a perfectly good countryinto a laughing stock, and converted the
country into autocracy and eventuallyinto military dictatorship. He pointedly
criticized the abrogation of the 1956 constitution, observing that Iskandar Mirza
and Ayub Khan had committed treason and destroyed the basis of
representation between East and West Pakistan. Now that all these usurpers
were dead, it was easy for the justices to vent their decade-long frustration.
Yahya Khan could be vilified. The poor man was under detention in the
Government Guest House, Abbotabad.
On July 5, 1977 the late Mr. Z. A. Bhutto was ousted by a military coup
engineered by his Chief of Army Staff, General Muhammad Zia ul Haq, who
placed the constitution in abeyance, proclaimed martial law and assumed the
Office of Chief Martial Law Administrator. As was to be expected, this
acquisition of power was challenged in the Supreme Court. The case was heard
by a bench of nine judges which rejected the arguments that legitimacy on a coup
was conferred by success. The action was held extra-constitutional. Imposition of
martial law was, however, validated as it was found to be dictated by
considerations of state necessity and public welfare. The CMLA was accordingly,
held, entitled to perform all such acts and promulgate legislative measures,
which fell within the scope of the law of necessity, including the power to amend
the constitution. The court, as an institution, had no power or jurisdiction to
circumvent settled conditional procedures and allow someone who could at best
be described as an executive functionary to tamper with the constitution. This
was an exercise of power without precedent. Not a single dissent was filed. No
appeal was made to what Chief Justice Charles Evans Hughes called the
brooding spirit of the lawthe intelligence of a future date.
In the years to come, the CMLA was to amend the constitution wholesale and to
cite this judgement as an answer to all accusations of abuse of power. The
Supreme Court had retained for the superior courts the jurisdiction to examine
all acts and measures of the military regime on the criterion of necessity. But
when it appeared that there was a cleavage between the regimes and the
superior courts view of what was necessary, the courts lost. The regime used the
sword supplied to it by the judiciary to strike at judicial power. In March 1981,
General Zia promulgated the provisional constitutional Order 1981 (PCO) for
consolidating and declaring the law and for effectively meeting the threat to the
integrity and sovereignty of Pakistan and because doubts have arisenas
regards the powers and jurisdiction of the superior courts. As a consequence of
this order, judicial powers were extinguished and 1973 constitution effectively
abrogated. It placed virtually all powers in the hands of executive; provided
17
extensive emergency provisions to extend military rule and gave the President CMLA retrospective powers to amend the constitution. All the orders and
actions taken by the regime were considered to have been validly made, and
notwithstanding any judgement of any court, could not be called into question in
any court on any ground whatsoever. Superior courts judges were required to
take a new oath to uphold the P.C.O; not all judges were invited to do so. The
Supreme Court, the guardian of the constitution, without any jurisdiction or
power, authorized the CMLA to dismantle the constitution brick by brick and
change it beyond recognition. The regime used the sword supplied to it by the
judiciary to strike at judicial power. The PCO 1981 was the logical culmination of
the process started in 1955 with the judgements in Tamizuddin Khans case, the
1955 reference and Dossos case.
On May 29, 1988, Prime Minister Junejo was dismissed and the National
Assembly dissolved by President Zia. The Supreme Court upheld the decision of
the Punjab High Court in declaring that the Presidents action was invalid in law.
The judgement was, however, given after the death of Zia. If the Presidents
action was invalid in law, why was the National Assembly not restored?
Everybody in Pakistan knows why this was not done.
On August 6, 1990, President Ghulam Ishaq Khan dismissed Prime Minister
Benazir Bhutto and dissolved the National Assembly. The action of dissolution
was upheld by the court. On April 17, 1993, President Ghulam Ishaq Khan
dismissed Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif and dissolved the National Assembly
after the Prime Minster had made what amounted to a declaration of war against
the President on Radio and Television. The Supreme Court headed by C. J.
Nasim Hasan Shah appropriated the case in its original jurisdiction and then
decided the case against the President (A decision which the honorable Chief
Justice has since publicly regretted). Why was the Presidents action against
Benazir upheld and how was it different from the case against Nawaz Sharif? It
is an open secret that the President had the full support of the COAS when he
dismissed Benazir. He did not have this support when he dismissed Nawaz
Sharif. Once it became known that he did not have the support of the coercive
power, the party was over for GIK.
Recounting this sad chapter in the history of Pakistan, Justice Munir suggested
that the judiciary faced a country itself on the brink of dissolution. If the courts
had upheld the enforceable writs he submitted, I am sure that there would
have been chaos in the country and a revolution would have been enacted
possibly by bloodshed, a far more serious situation than that created by the
invalidation of a whole legal system which the new Assembly promised by the
Governor General in his Proclamation could have easily validated. In Munirs
eyes, the choice was not between the Assembly and the Governor General, but
18
between anarchy and order. He criticized the Sindh High Court for its blindness
to political currents, completely shutting its eyes to the events that had
happened which made it impossible for the writs to be enforcedAt moments
like these the law is not to be found in books; it lies elsewhere, viz., in the events
that have happened. Where the enforcement of the law is opposed by the
Sovereign power, the issue becomes political or military which has to be fought
out by other means and the courts espousing the cause of one party against the
other merely prepare the ground for bloodshed. Responding to criticism that
the courts should have done more to forestall repression, Supreme Court Justice
Dorab Patel asked pointedly, referring to past judgements, how do you expect
five men alone, unsupported by anyone to declare martial law illegal?
From the countrys first decade, Pakistans judges have tried to match their
constitutional ideas and legal language to the exigencies of current politics. So
wrote Paula Newburg in her book Judging the State. Their judgements have
often supported the government of the day presumably to retain a degree of
future institutional autonomyjudiciary in Pakistan has functioned at the behest
of authority and has allowed itself to be used to further the interest of the state
against its citizens.
What would have happened had the decisions of the superior courts been
different? And what would have happened had such decisions been ignored by
the army? Who could have enforced such judgements? Were the courts, therefore,
right in establishing a practice of striking an unspoken bargain with those in
power so that its rulings would be obeyed and those in power would not feel
defied?
Once again, the army action to dismiss the Nawaz Sharif government and
suspend the National Assembly and Senate has been challenged in the Supreme
Court. In view of the pronouncements of the superior courts during the last five
decades on such issues and the current ground reality, is it really necessary to
address such sensitive political questions and fight such political battles in the
courts? In the words of Finkelstein:
There are certain cases which are completely without the sphere of judicial
interference. They are called for historical reasons, political questions. The
term applies to all those matters of which the court, at a given time, will be of the
opinion that it is impolitic or inexpedient to take jurisdiction. Sometimes this
idea of expediency will result from the fear of the vastness of the consequences
that a decision on the merits might entail.
Why, as Finkelstein said, take up such sensitive political questions for
adjudication at all? Isnt it impolitic and inexpedient to do so? Why must the
19
20
Caliphate had lost control of virtually all of its provinces except the region
around Baghdad. One military group, the Buwahidys, who were Shiaas, took
control of Baghdad in 945. The Caliphs were allowed to continue in nominal
authority; indeed the Abbasid dynasty lasted until 1258 but they no longer ruled.
The Abbasid empire had ceased to exist. Thus, from 950 to 1200, the political
unity of the Abbasid age was lost. The successor states were short-lived and
provincial in scale. As Baghdad dwindled, Samarqand and Bukhara, Nishapur,
Isfahan, Cairo, Fez and Cordoba became the new capitals of Islamic civilization
and culture.
The Abbasids tried to transform the state from an Arab state into an Islamic state.
With the transfer of the capital of the empire from Syria to Mesopotamia, power
passed from the conquering Arab minority to the non-Arab majority, and nonArabs were no longer discriminated against, as they had been under the
Umayyads. The Abbasids prided themselves upon the fact that they had brought
into power Islam, which had been suppressed during the Umayyad period. The
work of collecting and reducing the Prophets traditions to writing was begun
and completed during the Abbasid period. All the four great schools of Muslim
law flourished under the early Abbasids and Muslim Law codified. Progress was
made in almost all branches of knowledge- history, science, laws, etc. The
cumulative result of all this was that Muslim civilization came to maturity in
Baghdad which became the foremost seat of culture and civilization in the world.
However, in the name of Islam, the immediate successors of the enlightened and
progressive Caliph, Mamun, persecuted the Shiaas, the Mutazilites and all those
who did not conform to the orthodox interpretation of Islam. In Gibbons words
the reformers invaded the pleasures of domestic life; burst into the houses of
plebians and princes; spilt the wine; broke the instruments; beat the musicians
and dishonoured with infamous suspicions the associates of every handsome
youth. Inevitably, persecution encouraged rather than repressed the
development of several most remarkable religious and philosophical movements,
notable amongst them was the Qarmatian or Ismaili propaganda, which
culminated in the establishment of the Fatimid Anti-Caliphate of North Africa
and Egypt.
The second characteristic of this period was the ascendancy of the Turks, who
through sheer force of circumstances, had become absolute masters of the
Abbasid empire. It was an evil day for the Caliphate when Mu`tasim introduced
the Turkish element into the army. That the Turks had become the virtual
masters of the Caliph can well be illustrated by a story related by the author of
Kitab-ul-Fakhri, Ibn-al-Tiqtaqa, who says when Mu`tasim was appointed the
Caliph his courtiers held a meeting and summoning the astrologers asked them
how long he (the Caliph) would live and how long he would retain the Caliphate.
22
A wit present in the gathering said I know this thing better than the
astrologers. Being asked to specify the time, he replied, So long as the Turks
please, and everyone present laughed.
Because the religious, political and military achievements of the Islamic period
loom so large in the history of the world, the extraordinary cultural, scientific,
technological, and commercial achievements are frequently obscured and
overlooked. Yet these advances were, in fact, of enduring significance to
mankind as a whole. The destruction by the Mongols of many of these
achievements and of much of what the Muslims had accomplished was a tragic
loss for the world as a whole.
This was a period of unrivaled intellectual activity in all fields: science,
technology, medicine and arts. Unlike the Byzantines, with their suspicion of
classical sciences and philosophy, the Muslims were enjoined by the Prophet to
seek learning as far as China, as eventually, they did. However, in the works of
Greek scientists stored in libraries in Constantinople and other centers of the
Byzantine empire, the Muslim scholars found a more convenient and easily
accessible source of knowledge.
Bayt-al-Hikmat (House of Wisdom)
This was a remarkable assemblage of scholar-translators who undertook a
Herculean task: to translate into Arabic all of what had survived of the
philosophical and scientific traditions of the ancient world and incorporate it into
the conceptual framework of Islam. Arabic was developed into the language of
international scholarship.
Paper Mill
The setting up of a paper mill and the introduction of paper, replacing
parchment and papyrus, was a pivotal advance which facilitated the invention of
printing in the fifteenth century
Use of numerals
The first great advance on the inherited mathematical tradition was the
introduction of numerals (which actually originated in India) which simplified
calculation of all sorts and made possible the development of Algebra.
Muhammed ibn Musa-al-Khwaraznli was the first to explore this and wrote the
famous Kitab-ul-Jabr Wa-ul-Muqabalah the first book on Algebra.
Medicine
The entire canon of Greek medical works was translated into Arabic by Hunayn
ibn Ishaq, known to the West as Joanitius. Others prominent in Islamic medicine
were Yuhanna ibn Masawayn, a specialist in gynecology, and the famous Abu
23
Bakr Muhammed ibn Zakariya-al-Razi known to the West as Rhazes.Ibn-alHaytham wrote the Book of Optics, in which he gives a detailed treatment of the
anatomy of the eye.
Engineering
Muslim Engineers perfected the waterwheel and constructed elaborate
underground water channels called qanats.
Agriculture
Important books were written on soil analysis, water and suitability of crops for
different soils.
Introduction of numerous fruits and vegetables
The Muslims transformed the diet of medieval Europe by introducing such
plants as plums, artichokes, apricots, cauliflower, celery, fennel, squash,
pumpkin, and eggplant as well as rice, sorghum, new strains of wheat, the date
palm and sugarcane.
Islam in Spain
For Europe and Western civilization, the contributions of Islamic Spain were of
inestimable value. When the Muslims entered Southern Spain which they
called al-Andalus barbarians from the North had overrun much of Europe and
classical civilization of Greece and Rome had gone into eclipse. Islamic Spain
then became a bridge by which the scientific, technological, and philosophical
legacy of the Abbasid period, along with the achievements of al-Andalus itself,
passed into Europe.
European scene
During the same period i.e. on the eve of the last millennium, five centuries after
the fall of the Roman Empire, Europe was a poor, backward and intensely rural
slum. All the grand, sophisticated cultures and large urban centers Baghdad,
Isfahan, Cairo, Fez, Delhi, Lahore and Cordoba were in the Islamic world. For
most Europeans in 999 and many decades later, says William McCarthy of the
Catholic University of America in Washington, life was by our standards,
almost unimaginably mean, dirty, unhealthy and short even for those at the
pinnacle of society.
Except in general terms, no one knew what time it was. Church bells provided
the only standards and they were inadequate.
Spices were in great demand because they smothered the taste of the semiputrefied food served up from the typical medieval kitchen.
24
Danes, the most fastidious of all the Europeans, bathed once a week. The
Europeans average was far less frequent. For ascetic reasons, many monasteries
limited bathing to five times a year and some to Christmas only. Hygiene was
not to appear in Europe for another half a millennium.
Today, the Western world is light years ahead of us. Oh, what a difference a
millennium makes!
25
27
have been spoken on the subject. The irony in the gift, however, went unnoticed
in Pakistan.
On July 12, 1961, when President Ayub visited Washington, he told the Joint
Session of the Congress of the US:
The only people who will stand by you are the people of Pakistan provided you
are also prepared to stand by them. So, I would like you to remember that
whatever may be the dictates of your commitments, you will not take any steps
that might aggravate our problems or in any fashion jeopardize our security. As
long as you remember that our friendship will grow in strength. In his welcome
address, President Kennedy said that Pakistan was a friend of immediacy and
constancy, and observed that Americans in private and in their public life
appreciate the value of friendship and the constancy of friends. Fine words and
noble sentiments but they ring so hollow today. In the real world, as every
student of international relations knows, there are no permanent friends, only
permanent national interests.
As a token of friendship for the people of Pakistan, Americas most allied ally for
the last fifty years, President Clinton reluctantly agreed to drop in briefly on
Pakistan and spend about four hours in Islamabad after a spectacular five-day
visit to India. Even Bangladesh must rank higher than Pakistan on the US scale of
priorities because the President will spend a whole day there.
Pakistans reaction is that of a jealous suitor who has just learnt that the object of
his affections has arranged a date with a richer, more handsome man. In
American eyes, Pakistan is now like a silent movie star. She was good in her day.
But the Americans have got the talkies now. Once we were the darling of the
West and could do no wrong. All that has now ended. Now we are in the dock.
This is not the way the Americans treated us or talked to us when they were
wooing us. All these years we have been day dreaming and are only now
beginning to learn the perils of unequal relationship. When the two leaders meet
on March 25 on Pakistan soil, they would be like a pair of two estranged lovers
who had bumped into each other through sheer force of circumstances one of
whom is afraid of what might happen if he lingered too long and, therefore,
wants to get away as quickly as possible to avoid the embarrassment.
There can be no friendship between the strong and the weak. There can no
friendship between unequals neither in private life nor in public life. The strong
do what they can, the Athenians told the intractable Melians, and the weak
must suffer what they must. While welcoming President Clinton, who will no
doubt tell us what to do, we should remember what Alexis De Tocqueville said
on return from a long visit to America; let us not turn to America in order
28
slavishly to copy the institutions she has fashioned for her self, but in order that
we may better understand what suits us.
29
I Love Alex
In the years I spent in the Service of Pakistan, I saw firsthand the manipulation,
dishonesty, treachery and self-seeking of politics. I saw ambitious, unscrupulous,
unprincipled, persons climb to the top of the greasy pole and then slip. I saw
men and women moving in and out of the corridors of power-moths circling the
flame of power. I saw the same persons stab their benefactors, switch sides and
then join their enemies. What a light it throws upon human nature and
friendship?
I also saw the mighty fall. How I wish I could reincarnate the loneliness and
sorrow which enveloped these men once they fell from greatness. I was
discovered as Viceroy of India from 39 to 46, wrote Curzon. then I was
forgotten, traduced, buried, ignored. In a moment of self-pity Churchill told a
friend, Here I am after almost 30 years in the House of Commons after holding
many of the highest offices of state. Here I am discarded, cast away, marooned,
rejected and disliked.
A lonely man can resist all temptations, except one: his craving for friendship
and loyalty. The people who are prone to fall on their knees to do you honor
when success is with you will be the first to shun you and throw the stone of
malice when failure settles upon your head. You will soon find that the one
absolutely unselfish friend that man can have in this selfish world, the one that
never deserts him, the one that never proves ungrateful or treacherous is his dog.
Your dog will stand by you in prosperity and in poverty, in health and in
sickness. He will sleep on the cold ground, if only he may be near his masters
side. He will kiss the hand that has no food. He guards the sleep of his pauper
master as if he were a prince. When all other friends desert, he remains. When
reputation falls to pieces, he is as constant, as a beleaguered Bill Clinton found
out, in his love as the sun is in its journey through the heavens. He does not
reproach you even if you go astray. He does not sit in judgement on you. If
fortune turns against you and you become friendless, homeless and an outcast,
the faithful dog asks no higher privilege than that of accompanying you, to
guard you against danger, to fight against your enemies.
At the battle of Soor, Frederick the Great, King of Prussia lost his personal
baggage which had been caught by enemy patrols. But more personally
saddening was the capture-or, as he apprehended, killing of his beloved whippet
bitch, Biche . He loved Biche and Biche loved him. And Biche was not dead. She
was returned by her captors to Fredericks camp a few miles south-west of the
battlefield and quietly introduced to his quarters while the king sat alone at his
30
table writing letters, unaware. Biche leapt on to the table and put her paws round
his neck; and Frederick, the first soldier of Europe, was seen to weep.
Cover the dog, he is shivering, were Fredericks last words as he awoke at
midnight on 16th August 1786, at San Souci. The dog was indeed shivering, lying
on the ground near Fredericks bed watching his dying master. At twenty
minutes past two in the morning of 17th August the great king died with his
beloved Biche by his bedside.
Another famous dog was Blondi, Hitlers Alsatian bitch. It was Blondi who
shared with his master the honor of inspecting the Flak crew. Blondi was Hitlers
sole companion in his bunker at Werewolf. The big dog would jump through
hoops, leap over a six-foot wooden wall, climb up a ladder, then beg at the top.
Blondi did not get along with Evas two little terriers. Generally Blondi was
excluded from intimate sessions except on the rare occasions when Hitler asked
Eva to banish her two darling so his dog could have a moment in the limelight.
Blondi was always invited to the famous tea sessions and Hitlers birthday
parties and put through her paces. She begged, she played schoolgirl, she even
gave a concert and the more her master praised, the more intensely she sang!
After the army bomb plot, Hitler said, My life is full of sorrow, so heavily laden
that death itself would be salvation. And then chiding Blondi for disobeying
him, he said, Look me in the eyes, Blondi. Are you also a traitor like the
Generals of my staff.
On April 29 when the Russian ground forces were driving toward the bunker the
first to die was Blondi, Hitlers faithful dog. Hitler passed out phials containing
Cyanamid. He sent for a doctor who dutifully poured the liquid down the throat
of Blondi the dog Hitler adored. It killed her. There were tears in Hitlers eyes.
He did not want Blondi to fall into Russian hands.
We have a beautiful dog. We call him Alex. Alex has lit up my life in a way that
nobody has ever done. I love Alex. So does my grandson, Salman Khan.
if you pick up a starving dog and make him prosperous, he will not bite you. This is the
principal difference between a dog and a man.
Mark Twain.
31
great Asian continent; and it was not yet certain that they might be pushed right
off even this patch of the old world ground. When in A.D. 1682, Qara Mustafa
Pasha led the Ottoman Turkish expeditionary force Westwards, his objective was
not merely to make a second Turkish attempt at taking Vienna; he was intending
to carry the Western frontier of the Ottoman Empire up to the line of the Rhine;
and if Qara Mustafa had reached the Rhine, the rest of Western Europe would
surely have succumbed to the Turks sooner or later. With the failure of the
second siege of Vienna, the situation changed decisively. Then, at last, the West
was relieved from the pressure that the Osmanlis had been exerting on the
Wests, eastern land-frontier for the past 300 years. It was only then that the
Western people could concentrate their energies on converting their already
achieved command of the ocean into a domination of the world.
It was also only then that the Western natural science consummated its marriage
with technology and thereby generated for the West a material power that
quickly put the rest of the world at the Wests mercy. A conventional date for
this marriage is A.D. 1660, which is the date of the foundation of the Royal
Society in England. The marriage between science and technology was indeed,
an historic event. It was a new thing in the worlds history. The first reaction to it
has been alarm; the second has been emulation in self-defence. Within less than
forty years of the foundation of the Royal society, Peter the Great was making the
self-educational tour of the workshops of Holland and England.
Other non-Western countries for example, Turkey and China were slower in
reading the Western signs of our modern times, and, when they did reluctantly
read them, they were less prompt and less resolute in taking action. The
humiliation suffered by China for a century and more ending in A.D. 1948 is
something that is perhaps unimaginable for those of us who are not Chinese.
China could not have been bullied by the 19th century West if the Western
peoples had not developed their modern technology and had not turned it to
military account. Chinas humiliation at Western hands, and Russias
comparative immunity from humiliation of the kind, bring out, between them,
the reason why the technological element in the Western civilization exerts the
attraction that it does unquestionably exert today all over the non-Western world.
The sanctification of the word democracy, however, is not so easy to
understand. The leading West European colonial powers were simultaneously
democratic at home and powerful overseas, and their Asian and African
temporary subjects consequently constructed a syllogism which Aristotle would
certainly have disallowed as being illogical. The West European peoples live
under democratic political regimes; the West European peoples are powerful;
therefore democracy is a source of power; therefore we Asian and Africans must
become democratic if we are to attain our objective of getting even with the West
33
in competition for power and for the advantages that power brings with it. This
argument is obviously unsound. The truth perhaps is that democracy, so far
from having been one of the sources of the Western peoples power, has been one
of the luxuries that their power has enabled them to afford. The source of their
power has been their marriage of technology with science, the opportunity for
their democracy has been the margin of strength, wealth, and security which
their power, derived from applied science has created for them. Unlike the belief
that science has been a source of Western power, the belief that democracy has
been a source of Western power is a fallacy. Democracy had been a Western
amenity that Western power has brought within the Wests reach.
The introduction of religious toleration in the West was contemporaneous, with
the marriage between technology and science there, and this synchronicity was
not accidental. The application of toleration to religion and of science to
technology were two different reactions against an identical evil, namely the
destructiveness and wickedness of the Western wars of religion.
It is true that, among the countries, which, in our time, have been liberated from
authoritarian rule, a number have quickly fallen under authoritarian rule again.
Nearly all of these new authoritarian regimes belong to one or other of two
classes they are either Communist regimes or regimes of the Cromwellian type
in which the army has ousted the politicians and has replaced them by majorgenerals. But it is also true that there is not a single case in which a regime of
either of these two kinds has been a liberated countrys first choice. Invariably its
first choice has been Western parliamentary democracy; and it has been only if
and when parliamentary democracy has obviously failed to answer to the
occasion that it has been discarded in favour of either Communism or army
government. It is significant that parliamentary democracy was the first choice in
both Russia and China. What is remarkable is that the regime which was
Russians first choice in 1917 was parliamentary democracy; Lenin did not get his
chance to make the second Russian revolution of 1917 and to introduce Bolshevik
socialism until Kerensky had been given his chance to try to make parliamentary
democracy work and failed.
India has been exceptional among non-Western countries in having made a
decided success of parliamentary democracy so far. If one is travelling in Asia
and enters India after having visited some of the other South Asian countries,
one becomes conscious of a difference in human climate. One meets a large
number of people who are obviously able, experienced, responsible and publicspirited citizens. One meets them in many different walks of life, not only in
politics but also in government service, in the universities, in the forces, in
business. India has succeeded in building up this fund of good citizens thanks to
the promptness of the Hindus, in the early stages of their encounter with the
34
35
During the last hundred and seventy years public affairs have become highly
complicated. Infact, public affairs have become a mystery or rather, a whole
labyrinth of mysteries which no one but a handful of whole time professional
experts is able to understand, administer, or control. The object of democracy is
to give the people the maximum possible amount of control over the government.
This is becoming frustrated by the growing complexity of public affairs. It is
becoming more and more difficult even for a member of parliament to keep
control over the government because he lacks the knowledge and information to
fully understand the complexity of the issues which a modern government has to
tackle. The only people who are still able to keep abreast of the necessary
knowledge are full-time professional experts. The upshot is that, even in the
countries in which the democratic parliamentary system of government is
comparatively well seasoned and mature, democracy is being reduced, in effect,
nearer and nearer to a basic level. This has resulted in whittling away of the
citizens control over the government. The effective working of full democracy is
being defeated by the increasing complexity of affairs under the impulsion of
technology. Parliamentary democracy is, therefore, on trial today not only in
Pakistan and in other recently liberated Asian and African countries. It is also on
trial in every country in the world, which has a parliamentary system of
government. The only level at which the citizen can effectively control the
government is the basic level.
We do not know what will happen in the future but our experience of the past
does at least throw a flickering gleam of light on the darkness ahead.
Governments ordinarily break down either through impotence or through
tyranny. In the first case, power slips from their grasp, whereas in the second it is
taken away from them.
Do not mess around with the West unless you are a permanent member of the
Security Council, or aligned with one or you are a nuclear power.
36
37
38
piles upon piles treasure that the sys cannot compass. The wealth appears as
boundless as the very sea it has traversed. The brain aches in an attempt to
comprehend the amount of riches before, above, and beneath it. There are acres
upon acres of treasure, more than enough, one would fancy, to stay the cravings
of the whole world, and yet you have but to visit the hovels grouped around all
this amazing excess of riches to witness the same amazing excess of poverty. If
the incomprehensibility of the wealth rises to sublimity, assuredly the want that
co-exists with it is equally incomprehensible and equally sublime. Pass from the
quay and warehouses to the courts and alleys that surround them, and the mind
is as bewildered with the destitution of the one place as it is with the superabundance of the other. Many come to see the riches, but few the poverty,
abounding in absolute masses round the far-famed port of London.
40
What is to be done?
In his inaugural keynote address to the 27th Islamic Conference of Foreign
Ministers at Kuala Lumpur, Dr. Mahathir urged the Muslim world to recognize
the dangers and challenges facing it in the modern world. He warned that if the
Muslim world failed to compete in the field of science and technology and learn
how to fight the west with wests own new-fangled weapons, it would perish.
From the date at which the west forged ahead of Turkey in the art of casting
cannon down to the year in which Pakistan detonated her first atomic bomb, the
non-Muslim world, including India, had the monopoly of nuclear weapons,
unchallenged and unmatched by any Muslim power. The emergence of Pakistan
as the first Muslim nuclear power is, therefore, an historic development of great
significance which will have far reaching consequences for the Islamic and nonIslamic world alike.
Unfortunately, history and geography combined to place Pakistan on the horns
of a painful dilemma. Surrounded as we are by a hostile neighbour and facing a
much stronger enemy knocking at our gate, we have of necessity to allocate more
resources to military security. The feat demanded of our government is a
threefold one: we have to simultaneously provide military security, satisfy the
socio-economic needs of the people and also ensure sustained growth. Achieving
all three of these feats over a sustained period of time is a difficult task.
Achieving the first two feats - or either of them - without the third will inevitably
lead to relative eclipse over the longer term - which has been the fate of all
slower - growing societies that failed to adjust to the dynamics of world power.
Yet, achieving the last two or either of them without the first when the enemy is
knocking at the gate would inevitably lead to disaster and annihilation. Deng
was able to concentrate on three of his four modernizations - agriculture,
industry and science only because China had already acquired a nuclear
umbrella and felt more secure. Pakistan, situated at it is, has no choice but to
follow the Chinese path, knowing full well that if too large a proportion of the
states resources is diverted from wealth creation and allocated instead to
military purposes, it is likely to lead to a weakening of national power over the
longer term. What is to be done? Pakistan faces the Hobsons choice. How can
Pakistan meet the Indian threat?
It is true that in a long - drawn - out war victory has repeatedly gone to the side
with the more flourishing productive base - or, as the Spanish captains used to
say, to him who has the last escudo. This was true of the struggles waged against
the Spanish - Austrian Habsburgs; of the great eighteenth - century contests like
the War of Spanish Succession; the Seven years War and the Napoleonic war,
41
and of two World wars of the last century. A lengthy grinding war eventually
turns into a test of relative capacities of each side. It is incontestable that
economic power, more than anything else, determines the outcome of a long drawn - out war but this is not true of short, lightning wars lasting for a few
weeks only like the three wars fought by India and Pakistan. The outcome of
such short wars is determined more by military organization, preparedness,
leadership, and national morale. Whether one side has more. of it or less of
it becomes significant only if the struggle lengthens. Pakistan must therefore, of
necessity and for sheer survival, prepare for a short defensive war against its
more powerful neighbour. The record of history shows that the outcome of such
wars is determined by superior technology more than any thing else. After all, it
was the advanced technology of steam engines that gave Europe decisive
military advantages. The improvements in the muzzle - loading gun (percussion
caps, rifling etc.) were ominous enough; the coming of the breechloader vastly
increased the rate of fire. The Gatling guns, Maxims and light field artillery put
the final touches to a new fire power revolution. Further-more, the steamdriven gunboat meant that European sea power, already supreme in open waters
could be extended inland, via major waterways like the Niger, the Indus and the
Yangtze. In the battle of Omdurman (1898) in one half morning the Maxims and
Lee - Enfield riffles of Kitchners army destroyed 11,000 Dervishes for the loss of
only 48 of their own troops.
The Ottoman Empire collapsed because they failed to modernize their armies.
Their armed forces had become corrupt and were bastions of conservatism. The
Janissaries were slow to modernize themselves even though they had suffered
from the newer weapons of European forces. Their bulky cannons were not
replaced by the lighter cast iron guns. After the defeat at Lepanto, they did not
build the larger European type of vessels.
The tide turned against the Turks after 1683 A.D. when the second Ottoman siege
of Vienna failed and its failure opened the way for a Western counter-offensive.
It was only then that the Western peoples could concentrate their energies on
converting their already achieved command of the ocean into a domination of
the world. It was also only then that Western natural science consummated its
marriage with technology and thereby generated for the West a material power
that quickly put the rest of the world at the Wests mercy.
The same remarks about conservatism could be made with equal or greater force
about the Mughal Empire which despite the sheer size of the Kingdom at its
height and the military genius of some of its emperors like Akhbar was deeply
conservative, inward looking and rotten at the core.
42
In the East, the shock that was given to China by the Wests 19th century impact
on her has had no parallel up to date. China which regarded its civilization as the
only one worthy of the name, suddenly found herself at the mercy of barbarians
equipped with a new fangled technology. China could not have been bullied by
the 19th century west if the Western people had not developed their modern
technology and had not turned it to military account.
Now that Pakistan has a nuclear umbrella, she should follow the Chinese
example, concentrate on the development of agriculture, industry, science and
technology. Simultaneously, our military leadership should prepare the country
for a political system marked not only by free and fair elections, but also the rule
of law, equality before Law, Habeas Corpus, separation of powers, a strong and
independent judiciary, the protection of basic liberties of speech, assembly,
religion and sanctity of contract and property.
43
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
8.
Cystic fibrosis
9.
Medication, enzymes.
He saw a painful expression of deep concern on my face and said well. Nothing
serious unless your test results show something to the contrary. Meanwhile, be
careful about what you eat.
R: All right, Doc. Careful is the word from now on. Thanks.
D: Wait a minute. No orange juice.
R: What, no orange juice, Doc? Always have orange juice for breakfast.
D: No, orange juice.
R: How about some grapefruit?
D: No grapefruit either. No acids.
R: I will have a toast with a little butter on it. I hope that is all right.
45
46
47
Recently, I met two of these young Taleban in the course of my early morning
walk in the Margalla. I decided to engage them in conversation and greeted them
in Pushto. Kha charay (may you be blessed). Char de kha sha (may you also
be blessed). The young students returned my greetings.
R: What are you doing here?
T: We are Taleban and have come here in search of knowledge. We are attached
to the local Madrassa.
R: Where are you from?
T: We belong to Swabi.
R: We belong to the same area then. I am from Mardan.
T: Happy to meet you.
R: What do they teach you at the Madrassa?
T: We study the Holy Quran, Hadith, Islamic Law, Fiqh, History, Geography and
Elementary modern sciences.
R: How long will you stay at the Madrassa?
T: Seven years.
R: Are you happy here? What do you think of Islamabad?
T: This is a strange place. Women go shopping. They even drive cars. They go to
the clubs and swim. They meet other men freely. There are no restrictions on
their movements and their menfolk dont seem to object.
R: What is wrong with this?
T: This is all unislamic. Isnt Pakistan an Islamic State created in the name of
Islam? Why do you allow all this?
R: Dont you think this is a very narrow interpretation of Islam?
T: No. Women should stay at home and look after their children and household
affairs. Every thing else must be subordinated to these objectives.
48
R: Afghanistan has been totally destroyed and reduced to rubble. It is very sad.
T: Dont worry. Taleban will create a new Afghanistan on the ashes of the old.
R: How can you do this? The whole world is against you. We seem to be your
only friends left.
T: You know why they are all against Taleban?
R: I have some idea but please go ahead and tell me.
T: Taleban refuse to surrender Osama Bin Laden. He is their mailma (guest).
How can they surrender him? Non-pukhtuns may not understand this. But
surely you do. I dont have to explain it to you. Taleban want to set up a truly
independent, sovereign, Islamic state. This they dont like. Our greatest crime is
that we are not American stooges. Not very long ago they were in love with us.
We could do no wrong. They used to call us freedom fighters. Now we are all
terrorists.
R: What do you think of the Kashmiris struggle for independence from the
clutches of the Hindus?
T: It is Jihad. And it is the religious duty of every able-bodied Muslim to help
them.
R: Will you leave your studies and join them.
T: When the call comes I will give up every thing and go wherever I am required.
R: What will you do when you complete your studies? How will you earn your
livelihood?
T: I am the servant of God and He will look after me. Why are you showing so
much interest in my studies? And why are you asking me all these questions?
R: Because you are very young and your whole life is in front of you. I dont
know how life will treat you. Sometimes life can be very unfair. I wish you
happiness, long life and success in your search for knowledge and Truth. I have
enjoyed talking to you and walking with you. Pa makham kha (good bye)
T: Thank you Da khuday pa aman (May God protect you). Dont judge us too
harshly. Taleban are engaged in a life and death struggle today. Things will
change once the war is over and peace is restored. Come to our Madrassa
49
whenever you can. We would like you to meet our friends. We will then
continue this discussion over a cup of green tea. There is so much to talk about.
As we parted, I pondered over what these two young Taleban had to say. There
is obviously a yearning among the people, especially the poor, the lumpen
proletariat, for a true Islamic society, a haven in the words of Shariati, for the
plundered and the oppressed. Therein lies the danger to the established order. It
is becoming increasingly clear that Islam with its own code of egalitarianism,
morality, economic and social justice is emerging as a challenge to liberal
democracy, narrow nationalism, socialism and military dictatorship which have
all been tried in different Muslim countries and found wanting. Will it be the
scholastic, institutionalized, fossilized Islam co-opted by corrupt rulers or the
true, dynamic, pristine, revolutionary Islam of its early years with its emphasis
on egalitarianism, social justice and accountability? The answer will affect the
course of history and politics in the entire Islamic world. We have to wait and see.
50
51
plastic wrap, tin cans, a discarded chicken skin, all mixed with feces, a blend of
rural and industrialized waste. I was reminded of Tales from the Garbage Hills,
a brutally realistic novel by a Turkish writer, Latife Tekin about life in the
shantytowns. The novelist describes complete neighbourhoods, Fathered by
filth, chemical waste, with roofs of plastic basin, doors from old rugs and oil
cloth windows. France colony, inhabited by Christian sweepers, is such a place.
Children defecate in the Nalla, filled with garbage, droning with mosquitoes. I
thought of a poem by the Nigerian poet Ben Okri:
We rush through heated garbage days
With fear in morbid blood - raw eyes;
Mobs in cancerous slums
At noon. Angled faces in twisted Patterns of survival
A cute, miraculously healthy looking teenager smiled at me. To thrive in this
miasma, merely to survive, indicated a vitality that I would never be able to
muster. I smiled back at what I knew to be my genetic superior.
Not far from France colony, there is a profusion of boutiques, Mercedes - Benzes,
mobile phones, a recipe for discontent and Revolution. I thought of the perfumed
women and men with expensive jewelry and watches, I had met the evening
before, relaxing from another day of accumulated untaxed wealth, and had the
vision of a tiny planet in space in the last moment before being extinguished by
an onrushing meteor. Frankly, I felt very insecure.
I addressed Jamil, one of the residents.
What do you think of France colony? I asked.
I love France colony. said Jamil
What is it you love about France colony? I asked
It is so full of sweepers. I feel like I got protection. Jamil answered.
From what?
From CDA. Furthermore I like France colony because it belongs to me.
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France colony doesnt belong to you. It belongs to CDA. You dont own the
houses in France colony.
I might not own them. Said Jamil
but I live in them. It would take an atom bomb to get me out. I am in France
colony to stay. I admire such people. I dread their determination.
What an absurd thing it is to expect happiness in a country so full of misery.
Point me out the happy man and I will point you out either extreme egotism, evil
- or else absolute ignorance.
Life goes on. It always does, until it doesnt.
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when officials, long out of office, are writing their own version of history out of
the secret documents.
How are such conflicting views - about what serves the national interest best resolved in a democracy? At 6:13 P.M. on Saturday June 12, 1971, the presses
began to roll. Three minutes later, the first newspapers arrived in the city room
of the New York Times. In 24-point type over columns 4-7 on page 1, the
understated headline for the Sunday paper of June 13, 1971, read as follows:
Vietnam archive, Pentagon Study Traces three decades of growing USA
involvement.
The New York Times published, without government permission, the Pentagon
Papers, it had obtained unauthorizedly, officially entitled, History of US
decision - making process on Vietnam policy, classified top secret - sensitive. It
hit the Nixon administration like a bomb shell. The government request for
injunction because of national security was turned down by the court even
though the country was at war, the documents were classified, the Times
disclosure was unauthorized and the documents in its possession constituted
stolen property. This may appear astonishing to many in Pakistan but it is part
and parcel of the idea of a free society, in which public officials are held
accountable for their actions, and whereby accountability rather than secrecy
constitutes the main raison detat.
The court rejected two legal positions that marked the opposite ends of the
spectrum. The idea that the government should be able to enjoin publication of
information merely because it was classified would have constituted a radical
departure from well - settled expectation of what American law was. More
important, such an outcome would have given the government too much control
over the public disclosure of information. The government has near absolute
control over what defence and national security information is made public. This
is true because the classification system is widely abused to keep confidential
information that could be disclosed without injuring the national security. It is
also true because the government has almost total discretion in deciding what
information, once classified, to declassify. To supplement this enormous power
with the ability to censor information merely because it is classified would, in the
courts opinion, give the government a dangerous capacity to keep secret
information that should be public.
This was a courageous decision supportive of the publics right to know about
important public affairs. Indeed, the courage and significance of the decision can
be appreciated only if one recognizes that the decision was rendered, when the
nation was at war, in the face of the government demands that the court defer to
55
national security officials. The court decision is a guidepost for any democratic
society to follow as it daily resolves clashes among competing claims that
implicate freedom and security. Distilled, the decision represents the judgement
that democracy must tolerate the risks - even potential serious risks - inherent in
freedom because freedom also strengthens a democracys fundamental security.
The security of the Nation is not at the ramparts alone. Security also lies in the
value of free institutions.
The authorities who decided to withhold the Hamoodur Rehman Commission
Report in the first instance and maintained the ban had their own reasons for
doing so. It goes to the credit of the present government that although it is
dressed in khaki, its attitude to the press and citizens right to know is pretty
open and its record is better than that of many democratic governments. It might
well ponder the wisdom of the earlier decision and lift the ban on the publication
of the Report. For, as we all know, history possesses a disconcerting habit of
repeating itself.
The Hamoodur Rehman Report belongs to history. It was in my custody for eight
years and I am fully conscious of the governments security concerns. But I have
no hesitation in saying that its publication, almost thirty years after it was
written, could not conceivably damage our security interests. Pakistan, I have no
doubt, will survive its publication and will still be there the morning after the
report becomes public property.
A people denied access to information are a people uninformed. And
uninformed people are not a free people.
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Postsdam on October 24, 1806, where Frederick lay sleeping in his tomb. The
little Corsican Emperor, surrounded by his marshals, gazed silently for a little.
Then Hats off, Messieurs! If he were alive we would not be here.
Today Pakistan faces its greatest crisis since 1971. We are alone in the ring, in
deep trouble, on the verge of economic collapse. With the collapse of all civil
institutions, the only cohesive force left behind is the army, and army alone,
which is keeping the country together and preventing it from disintegration. It is
also the only shield we have against foreign aggression. Today we are vulnerable
to external aggression as we have never been before. Destiny has placed a grave
and awesome responsibility upon General Musharraf. He holds the future of
Pakistan in his two hands. At this darkest hour in our history, the nation must
stand solidly behind the army. The security of the nation, as they say, is not at
the ramparts alone. Nothing should therefore be done to weaken the army.
Nothing should deflect its attention from its primary task. Everything must be
subordinated to the requirements of national defence.
Whatever the pressures, General Musharraf must stick to his agenda and honour
the commitment he made to the people of Pakistan on October 12. The essence of
leadership lies in telling the people not where they want to go but where they
ought to go. What the country needs and the people demand, is ruthless
accountability, not a mere cosmetic change but a purifying and cleansing
operation to purge the country of all corrupt elements, robber barons and
holders of public office who abused their power. General Musharraf must lance
the poisoned carbuncle, give the country the lift of a driving dream and drag the
nation to its feet again. So many deeds cry out to be done. General Musharraf has
so little time and so much to achieve. But his pace is painfully slow. He must
resort to forced marches. Time is against him.
60
acres of irrigated or 450 acres of un-irrigated land. Even more important, he also
recommended, for the first time, that a limit should be set on land owned by the
family: 350 irrigated acres or 900 un-irrigated acres. According to him, the lower
ceilings he proposed for the individual and family was necessary to break the
monopolies on land and to make access to opportunity through land more free to
ensure greater social justice and economic growth.
Mr. Ghulam Ishaq Khan also dissented from the views of the majority on the
issue of exempting orchards from the prescribed ceiling because exemption of
orchards from the operation of ceiling will mean a further addition to the already
liberal exemptions given to the existing land owners. He argued that in the first
place, orchards were highly profitable ventures and were not an especially risky
investment. In addition, the exemption of orchards from the ceiling, he argued,
would add to the corrupt practices of the unscrupulous owners and petty
revenue officials in converting the ordinary agricultural land into orchards
retrospectively. He, therefore, insisted that the area under orchards should be
taken into account for the purposes of the fixation of ceilings on par with other
agricultural land of the same class included in the owners holdings.
Mr. Ghulam Ishaq Khan also opposed the majoritys recommendation about the
transfer of land by gift to any or all of the presumptive heirs on the ground that it
would lead to the concentration of land in families inspite of the ceiling. He saw
no justification for such a recommendation because large owners have already
distributed their property among as many real or imaginary presumptive heirs
as they could trust to hold the land for them. He, therefore, warned that the
ceiling of land would also amount to an expansion of the generous ceiling
already allowed on other counts and would defeat the fundamental purpose of
land reforms.
The Commission estimated that if Ghulam Ishaq Khans views prevailed, about
6.0 million acres would have been available for resumption from holdings of 500
acres and above. The jagirs and farms between 100-500 acres would have added
another 2.0 million acres raising the extent of the resumable area to 8.0 million
acres as against the 2.5 million acres actually resumed under the 1959 land
reforms! The resumed area of this magnitude would have correspondingly
benefited nearly 0.8 million peasants, assuming a 10-acre size of the redistributed
holding.
The dissenting view of Ghulam Ishaq Khan did not persuade the majority of the
Commission members because they thought that the premise from which Mr.
Ishaq proceeds does not correctly depict the conditions obtaining in West
Pakistan. A heated debate followed. When the matter came before the Cabinet,
Mr. Bhutto (who was a member of the Ayub Cabinet) defended the landlords
62
case with great passion and almost broke down. In order to ease the tension,
President Ayub had to interrupt the discussion and order drinks to be served.
Under Martial Law Regulation No. 64 and its later amendments, based on the
views of the majority, about 2.5 million acres were resumed, and 2.3 million acres
distributed among nearly 183, 371 tenants and small owners. The area
constituted only 4.5 - 5.0 percent of the total farm area in Pakistan and the
proportion of the beneficiaries in the population was even smaller. One reason
for the limited area resumed was inherent in the generous allowances
recommended by the Commission. The other reason lay in the process of
implementation in which the zamindars illegally altered the land records in
collusion with the revenue officials at the village level.
When the PP government came into power, it prescribed a ceiling of 150 acres of
irrigated land and 300 acres of un-irrigated land or an area equal to 15000 PIUS.
A total of 1.3 million acres were resumed of which only 0.9 million acres were
redistributed to various tenurial classes. The number of the beneficiaries did not
exceed 76000. By the fall of 1976, it had become apparent that the governments
reforms measures did not produce the expected results. To remedy the situation,
the government promulgated another land reform ordinance (ordinance of II of
1977) with three new significant features. It reduced the ceiling to 100 acres of
irrigated land, and allowed compensation to landowners in the form of bonds. It
made provision for distribution of resumed land among landless tenants and
small land owners without charge or payment. But the Military government
which took over power on July 4, 1977, amended the 1977 act in 1982 to exempt
Corporate Livestock Farms from individual ceilings. An additional area of 1.8
million acres was resumed under the 1977 act of which, 0.9 million acres were
distributed among 13,143, persons.
There ended the story of land reforms in Pakistan. Looking back on the history of
land reforms in Pakistan, it is quite evident that piecemeal reforms made no dent
in the agrarian system; the concentration of land ownership in families still
remains too high; the uneven power relations between landlords and tenants
continue to be unacceptably uneven; there is evidence to show that many a
protective legislation is honoured more in the breach than in observance; the
exploitative system in rural Pakistan remains unchanged and the rural scene
remains firmly in the grip of the landed gentry.
Fortunately, we have on record the Quaids views on social justice and economic
equality in the Pakistan of his dream. In a speech delivered in April 1943, he said:
here I would like to give a warning to the landlords and capitalists. The
exploitation of the masses has gone into their blood. They have forgotten the
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lesson of Islam. Do you visualize that millions have been exploited and cannot
get one meal a day? If this is the idea of Pakistan, I would not have it.
The piecemeal reforms introduced by both Ayub and Bhutto have bolstered the
political, social and economic position of rural upper strata on which their
governments depended for political support. Not only has the political influence
of this group increased, but its interest in the perpetuation of the statusquo has
been considerably enhanced. In combination with other powerful forces in the
military and civil bureaucracy, it exerts a strong pressure for conservatism in
regard to the agrarian structure. Piecemeal reforms have thus dimmed the
prospects for radical reforms in agriculture despite the deterioration in the status
of the weaker members of the rural hierarchy and rapid increase in their
numbers, both absolutely and relatively.
Measures that would deprive the upper strata in the villages of land and power,
and would genuinely confer dignity and status on the underprivileged and the
landless are among the last that the landed aristocracy would find acceptable. As
it is, a great divide, a yawning chasm-some call it a new Iron Curtain-separates
them from their less fortunate countrymen, whose life is nasty, brutish and
short. Because these people have bank accounts, luxurious villas, mansions, and
apartments in the West, they can escape from Pakistans misery. They have a
stake in the statusquo or system as they call it, and therefore impede the birth of
a new order in rural Pakistan. In the West, democracy destroyed the feudal
system and vanquished kings. In Pakistan, the elimination of big feudal
landlords by parliamentary means is an impossibility and an exercise in futility.
What hope there is for agrarian reforms in Pakistan must, therefore, be attached
to the present quasi-dictatorial regime. Now is the opportune moment for
sweeping changes and a radical reshaping of the agrarian structure. The
unfinished agenda still remains large and constitutes a big challenge and a great
opportunity for the military regime.
64
Great Expectations
American Policymakers are fond of the bromide The cure for the evils of
democracies is more democracy. However, Richard Halbrook, now Permanent
US Representative at U.N, struck a different note on the eve of the September
1996 election in Bosnia. He said: Supposing the election was declared free and
fair and those elected are racists, fascists, and separatists. That is the dilemma.
Indeed, it is, not just in Pakistan but increasingly all around the world. People in
Pakistan have lost faith in the sanctity of the ballot box; elections are rigged;
votes are purchased; known corrupt people, tax evaders, and smugglers are
foisted upon a poor, illiterate electorate unable to make an informed political
choice, and then sworn in as ministers; elections throw up not the best, not the
fittest, not the most deserving, but the scum of the community, only because they
are the richest. What happens if elections are held, the same people get elected
and capture the parliament. That is the dilemma.
Africa faces the same dilemma. When President Clinton visited Africa, he
praised Uganda, not a democracy, once ruled, like Pakistan, by a collection of
outcasts and misfits serving only themselves, and synonymous with mindless
savagery, sectarian killings, absence of law and order and sinking economy.
Uganda has now turned the corner, and its economy, little noticed by most of the
world has become the fastest growing in Africa. Kampla is again a handsome,
hilly city with lovely gardens. A framework for democracy has been created
including a new constitution, a free Press and an independent judiciary. All this
has come at a price. President Yoweri Museveni, who took power in a coup in
1986, runs what he calls a non-Party, no-nonsense state and was recently
described by President Clinton as a model. US Administration Officials cite him
as the kind of leader they would like to see in other countries. Uganda, once the
pariah of Africa, has found its saviour in Museveni and today stakes a new claim
to title: the pearl of Africa. Has Pakistan, hungry for a clean, honest person,
endowed with the will to raise it from the slough of despondency and pilot it
through the rocks and rapids, at last, found its Museveni in General Pervez
Musharraf? It is too early to express any opinion. We will have to wait and see.
General Musharraf faces a daunting task. The economy is shattered. The country
is almost bankrupt. People have lost faith in the entire democratic process. But
the West, led by the United States, is pressing for early elections and return to
democracy. In the West, democracy means liberal democracy a political system
marked not only by free and fair elections, but also by the rule of law, separation
of powers, independent judiciary, the protection of basic liberties of speech,
assembly, religion, sanctity of contract and property etc. This bundle of freedoms
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Among other things, constitutional liberalism will help in turning the economy
around. The experience of East Asia shows that when regimes, even if
undemocratic, protect individual rights, including those of property and contract,
and create a framework of law and administration capitalism and growth will
follow. In a speech at the Woodrow Wilson International Center in Washington,
explaining what it takes for capitalism to flourish, Federal Reserve Chairman,
Alan Greenspan, concluded that, the guiding mechanism of a free market
economy is a bill of rights, enforced by an impartial judiciary. Isnt it
significant that Alan Greenspan did not mention democracy.
In the 1770s an apocryphal conversation between the dauphin and court
physician Francois made the rounds of the cafs and salons of Europe. In it the
dauphin asked the doctor what he would do if he were king. Nothing,, de
Quesnay replied. Then who would govern, the dauphin asked in alarm. De
Quesnay replied, the law.
The importance of Rule of Law in all societies, democratic or undemocratic, is
eloquently expressed in an exchange in Robert Bolts play A Man For All
Seasons. The fiery young William Roper, who yearns to battle evil, is
exasperated by Sir Thomas Mores devotion to the law. More gently defends
himself.
More: What would you do? Cut a great road through the law to get after the
Devil?
Roper: Id cut every law in England to do that!
More: And when the last law was down and the Devil turned on you where
would you hide Roper, the laws all being flat?
So long as there is a judiciary marked by rugged independence, the citizens civil
liberties are safe even in the absence of cast iron guarantees in the constitution.
But once the judiciary becomes subservient to the executive, no enumeration of
fundamental rights in the constitution can be of any avail to the citizen, because
the courts of justice would then be replaced by government courts.
General Musharraf will be doing a great service to Pakistan if he can develop
constitutional liberalism which Pakistan has not known since the death of the
Quaid remove the obstacles to democracy and make the terrain more
hospitable for the evolution of a civil society.
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Today the most useful role that the international community, and most
importantly, the United States, can play is instead of pressing for early elections
and return of democracy to encourage constitutional liberalism in Pakistan.
Once constitutional liberalism takes roots, democracy will become irreversible.
Democracy without constitutional liberalism is not simply inadequate, but
dangerous bringing with it the erosion of liberty, and the abuse of power.
Democracy sans constitutional liberalism has no chance of survival in Pakistan.
Eighty-two years ago, Woodrow Wilson took America into the 20th century with
a challenge to make the world safe for democracy. General Musharrafs challenge
in the 21st century is to make democracy safe for Pakistan.
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The old order has collapsed and is dead and gone. The new order is yet to be
born. General Pervez Musharraf has a unique opportunity to design and build a
new structure on the ruins of the old in fulfillment of the dreams and aspirations
of the people of Pakistan. The West is pressing for early elections and return to
democracy, but it is axiomatic that elections alone do not a Political democracy
make. What the country needs is not early election, not a cosmetic change, but a
purifying, cleansing, surgical operation to purge the country of all corrupt
elements and robber barons, followed by urgent structural changes, institutional
reforms and measures to revive lost faith, in political institutions, the countrys
future, the Rule of Law; the sanctity of the ballot box; the electoral process and
the independence of Judiciary.
The recent history of China, South Korea, Taiwan and our own experience has
shown that it is not possible to generate economic growth and cross the poverty
line in an impoverished country without enlightened authoritarianism and that
only a strong hand can steer a poor country out of economic misery and chaos.
Many people in our part of the world have, therefore, great difficulty with the
doctrinaire American approach to the promotion of American democratic ideals
and what is called La pensee unique that is the American rooted ideology that
democracy is good for mankind everywhere and at all times because it is good
for America. While this may understandably seem apparent to most Americans,
the American experience hardly covers all social and economic scenarios
worldwide, and thus extrapolating it to all other situations is both nave and
hazardous. There is nothing in the stars that says that either the American model
of democracy or the British Westminster system of Parliamentary democracy is
uniquely suited to every place on the globe. I am not suggesting that we in
Pakistan are predisposed to live under an authoritarian government or that it is
encoded in our genes or embedded in our Islamic culture as Huntington would
have us believe or that we are otherwise unsuited to democracy. All I am saying
is that the obstacles to democracy must be removed first and the terrain made
hospitable for the evolution of a civil society. In Taiwan and South Korea,
democracy sprouted when per capita income reached about US $ 4000. China is
likely to surpass this level by the year 2015 and as Henry S. Rowen predicts
around that date we are likely to see the emergence of democracy in China. If,
therefore, it is correct that development engenders democracy, we in Pakistan
have to attain a certain minimum level of development first and then wait for a
critical mass of people with democratic principles, a high quality of leadership
and a democratic culture before we can hope to have a genuine democracy.
There is no other choice if we want to stop Pakistan from swinging between fake
democracy and naked dictatorship, going from one extreme to the other, as has
been the case throughout the troubled history of our country.
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after conquering all the commanding peeks, in a bid for total power, in two
hours of bungling and senseless confrontation with the army, Nawaz Sharif
ruined himself, his family and his party. Short while ago, we saw him at the top
of Fortunes wheel, his word a law to all and now surely he is at the bottom of
the wheel awaiting an uncertain future. It is not your enemies who did you in,
Mr. Nawaz Sharif, it is yourself. You have it all wrong, still and to this day. That
is why, it is not good-bye, Mr. Sharif. That is why it is good riddance.
My greatest misjudgment however, was of Benazir, now a fugitive from justice
living abroad in self-exile. Nature had given her a distinct advantage over all
other rulers of Pakistan. But with all her glamour, western education, natural
and inherited advantages and awesome power, she turned out to be a great
disappointment. When the history of her tenure, comes to be written the
contours of historical judgement are already emerging, she will be remembered
for destroying financial institutions, rampant corruption, loot and plunder,
widespread lawlessness, political vindictiveness and senseless confrontation
with the Superior judiciary and the President. I never had very high hopes of her
but I never realized that her top priority was corruption; that her performance
would be so poor and she would be such a disaster. Be this as it may, she
surprised friends and foes alike when she staged a comeback in 1993. Political
genius, said Bismarck, consists of hearing the distant hoofbeat of the horse of
history and leaning to catch the passing horseman by the coattails. Nobody not
endowed with this kind of genius could have accomplished what Benazir did.
She was prepared to sup with the devil if it could help her make a comeback.
This is exactly what she did. She bounced back, returned from the political
wilderness, out-manoeuvered both Ghulam Ishaq Khan and Nawaz Sharif, and
captured all the commanding peaks. That was undoubtedly her finest hour.
Earlier, at her darkest hour in 1988, when everything looked so bleak and she
was beginning to feel that she must doubt her lucky star, Providence intervened
and struck down her greatest enemy. I was reminded of the turning point in the
Seven Years War when Frederick the Great faced overwhelming odds against an
alliance of Russia, Austria and France. Frederick said, he would give up the fight
and commit suicide; addressing Frederick, Carlyle wrote his apt and dramatic
words in his History of Frederick the Great, Brave King! Wait yet a little while
and the days of your suffering will soon be over. Already the sun of your good
fortune stands behind the clouds, and soon it will rise upon you. Shortly
afterwards, the miracle had come to pass. Czarina Elizabeth of Russia,
Fredericks most deadly enemy, died. Her successor became an ally and
Frederick went on to victory. On August 17, 1988, at about 4:35 PM, Zia,
Benazirs worst enemy, died in the mysterious crash of his C-130 aircraft. It was
like the death of Czarina Elizabeth. With Zias death, the sun of Benazirs good
fortune which had been hidden behind the clouds, shone upon her. Benazir
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joined hands with Zias successor and went on to victory. Such are the weird
twists of history.
To Benazir, now marooned, discarded, discredited and rejected by her people, all
we say is:
Most gracious queen, we thee implore
to go away and sin no more
or if that effort be too great
to go away at any rate.
Others leaders in Pakistan had only one term in which to govern, but both
Benazir and Nawaz Sharif had the good fortune to receive a second opportunity,
and history will not forgive them for frittering this unique gift. Both had been in
the wilderness before, but had staged a comeback, although their pilgrimage
from the wilderness to the center of the arena had, as subsequent events
demonstrated, not been a very humbling experience.
What will the political landscape look like when the storm is over and the dust
has settled down? Will the sun of their good fortune rise upon Benazir and
Nawaz Sharif again? Or have they lost the mandate of Heaven forever, and are
they through as a political force and has the time come to write their political
obituary? It is too early to answer such questions. We have to wait and see. All
we know is that in this sad country no politician, no matter how corrupt, is
condemned forever.
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friends tell me that we have to swallow the IMF prescribed medicine because we
have no choice. Some of their recommendations are like a doctor stemming the
bleeding of your arm by stopping your heart. The IMF is the locomotive of
history. The best way to trigger a revolution and topple a government in a Third
World country is to dispatch an IMF team there and make sure that all its
recommendations are expeditiously implemented.
Economics is the dismal science as Carlyle described it. There is no longer an
ideological formula which purports to solve all the problems of society: hunger,
disease, illiteracy etc. The demise of communism has left an intellectual void and
there is no available theory to provide an easy answer to the dilemmas of society.
Deng Xiao Ping once used a parable to describe how we should run the economy:
Crossing the river by feeling the stones, one at a time. May be, we should for a
change, follow Dengs advice.
One thing is clear. Economic progress will never be sustainable without peace
and political stability. More than fifty years after its creation Pakistans quest for
a stable political order remains elusive. Since 1947, Pakistan has been racked by
instability and has been subjected to recurrent cycles of army rule, political
turmoil, civil strife and commotion. This is the root cause of all our problems.
Our woes are primarily political, not economic. Economic tribulations are only a
manifestation of the loss of faith by the people in their political institutions and
the future of the country. This has been the principal cause of the instability of
Muslim rule all over the world during the last 1400 years. The absence of an
agreed law of political succession inevitably led to uncertainty, civil wars, wars
of succession etc. Today Pakistan faces the same problem of orderly succession.
What is needed is a stable political system, based on the rule of law, that actually
brings genuine leaders to power. Pakistan will only come into its own when it
has a corruption-free, popularly elected stable government; a fiercely
independent and clean judiciary; rule of law not rule of man, sanctity of contract
and a de-politicized, highly professional civil service. Once such a system is in
place, economic progress and sustainable development will follow.
In the long run, no economic agenda has any chance of success unless
fundamental political issues are first resolved. Ayub Khan did not lose on the
economic front. In fact, his achievements on this front were quite impressive. He
lost because he misjudged the political crisis facing him and failed to respond to
the democratic aspirations of the people. Towards the end, he saw the entire
constitutional edifice crumbling before his eyes and all his reforms denounced.
In an effort to appease the opposition, he even agreed to demolish the basic
democracies system and revert to adult franchise. Too late. Nothing worked.
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A Year After
Dreams and Disappointments
Every now and then, I unburden myself of the things that weigh upon my spirit:
The sense of being in a blind alley, the perception of our collective guilt, the
knowledge of all that has been irrevocably lost. On the eve of the Army takeover
of October 12, I threw discretion to the winds, gave vent to my pent up feelings
and wrote, The state of things has been so insufferable that one longs for it to be
decided as it must be now, one way or another. Unfortunately, the tyranny of the
statusquo is too strong and only a crisis can produce a real change. Pakistan is
hungry for a person who will light a candle in the gloom of our morale; who has
a passion burning within him that will set our nation alight; who will be the
standard-bearer of the disenchanted; who can give voice to our humiliation; who
helps the nation recover its elan vital; who places country above self; who
restores the process of national revival; who gives the country a new agenda, one
that does not replace once set of corrupt leaders by another; who offers the
genuine hope of a new order to take us into a new millennium; who stitches the
country back together; whose heart is in the right place; whose hands are clean
and remain clean; who restores the rule of law; who protects the citizens honor,
person and property; a crusader again high level corruption, who will purge the
country of all corrupt elements-politicians, bureaucrats, both civil and military
and members of superior judiciary; who brings the guilty, those who stole the
Pakistan dream, to justice, who will bring back a sense of decency; who will raise
the people from the slough of despondency; who will restore the peoples faith in
themselves, their rulers, and above all in their country; who will, as Burke said,
tell the people not where they want to go but where they ought to go; who will,
as Mercier said, lance the poisoned carbuncle and clean the country of its mess
and who will seize the moment, give the country the lift of a driving dream,
and drag the nation to its feet again. This is of course, asking for the impossible.
But pursuing the impossible and asking for the impossible is one good definition
of a Revolution.
Is the dark long night about to end? And has the time come for us to leave the
valley of despair and climb the mountain so that we can see the glory of another
dawn? The darkest hour is just before the dawn and as generally happens in
history, it is at the darkest hour that a bright star arises when you had almost
given up hope. When a nation is in crisis, it needs a man to match the time. You
dont create such a man, you dont discover such a man. You recognize such a
man. The time cries out for leadership. Cometh the hour, cometh the man. The
hour will find the man who has the will and power to restore the Pakistan dream.
The people are anxiously scanning the horizon waiting to see if the cavalry will
come riding down the hill to restore the Pakistan dream.
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When the history of our benighted times comes to be written, it will be noted that
the Pakistan Army was the one institution which served the nation most
meritoriously in its hour of greatest need. It intervened t o save the country at the
darkest hour when we had almost given up hope. When General Pervez
Musharraf seized power on October 12, like millions of my compatriots, I
welcomed the change and heaved a sigh of relief. Our long national nightmare
was over. It was morning again in Pakistan. Pakistan had found its saviour in
General Musharraf. After the trauma of Nawaz Sharif, the emergence of General
Musharraf was widely regarded as an opportunity for a new start. Boundless
hopes and expectations were invested in the unsullied young military general.
For a brief ethereal moment, the country fell in love with him. His first address to
the nation was a welcome relief to a people torn apart by corrupt leadership,
rising crime wave and a sinking economy. His quiet dignity and lack of pretense
provided exactly the stabilizing force that people sought.
In popular perception, what happened on October 12, was not a coup but a
bloodless revolution triggered by a combination of factors including Kargil and
nomination of General Zia Uddin as Army Chief by Nawaz Sharif. A coup, as
every student of political science knows, is a seizure of power for power sake. It
does not aim at changing the social, economic, and political structures of a
society. It does not represent a threat to the elite and the corrupt, and most
important of all, the broad masses are indifferent to its success or failure. What
happened on October 12, was not a simple substitution of existing authority by
fresh authority. It sounded the death knell of a corrupt, rotten socio-economic
order. It was the expression of a revolution of expectations that had already
taken place in the minds of the people. It was the embodiment of their fears,
apprehensions, hopes and aspirations. That is why they welcomed it with tears
of joy in their eyes. They gave it their full support because they regarded it as the
Dawn of a new era. The old order represented by corrupt politicians had
collapsed and was dead and gone, or so we thought. General Musharraf now
had a unique opportunity to design and build a new structure on the ruins of the
old in fulfillment of the dreams and aspirations of the people of Pakistan. What
the people wanted was not a cosmetic change, but a purifying, cleansing,
surgical operation to purge the country of all robber barons - politicians, civil
servants, judges and Generals.
On October 12, General Musharraf assumed an awesome responsibility and
faced a daunting task. He had one big advantage; his accession to power was
hailed with jubilation and quite genuinely acknowledged as the only way out of
the mess left behind by Benazir and Nawaz Sharif. Now that he was in power, he
had to demonstrate to the people and the outside world that the assault on
democracy and suspension of the constitution was fully justified by his
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subsequent performance and that his military rule was qualitatively superior to
civilian rule. Unlike his democratic predecessors, he commanded absolute power
and had no excuses. There was no reason why he could not challenge and
demolish, brick by brick, the corrupt system he had inherited. Nothing could
prevent him from bringing about an egalitarian economic and social order.
Nothing prevented him from identifying himself completely with the poor
people of Pakistan who looked upon him as a messiah. They did not expect a
new heaven and a new earth but nothing prevented him from confronting their
main anxieties.
There is nothing more important to the success of an actor, it is said, than his
performance in his first scene and in his last. One shapes his character for the
entire play, the other the memories that the audience carries from the theatre.
The same applies in politics and other fields of leadership. The true significance
of the first year of a ruler is this. It is the most precious time in the life of a leader
to define who he is and what he is seeking to achieve through his leadership. In
those first twelve months, more than any other time in his tenure, he sets the
stage for his entire stewardship. The public judgement forms in a matter of
weeks and once formed, soon calcifies. By the end of the first twelve months, the
story of the new ruler takes shape in the public mind and it tends to remain in
that shape for a long time thereafter. Very rarely is he able to reinvent himself
later.
General Musharraf started out on the wrong foot. He made one fundamental
mistake. Every ruler needs a strong team. General Musharraf failed to create a
team that could govern or inspire confidence or trust. He slipped on one banana
peel after another. The shock over some of the key appointments he made and
the mediocrities he gathered round himself created a public narrative that will
plague him for the remainder of his tenure. When the choice was between a
competent man and a safe and inept man, he preferred a safe man.
As a new Chief Executive, especially one with so little time to prepare, General
Musharraf had to scramble just to get on top of the major issues. And because no
one else was incharge, his colleagues in the cabinet and the Security Council
were stepping all over each other, uncertain what their marching orders were;
playing by the seat of their pants. Conflict and confusion reigned. If a strong
Chief of Staff had been in place at the start, a lot of this confusion could have
been avoided.
As we approached the October 12 anniversary, the hopes raised on that day
dimmed and faded away. Even revolutions have a morning after. The
euphoria following the dismissal of Nawaz Sharifs government soon gave way
to the sobriety of the morning after. Unrealistically high expectations were
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durable system of rule, so that the person, property and honour of the people are
not periodically imperiled?
General Musharraf has only the briefest time to make his mark before his power
seeps away. Power is evanescent. It comes in a rush, but it also tends to
evaporate. He must hurry up. Time is not on his side and time will win.
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had ten children and is about to have another. She had so many that she did not
call them by their names; but referred to them as this little girl and that little
boy. Two small boys sans shoes were running about without a stitch on save
some ragged piece of clothing. Their feet were purple with cold - half-starved
children struggling in competition for less to eat then dogs get in well-to-do
houses in Karachi and Islamabad, living in hovels that are infinitely less
comfortable than the kennel. A sort of nameless dread pervades their atmosphere
and hangs over their heads. This sire, is the stuff that revolutions are made of.
Against the backdrop of this abject poverty, the best economic strategy can
sometimes be summed up in these words: just keep quite. That advice, however,
is anathema to people in power who seem to believe that the public will be
reassured by verbiage and statistical rigmarole. In such situations, silence is often
the most articulate message a ruler can send.
On accountability, General Musharraf said, though the process was slow, will
Pakistan collapse, if the process of accountability is not fast. Pakistan will
certainly not collapse but General Musharrafs credibility will definitely suffer
because it does raise serious doubts in the minds of the people when some
known corrupt politicians, judges and generals go untounched, raising serious
concerns that some are more equal than others and the accountability process is
selective and not transparent. In America, former US Congressman
Rostenkowski, Chairman of the House Ways and Means Committee, was
sentenced to seventeen months in prison for abusing his office and using
employees to mow the grass at his summer house and to take photographs at the
wedding of his daughter. When he stood up to hear the sentence, US District
Judge Norma Halloway rebuked him for he had violated the faith of his
constituents. You shamelessly abused your position Judge Norma said. Pretty
petty stuff, people thought and pretty unlikely behavior for a figure as powerful
and as capable of commanding support as Mr. Rostenkowski. But the case
against him turned out not to be petty. He goes to jail for having abused his
office. That is a flashing yellow light for every office holder, The New York
Times commented. When will our accountability courts convict holders of public
office for abusing their office and betraying the trust of their constituents and
send them to prison? That will be the finest hour of our judiciary and the
accountability bureau.
On law and order situation, General Musharraf said it could not be improved
by issuing mere statements. For improving law and order situation, we need to
improve the law enforcement agency. We have chalked out a strategy to improve
the police force but it needs Rs. 40 billions. We will have it done and demand of
them to deliver. He said nothing would work without the revival of the
economy, which alone was a battle winning factor. It is true that there can be no
peace and stability without economic progress; but equally, economic progress is
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not possible and will never be sustainable if the government fails to protect the
person, property, and honor of its citizens. And can such a state, which fails to
discharge this basic responsibility, no matter what its achievements on other
fronts, have a legitimate claim on the loyalty of its citizens? Isnt it ironic that a
military government has to spend an additional sum of Rs. 40 billions to enable
the police force to maintain law and order and control crime!
Pakistan was descending into chaos when the army intervened on October 12. Its
democracy was thoroughly corrupt, rotten to the core and neither representative
nor effective. It is a great tragedy, Bonaparte confided to Talleyrand after the
Fructidor coup, for a nation of 30 million inhabitants in the 18th century to have
to call on bayonets to save the state. What a melancholy reflection it is that in
Pakistan, a nation of 140 million inhabitants, the army had to intervene on the
eve of the 21st century to save it from its corrupt politicians!
Today, Pakistan is caught between a hard place and many rocks, with a nuclear
bomb in one hand and a beggars bowl in the other. These are times that try
mens souls and moments when love for your country overrides all other
considerations and calls for supreme sacrifice. We live in an age of midgets. The
public stage is filled by weak-kneed triflers, mountebanks and charlatans
begrimed with corruption. Pakistan is a case of failed leadership, not failed state.
Who among our leaders has the capacity to look out from the mountaintop,
foresee the trend lines of the future, and bend history to take us on a journey into
the future? Who has the capacity of seeing far ahead? Who among our leaders
understands the forces of History and has the capacity to move them in a
favorable direction and nudge history? Who could put together a new political
vessel to hold all the boiling discontent of a people increasingly disillusioned by
a succession of corrupt politicians? When will Pakistan ever catch the flood tide
of History?
General Musharraf is no crusader. He is no Tribune of the people. He is no
enemy of entrenched privilege. But he is well-meaning, sincere and what is most
important, his hands are clean. With all his limitations, he cannot fail. He must
not fail, because he has awakened too many expectations, too many dreams, too
many desires, too many hopes. I hope to God that when the time for him to leave
comes, he does not turn the nations car keys to those who robbed us of
everything, our past, our present, our future. They come asking for another
chance, another shot. Our answer? Never again. It is not the time for third
chances. It is time for new beginnings.
Politics, no less than nature, abhors a vacuum. I shudder to think what might
rush into the void when the army returns to the barracks. Today, it is the only
cohesive force, the only glue that is keeping the Federation together. Perhaps this
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is one of those moments when a mass movement might wrest the initiative from
the established political authorities and impose its own agenda on the nation.
Who might lead such a movement? Extraordinary times generate extraordinary
candidates, and in extraordinary profusion. One thing is clear. The mysterious
patience of our people in the face of adversity is showing signs of rubbing thin.
What will happen to the next generation if it all fails? Mao asked there may
be a foul wind and a rain of blood. How will you cope? Heaven only knows.
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by Justice Sajjad Ali Shah, delivered the famous land mark judgment in the
judges case which made the arbitrary appointment of inexperienced, ill-trained,
ill-qualified persons of doubtful integrity and party loyalists to the court almost
impossible. We all thought this decision was a major divide in the constitutional
jurisprudence of Pakistan and in the decisional philosophy of the Supreme Court.
It was hoped that it would fundamentally alter the character of the courts
business, the nature of its decisions and will help restore public confidence in its
independence and objectivity. On March 20, 1996, the relationship amongst the
three pillars of state shifted dramatically or so we thought. An era of deference
by the Supreme Court to the executive gave way to judicial independence, if not
judicial supremacy. A line had been drawn in our judicial history. The Supreme
Court on that day underwent a major transformation. It had altered its views on
a major constitutional issue and it had done so because it had been baptized in
the waters of public opinion. After years of subservience, the court was on its feet
and holding its head high. On March 20, 1996, the Supreme Court of Pakistan
was reborn. With the eighth amendment repealed; the President stripped of all
powers; and Parliament gagged, the only institution left to safeguard the citizens
civil liberties and check the arbitrariness of the executive was the Supreme Court.
All was not lost. There was hope for the country. Because, so long as there is a
judiciary marked by rugged independence, the citizens civil liberties are safe
even in the absence of cast iron guarantees in the constitution. But once the
judiciary becomes subservient to the executive and the philosophy of the party
for the time being in power, no enumeration of fundamental rights in the
constitution can be of any avail to the citizen, because the courts of justice would
then be replaced by government courts. The President may slip, Tocqueville
wrote in 1837, without the state suffering, for his duties are limited. Congress
may slip without the Union perishing, for above the Congress there is the
electoral body which can change its spirit by changing its members. But if ever
the Supreme Court came to be composed of corrupt or rash persons, the
Confederation would be threatened by anarchy or civil war.
Unfortunately, our euphoria did not last long. The Constitutional Revolution of
1996 and the excitement it generated reminded one of the Hungarian revolt of
1956 against Soviet occupation and how it was crushed by Soviet tanks while the
democracies of the world stood aside. On November 28,1997, the Supreme Court
of Pakistan was attacked by thugs organized and led by the Government.
General Jahangir Karamat, the Chief of the Army Staff, to whom an appeal had
been made by the Chief Justice for protection, stood aside and watched the fun.
On that day, the rule of law gave way to the rule of man. A day earlier, the Chief
of Army Staff accompanied the Prime Minister, Mian Nawaz Sharif, to the
Presidency along with DG ISI, the Speaker of the National Assembly and the
Law Minister to persuade the President to appoint Ajmal Mian as Chief Justice.
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The President resisted the pressure brought to bear upon him and resigned. The
time for verbal threats and bullying was now over. The time for the application
of the final solution had come. The attack on the Supreme Court was launched in
broad daylight. The Honourable Justices had to flee for life. The same day Chief
Justice Sajjad Ali Shah was forced to go on leave and then officially retired on
February 16,1998.
I know that I am treading on live cinders. What I say must in some respect offend
some persons. Nevertheless, I shall say all I think. November 28,1998 will go
down in the history of the Supreme Court as a day of infamy. No one raised his
little finger to protect the court. Supreme Court should be the barrier that
protects the citizens from the winds of evil and tyranny. If we permit it to be
desecrated or demeaned and it crumbles, who will be able to stand in the winds
that follow? But the unkindest cut of all, the cruellest blow, the coup de grace,
the finishing stroke was dealt not by the executive but by the Honourable judges
of the Quetta and Peshawar benches of the Supreme Court who took advantage
of the temporary absence of their Chief from the country and declared his
appointment illegal. Why blame Benazir or Nawaz Sharif only?
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there is nothing that can be done? They have a point, what is sad about Pakistan
is not that we have such a nasty habit of producing such corrupt leaders. That
happens all over the world. It is that we seem to have such difficulty getting rid
of them without simply replacing them with others.
October 12 was the best thing that could have happened to Pakistan. The most
striking thing about the inglorious fall of Nawaz Sharif was the utter
unpreparedness and suddenness of it all. There was a strange sense of unreality,
like living through a dream or a fairy tale. Things happened too fast for daily life
to stop and for people to take it all in. People fell in love with October 12. Just
imagine, there was a revolution in Pakistan and not a single drop of blood was
spilled. It was also said to be a single national act without opposition. October 12
expressed the spirit of the entire people. Pakistan had arisen. There was hope
for the country.
The fate of Pakistan is now in General Musharrafs hands. He is no crusader. He
is no Tribune of the people. He is a bourgeois liberal, albeit in uniform, incapable
of riding the storm of a peoples revolution. Isnt it a miracle that we have a ruler
whose hands are clean and money-making is not on his agenda? He has not
delivered all that he promised but he is making sincere efforts. In doing so, he
has made some avoidable mistakes and errors of judgment but the jury is still out
and we must await its verdict.
General Musharraf must guard against any dialogue with the dead. He should
have nothing to do with these wretched, corrupt, discredited groups of
opportunists, partners in crime and accomplices of Nawaz Sharif, all guilty by
association; people who abetted all his crimes when he looted and plundered the
country or assaulted the Supreme Court, stripped the President of all his powers,
gagged the Parliament and reduced civil servants to the level of domestic
servants. To those among them who have escaped the arm of Justice, and there
are quite a few, and want to stage a comeback through the back door, we say:
you are miserable bankrupts, your role is played out; you belong to the dead past;
you cannot be resurrected; go where you ought to go into the dustbin of
history. The country has so radically vomited up the corrupt past that it can
never crawl down the peoples throat again. You should thank your lucky stars
that the army handled you with gloves and saved you from the wrath of the
people. Unfortunately, the past is not dead. It is not even past. And ofcourse, it is
easy to forget that the past was once the future and to expose failures in foresight
with the benefit of hindsight. Today almost invariably misreads tomorrow,
sometimes grossly. Be that as it may, there are some constant factors which
would determine the future shape of things in Pakistan?
Briefly stated, these are:
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1.
2.
3.
4.
That the highest power our citizens, unrestrained by law, will continue to
reside where the coercive power resides.
5.
6.
That army is the only organized force which can protect our political
institutions. After all, who was there to defend the Supreme Court when it
was assaulted by goondas organized and led by a fascist government?
7.
And most important of all, that no political system has any chance of
survival if the army has no role in it and the pendulum will, therefore, go
on swinging from one extreme to the other as has been the case
throughout our troubled history.
Unless and until our politicians and the intelligentsia recognize the need to
cooperate with the army in the construction of a new constitutional order on the
ashes of the old, instability and uncertainty will continue and the army would
remain the only real protection against the threat of anarchy. Politics, as we all
know, is the art of the possible. Circumstances bring strange bedfellows together.
Acceptance of cohabitation by our political leadership would be a defining
moment in our political history, an act of realism, statesmanship, wisdom and
political maturity. Any other course would be fraught with dangerous
consequences for the very survival of the country. It is time to end the permanent
civil war among the people of Pakistan.
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On To The Summit
There is always a war between India and Pakistan. The difference is only
whether the guns are firing or not. Today the guns are silent but the war is on.
What animosities thrive under conditions of excessive proximity?
India has made a big mistake, Daniel Patrick Moynihan, the American
ambassador, told Indira Gandhi in May 1974. Here you were the No.1
hegemonic power in South Asia. Nobody was No. 2 and call Pakistan No. 3.
Now in a decades time some Pakistani General will call you up and say: I have
four nuclear weapons and I want Kashmir. If not, we will drop them on you and
we will all meet in heaven. And then what will you do. Prophetic words! Not
that any sane person in Pakistan will ever think of dropping nuclear bombs on
India for the sake of Kashmir. But the grim reality is that Kashmiris are up in
arms and Kashmir is on fire, while the armies of India and Pakistan, armed with
nuclear weapons, are facing each other across the line of control. The danger is
that a local conflict like Kargil, or any misstep, any wrong move, could trigger an
all out war any moment with disastrous consequences for both India and
Pakistan.
The Kashmir dispute reminds me of a couple who for years have suffered
through a bad marriage. They separated years ago but the divorce lawyers are
still working on the divorce deed. And the only unresolved issue is: who gets the
custody of the child. The limited wars we fought in Kashmir have achieved no
more than a defacto partition of the state. There is no guarantee that any further
conflict, more extensive and of greater intensity, and perhaps carried beyond the
borders of Jammu & Kashmir and Metropolitan India and Pakistan, would do
any better; and it might in the process destroy the very fabric of both the
countries.
Failing a general war, there are three possible solutions of the dispute.
First: Matters could be allowed to continue more or less as they are, with the
cease-fire line gradually evolving into a full acknowledged international border.
This is the form of solution toward which India would naturally incline.
Second: International arbitration or mediation. Although most of the western
countries are now firmly on the side of India and the international situation
could not be more favourable from their perspective, for some odd reason, this
too is not acceptable to India.
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Finally, there is the possibility of a compromise of sorts which could follow the
general lines indicated by Sir Owen Dixon in his suggestions for some kind of a
partition or break-up of the state by means of regional plebiscites. This too has
been a non-starter.
The clash of arms between China and India in late 1962 provided Pakistan with a
unique opportunity to force a Kashmir settlement. A Pakistani move at that
juncture, particularly with Chinese collaboration, might have brought on an
Indian debacle of the first magnitude. President Ayub, however, decided under
American pressure, not to exploit this opportunity. Instead, he agreed to begin a
fresh round of talks with the Indians on the whole question of the future of
Kashmir. Such talks were also then being urged by Duncan Sandys and Averall
Harriman on behalf of the British and American governments. They were both
advocating a formally negotiated partition of the State of Jammu & Kashmir (not
just the acceptance, with the occasional adjustment of the existing cease-fire line).
This is how the Pakistan side understood the Sandys proposal. The Indian
position, however, was that the cease-fire line, perhaps with very minor
alterations (generally in Indias favour) would be made the agreed Indo - Pak
international border. This was not what Sandys had in mind. India was, however,
determined to give no territory away which threatened its main line of
communication with the Eastern end of the old Northern Frontier: Whatever
happened it would have to retain absolute control over the route from Pathankot,
via Srinagar, Kargil and Leh to the front line of Sino - Indian confrontation in
Ladakh. This strategic and geographical consideration (now as in the past)
presents grave problems for any partition of the valley of Kashmir satisfactory to
both India and Pakistan.
Against this background, a marathon sequence of talks at a Ministerial level
between India and Pakistan began at Rawalpindi on December 27 - 29, 1962.
Swaran Singh led the Indian delegation. Pakistan was represented by Z. A.
Bhutto, now Foreign Minister. Solutions to the problem other than plebiscite
were considered seriously by the Pakistan side. India is said at one point to have
offered to cede to Pakistan all of the State of Jammu & Kashmir which Pakistan
then actually held with some small tracts of additional territory in Kashmir
Province and Poonch so as to straighten out the border, the first time it had
proposed to transfer to Pakistan any land which it actually held in the disputed
state. Pakistan refused. What it wanted was the bulk of the vale of Kashmir plus
Indian acceptance of both Azad Kashmir and Pakistan control over the Northern
Areas. Pakistan refused to accept any partition scheme which did not give it the
entire Chenab Valley in Jammu (cutting the Pathankot - Srinagar road, though it
was proposed to give India temporary transit rights through Jammu). India
rejected this suggestion which it did not consider to provide a lasting answer to
the problem of the Northern Frontier. A real chance of settlement, albeit a slight
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one, may have existed in late 1962 when Indian leaders were still shocked by
their defeat in the Himalayas by the Chinese. By the middle of 1963, however
even this chance had disappeared.
When the two sides met in January 1966 at Tashkent following an inconclusive
war, their bargaining positions were as far apart as ever. The Tashkent
Declaration did not deal with the Kashmir dispute other than to note its existence.
In effect, it suggested that the issue should be put into cold storage while other
more urgent problems were being solved. The people of Pakistan felt betrayed
and as a result of popular uprising Ayub was hounded out of office. No
Pakistani leader can survive if he is seen to lose Kashmir just as no Chinese
leader can survive if he is seen to lose Taiwan.
India forgot all about Kashmir (as did we) after it, with our help, broke Pakistan
in two and humiliated the Pakistan army. The Simla Agreement turned the
cease-fire line into a line of control which to all intents and purposes, became the
defacto border between India and Pakistan. The agreement studiously avoided
the problem of Jammu & Kashmir beyond the reference to the need to resolve by
peaceful means, the basic issues and causes of conflict. Henceforth, the
Kashmir dispute ceased to be an active territorial dispute between India and
Pakistan. During the entire Zia era, I dont remember having heard the word
Kashmir being mentioned in any meaningful manner in any cabinet meeting. We
were too preoccupied with Afghanistan.
The credit for resurrecting the dispute and putting it back on the front burner
and the international diplomatic scene goes to the people of Kashmir. They
refused to accept the statusquo and rekindled the whole issue with their blood. It
is now abundantly clear that in Kashmir India is faced with what can only be
described as a terminal colonial situation. India can barely hold its own in
Kashmir solely by the application of brute force only. The people resent their
presence and would not vote for the continuation of its control in any electoral
process that was remotely free and yet the massacre of innocent men, women
and children by the Indian security forces continues unabated. At some future
time there ought to be someone capable of writing about the suffering of the
Kashmiris without his hand shaking uncontrollably or his notepaper becoming
wet with tears. But that person will not be me.
In November 1943, Churchill told General De Gaulle, the Russian occupation of
(Eastern Europe) would not last. After the meal comes the digestion period. The
Indians have strong appetite but poor teeth and weak stomach and are, therefore,
having digestive problems in Kashmir. Indian occupation of Kashmir is the last
military occupation in the world and the occupied are merely demanding the
right to freedom and self-determination. The world has seen the collapse of the
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Roman empire; the Soviet empire; the British and French empires. How can the
Indian empire be an exception and survive history? Sooner or later, they will
have to quit Kashmir. Everything is against them - History is against them. The
people are against them. Terrain is against them. The rise of the Indian empire in
Kashmir is not an edifying story, its decline will be if it dissolves with dignity
and grace. But how many more innocent Kashmiri men, women and children
have to die before India realizes this?
Blissfully, India and Pakistan have agreed to walk through the door and take
their place at the negotiating table once again. There is reason to believe that the
leadership of both countries has developed the will to at least examine possible
solutions to the Kashmir problem by means short of outright war, even though
they might have very different views as to what would be the preferred
alternative. Destiny has brought Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee and
President Musharraf together. They have an historic opportunity to reverse
history and change the subcontinent. Both share this beautiful dream. Such
dreams come in a flash but the two leaders have to explore all avenues and leave
no stone unturned in order to make their dream come true. At the summit where
all decisions are reduced to yea and nay; where events transcend the faculties o f
men; where all is inscrutable, Vajpayee and Musharraf have to give the answers.
Theirs is the function of the compass needle. Right or left? Advance or retreat?
Quit or persevere? War or peace? These are the battlefields of Vajpayee and
Musharraf. The brunt of such supreme decisions and awesome responsibility
now rests upon them. Do they have the capacity to look out from the mountain
top foresee the trend lines of the future, and bend history to serve the interests of
their two countries and above all, the interests of the people of Kashmir. In a
more or less similar case, General De Gaulle went to Algeria; addressed the
people; told them he had heard their voice; returned to Paris; took a bold
decision in the teeth of opposition and allowed Algeria, part of mainland France,
to secede from the Republic. Can Vajpayee demonstrate such statesmanship and
provide such leadership? Compromise solutions satisfy nobody. There is need
sometimes to pick the hard right over the easy wrong. Can General Musharraf
sell it to the hard-liners?
Several years after the defeat of Nazi Germany, commenting on the tragedy of
Munich, Churchill wrote, It may well be here to set down some principles of
morals and actions which maybe a guide in the future. Those who are prone by
temperament and character to seek sharp and clear-cut solutions of difficult and
obscure problems; who are ready to fighthave not always been right. On the
other hand, those whose inclination is to bow their heads, to seek patiently and
faithfully for peaceful compromise, are not always wrong. On the contrary, in the
majority of instances they may be right, not only morally but from a practical
standpointthese are the tormenting dilemmas upon which mankind has
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vanity. Politics in Pakistan are defined by a high level of energy, with sterile
results. Here we have pocketbook liberals, concerned only with their short term
profits. With fragmented politics, corrupt politicians, a privatized civil service,
weak institutions, political stability is unattainable and army intervention
inevitable.
General Musharraf faces a daunting task. He is trying to cleanse the stains of the
Nawaz Sharif and Benazirs years. To paraphrase Churchill, those were the years
that the locusts had eaten. A great divide, a yawning chasm - some call it a new
iron curtain separates the poor from the rich. In fact they live on two different
planets. While life at the top gets cushier, millions of jobless people and those at
the bottom of the social ladder are forced to resort to crime, drugs and vagrancy
merely to survive. My doctor friends tell me grim stories of hordes of desperately
poor people, in urgent need of medical treatment, who can not afford to buy life
saving medicines. Anyone who does not see the suffering of the poor escalating
to a boiling point must be blind. The farmer casts an eye to the sky and wonders
about the weather. People who live near a volcano look for the first wisp of
smoke. City dwellers look for similar telltale signs a broken window, a spate of
murders, what does it all mean? What? I dread the thunderous eruption of the
volcano. When will the closed horizon burst asunder? And when will a gap of
light open in the dark existence of our people? Will justice ever come down from
heaven like a dazzling fairy vision?
The army intervened on October 12, because the politicians had screwed up.
Some thing had gone terribly wrong. Some times, once in a long while, you get a
chance to serve your country. General Musharraf has that chance today. He must
not walk away from the commitment he made to the people of Pakistan on
October 12. But the lesson of history is that by itself, no army, no matter how
strong, has ever rescued a country from internal disorder, social upheaval or
prevented its disintegration. No army was more powerful than the Red army
which faced the full might of the Wehrmacht, chased it all the way to Berlin and
smashed it to pieces but this mighty army could not prevent the demise of Soviet
Union, a Super power not too long ago which, thanks to unworthy successors of
Lenin and Stalin, has now become the laughing stock of the capitalist world.
The army must return to the barracks as soon as possible, but not before it has
extinguished the fire; not before it has sorted out those who looted and
plundered this poor country; and not before it has put the country back on
course.
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Democracy In America
On the morning of May 11th, 1831, two young men walked down the gangplank
of the steamer President from Providence, just berthed at Cortlandt Street at the
foot of Manhattan. They were remarkable young men but not many of their
fellow passengers had remarked upon their landing in America. They had come
on an official mission for their government in France. At the moment they were
tired; they had been so eager to see America that they had hardly slept since first
sighting the shores of Long Island. The two young men, Alexis de Tocqueville
and Gustave de Beaumont, were French noblemen and their official mission was
to study the prison system in America. After completing their official mission,
they decided to follow their principal purpose in coming to America, the analysis
of democracy as a working principal of society and of government.
I confess, Tocqueville wrote in his book Democracy in America, that in
America I saw more than America; I sought there the image of democracy itself,
with its inclinations, its character, its prejudices, and its passions, in order to
learn what we have to fear or to hope from its progress.
Tocqueville wrote with an uncanny feeling for the grand currents of history and
with a wholesome sense of how much and how little we can deflect those
currents. He alerted his own and later generations to the risks that would come
with the promise of the New World. Like other classics of political thought, what
Tocqueville wrote has a ring of prophecy.
Why the Americans are so restless in the midst of their prosperity? Tocqueville
asked. A native of the United States, he wrote, clings to this worlds goods as if
he were certain never to die. He clutches everything, he holds nothing fast, but
soon loosens his grasp to pursue fresh gratifications. In the United States a man
builds a house in which to spend his old age, and he sells it before the roof is on;
he plants a garden and lets it just as the trees are coming into bearing; he brings a
field into tillage and leaves other men to gather the crops; he embraces a
profession and gives it up; he settles in a place which he soon afterwards leaves
to carry his changeable belongings elsewhere. If his private affairs leave him any
leisure, he instantly plunges into the vortex of politics, and he will travel 1500
miles in a few days just to shake off his happiness. Complaints are made in
France that the number of suicides is on the increase; in America suicide is rare,
but insanity is said to be more common than anywhere else!
How did Tocqueville view the office of the President? The President of the
United States, it is true, is the Commander in- Chief of the army, Tocqueville
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wrote, but the army is composed of only 6000 men, he commands the fleet, but
the fleet reckons but few sail, he conducts the foreign relations of the Union, but
the United States is a nation without neighbours. Separated from the rest of the
World by the ocean, and too weak as yet to aim at the dominion of the sea , it has
no enemies, and its interests rarely come into contact with those of any other
nation of the globe. Hitherto, no citizen has cared to expose his honor and his life
in order to become the President of the U.S., because the power of the office is
temporary, limited and subordinate. The prize of fortune must be great to
encourage adventurers in so desperate a game. No candidate has at yet been able
to arouse the dangerous enthusiasm or the passionate sympathies of the people
in his favour, for the simple reason that when he is at the head of the
Government, he has but little power, little wealth, and little glory to share among
his friends, and his influence in the state is too small for the success or the ruin of
a faction to depend upon his elevation to power!
When the National Convention met in Philadelphia with George Washington as
its President, a deliberate decision was taken to create a weak and subordinate
executive power, which could without danger be made elective. The nation
possessed, in the words of Tocqueville, two of the main causes of internal peace;
it was a new country, but it was inhabited by a people grown old in the exercise
of freedom. Besides America had no hostile neighbour to dread; and the
American legislators profiting by these favourable circumstances created a weak
Presidency.
It then remained for them only to choose the least dangerous of the various
modes of election. Their object was to find the mode of election that would best
express the choice of the people with the least possible excitement and suspense.
It was admitted, in the first place, that simple majority should decide the point,
but the difficulty was how to obtain this majority without an interval of delay,
which was most important to avoid. The means by which it was proposed to
overcome this obstacle was to delegate the electoral powers of the nation to a
body that should represent it. It then remained to be decided whether this right
of election was to be entrusted to the legislature itself, the ordinary
representatives of the nation, or whether a special Electoral College should be
formed for the sole purpose of choosing a President. The Americans chose the
latter alternative from a belief that those who were chosen only to make the laws
would represent but imperfectly the wishes of the nation in the election of its
Chief Magistrate; and that as they are chosen for more than a year, the
constituency they represented might have changed its opinion in that time. It
was thought that if the legislature was empowered to elect the head of the
executive power, its members would, for some time before the election, be
exposed to the maneuvers of corruption and the tricks of intrigue; whereas the
special electors would, like a jury, remain mixed up with the crowd till the day of
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election when they would appear for a moment only to give their votes. It was
therefore determined that every state should name a certain number of electors,
who in turn should elect the President; and as it had been observed that the
assemblies to which the choice of the Chief magistrate had been entrusted in
elective countries inevitably became the centers of passion and Cabal; that they
sometimes usurped powers which did not belong to them; and that their
proceedings, or the uncertainty which resulted from them, were sometimes
prolonged so much as to endanger the welfare of the state , it was determined
that the electors should all vote the same day without being convoked to the
same place. This double election rendered a majority probable, though not
certain, for it was possible that the electors might not, anymore than their
constituents, come to an agreement. In that case it would be necessary to have
recourse to one of three measures , either to appoint new electors , or to consult a
second time those already appointed , or to give the election to another authority.
The first two of these alternatives , independently of the uncertainty of their
results, were likely to delay the final decision and to perpetuate an agitation
which must always be accompanied with danger. The third expedient was
therefore adopted, and it was agreed that the votes should be transmitted sealed
to the President of The Senate, and that they should be opened and counted on
an appointed day in the presence of the Senate and the House of
Representatives .If none of the candidates has received a majority , the House of
Representatives, then proceeds immediately to elect the President, but with the
condition that it must fix upon one of the three candidates who have the highest
number of votes in the electoral college. But the decision of the question by the
House of Representatives does not necessarily offer an immediate solution of the
difficulty , for the majority of the assembly may still be doubtful, and in that case
the constitution prescribes no remedy. The House of Representatives,
Tocqueville observed, has only twice exercised its constitutional privilege of
deciding in cases of uncertainty; the first time was at the election of Mr. Jefferson
in 1801; the second was in 1825, when Mr. J. Quincy Adams was named. These
were the questions that awaited the great men whom the American Revolution
had thrown up. George Washington was the President of the Convention n and it
included some of the finest minds and the noblest characters like Madison,
Hamilton and the two Morrisses that had ever appeared in the New World.
The Electoral College was designed at the founding of the country to help one
group, white southern males. James Wilson of Pennsylvania proposed direct
election of the President. But James Madison of Virginia worried that such a
system would hurt the south, which would have been outnumbered by the north
in a direct election system. The creation of the Electoral College got around that.
It was part of the deal that southern states , in computing their share of electoral
votes, could count slaves (albeit with a two-fifths discount) who of course were
given none of the privileges of citizenship. Virginia emerged as the big winner,
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with more than a quarter of the electors needed to elect a President. A free state
like Pennsylvania got fewer electoral votes even though it had approximately the
same free population. The constitutions pro-southern bias quickly became
obvious. For 32 of the constitutions first 36 years a white slaveholding Virginian
occupied the Presidency .Thomas Jefferson won the election of 1800 against John
Adams from Massachusetts in a race in which the slaverys skew of the electoral
college was the decisive margin of victory. The systems sex bias was also
obvious. Ina direct presidential election any state which chose to enfranchise its
women would have automatically doubled its clout. Under the electoral college
system, however, a state had no special incentive to extend suffrage- each got a
fixed number of electoral votes, regardless of how many citizens were allowed to
vote.
Today the President of the United States is the most powerful Chief Executive in
the world. The Primary electors have long since circumvented the founding
fathers constrictive device. They have respected the letter but have overridden
the spirit of the Constitution. The scaffolding interposed between the primary
electors and the presidency has been removed. The electors have reduced the
institutional functions of the Electoral College to nullity by binding over the
members of the College in advance, as a condition of their being elected, to
execute a mandate that the electors imposed upon them. The Electoral College
was turned long ago into a superfluous cog in the wheel of electoral procedure
and the virtual elimination of the electoral college is by now such ancient history
that, in a normal election , the very existence of the electoral college is forgotten..
A combination of unusual circumstances, however, brought the College to light
for a moment in the course of the presidential election of 1960 and the electorate
were then amazed and amused to learn that, on this occasion, the Electoral
College might prove to be something more than a cipher.
How would the founding fathers have reacted to the bizarre drama unfolding
itself in the Presidential election of 2000?It is an event in history that we can now
say that we watched. The Americans voted for their next President on Tuesday
7th November, and believe it or not , we still do not know who won! America
holds its breath. The people, as President Clinton aptly remarked, have spoken
but the nation has yet to figure out what they said. The world watched, the
world waited, the world was extremely puzzled. Here was the most powerful
country on earth in suspended animation: In the age of the Internet, in the age of
instant information, the race between Al Gore and George. W. Bush was frozen
by a laborious manual recount involving a few thousand votes. To make matters
worse, as many as 19000 votes might be excluded from the count on the ground
that they were double-punched because the voters were confused by the
deceptive layout of the ballot papers. In Third World countries, where election
irregularities and turmoil are common and counting of votes always a long
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process, people wonder how this could happen in America. How could a country
with economic , political and cultural clout in the farthest reaches of the globe be
plunged into an electoral limbo?
Before concluding his analysis of Democracy in America, Tocqueville said, Let
us not turn to America in order slavishly to copy the institutions she has
fashioned for herself but in order that we may better understand what suits us.
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the outdated 1937 anti-corruption law and widened the definition of gratuity to
include any thing of value. The amendment gave wide powers to investigators,
including arrest and search and investigation of bank accounts and bank books
of suspected persons, and their wives, children or agents. It became unnecessary
to prove that the person who accepted a bribe was in a position to carry out the
required favour. The existing law that the evidence of an accomplice was
unworthy of credit, unless corroborated, was changed to allow the judge to
accept the evidence of an accomplice. The most effective change made in 1960
was to allow the courts to treat proof that an accused was living beyond his
means or had property his income could not explain as corroborating evidence
that the accused had accepted or obtained a bribe.
High profile cases made the headlines. One of Lees ministers was Wee Toon
Boon. He took a free trip to Indonesia for himself and his family members, paid
for by a housing developer on whose behalf he made representations to civil
servants. He also accepted a bungalow worth S$500,000 from this developer and
took two over drafts totaling S$300,000 in his fathers name against the personal
guarantee of the developer to speculate in shares. He was charged, convicted and
sentenced to four years and six months in jail
Lee had inherited a thoroughly corrupt administration in which customs officers
would receive bribes to speed up the checking of vehicles smuggling in
prohibited goods. Personnel in the central supplies office provided information
on tender bids for a fee. Officers in the import and export department received
bribes to hasten the issue of permits. Contractors bribed clerks to allow shortpiling. Public health laborers were paid by shopkeepers and residents to do the
job of clearing refuse. Principals and teachers received commission from
stationery suppliers. There were temptations everywhere. For example, the first
official contacts foreigners entering Singapore made were immigration and
customs officers. At the airport, travellers found themselves delayed at customs
clearance until a suitable inducement was forthcoming. Lee found the same
tiresome practice among traffic police; when stopped for alleged speeding,
drivers had to hand over their driving licenses together with the ongoing rate in
dollars to avoid further action. Even hospital admission after a traffic accident
needed a bribe to get prompt attention. Lee rolled up his sleeves, attacked these
organized rackets, hammer and tongs, and cleaned them up. When the countries
of East Asia from South Korea to Indonesia were devastated by the financial
crisis in 1997,corruption and cronyism aggravated their woes. Singapore
weathered the crisis better because there was no corruption and cronyism that
had cost the other countries many billions in losses.
The Singapore of today, a bastion of meritocracy, is Lees testament. He
transformed what was a poor, decrepit colony into a shining, rich and modern
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metropolis. Annual per capita income has grown from less than $1,000 at the
time of independence to nearly $30,000 Todays safe, tidy, corruption-free
Singapore bears the stamp of Lees personality. He is probably the only world
statesman who, after leaving office, finds an open door to any head of state and
government anywhere in the world.
Experience, writes Lee Kuan Yew Shows that it is easy to start off with high
moral standards, strong convictions and determination to beat down corruption.
But it is difficult to live up to these good intentions unless the leaders are strong
and determined enough to deal with all transgressors and without exception
General Musharraf started off on a good footing. When he took over, great
expectations were aroused that he would lance the poisoned carbuncle, purge
the country of all corrupt elements, especially the holders of public office, mete
out exemplary punishments, make a horrible example of the rotten big fish and
then make a fresh beginning. Ruthless accountability was once on top of his
agenda. Today, instead of carrying out a quick surgical operation, the
accountability bureau is busy making clandestine deals with enemies of the
people-arch criminals who pillaged this poor country in broad daylight, making
a mockery of the entire accountability process. What would become of public
safety, said Frederick the Great if we punished commoners and excused
noblemen. Firing a few officials and recovering an insignificant amount of the
loot from a few politicians is about as effective as swatting a few mosquitoes in a
swamp. Has the country gained anything from these deals? I am not too sure.
But General Musharraf blew a golden opportunity and lost the high moral
ground he once occupied. The real loser is the country. I have a presentiment of
sorts that all these people will survive General Musharraf, return to power
sooner than we imagine and resume their unfinished agenda of loot and plunder.
Over the next few years, like Marcos cronies and immediate family, some would
tiptoe back into the country one by one-always to the publics revulsion and
disgust. Others hope to return triumphantly with flags flying and drums beating,
showing that there was nothing that hidden, ill gotten money and thick hides
could not withstand. Time, I am afraid, is on their side and time will win.
How did the Singapore miracle come about? When we started in 1959 Lee
wrote, We knew little about how to govern or how to solve our many economic
and social problems. All we had was a burning desire to change an unfair and
unjust society for the better.... I sought out able men and placed them in positions
of authority to administer an honest, efficient system and be responsive to the
needs of the people Lee goes on to say My experience of development in Asia
has led me to conclude that we need good men to have good government.
However, good the system of government, bad leaders will bring harm to their
people. On the other hand, I have seen several societies well governed in spite of
poor systems of government, because good, strong leaders were in charge. I have
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also seen many of the over 80 constitutions drafted by Britain and France for
their former colonies come to grief, and not because of flaws in the constitutions.
It was simply that pre-conditions for a democratic system of government did not
exist. General Musharraf should concentrate on creating these pre-conditions
before he calls it a day. That will be his greatest service to Pakistan. He secured a
certain Darwinian political legitimacy for himself on October 12. But to rule
effectively he must now find moral authority.
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140 years later, on Christmas Eve, the Soviets followed the British example,
invaded Afghanistan and assassinated Hafeez Ullah Amin. In the early hours
following Amins death, Kabul radio broadcast a message from Babrak Karmal
announcing the formation of a new government under his leadership. The
Soviets, it now appears, invaded Afghanistan, not out of a desire to drive to the
Indian Ocean, but out of a fear of a U.S. supported Afghan Tito.
It all started on April 12, 1977 when Sardar Daoud clashed directly with
Brezhnev during a Moscow visit that helped to set the stage for the climactic
events to follow. Recalling this encounter, Abdul Samad Ghaus, the deputy
foreign minister and Daouds long-time confidant, writes that the Soviet leader
objected to what he called a considerable increase in the number of experts from
NATO countries working in Afghanistan. In the past, Brezhnev said, the Afghan
government did not allow experts from NATO countries to be stationed in the
northern parts of the country, but this practice was no longer followed. The
Soviet Union took a grim view of these developments and wanted the Afghan
government to get rid of these experts who were nothing more than spies. A chill
fell on the room. Some of the Russians seemed visibly embarrassed In a cold,
unemotional voice Daoud told Brezhnev that what was just said could never be
accepted by Afghans who viewed his statement as a flagrant interference in the
internal affairs of Afghanistan Daoud said, and I remember clearly his exact
words: we will never allow you to dictate to us how to run our country and
who to employ in Afghanistan. How and where we employ foreign experts will
remain the exclusive prerogative of the Afghan State. Afghanistan shall remain
poor, if necessary but free in its acts and decisions. After saying this, Ghaus
concludes, Daoud and all the Afghans present abruptly stood up and were
starting to walk out when Brezhnev, rising from his chair with difficulty
hurried after him. Reminding Daoud of his request for a private conversation,
the Soviet Leader offered to meet whenever convenient for you. Daoud replied,
in a clear, loud voice for all to hear, I wish to inform your Excellency that there
is no longer any need for that meeting. That sealed the fate of Daoud and
launched Brezhnev on his perilous intervention in Afghanistan. According to one
study the Soviet dead and missing in Afghanistan amounted to almost 15,000
troops. Far more telling were 469, 685 other casualties, fully 73% of the overall
force, who were wounded or incapacitated by serious illness. Some 415, 932
troops fell victim to disease. Like the United States in Vietnam, the Soviet
militarys inability to win the Afghan war decisively brought home the negative
aspects of the war: battlefield deaths, POWs and MIAs (missing in action)
wounded veterans, mentally and physically ill veterans and veterans with drug
addiction veterans from Afghan war, all conscripts, rotated back home at
periodic intervals, which permitted the travails, frustrations, self-doubts and
horror stories of the common soldiers to be shared by the entire population.
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Once again dark clouds of war hover over Afghanistan. I was in Washington on
September 11 and was shocked to see, on television, the terrible human tragedy
in which thousands of innocent men and women lost their lives. Nobody can
justify or condone a crime of such unparalleled magnitude. We understand
Americas anger and we share its grief and pain but on September 20, as we
listened to President George W. Bushs wartime rhetoric and wild west allegories
at a friends house in Washington, we held our breath. When he finished, the
spontaneous reaction of all those present was that President Bush had virtually
declared war on the entire Islamic world. Within days of the tragic occurrence
and in anticipation of the result of investigation, Osama Bin Laden, living
somewhere in the remote, innermost recesses of mountainous Afghanistan, was
identified as the prime suspect. And then the entire might of the United States
was mobilized to capture him, dead or alive, and topple the Taliban government
who harbour him. Why this display of such overwhelming military force? Where
do you send an aircraft carrier to encounter an invisible enemy? How many F-16s
does it take to capture a single terrorist in Afghanistan? What good does it do to
invade an impoverished Third World Country already devastated by decades of
war? Who is nave enough to think that the possible capture of Osama Bin Laden
will do more than satisfy the need for someone to punish? One man, one martyr,
and thousands more to take his place. The US display of overwhelming military
power will only further infuriate those already burning the Stars and Stripes in
the streets of Peshawar, Quetta, Gaza or wherever. And an invasion into
Afghanistan will only bring tragedy in its wake. American soldiers entering
Afghanistan will only revive tragic memories of similar interventions by the
British army of the Indus and the Red Army of Soviet Union. Clearly the United
States must act but how? It must not let its need for revenge blur its judgement,
for the rage of a wounded giant can be irrational, its direction unpredictable. But
surely, the consequences of its decisions will affect us all.
We in Pakistan are worried about what may happen next. I find it difficult to
understand people claiming that all-out assault against the Taliban would work.
The argument goes that the people of Afghanistan have been reduced to such a
pitiful state that they would rise against the monsters who rule them. I happen to
think thats wrong. People in the west are being told day in and day out that
Afghans have good reason to hate their rulers - specially the women. They have
been treated diabolically humiliated, denied education etc. All that and much
more makes it tempting to assume that the Afghans will unite with the
invading force. When bombs begin to fall, the people beneath them tend not to
thank the bombers; they rally to their leaders whoever they may be. It might be
possible to topple the Talibans. But even if they were defeated, the Talibans and
their supporters would not simply disappear. The Americans can not kill them
all. These are men who fought to gain power and would fight to retain it.
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In the end, the Americans will, of course, do what they will do. But people in
Pakistan, if they are to help and assist the Americans in their adventure in a
neighboring Muslim country, are entitled to ask some serious questions. Is
Osama Bin Laden really guilty? Where is the evidence of his guilt and where is
the smoking gun? Is the war really necessary? And how does Talibans refusal to
surrender Osama Bin Laden, presumed innocent until proven guilty, justify
invading and bombing the most devastated, ravaged, starvation - haunted, tragic
and sad country in the world, raped and eviscerated by the Russian army for ten
years, abandoned by its friends, about to be attacked by its erstwhile friend, the
surviving super power.
Americas Arab allies had been warning for months that anti-US feeling has been
rising, fueled, as Palestinian casualties have mounted, by the Arab belief that an
American hands-off approach to the conflict was encouraging Israel to crush the
Intifada. Indeed, in June of this year Crown Prince Abdullah of Saudi Arabia
warned that the lack of western action could lead to a wave of terrorist attacks in
despair at US policies. He called off a visit to the White House well before
September 11. Egypt and Jordan had been arguing vigorously that the US in it
own interest should contain popular anger in the Arab world by a more involved
and more even-handed approach. Given the powerful Israeli lobby in congress
this will not be easy but on it much depends.
When I returned to London on September 23, I noticed that a debate had begun
in Europe over whether the inconsistencies of US foreign policy and its sheer
weight of dominance in the world mean that resentment of the US and even, in
extreme cases, hatred are inevitable. Their view is that the US has been
confronted with a sobering reality and that it must try to understand. For these
critics, Americans are viewed as now facing unsurprising retaliation from an
important part of the Islamic world that considers the US to have declared war
on its Faith.
The arguments are sometimes simple America should expect war in return for
bombing Iraq regularly, for example.
European writers and intellectuals have pointed to a catalog of actions that
include the bombing of one of Sudans pharmaceutical factories on the
challenged ground that it was linked to Osama Bin Laden. They have also cited
US aid to Israel to buy weapons used against Palestinians.
Mathew Paris, a former conservative party member of the British Parliament
wrote in the Times of London: do they not know that when you kill one Osama
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Bin Laden you sow 20 more? Playing the worlds policemen is not the answer to
that catastrophe in New York. Playing the worlds policemen is what led to it.
One hears other voices in Europe that pointed to Bin Ladens various enemies,
not just the US but also the autocratic Islamic governments in the Middle East
that Washington supports.
We in Pakistan are concerned that fighting in Afghanistan could so destabilize a
divided Pakistan that its rulers will have power seized from them by extremist
factions within the country. To the White House and its international allies, the
single most important thing, President Musharraf can do right now is to stay in
power. The Americans must not, in their own interest and in the interest of peace
in the region, place too heavy a burden that President Musharraf can not carry.
These are some of the suggestions that US should consider as it formulates its
policy of retaliation for the terrible attacks of September 11. If terrorism is to be
crushed, America must fashion a mindset to find an approach that begins to
address the roots of the problem.
Speaking in an interview with a Russian newspaper (August 14) President
Musharraf said that Taliban were a dominant reality in Afghanistan, and the
international community should engage rather than isolate them. He felt that
sanctions on Talibans are not a solution to the Afghan problem, and one-sided
arms embargo is a sure recipe to prolong the civil war. He added that the
Northern Alliance was receiving generous supplies of arms which will
encourage it to seek a military solution. We feel, he said, that political
engagement coupled with economic incentives would lay the foundations of a
durable piece in Afghanistan. It must have been one of the most painful
decisions of President Musharrafs life to reverse this sound policy which
enjoyed overwhelming support in the country. We all share his pain and anguish.
Circumstances beyond his control had placed him in an unenviable position. It is
certainly not a matter of pride or gratification, as some would like us to believe,
that we succumbed to outside pressure and allowed the use of our facilities
against a neighboring Muslim country which, it is worth recalling, did not stab
us in the back when we were at war with India. But as the Athenians told the
intractable Melians long ago, the strong do what they can and the weak suffer
what they must.
One hopes and prays that President Bush is not as badly served by his advisors,
as Lord Auckland and Brezhnev were in dealing with the problems of
Afghanistan. In fairness to Auckland it must be said that, unlike Brezhnev and
President Bush, he had to contend with all the additional hazards which
encompass the pioneer.
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Pakistan is caught between a hard place and many rocks. These are times that try
mens souls and moments when love for ones country overrides all other
considerations and calls for supreme sacrifice.
At this time all those who see the perils of the future must draw together and
take resolute measures to secure our safety. Let us make sure that we ride out
any storm that may blow with reasonable hope of coming safely into port.
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The reason why I wanted to meet you is that I wanted to say a few words to you
who are occupying very important positions in the administration of Pakistan,
said Mr. Jinnah in an informal talk to civil servants in Government House
Peshawar in April 1948. Governments are formed, governments are defeated.
Prime Ministers come and go, ministers come and go, but you stay on and,
therefore, there is a very great responsibility placed on your shoulders. You
should have no hand in supporting this political party or that political party, this
political leader or that political leader this is not your business. Whichever
government is formed according to the constitution and whoever happens to be
Prime Minister, coming into power in the ordinary constitutional course, your
duty is not only to serve that government loyally, faithfully, but at the same time
fearlessly, maintaining your high reputation, your prestige, your honor and the
integrity of your service.
From 1947 to 1951, Pakistan was ruled by a civilian leadership, namely, Mr.
Jinnah and his successor, Liaquat Ali Khan, under a system of representative
government, assisted by civil servants who effectively controlled the
administration both at the center and in the provinces. Mr. Jinnahs personal
authority was supreme and unchallenged. It was reinforced by constitutional
powers vested in the Governor General under the Government of India Act 1935
and Indian Independence Act 1947. Notably section 9 of the Indian
Independence Act 1947 invested the Governors General of the successor
governments with virtually unlimited powers to amend the constitution by a
simple decree. At the time of partition, Mr. Jinnah was a very sick man and in no
condition to attend to the hurly-burly of the crisis-ridden affairs of the Pakistan
State in those difficult days. All such matters were, therefore, left in the hands of
Liaquat Ali Khan, the Prime Minister of Pakistan. Nevertheless, no major
decisions were taken or could be taken without Mr. Jinnahs approval. When
some disaffected members of the Constituent Assembly complained about being
by-passed on some matters of great importance, the Prime Minister, Liaquat Ali
Khan, told the assembly: under the present constitution, the man who has been
vested with all powers is the Governor General. He can do whatever he likes.
On the premise that Pakistan would encounter insurmountable problems in
setting up the new state in the chaotic conditions that attended partition, it was
decided that an official controlling the entire government machinery, working
directly under Mr. Jinnah as Governor General, was needed for coordination and
speedy decisions. Chaudhri Muhammad Ali was, therefore, appointed as
Secretary General, a very able officer with long experience in the Finance
Department of the Government of India, a man of prodigious energy and hard
right wing views. By a cabinet resolution, the Secretary General was given the
right to direct access to all the secretaries and all the files. To reinforce his
position, Chaudhri Muhammad Ali set up a planning committee (as distinct
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dissolved the parliament with a nod from the military and assumed full powers.
The Governor Generals illegal act was given semblance of legitimacy by the
superior judiciary under the dubious doctrine of necessity. Ghulam
Muhammad then appointed a new cabinet. Muhammad Ali Bogra continued as
Prime Minister. Chaudhri Muhammad Ali was asked to carry on as Finance
Minister. And the biggest surprise of all surprises, General Ayub Khan,
Commander-in-Chief of the Pakistan Army, became defence minister although
he retained his position as Commander-in-Chief of the army. Iskandar Mirza, the
defence secretary, Pakistans eminence grise, became the Minister of Interior.
They called themselves the Ministry of all Talents which essentially represented
the power of the military-bureaucratic oligarchy now ruling Pakistan. Initially,
the army was a junior partner but its power and influence increased rapidly
through the 1950s. Ghulam Muhammad then turned to General Ayub Khan to
take over power in the name of the army. Ayub Khan declined. He had his own
plans and his own timetable and could afford to wait.
Failing to obtain a positive response from Ayub Khan, Ghulam Muhammad had
little option but to restore parliament which was summoned in July 1955. A new
constituent assembly and parliament was elected on an indirect basis by the
provincial assemblies as before. The new assembly began the business of framing
a constitution, a task which was completed in 1956. Iskandar Mirza, a powerful
member of the military bureaucratic oligarchy, was elected the first President
of the Republic of Pakistan under the new constitution.
With the framing of the constitution, the demand for holding the muchpostponed general elections grew in intensity and the pace of events quickened.
The strategy developed by the oligarchy was to preempt the elections by
dismissing the parliament and abolishing the constitution with the active
support of General Ayub Khan. On October 8, 1958, President Iskandar Mirza
declared Martial Law, abrogated the 1956 constitution, and dismissed the central
and provincial assemblies. Mirza continued as the President of Pakistan. Ayub
Khan was designated Chief Martial Law Administrator. Mr. Aziz Ahmed, a
senior civil servant, was designated as Deputy Chief Martial Law Administrator.
The coup dismantled the apparatus of constitutional government which, given
the prospects of general elections, threatened to bring into field a new political
leadership that would be less pliable. The myth that General Ayub was not the
co-author and co-sponsor of the coup was quickly dispelled when Mirza was
dismissed on October 24, and Ayub Khan appointed himself as President in his
place. For a few weeks, the military was demonstratively up front but was soon
called to return to barracks and asked to stop assisting civilian authorities.
Recognizing the need for an institutional basis of legitimation of state power,
American experts worked with Pakistanis to hammer out a novel system of
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time seemed unassailable. His legitimacy was beyond question. Both elements of
the military bureaucratic oligarchy lay prostrate before him. Bhutto had both
legitimacy and power. But he was his own worst enemy. He mutilated the 1973
agreed constitution. He destroyed political institutions and lost all his friends if
he had any. No wonder, nobody stood by him when he was taken to the gallows
and hanged. It was a tragic, but in the circumstances perhaps inevitable, end to a
chapter in Pakistans history when for the first time conditions were just right to
establish a long term supremacy of the democratic process, putting an end to the
domination of the military bureaucratic oligarchy. Every government since
1951, whether democratic or military, had only one of the two ingredients that
are together essential to sustain a viable regime: they had either legitimacy
without power or power without legitimacy. For the first time in Pakistans
history, the regime of Mr. Bhutto enjoyed both political legitimacy as well as
effective power, and that under democratic provenance. On that foundation, Mr.
Bhutto could have established Pakistans long term democratic future on a firm
basis. Sadly, his shoulders were not broad enough to carry the burden that
history had placed upon them.
Once again the military was back in power and once in power, Zia and the
military had no intention of leaving. In order to consolidate his power, Zia
followed the Sher Ali formula, coopted political parties opposed to Mr. Bhutto
and PPP and inducted their leaders in his cabinet. Instead of alienating civil
servants, he utilized their talents and picked up Mr. Ghulam Ishaq Khan and Mr.
Aga Shahi, two very experienced and highly respected civil servants and gave
them key position of trust and responsibility (Finance and Foreign Affair) in his
cabinet.
Zias sudden death in August 1988 in a mysterious air crash created a wholly
new situation in the country. After discussing various options, the top army
brass decided to follow the constitutional procedure and invited the chairman
senate, Mr. Ghulam Ishaq Khan, a close associate and trusted confidant of Zia, to
assume office as the President of Pakistan. This could be seen as a reversion to
the Sher Ali formula of holding on to power but devolving responsibility on to a
civilian government.
The kaleidoscopic politics of Pakistan that followed - the dismissal of Benazir
and Nawaz Sharif governments by the president, the role of the superior
judiciary, the manipulation of political leadership by the army chief, the
Byzantine intrigues, the moves and counter-moves need not be elaborated here.
The point that is central to this analysis is that, like it or not, in the final analysis,
political sovereignty in Pakistan resides neither in the electorate, nor the
parliament, nor the judiciary, nor even the constitution which has superiority
over all the institutions its creates. It resides where the coercive power resides.
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All our political leaders from Iskandar Mirza onwards committed a fatal error in
not realizing that army was a permanent reality in Pakistan; that it was the final
arbiter in the affairs of the state; that it was a fact of life that no civilian ruler
could afford to ignore as the fate of Bhutto and Nawaz Sharif has amply
demonstrated. The lesson of our history is that no political system, parliamentary,
presidential or any other, has any chance of survival if the army has no role in it.
However, by itself, no army, no matter how strong, can govern a country or has
ever rescued a country from internal disorder, social upheaval or prevented its
disintegration. Examples abound.
Today there is a strong sense of alienation between the uniformed leadership and
the civilians. A great divide, a yawning chasm, separates the two. The civil
bureaucracy, the backbone of the state, as Mr. Jinnah described it, a natural ally
of the military in the past, is sidelined, feels threatened, insecure and uncertain of
its future. Paradoxically, there is no martial law in the country and yet it is the
regime of President Musharraf which is the first truly military regime in Pakistan.
Contrary to the Sher Ali formula of indirect military rule, President Musharraf
has involved military officers directly in government at every level and has
created a vested interest by giving military personnel at all levels access to
opportunities for profit and corruption. Military officers have replaced career
diplomats and civilian employees of government and public enterprises in
numbers larger than ever before. This has caused wide spread resentment and
discontent. Not surprisingly, for the first time in the history of Pakistan, a
military government has alienated the civil bureaucracy and lost its good will.
The hands of the nations clock stopped the day the Quaids heart stopped
beating. Pakistan is a case of failed leadership, not failed state. The oligarchy has
contributed, directly or indirectly, to our generations anguish and sense of
betrayal, to our loss of confidence in our rulers, in our country, in our future, in
ourselves and bears a heavy responsibility for the mess it has left behind. We
have a horrible past, a troubled present, and an uncertain future but we dont
have to succumb to doomsday prophecies. Unfortunately, nobody can undo the
past. We cant go back in time and fix the tragic mistakes of the past, but we can
make sure that we dont repeat them in the future. Einstein once said that to keep
trying the same thing over and over with the expectation of a different result is
the definition of insanity. There is nothing President Musharraf can do about
yesterday, but he has an obligation not to repeat the mistakes of the past and do
something constructive and durable tomorrow and in the next hour that will
survive him. The only way the lessons of history stay learned is when they are
embodied in institutions.
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A New Beginning ?
When to the sessions of sweet silent thought,
I summon up remembrance of things past.
My sadness in following the events since independence, is deepened by
bittersweet memories of the euphoria of the Pakistan dream that was being
dreamed in the heady days of 1947 when Pakistan was so very new and hopes
were so very high.
I was born in slavery. On 14th August 1947, I was a free man, proud citizen of a
free, independent, and sovereign country which I could call my own, a country I
could live for and die for. I was young-twenty four to be precise- full of joie de
vive, idealism, hope and ambition. For me and, like me, for all those who
belonged to my generation, Pakistan symbolized all our wishes and expectations.
We all shared a seemingly unassailable certainty. We believed in Pakistan. To
quote Wordsworth: bliss was it in that dawn to be alive. But to be young was
very heaven. On that day, we dreamed of a shining city on the hill and the
distant bright stars. It was a day that should never have ended. For it was like a
dream come true, and carried with it a sense of pride, of excitement, of
satisfaction, and of jubilation that it is doubtful whether any other can ever come
up to it. On that day, over a century and a half of British rule came to an end. The
Union Jack was lowered for the last time. I saw the sun set on the British Empire.
I witnessed its dissolution and the emergence of two independent sovereign
countries.
For the old order changeth yielding place to new and Ceasar too passes into the
story of things that had happened and ceased to be.
I was in Srinagar on 14th August 1947, the dawn of independence, holidaying in
the company of my father and Ghulam Ishaq Khan, the future President of
Pakistan. The fate of Kashmir was hanging in the balance. There was a profound
divide between the Muslim Conference and the National Conference represented
by Mirwaiz Muhammed Yousuf Shah and Sheikh Abdullah respectively. No one
knew for sure what would happen, were the question of the future of the state of
Jammu and Kashmir to be put to the entire electorate in a fair and free manner.
In this charged atmosphere in Srinagar, Ghulam Ishaq Khan would ask his
driver to slow down, address the nearest Kashmiri, ask him to say Pakistan
Zindabad, dip into his pocket and pay him a rupee.
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the rule of law to give way to the rule of man? Why must our judges match their
constitutional ideas and legal language to the exigencies of current politics? Why
did the courts tailor their decisions for reasons of expediency or, at times, for
simple survival. Sometimes, I wonder if it ever occurred to Mr. Jinnah that one
day Supreme Court Judges would be appointed not because of their abilities and
character, but because of their loyalty to the Executive and their political
affiliations.
Why did the Parliament, the pillar of our State, the embodiment of the will of the
people, become a rubber stamp? Why did it allow itself to be gagged? Why did it
surrender its sovereignty to civilian dictators? Why did it acquiesce in the
desecration of the Supreme Court? Why did it strip the President of all powers at
the behest of a civilian dictator?
Why did Pakistan become a land of opportunities for corrupt, unscrupulous,
unprincipled politicians; corrupt and dishonest civil servants; smugglers and tax
evaders who have bank accounts, luxurious villas, mansions, and apartments in
the West? Why did Pakistan become a nightmare of corruption, crime and
despair? Why? Why?
These are some of the questions that continue to haunt me. Every now and then,
I unburden myself of the things that weigh upon my spirit and torment my soul:
the cri de coeur, the sense of being in a blind alley, the perception of our
collective guilt, the knowledge of all that has been irrevocably lost.
Just when we thought all was lost, Fate intervened. Nawaz Sharif was toppled.
General Musharraf seized power in what might be described as a consensual
coup detat on October 12. Like millions of my countrymen, I too welcomed the
change and heaved a sigh of relief. Our long national nightmare was over. It was
morning again in Pakistan. After the trauma of Nawaz Sharif and the loot and
plunder of Benazir and Asif Zardari, the emergence of General Musharraf was
widely regarded as an opportunity for a new beginning. Boundless hopes and
expectations were invested in the unsullied young military leader. General
Musharraf has assumed an awesome responsibility and faces a daunting task. He
has one big advantage. His accession to power was hailed with jubilation and
quite genuinely acknowledged as the only way out of the mess left behind by
Benazir and Nawaz Sharif.
But now it looks like the honeymoon is over. Even revolutions have a morning
after. The euphoria following the dismissal of Nawaz Sharifs government soon
gave way to the sobriety of the morning after. Unrealistically high expectations
were awakened on October 12 and when these expectations were disappointed
and remained unfulfilled, frustration set in. The economy shows little perceptible
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sign of recovery. Poverty has deepened. Investors confidence has not been
restored, partly because the law and order situation shows no sign of
improvement and nobody knows what the future shape of things will look like.
The accountability process seems to have run out of steam and is painfully slow.
Many known corrupt holders of Public office are still at large. Is it too difficult to
prove that they had abused their power or betrayed the trust reposed in them by
their constituents? Are there any legal impediments? If so, why cant these be
removed? Unless the peoples representatives are strictly called to account
now, sent to prison, disqualified and prevented from recapturing the parliament,
the entire democratic process will be reduced to a farce once again. Can general
good be done without bruising a few individual interests? Can we make an
omelette without breaking eggs? Has anything great ever been achieved without
hurting entrenched vested interests?
President Musharraf deserves full credit for the thaw which has developed in the
icy tensions which had become normal between India and Pakistan. His
performance at the breakfast session with Indian editors and intellectuals was
brilliant and impressed friends and foes alike. He spoke with deep conviction,
sincerity of purpose and great passion. It is unfortunate that the honeymoon
summit which started so well ended in a whimper without a mutually agreed
framework for future talks and without a joint declaration or even a joint
statement. But Indo-Pak diplomacy has been ventilated by fresh winds now.
There is a growing realization that for India and Pakistan the only way to avoid
the fate of what Toynbee calls corpses in armour is to have a civilized dialogue
and resolve the Kashmir dispute. It is time for us to break out of violence and
break through to peace and reconciliation.
How have we played our part since independence? Our generation has nothing
to be proud of. We are leaving behind a splintered, impoverished country,
plagued by political, ethnic, sectarian divisions. Isnt it a great tragedy that more
than fifty years after its creation, Pakistans quest for a stable political order
remains elusive? Isnt it ironical that today it is the armed forces and armed
forces alone which are preventing the country form disintegration and economic
collapse? But the lesson of history is that by itself no army, no matter how strong,
has ever rescued a country from internal disorder, social upheaval and chaos. No
army was more powerful than the Red army which faced the full might of the
wehrmacht, chased it all the way to Berlin, smashed it to pieces but it could not
prevent the disintegration of Soviet Union, a super power not too long ago,
which has now become the laughing stock of the world.
We are citizens of no mean country, a country earned for us by the sweat of one
man. I am proud of the land of my birth, and also of my choice, proud of our
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people, our culture and our traditions. However that pride should not allow us
to forget our many weaknesses and failings and blunt our longing to be rid of
them. Looted and plundered and ravaged again and again by corrupt rulers,
Pakistan bounced back and managed to survive. Surveying the past, Pakistan
looks somewhat wistfully and longingly at the progress made by other countries
in our part of the world. It is not inconceivable that if Fate had been less
malignant and our rulers less corrupt and greedy, today Pakistan might have
been not only more secure and stable, but also more prosperous and more
advanced in all that makes life worth living.
My generation may carry on for a little while longer. Some of us already feel the
icy touch of death pass by in darkness. Being over seventy is like being engaged
in a war. All your friends are gone or going, and you survive amongst the dead
and dying as on a battlefield. Our day will soon be over and we should give
place to others, and they will live their lives and carry their burdens to the next
stage of the journey. They have a long way to go and much leeway to make up.
And they have to hurry up for the time at their disposal is limited and the pace of
the world ever faster.
How will history remember President Musharraf? He was pushed into history
but he cannot be pushed out of history. There is no doubt that he pulled the
country back from the edge of the precipice. He rescued the country from the
marauders who looted and plundered it in the name of democracy. His greatest
challenge, however, lies ahead. Can he deliver on his promises? Can he prevent
the corrupt from recapturing the parliament; can he stop Pakistan from swinging
between fake democracy and naked dictatorship going from one extreme to the
other, as has been the case throughout our troubled history and leave behind a
stable political order?
To borrow one of Maos phrases the road is tortuous, but the future is bright. If
we are not careful, the road ahead of us maybe more tortuous and the future
darker than anticipated. What will happen to the next generation if it all fails?
Mao asked. There maybe a foul wind and a rain of blood. How will you cope?
Heaven only knows.
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breakfast session with Indian editors and intellectuals. His performance was
brilliant. He spoke with deep convictions, sincerity of purpose, and passion. The
logic of his argument that Kashmir was the core issue was irresistible. Without a
clearly defined goal, the President told his Indian guests, the so-called confidence
building measures had no chance of achieving their purpose. Confidence is not
an abstraction that exists for its own sake, it assumes meaning in relation to a
goal - it is confidence that the goal can be achieved. Confidence-building
measures can only mean steps that lead Kashmiris to believe that they will
achieve their goal, their destiny. But if that goal remains unconfirmed, what
meaning could confidence-building measures conceivably have. President
Musharraf made it abundantly clear that Kashmir is the only key if there is to be
any peace in South Asia. Admission of the centrality of Kashmir issue by the
Indian government might take time but most the Indian and international media
is now convinced that normalization of relations between Islamabad and New
Delhi is not possible without coming to grips with the core issue of Kashmir.
It is unfortunate that President Musharraf could not convince the Indian side that
Kashmir was a disputed territory or that it was a core issue bedevilling relations
between the two countries. The honeymoon summit which started so well
ended in a whimper without a mutually agreed framework for future talks or
without a joint declaration or even a joint statement. The Indian leadership
lacked the political will, statesmanship and courage to take the next step on the
tortuous road to peace.
Indians seems to think that they can keep Kashmir by force. They dont realize
that everything is against them. History. The people. The terrain. In matters of
state, Richeliu wrote long ago in his Political Testament, he who has the power
often has the right, and he who is weak can only with difficulty keep from being
wrong in the opinion of the majority of the world. A Maxim rarely contradicted
in the intervening centuries. Wisdom, however, is born only when such illusions
of grandeur die. As for India which is now emerging as the major power in
South Asia, wrote Kissinger, its foreign policy is in many ways the last vestige
of the heyday of European imperialism, leavened by the traditions of an ancient
culture. There can never can be any progress toward a peace settlement in South
Asia unless and until the Indians liberate themselves from the staggeringly
unrealistic delusion that they can keep Kashmir by force.
History, according to Toynbee, is replete with corpses in armour: Spain,
Macedonia, the Ottoman Empire and of course Nazi Germany. The theme is
always the same: Highly militarized and centralized states and empires, so
indomitable in one decade or generation, hack themselves to pieces or are
themselves conquered in another. For India and Pakistan, the only way to avoid
the fate of corpses in armour is to have a civilized dialogue and settle their
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disputes, beginning with the core issue of Kashmir. A country can choose its
friends and allies, but it cant choose its neighbours. Both India and Pakistan are
handcuffed to history and geography. One day they will realize that a close
neighbour is better than a distant brother.
The summit is in sight but a lot of hard climbing remains to be done.
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disputes was not borne out by experience. Problems of great complexity, which
had divided the world for a decade and a half, were not likely to be resolved in a
few days by harassed men meeting in the full light of publicity. He believed that
summitry would give birth to a vogue of intellectual frivolity, the evasion of
concreteness, the reliance on personalities, the implication that all problems can
be settled with one grand gesture.
These arguments appears sound, but their fragility is illustrated by the speed
with which they are relinquished whenever the theoretician becomes the
practitioner. Kissingers criticism of summitry vanished when he himself
qualified not only as the free worlds most eminent and skillful negotiator, but
the only US secretary of state under whom two presidents served.
The most serious defect of summitry is its negative influence on the status and
dignity of embassies. But the plaintive protest of ambassadors against
summiteering appears to be futile. The best course is to abandon denunciation
and bow to the inevitable. Negotiations at lower level of authority was inevitable
in the eras of limited communication simply because it was not feasible for
sovereigns to meet each other frequently. In the early part of the 18th century, for
example, a British Prime Minister, Sir Robert Peel, informed his colleagues in
London that he had found a way of making the voyage from Rome to London in
a mere thirteen days. A journey from Boston to New York used to take four
days. The highest rate of travel in those days was ten miles an hour. It is clear
that in the era of six hundred miles an hour, it would be absurd for heads of
government to behave as if the communication revolution had not occurred. In a
letter to his Secretary of State, President Jefferson wrote: we have not heard
from our ambassador in Spain for two years. If we do not hear from him this
year let us write him a letter.
It was in world war II that summitry came into its own with the publicized and
dramatic encounters of Roosevelt, Stalin and Churchill. Yet even then, the
hardships and hazards of prolonged travel were still so acute that each occasion
gave hostages to fortune in the physical as well as in the diplomatic sense. Only
the emergency of war could have impelled these elderly men to accept such
frequent toil and risk. Today there is not much risk and very little toil.
The wholesale deprecation of summitry is ill founded. The balance sheet of result
is ambivalent. There have been occasions when summit meetings have left the
international atmosphere even more disturbed than it was before. Such was the
Khruschev Eisenhower Macmillan De Gaulle summit in Paris in 1960,
which exploded on the U2 issue. Yet it is difficult to believe that the error
ascribed to Yalta delivering Eastern Europe into Stalins hands would have
been avoided if the negotiators had not been heads of governments. The
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136
scampering over the monstrous cliff - like ramparts of this Bastille, that can only
be conquered by the super human courage and will of the people of Kashmir.
When the prison barber was brought to him, Linguet made the grim quip that
became famous. He, Monsieur, you wield a razor? Why dont you raze the
Bastille? Are President Musharraf and Prime Minister Vajpayee destined to
demolish and raze the Bastille in Kashmir?
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call them by their names; but referred to them as this little girl and that little
boy. Two small boys sans shoes were running about without a stitch on save
some ragged piece of clothing. Their feet were purple with cold - half-starved
children struggling in competition for less to eat then dogs get in well-to-do
houses in Karachi and Islamabad, living in hovels that are infinitely less
comfortable than the kennel. A sort of nameless dread pervades their atmosphere
and hangs over their heads. This sire, is the stuff that revolutions are made of.
Against the backdrop of this abject poverty, the best economic strategy can
sometimes be summed up in these words: just keep quite. That advice, however,
is anathema to people in power who seem to believe that the public will be
reassured by verbiage and statistical rigmarole. In such situations, silence is often
the most articulate message a ruler can send.
On accountability, General Musharraf said, though the process was slow, will
Pakistan collapse, if the process of accountability is not fast. Pakistan will
certainly not collapse but General Musharrafs credibility will definitely suffer
because it does raise serious doubts in the minds of the people when some
known corrupt politicians, judges and generals go untounched, raising serious
concerns that some are more equal than others and the accountability process is
selective and not transparent. In America, former US Congressman
Rostenkowski, Chairman of the House Ways and Means Committee, was
sentenced to seventeen months in prison for abusing his office and using
employees to mow the grass at his summer house and to take photographs at the
wedding of his daughter. When he stood up to hear the sentence, US District
Judge Norma Halloway rebuked him for he had violated the faith of his
constituents. You shamelessly abused your position Judge Norma said. Pretty
petty stuff, people thought and pretty unlikely behavior for a figure as powerful
and as capable of commanding support as Mr. Rostenkowski. But the case
against him turned out not to be petty. He goes to jail for having abused his
office. That is a flashing yellow light for every office holder, The New York
Times commented. When will our accountability courts convict holders of public
office for abusing their office and betraying the trust of their constituents and
send them to prison? That will be the finest hour of our judiciary and the
accountability bureau.
On law and order situation, General Musharraf said it could not be improved
by issuing mere statements. For improving law and order situation, we need to
improve the law enforcement agency. We have chalked out a strategy to improve
the police force but it needs Rs. 40 billions. We will have it done and demand of
them to deliver. He said nothing would work without the revival of the
economy, which alone was a battle winning factor. It is true that there can be no
peace and stability without economic progress; but equally, economic progress is
not possible and will never be sustainable if the government fails to protect the
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person, property, and honor of its citizens. And can such a state, which fails to
discharge this basic responsibility, no matter what its achievements on other
fronts, have a legitimate claim on the loyalty of its citizens? Isnt it ironic that a
military government has to spend an additional sum of Rs. 40 billions to enable
the police force to maintain law and order and control crime!
Pakistan was descending into chaos when the army intervened on October 12. Its
democracy was thoroughly corrupt, rotten to the core and neither representative
nor effective. It is a great tragedy, Bonaparte confided to Talleyrand after the
Fructidor coup, for a nation of 30 million inhabitants in the 18th century to have
to call on bayonets to save the state. What a melancholy reflection it is that in
Pakistan, a nation of 140 million inhabitants, the army had to intervene on the
eve of the 21st century to save it from its corrupt politicians!
Today, Pakistan is caught between a hard place and many rocks, with a nuclear
bomb in one hand and a beggars bowl in the other. These are times that try
mens souls and moments when love for your country overrides all other
considerations and calls for supreme sacrifice. We live in an age of midgets. The
public stage is filled by weak-kneed triflers, mountebanks and charlatans
begrimed with corruption. Pakistan is a case of failed leadership, not failed state.
Who among our leaders has the capacity to look out from the mountaintop,
foresee the trend lines of the future, and bend history to take us on a journey into
the future? Who has the capacity of seeing far ahead? Who among our leaders
understands the forces of History and has the capacity to move them in a
favorable direction and nudge history? Who could put together a new political
vessel to hold all the boiling discontent of a people increasingly disillusioned by
a succession of corrupt politicians? When will Pakistan ever catch the flood tide
of History?
General Musharraf is no crusader. He is no Tribune of the people. He is no
enemy of entrenched privilege. But he is well-meaning, sincere and what is most
important, his hands are clean. With all his limitations, he cannot fail. He must
not fail, because he has awakened too many expectations, too many dreams, too
many desires, too many hopes. I hope to God that when the time for him to leave
comes, he does not turn the nations car keys to those who robbed us of
everything, our past, our present, our future. They come asking for another
chance, another shot. Our answer? Never again. It is not the time for third
chances. It is time for new beginnings.
Politics, no less than nature, abhors a vacuum. I shudder to think what might
rush into the void when the army returns to the barracks. Today, it is the only
cohesive force, the only glue that is keeping the Federation together. Perhaps this
is one of those moments when a mass movement might wrest the initiative from
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the established political authorities and impose its own agenda on the nation.
Who might lead such a movement? Extraordinary times generate extraordinary
candidates, and in extraordinary profusion. One thing is clear. The mysterious
patience of our people in the face of adversity is showing signs of rubbing thin.
What will happen to the next generation if it all fails? Mao asked there may
be a foul wind and a rain of blood. How will you cope? Heaven only knows.
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Moment of Truth
Though thou exalt thyself as the eagle and though thou set thy nest among the stars,
thence will I bring thee down, saith the Lord.
Former Naval Chief, Mansur ul Haq, was picked up from his safe haven in
Texas in the United States and produced before the Accountability Court No. 1,
which granted NAB a 14-day remand of the admiral. He is now in FIA custody
in Sihala Police Station, facing charges of taking kickbacks to the tune of US $
3,369,386 in defence deals including the purchase of Agosta submarines from
France.
Insatiable greed and lust for money have landed Admiral Mansur in Sihala Jail,
all his dreams shattered and gone, shunned by friends and foes alike, awaiting
an uncertain future. Short while ago, we saw him at the top of fortunes
wheeland now surely he is at the bottom of the wheelto such changes of
fortune what words are adequate. Silence alone is adequate. The worst part of
imprisonment is being locked up by yourself. You come face to face with time.
And there is nothing more terrifying than to be alone with sheer time. Then the
ghosts come crowding in. They can be very sinister, very mischievous, raising a
thousand doubts in your mind about people. In the darkness of the night in his
cell, when he has only the past for company, Admiral Mansur must be applying
to himself Jobs words: For the thing which I greatly feared is come upon me,
and that which I was afraid of is come unto me.
In public interest, Mansurs trial should be open and conducted in broad
daylight. More importantly, the case against him should, under no circumstances,
be withdrawn by the state. On the first point, the legal position is quite clear. It
was held in Ali Nawaz V. Mohd Yousuf by S. A. Rehman J., that the
circumstances that a high officer of government who also held a military rank
was cited as an accused officer, by a private complainant, and this at a time when
the country lay under Martial Law, were compelling considerations that
favoured an open trial - so that justice should not only be done but should
manifestly be seen to be done. The learned trial judge therefore does not appear
to have exercised his discretion improperly in ordering an open trial.
In the Province of west Punjab V. Khan Iftikhar Hussain Khan of Mamdat
respondent (PLD 1949, Lahore 572), it was held by Muhammad Munir, C. J. and
Cornelius J. that where allegations of misconduct against an ex-minister were the
subject of inquiry before the High Court under the Public and Representative
offices (Disqualification Act 1949) and the evidence, led on the charges, in certain
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respects directly referred to very high matters of state, public disclosure of which
might be fraught with the gravest consequences to the state, it was ordered that
instead of in camera trial, for the present, it will be sufficient to restrict
publication to a limited extent, and we accordingly direct as under: The press
will be entitled to publish everything appearing on the courts Record of
Proceedings, except matter the publication of which is expressly forbidden by the
court.
On the question of withdrawal of prosecution, it was held by Davis C. J. and
Wenton J., in Emperor V. Sitaldas, disciple of Navalram (A.I.R. 30 1943 Sind 109),
That the ground of Public Policy is not a proper and sufficient ground for
withdrawal of a case. Ordinarily, it should be left to the trial magistrates free
and judicial discretion whether to allow the case to be withdrawn or not. We
wish therefore to make it clear beyond all doubt that we will not accept the
ground of public policy as a proper and sufficient ground for withdrawal of a
case.
In Dhani Parto V. Munthar and another respondent (PLA 1978 Karachi 371
before Mushtak Ali Kazi, J.) it was held withdrawal of prosecution - to be
allowed on merits and not because some person or authority desired such
withdrawal - fact of public prosecutor being instructed by District Magistrate to
make application in that behalf - no sufficient ground for court to allow
withdrawal - court to pass judicial order briefly stating facts, grounds and
reasons for allowing withdrawal to show matter having been judicially
considered.
In Ch. Muhammad Yaqoob and others V. the state and others (1992 SCMR 1983)
it was held by Ajmal Mian, Sajjad Ali Shah and Saleem Akhtar JJ that state or the
Public Prosecutor has no absolute power to withdraw a criminal case and the
consent of court is required - court is obliged to apply its mind to the question,
whether request for withdrawal is bonafide, warranted by the facts of the case
and is intended to foster the cause of Justice and is not made in bad faith with the
object to throttle the prosecution or to favour the accused person.
On the basis of the above authorities, the case against Admiral Mansur should, in
all fairness, be tried in broad daylight in open court and decided on merit. The
law does not give power to any Executive Official to usurp the functions of the
court, and it does not allow any court to permit withdrawal just because some
Executive Official desires so.
Whatever be the legal position, public interest demands - that light be shed on
this sordid episode in the name of the people of Pakistan who have suffered so
much at the hands of their corrupt rulers. I realize what storms it is going to stir
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up, but truth and justice are sovereign over all else, for they alone make a nation
great. Political interests or special interests may blot them out momentarily but
any nation that did not base its raison detre on truth and justice would today be
a nation doomed. I am striving for the honour of the armed forces and the
greatness of the nation and nothing else. It is my conviction that without ruthless
accountability of corrupt politicians, corrupt civil servants, corrupt judges, and
last but not least, corrupt generals, Pakistan will remain weak and sickly and will
suffer as from a cancer gnawing at its flesh. If some corrupt people, who once
held sensitive positions of trust and responsibility, have to be brought to justice
and given exemplary punishment to make Pakistan healthy again, why shield
them? Why not make a horrible example of them?
I realize that the interests involved are too great and the men who wish to stifle
the truth and protect the guilty, are too powerful and, therefore, truth may not be
known for some time. But there is no doubt that ultimately, every bit of it,
without exception, will be divulged. It will be difficult. It will require a great deal
of effort, but truth will be revealed. And those who are combating the truth will
find, to their dismay, that as the poet (Euripides) said: Quos vult perdere
Jupiter (Jupiter drives to madness those whose downfall he desires).
Thanks to General Musharraf, the first step against high level corruption in the
defence forces has been taken. He deserves full credit for this. Another step will
follow; then another. It is a mathematical certainty. No one can prevent the truth
from continuing its onward march any more than clouds that momentarily
darken the sky can prevent the daylight from reaching us. Truth carries a power
within it that sweeps away all obstacles. And whenever its way is barred, and
whenever someone does succeed in burying it for any time at all, it builds up
underground, gathering such explosive violence that the day it bursts out at last
it blows up everything with it. You may keep it walled up a few months longer
behind closed doors, but ultimately you will see that you have only paved the
way for the most shattering disaster. No matter how deep you bury the truth, it
burrows ahead underground and one day it will surface again everywhere and
spread like vengeful vegetation. Truth, and not just truth but the whole truth,
will awaken, and clamour, and unleash storms; where they will come from, I do
not know, but come they will. I know that truth will find some other way of
revealing itself, and that I dread. But you and I will not be able to live with
ourselves if we do not see to it that the prosecution against Admiral Mansur is
not throttled and the guilty d o not go unpunished.
But where is the unanimous outcry of disgust, and where is the sense of moral
outrage and loathing in the country? Why this public passivity? Here is a crime
which at any other time would have kindled the public fury and brought forth
demands for instant punishment. Why is it being treated as a civil suit? I worry
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about one thing only: that light may not be shed in full and may not be shed
immediately. A judgment behind closed doors, or a plea bargain resulting in a
money decree against the admiral would not put an end to anything. For only
then would the affair of the admiral truly begin: for people would have to
speak up, since keeping silent would make them accomplices. What folly, it is, to
think that one can prevent history from being written! Well, the history of this
affair shall be written, and not one person with any responsibility in it, no matter
how slight, shall go unpunished. How can such a corrupt person provide
leadership? How can he inspire and motivate the troops to face the enemy
bullets and make the supreme sacrifice when they know that he is begrimed with
corruption and his hands are dirty? In a case like this no punishment can be too
severe. The nation will applaud the guilty persons humiliation and incarceration.
If such persons are allowed to get away, truth itself and justice itself would have
been slapped in the face and Pakistans cheek sullied by that supreme insult.
But first the passionate search for truth. Truth, Oscar Wilde wrote, is simply
ones last mood. Let the Admiral speak the truth, plain straight truth. Let
Pakistan hear his side of the story. Let him take the revolutionary step of
revealing everything, sparing none, ripping away all pretence. Let his voice not
be stifled, Justice will come later.
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vanishes, darkness engulfs the prisoner and he confronts the moment of truth. At
that fateful moment, he comes to terms with the inevitable. There is in Japan the
concept of flowing water: you let go as the unseen power leads you. In the end,
you get over the wall of fear of death. When you finally get over that wall, it is
like opening a door.
Blissfully, I have never witnessed an execution myself, but I know the effect it
had on my father. One of his duties as a magistrate was to witness this fearful
business of executing fellow beings. He would come back home after the
execution, in deep distress, a little disoriented and almost a nervous wreck. For
hours, he would read the Holy Quran and not talk to us. It must have been a
shattering experience which left an indelible mark on him.
Before I left St. Quentin, I was taken to a crowded reception hall where prisoners
(not death row) met their families and girl friends. What I saw was shocking and
revolting prisoners, their wives or girl friends, in compromising positions,
stripped of all human dignity, with their children playing at their feet. It was a
disgusting, dehumanizing, pathetic sight. I wanted to throw up. I was told that
the prison had two or three rest houses where prisoners could spend a few hours
with their families in privacy, away from public gaze. But such facilities are
limited and hopelessly inadequate, the warden observed. I dont have the
heart to enforce the rules. The least I can do is to turn a blind eye to such
activities and pretend that I had seen nothing.
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only partly true. Economic progress can never be achieved and will never be
sustainable without peace and political stability. There is no doubt that General
Musharraf rescued the country and pulled it back from the edge of the precipice.
But his greatest challenge lies ahead of him. And it is not economic recovery or
good governance. Even on these two fronts, the law and order situation being
what it is and showing no sign of improvement, a sullen bureaucracy, with the
National Reconstruction Bureau bent upon experimentation and determined to
demolish the existing District setup and create confusion, the danger is that the
situation, instead of improving, might deteriorate further. Be this as it may,
within the time limit fixed by the Supreme Court, General Musharraf stands very
little chance of achieving any concrete results in these fields. I am not suggesting
that efforts to improve the economy or the quality of administration should be
given up or slowed down. All I am saying is that economic recovery and good
governance are, no doubt, important but both are long term goals and must be
treated as such.
It is now crystal clear that our primary problem is, and has always been, political,
not economic. More than 50 years after its creation Pakistans quest for a stable
political order remains elusive. General Musharrafs economic agenda has no
chance of success unless fundamental political issues are first resolved. His
greatest challenge is the restoration of a stable democratic political order and,
what is even more challenging, can he stop Pakistan from swinging between fake
democracy and naked dictatorship, going from one extreme to the other, as has
been the case throughout our troubled history? Or will the pendulum go on
swinging as before with disastrous consequences for the country? He has very
little time left. Events may overtake him and springtime may soon be a pleasant
and all too distant memory for him. How will history remember General
Musharraf? That will depend on how he responds to this challenge.
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for expedience or, at times, simple survival without the judges violating their
oath of office? Furthermore, how did Justice Yaqoob Ali Khan`s observation,
that the judgments in Tamizuddin Khan`s case, the 1955 reference and Dossos`
case had made a perfectly good country into a laughing stock, that Iskandar
Mirza and Ayub Khan had committed treason affect the validity of the
appointment of the judges who, in violation of their oath of office, sanctified and
validated military rule?
On July 5 1977, when Zulfikar Ali Bhutto was ousted by a military coup the
Constitution was held in abeyance and General Zia Ul Haq proclaimed Martial
Law. The Supreme Court rejected the arguments that legitimacy on a coup was
conferred by success, but validated the imposition of Martial Law as it was found
to be dictated by considerations of state necessity and public welfare. Was this
judgment consistent with the constitutional duty of the judges to preserve,
protect and defend the Constitution and how did their failure to preserve,
protect and defend the Constitution at that critical time, affect the validity of
their own appointment under the Constitution? The court, as an Institution, had
no power or jurisdiction to allow anyone to tamper with the Constitution. This
was an exercise of power by the Court without precedent. The regime used the
sword supplied to it by the superior judiciary itself to strike at the heart of the
judicial power. Was it not violative of the solemn oath of office taken by the
judges before they entered upon their high office?
In March 1981, General Zia promulgated the Provisional Constitutional Order
1981(PCO) for consolidating and declaring the law and for effectively meeting
the threat to the integrity and sovereignty of Pakistan and because doubts had
arisenas regards the power and jurisdiction of the superior courts. As a
consequence of this power, judicial powers were extinguished and 1973
constitution effectively abrogated. The president/CMLA was given retrospective
power by the Supreme Court to amend the constitution. The question arises:
what happened to the oath taken by the judges to preserve, protect and defend
the constitution? How did all this affect the validity and legality of their
appointment? Didnt they cease to be judges under the constitution as a direct
result of the violation of their oath of office? And what about the legality of
appointment of those judges who, instead of preserving, protecting and
defending the constitution in accordance with their oath of office, elected of their
own volition to take a new oath to uphold the PCO? The Supreme Court, the
guardian of the constitution authorized the CMLA to dismantle the constitution
brick by brick and change it beyond all recognition? How was this reconcilable
with the solemn oath taken by the judges?
The PCO 1981, the attack on the Supreme Court masterminded by the executive
and the latest Supreme Court 0rder no.1 of 2000, are the logical culmination of
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the process started in 1955 with the judgments in Tamizuddin Khan`s case, the
1955 Reference and Dossos` case, all violative of the oath taken by the judges
before they entered upon their high office.
No constitution, Dicey wrote many years ago in his `Introduction to the study
of the law of the constitution`, can be absolutely safe from revolution or from a
coup de`tat. I agree with Late Justice Dorab Patel who, responding to criticism
that the courts should have done more to forestall repression, referring to past
judgements said, how do you expect five men alone, unsupported by anyone, to
declare Martial Law illegal? This is correct but what circumstance prevented the
honourable judges from resigning if circumstances prevented them from
protecting, preserving and defending the constitution? The history of Pakistan
might have been different if the judges of the superior courts had stood their
ground and upheld the sanctity of their oath of office at a time when Pakistan
was still very young and the dream had not gone sour.
If the oath of office prescribed under the constitution for the Chief Justice and
judges of the Supreme Court is a mere ritual or a ceremonial act with no real
significance and is honoured more in breach than in observance and its sanctity
cannot be upheld by the judges, why not scrap it altogether, or amend it and
delete the words: that I will preserve, protect and defend the constitution of the
Republic of Pakistan and relieve the judges of this heavy burden which they
obviously cannot carry? Why not shift this awesome responsibility to the
Members of the Armed Forces, make them the guardians of the constitution,
amend their oath, and add the key words and protect, preserve, defend before
the words and uphold in their oath prescribed under Article 244 of the
constitution? If nothing else, with this amendment no civilian dictator will dare
assault and desecrate the Supreme Court of Pakistan again.
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ground taken was that Wolf Tone, not being a military person, was not subject to
punishment by a court - martial, in effect, that the officers who tried him, were
attempting illegally to enforce martial law. When it is remembered that Wolf
Tones substantial guilt was established, that the court was made up of judges
who detested the rebels, that in 1798 Ireland was in the midst of a revolutionary
crisis, it will be admitted that no more splendid assertion of the supremacy of
law can be found than the protection of Wolf Tone by the Irish Bench.
In another case, when German U-boats put eight saboteurs on US shores during
World War II, one of the eight called the FBI to betray the mission, but was
brushed off as a crackpot. Days later, he called again and managed to persuade
the FBI that he was an authentic saboteur. Partly to keep this embarrassment of
bungled enforcement from becoming known, the eight were secretly tried by a
military court inside the FBI Head Quarters. Unexpectedly, a US army lawyer
assigned to the Germans, mounted a spirited defence. Colonel Kenneth Royall,
citing a Supreme Court decision - holding that martial law could not be applied
where Federal courts were in business - challenged the secret Tribunals legality.
President Roosevelt told his Attorney General that he would resist any Supreme
Court decision to give the accused saboteur a regular court trial. Confrontation
was averted only when the Supreme Court acknowledged the extra-judicial
power of the President because it was wartime and the President was armed
with a Congressional Declaration.
The induction of military personnel in courts established by law is violative of
the spirit and letter of our Constitution. Clause (1) of article 4 of the Constitution
provides that to enjoy the protection of law and to be treated in accordance with
law is the inalienable right of every citizen wherever he may be, and of every
other person for the time being within Pakistan. Clause (2) thereof lays down
that in particular no action detrimental to the life, liberty, body, reputation, or
property of any person shall be taken except in accordance with law. Since
military courts or quasi - military courts in which Military Personnel participate,
do not fit in within the framework of the Constitution, if a person was to be
deprived of his life on account of execution of death sentence awarded by such a
court or Tribunal, same will be violative of Fundamental Right contained in
Article 9 of the Constitution.
In the case of Mehram Ali and others, a full bench of the Supreme Court
enunciated the following legal propositions:
1.
That Article 175, 202, and 203 of the Constitution provide a framework of
judiciary i.e. the Supreme Court, a High Court of each province and such
other courts as may be established by law.
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2.
3.
4.
5.
That the courts / Tribunals which are manned and run by Executive
authorities can hardly meet the mandatory requirements of the
Constitution.
When the matter came up before the Supreme Court in Liaquat Hussains case, it
was contended that it was infact terrorists, who violate Article 9 by depriving
innocent persons of their lives and not the federal Government which
promulgated the Pakistans Armed Forces Ordinance 1998 with the object to
punish terrorists. No patriotic person can have any sympathy with terrorists who
deserved severe punishment, but the only question at issue is, which forum is to
award punishment i.e. whether a forum as envisaged in the Constitution or by a
military court or a court with the participation of military personnel which does
not fit in within the framework of the Constitution. There in no doubt that when
a terrorist takes the life of an innocent person, he is violating Article 9 of the
Constitution, but if the terrorist, as a retaliation, is deprived of his life by a
mechanism other than through due process of law within the framework of the
Constitution, it will also be violative of Article 9.
It was further contended that the establishment of military court or courts in
which military personnel participate, is a temporary phenomenon necessitated
by the grave situation created by the terrorists and, therefore, establishment of
these courts should not be treated as a displacement or substitution of normal
judicial process which will stand revived as soon as the present situation is
brought under control. On these premises, it was further contended that the
setting up of military courts is to be viewed in this perspective and treated as a
step to support or revamp the judicial system which had lost its effectiveness in
the prevailing circumstances.
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It was held by the Supreme Court that a government established under the
Constitution must not deviate from the Constitutional path and must find
solution to all its problems within the framework of the Constitution. Therefore,
to justify the establishment of military court or courts with the participation of
military personnel, support must be found from the provisions contained in the
Constitution. The Constitution does not countenance the take-over of judicial
functions by the Armed Forces at the direction of the Federal Government. No
circumstance exists in the country which indicates the breaking down of the
judicial organ, necessitating establishment of military courts. It is imperative for
the preservation of the State that the existing judicial system should be
strengthened and the principle of trichotomy of power is adhered to by
following, in letter and spirit, the Constitutional provisions and not by making
deviation therefrom on any ground whatsoever.
It follows:
1.
2.
That Armed Forces can be called in aid of civil but calling in aid of civil
power does not empower the substitution or replacement by the Armed
Forces of a civil power.
3.
4.
5.
That any court which has a military officer as one of its members is not a
court within the meaning of Articles 175, 202 and 203.
6.
That any sentence awarded by such a court will be illegal and not
executable.
7.
156
8.
La ley est le plus haute inheritance, que le roy ad; car par la ley il meme et toutes ses
sujets sont rules, et si la ley ne fuit, nul roi, et nal inheritance sera.
The law is the highest inheritance that the King has, for by the law, he himself
and all his subjects are ruled, and if the law is not there, there will be no King
and no inheritance.
The lesson of history is that when the Rule of Law gives way to the Rule of Man,
the dykes of Law and Justice break and Revolutions begin.
157
the United States saw an opportunity to mobilize and militarize the entire
Muslim world against USSR, against communism, against the evil empire. The
notion of Jihad as a just struggle had remained dormant in the Muslim world
since the tenth century until the United States revived it during its Jihad against
the Soviet Union in Afghanistan. For America and its coalition partners, now that
Soviet Union is dead and gone, the days of Askari or armed Jihad are now over.
Silent, mournful, abandoned, broken, bleeding Kashmir will now recede into
oblivion and left at the mercy of Indians. And in the words of Grays Elegy, to
darkness and to me. She suffered in every respect by her association with
corrupt leaders of Pakistan who always had their own agenda. I believe the
Kashmiris left to themselves and told they were going to get no help would
probably had been able to get better terms than they are likely to get now.
President Musharraf is the key player in the American war against radical Islam.
In his bold, televised address, he passionately denounced radical Islamic
ideology. He pledged to root out, not just terrorists targeted by India or the West
but religious preachers, madrassas and other institutions which foment religious
intolerance. The day of reckoning has come, he declared, rather than allowing
Pakistan to become a Theocratic state, he would fashion an alternative: a
progressive and dynamic Islamic welfare state. If he succeeds in changing the
nature of Pakistan itself, as he hopes to do, he can claim the mantle of
Muhammad Ali Jinnah or Mustafa Kamal Pasha who ruthlessly forced Turkey to
break free from Islam and its stultifying Ottoman past: Is the Turkish path the
right path to follow and is Mustafa Kamal the right role model for us as a
religious reformer and modernizer?
Ataturk, founding father of the Turkish Republic, defeated the Greeks in central
Anatolia. He thwarted the victorious allies plan to partition the Turkish core of
the Ottoman Empire. Turkey alone of the Muslim populated regions of the
Middle East emerged from the First World War as a fully independent country.
Ataturk abolished the organized institutions of Islam. The Ottoman Sultanate
was abolished in 1923 and the Caliphate in 1924. Waqf endowments and Ulema
were put under the control of a new office of religious affairs. In 1924, the Sufi
orders were declared illegal and disbanded. In 1927, the wearing of Fez was
forbidden. In 1928, Latin script was introduced to replace the Arabic script. In
1935, all Turks were required to take surnames in the Western fashion. A new
family law based upon Swiss Legal Codes replaced the Sharia. The family laws
of 1924 abolished polygamy. Thus, Islam was disestablished and deprived of a
role in public life. The Republic declared its independence from Islam, while
continuing to control it as the Sultans had done before it. According to the
journalist Falih Rifki, one hoca rushed into Mustafa Kamal office in the Assembly,
crying, Pasha, if it is your intention to do away with the Holy Book, say so, and
we will find a way to do it. In Turkey today Ataturk is honoured, not as a
159
religious reformer but as the founding father of the Turkish Republic. His
religious and social reforms are highly controversial and a law protects his
memory from insult. Whether the Kemalist political model is the right one for
Turkey or any other Muslim country remains to be seen. But it is inconceivable
that any ruler of Pakistan will ever launch an assault on Islam as Ataturk had
done in Turkey and survive.
Henry Adams once wrote that the essence of leadership in the Presidency is a
helm to grasp, a course to steer, a port to seek. President Musharraf grasped the
helm more then two years ago but the country still doesnt know whether he has
an inner compass, or a course to steer or a port to seek. A Presidents central
purpose must be rooted in the nations core values. In our case, these values can
be found in Mr. Jinnahs speeches before and after the creation of Pakistan:
sovereignty of the people, inviolability of the constitution, supremacy of civilian
rule, a fiercely independent, incorruptible Judiciary, Rule of Law, an
independent, incorruptible Chief Election Commissioner, a neutral, nonpoliticized and honest civil service, egalitarianism, social justice, ruthless
accountability of rulers, and above all, national interest above self and national
needs above personal survival. Presidents depart from the Nations core values
at their peril. In the circumstances of today when millions are disillusioned and
worried that the country was on a slide, Pakistan could regain its glory only if it
found its core values and the leadership who would lead the way. Today
Pakistan is like a rusty ship. It is barely floating, and instead of trying to repair
the ship, President Musharraf just grabs a bucket of paint and starts painting it in
progressive, modern colours. That wont do. Equally important for Presidential
leadership is courage. No President can succeed in these turbulent times unless
he is prepared to fall on the sword in national interest.
If you have integrity, nothing else matters. If you dont have integrity, nothing
else matters. President Musharrafs integrity is beyond reproach. He will be
remembered for that. Yet, a sense of aching disappointment hangs over his
Presidency. We didnt think he came just to fiddle with the controls. We thought
he came to change the direction of the ship and restore Jinnahs legacy. How
much he could have achieved How much went smash.
160
161
162
replied, but a wise man who has since had the misfortune to be hanged told me
that it is all for the best, these are only the shadows in a fair picture.
163
at Torkham. This was my closest brush with death and also my closest encounter
with the traumatic events in Afghanistan.
Soviet Union is dead and gone but Afghans continue to suffer. They are now
being subjected to cluster - penetration and carpet bombing by the United States,
their erstwhile friend and ally, resulting in the killing of thousands of innocent
civilians. Once America was a haven of refuge for all the tired, all the poor, all
the huddled masses of the world. This is no longer the case. America has lost its
past glory, all its core values that made it great - the spirit of Appomattox (where
Lee surrendered) - when enemies were not hanged, they were saluted; they were
not jailed, they were honoured - it set American history apart from most other
nations, where the wounds of strife did not heal for decades.
Today you have a president who has American troops on foreign soil; you have a
president who is facing an enemy, he doesnt know who they are; You have a
president who wants to be reelected; You have a president who is not expert on
foreign affairs and is dependent on his advisors; You have a president who finds
it quite easy to send the flower of America youth, Americas finest young men
and women into battle in a totally unjustified war against poor, hungry, starving,
defenseless Afghans, none of whom was involved in the September 11 tragedy.
They are killed like chakors. And the human wreckage left behind in Kabul,
Kandhar, Jalalabad and across Afghanistan - young and old, little children, men
and women, without legs, or arms or faces or hopes. It does not take any courage
at all for an American President, or a Congressman or a Senator to wrap himself
in the flag and say they will continue to bomb Afghanistan and kill people, guilty
or not, because they will it so and because it is not their blood that is being shed.
The need for a decisive victory in Afghanistan, the capture of Osama Bin Laden,
haunts President Bush as the kings ghost of Elsinore haunted Hamlet. At some
future time there might be some one capable of writing about the suffering of the
Afghans without his hand shaking uncontrollably or his notepaper becoming
wet with tears but that person will not be me.
Today we are a coalition partner with America in the war against terrorism
whatever that means. Under pressure from Washington we helped America
topple the Taliban government and are assisting them with intelligence to
capture Osama bin Laden. Americans have been allowed the use of our bases for
military operations in Afghanistan. What are its implications and what do we
hope to get out of it? George Washington highlighted the dangers inherent in an
unequal relationship between a very strong nation and a weak nation and the
folly of a weak nation succumbing to the belief that real favours would flow to
it from the strong partner: it is folly in a weak nation to look for disinterested
favours from a stronger nationit must pay with a portion of its independence
and its sovereignty for whatever it may accept under that arrangement. No
165
truer words have been spoken on the subject. This is exactly what is happening
in Pakistan today.
Zaeef, the last Taliban Ambassador in Pakistan who had applied for asylum
before being taken into custody by our secret services was picked up from his
residence in Islamabad and forcefully repatriated to Kandhar in a US C-130
aircraft from Peshawar. I met Ambassador Zaeef twice at his spartan residence to
deliver a truckload of blankets, warm clothing and a consignment of medicines
for onward despatch to Afghanistan. The bespectacled 34-year old, soft spoken
Pakhtoon Ambassador offered me green tea. He became famous as the Talibans
principle voice to the outside world. This was his only crime for which he may
have to pay the ultimate price. I say it with a heavy heart and deep anguish that
the day we arrested him and handed him over to his enemies will go down in
our history as a day of infamy. The world will never see or hear from
Ambassador Zaeef again. All self-respecting Pakistanis must hang their heads in
shame for our role in this shameful act, unprecedented in the history of
diplomacy and international relations. This, of course, is not the end of our
humiliation. This is only the beginning. This is only the first sip, the first foretaste
of a bitter cup which will be proffered to us in the days to come. Better far that
the last of the Pakistanis should fall fighting and finis be written to our history
than to be a colony once again and linger on as vassals. God help us! God have
mercy on us.
Last night I wept in my dreams. This morning, I awoke with my eyes
overflowing with tears. I go for long walks with Wordsworthian enthusiasm,
wander about the Margalla Hill enjoying natures richness and its luxurious
fecundity. In solitude among natures works and away from the selfishness of
man, I seek Communion with nature and a place to lose myself - A curious
compulsion to narcotize myself. All these years I had gone the way of the
Commissar. I need a Yogi as an alter-ego.
166
A Response
Why is it that throughout history the great empires of the past flourished and fell,
and why is it that some nations gain power while others lose it? All the Great
Powers, to paraphrase Bismarcks famous remark, are travelling on the stream
of Time which they can neither create nor direct, but upon which they can
steer with more or less skill and experience. How they emerge at the end of
the voyage depends on their skill and experience or lack of it. For a proper
understanding of what went wrong in the Islamic world, we have to begin at the
beginning.
The story of the Muslim voyage on the stream of time and the rise and fall of
Muslim power begins with the death of the Holy Prophet. Differences over
succession to the Caliphate and the nature of authority in Islam after the death of
the Holy Prophet had split the world of Islam into Shiaa and Sunni warring
camps. The group that now forms the majority of the Muslims, the Sunnis,
claimed that authority passed to the Caliphs - leaders whom the Community
designated and who exercised supreme judicial and executive power. The
Shiaas, however, believed that the Prophets authority passed to his cousin and
son-in-law, Ali, and to his descendants; for the Shiaas the various Imams are
infallible because of their descent from Ali and from the Prophets daughter,
Fatima. In political terms, the Umayyads and the Abbasids were Sunnis, while
many of the dynasties that challenged their authority in various parts of the
Islamic world were Shiaas.
Shiism had become the leading form of popular resistance to the Abbasid
empire. Ismailism was preached in Southern Iraq, Bahrain, Syria, Yemen, Eastern
Iran and North Africa. Ismaili religio-political agitation led to a series of peasant
and Bedouin rebellions in Iraq, Syria and Arabia called the Qarmatian movement.
In the 920s the Qarmatians attacked Kufa and Basra, threatened Baghdad, cut
the pilgrimage routes, pillaged Mecca; and to the great horror of the Muslims,
made off with the sacred Black Stone of the Kaaba, which they kept for twenty
years. In North Africa, another offshoot of the Ismailis, founded the Fatimid
dynasty which conquered all of North Africa and Egypt. The Fatimids were
followed in this respect by the Umayyad dynasty in Spain. By 935 A.D the
Caliphate had lost control of virtually all of its provinces except the region
around Baghdad. One military group, the Buwahidys, who were Shiaas, took
control of Baghdad in 945. The Caliphs were allowed to continue in nominal
authority; indeed the Abbasid dynasty lasted until 1258 but they no longer ruled.
The Abbasid empire had ceased to exist. Thus, from 950 to 1200 AD, the political
unity of the Abbasid age was lost. The successor states were short-lived and
167
168
169
made itself the potential master of the whole surface of the planet. The western
people had already discovered and monopolized the new world. But in the old
world, the western people in AD 1661, were still perched precariously on the tip
of the European Peninsula of the great Asian continent, and it was not yet certain
that they might be pushed right off even this patch of the old world ground.
When in AD 1682, Qara Mustafa Pasha led the Ottoman Turkish expeditionary
force westwards, his objective was not merely to make a second Turkish attempt
at taking Vienna; he was intending to carry the western frontier of the Ottoman
empire up to the line of the Rhine; and if Qara Mustafa had reached the Rhine,
the rest of western Europe would surely have succumbed to the Turks sooner or
later. With the failure of the second siege of Vienna, the situation changed
decisively. Then, at last, the west was relieved from the pressure that the
Osmanlis had been exerting on wests eastern land frontier for the past 300 years.
It was only then that the western people could concentrate their energies on
converting their already achieved command of the ocean into a domination of
the world. It was only then that western natural science consummated its
marriage with technology and thereby generated for the west a material power
that quickly put the rest of the world at the wests mercy. A conventional date for
this marriage is AD 1660, which is also the date of the foundation of the Royal
Society in England. The marriage between science and technology was, indeed,
an historic event. It was a new thing in the worlds history.
The first reaction to it was alarm; the second was emulation in self-defence.
Within less than 40 years of the foundation of the Royal Society, Peter the Great
was making the self-educational tour of the workshops of Holland and England.
Other non-western countries - for example, Turkey and China were slower in
reading the western signs of our modern times, and when they did reluctantly
read them, they were less resolute in taking action. Contemptuous of European
ideas and practices, the Turks declined to adopt newer methods. The armed
services had become a bastion of conservatism. Despite noting, and occasionally
suffering from, the newer weaponry of European forces, the janissaries were
slow to modernize themselves. Their bulky cannons were not replaced by the
lighter cast-iron guns. After the defeat at Lapanto, they did not build the larger
European type of vessels. In the south, the Muslim fleets were simply ordered to
remain in the calmer waters of the Red Sea and the Persian Gulf, thus obviating
the need to construct oceangoing vessels on the Portugese model.
On May 28, 1998, more than 300 years after the western world natural science
consummated its marriage with technology, an event of great significance took
place. Pakistan took a quantum leap in the field of science and technology,
exploded a nuclear bomb, acquired a nuclear umbrella and joined the nuclear
club. But has it enhanced our sense of security? I am not too sure because the
dominant impulse in Pakistan today continues to be that of fear, pervasive,
170
oppressing, strangling fear, not physical fear but fear in the mind, which distorts
our decision making.
What should we infer from this narrative? One thing is clear. External enemies
and personal failings of rulers do not provide a full explanation of the decline of
Muslim power. Nor does the tussle between the Mutazillites and the
predestinarians which Pervez Hoodbhoy has so well expressed (DAWN 10 - 11).
Muslims must recognize that in the Islamic world trouble started brewing among
the contenders for power soon after the death of the Holy Prophet, resulting in
the formation of warring camps, rebellions in the outlying provinces, decline of
central authority and the superiority of centrifugal over centripetal forces.
Second, absence of a law of political succession was, and continues to be, the
principle cause of the instability and decline of Muslim rule from Maghrib to
Indonesia. Third, the question of legitimacy, which has plagued the Muslim
world from the very beginning remains unresolved. Fourth, no political
institutions e.g. parliament, independent judiciary, Rule of Law, party system
could develop in the Islamic world mainly due to political uncertainty, insecurity
and lack of continuity. Fifth, in the absence of a law of political succession, force
remained the ultimate arbiter. The contenders title to rule was in direct
proportion to the length of his sword and the sharpness of its blade. This
continues to be the case till today throughout the Islamic world.
Today the number of choices that are available to Muslims are fast diminishing.
Hereditary monarchy, narrow nationalism, socialism, military dictatorship,
liberal (and illiberal) democracy have all been tried in different Islamic countries
and found wanting. Islam - not the scholastic, institutionalized, fossilized Islam
coopted by corrupt rulers - but the true, dynamic, pristine, revolutionary Islam of
its early years with its emphasis on equality, egalitarianism, social justice and
accountability is emerging as a challenge to western concepts of governance, and
is perceived by the west and the Muslim elite as the greatest threat to the
established order based on exploitation, injustice and inequality of opportunity.
It is now abundantly clear that the west, in its own interest, will not allow the
emergence of truly Islamic governments anywhere in the Islamic world. It would
prefer to maintain the statusquo and do business with corrupt, despotic,
autocratic, pliant governments which it would protect and defend against its
own peoples. The day is not far off when the Kashmiris struggle for selfdetermination, the Palestinian Intifada and their struggle to recover their lands
illegally occupied by the Israelis is dubbed as terrorism and the full might of the
west used to crush them. We have finally returned to a dark time when might
alone is right and law comes out of the barrel of a gun.
171
A Response
Muslims and the West
What went wrong?
Why is it that throughout history the great empires of the past flourished and fell,
and why is it that some nations gain power while others lose it? All the Great
Powers, to paraphrase Bismarcks famous remark, are travelling on the stream
of Time which they can neither create nor direct, but upon which they can
steer with more or less skill and experience. How they emerge at the end of
the voyage depends on their skill and experience or lack of it. For a proper
understanding of what went wrong in the Islamic world, we have to begin at the
beginning.
The story of the Muslim voyage on the stream of time and the rise and fall of
Muslim power begins with the death of the Holy Prophet. Differences over
succession to the Caliphate and the nature of authority in Islam after the death of
the Holy Prophet had split the world of Islam into Shiaa and Sunni warring
camps. The group that now forms the majority of the Muslims, the Sunnis,
claimed that authority passed to the Caliphs - leaders whom the Community
designated and who exercised supreme judicial and executive power. The
Shiaas, however, believed that the Prophets authority passed to his cousin and
son-in-law, Ali, and to his descendants; for the Shiaas the various Imams are
infallible because of their descent from Ali and from the Prophets daughter,
Fatima. In political terms, the Umayyads and the Abbasids were Sunnis, while
many of the dynasties that challenged their authority in various parts of the
Islamic world were Shiaas.
Shiism had become the leading form of popular resistance to the Abbasid
empire. Ismailism was preached in Southern Iraq, Bahrain, Syria, Yemen, Eastern
Iran and North Africa. Ismaili religio-political agitation led to a series of peasant
and Bedouin rebellions in Iraq, Syria and Arabia called the Qarmatian movement.
In the 920s the Qarmatians attacked Kufa and Basra, threatened Baghdad, cut
the pilgrimage routes, pillaged Mecca; and to the great horror of the Muslims,
made off with the sacred Black Stone of the Kaaba, which they kept for twenty
years. In North Africa, another offshoot of the Ismailis, founded the Fatimid
dynasty which conquered all of North Africa and Egypt. The Fatimids were
followed in this respect by the Umayyad dynasty in Spain. By 935 A.D the
Caliphate had lost control of virtually all of its provinces except the region
around Baghdad. One military group, the Buwahidys, who were Shiaas, took
control of Baghdad in 945. The Caliphs were allowed to continue in nominal
172
authority; indeed the Abbasid dynasty lasted until 1258 but they no longer ruled.
The Abbasid empire had ceased to exist. Thus, from 950 to 1200 AD, the political
unity of the Abbasid age was lost. The successor states were short-lived and
provincial in scale. As Baghdad dwindled, Samarqand and Bukhara, Nishapur,
Isfahan, Cairo, Fez and Cordoba became the new capitals of Islamic civilization
and culture.
The Abbasids tried to transform the state from an Arab state into an Islamic state.
With the transfer of the capital of the empire from Syria to Mesopotamia, power
passed from the conquering Arab minority to the non-Arab majority. Non-Arabs
were no longer discriminated against, as they had been under the Umayyads.
The Abbasids prided themselves upon the fact that they had brought into power
Islam, which had been suppressed during the Umayyad period. The work of
collecting and reducing the Prophets traditions to writing was begun and
completed during the Abbasid period. All the four great schools of Muslim law
flourished under the early Abbasids and Muslim Law codified. Progress was
made in almost all branches of knowledge- history, science, laws, etc. The
cumulative result of all this was that Muslim civilization came to maturity in
Baghdad which became the foremost seat of culture and civilization in the world.
However, as pointed out by Pervez Hoodbhoy, the immediate successors of the
enlightened and progressive Caliph, Mamun, persecuted the Shiaas, the
Mutazilites and all those who did not conform to the orthodox interpretation of
Islam. In Gibbons words the reformers invaded the pleasures of domestic life;
burst into the houses of plebians and princes; spilt the wine; broke the
instruments; beat the musicians and dishonoured with infamous suspicions the
associates of every handsome youth. Inevitably, persecution encouraged rather
than repressed the development of several most remarkable religious and
philosophical movements, notable amongst them was the Qarmatian or Ismaili
propaganda which culminated in the establishment of the Fatimid AntiCaliphate of North Africa and Egypt. To a distinct degree, the fierce response to
the Shiite religious challenge reflected and anticipated a hardening of official
attitudes towards all forms of free thought.
The second characteristic of this period was the ascendancy of the Turks, who
through sheer force of circumstances, had become absolute masters of the
Abbasid empire. It was an evil day for the Caliphate when Mu`tasim introduced
the Turkish element into the army. That the Turks had become the virtual
masters of the Caliph can well be illustrated by a story related by the author of
Kitab-ul-Fakhri, Ibn-al-Tiqtaqa, who says when Mu`tasim was appointed the
Caliph, his courtiers held a meeting and summoning the astrologers asked them
how long he (the Caliph) would live and how long he would retain the Caliphate.
A wit present in the gathering said I know this thing better than the
173
astrologers. Being asked to specify the time, he replied, So long as the Turks
please, and everyone present laughed.
In the absence of a law of political succession, which inevitably led to uncertainty,
civil wars, wars of succession etc., force was the sole arbiter. But as Rousseau
said, however strong a man is, he is never strong enough to remain master
always unless he transforms his might into right and obedience into duty.
President Ayub faced the same dilemma: how to acquire legitimacy? He created
80,000 basic democrats. President Zia ul Haq held a fraudulent referendum and
when a small percentage of people voted for Islamization, he concluded that it
was a vote of confidence in him and on the strength of this verdict he could rule
for five years. President Musharraf faces the same dilemma today. So did
Napoleon Bonaparte in 1800 AD. His minions had stirred peoples fears as to
what would happen to France should the First Consul be assassinated or killed in
battle - or worse yet, voted from office at the end of his term. Was France to
return to anarchy after Bonaparte had brought order and peace? The minimum
safeguard was surely to appoint him to office for life, and from time to time one
even heard mention of the restoration of monarchy. After a good deal of
deliberation, Napoleon was advised by his constitutional experts to hold a
national plebiscite. The people would vote yes or no to two questions: should
Napoleon become consul for life and, if yes, should he be allowed to name his
successor? Prior to plebiscite, the First Consul decided to form a Legion of
Honour designed to reward past and present distinguished service to the nation,
either civil or military. To an advisor who wished to limit membership to
soldiers, Napoleon replied in words as pertinent to this day as they were to his
day: To do great things it is not enough to be a man of five feet ten inches. If
strength and bravery made the general, every soldier might claim the command.
The general who does great things is he who possesses civil qualities. The soldier
knows no law but force, sees nothing but and measures everything by it. The
civilian, on the other hand, only looks to the general welfare. The characteristic of
the soldier is to wish to do everything despotically: that of the civilian is to
submit everything to discussion, truth and reason. The superiority thus
unquestionably belongs to the civilian. With the Legion of Honour on his side,
the result was a foregone conclusion. The nation learned the result of the
plebiscite? Some 3.5 million citizens had voted their assent for the First Consul to
retain his office for life with the right to name his successor. Slightly over 8,000
citizens had voted down the proposal. On August 15, Napoleons birthday, the
nation celebrated the appointment. The First Consul for life had turned 33. No
ruler wants to give up power voluntarily. No Devil Trotsky said once, has
ever yet voluntarily cut off his own claws.
While the Islamic world was caught up in wars of succession, civil wars and
internal dissensions and stood still, the rest of the world moved on and advanced
174
to the centre of the world stage. By AD 1661, the western society was just one
among half a dozen societies of the kind that had arisen in the old world. It is
true that by that date, the west had won the command of the ocean, and had thus
made itself the potential master of the whole surface of the planet. The western
people had already discovered and monopolized the new world. But in the old
world, the western people in AD 1661, were still perched precariously on the tip
of the European Peninsula of the great Asian continent, and it was not yet certain
that they might be pushed right off even this patch of the old world ground.
When in AD 1682, Qara Mustafa Pasha led the Ottoman Turkish expeditionary
force westwards, his objective was not merely to make a second Turkish attempt
at taking Vienna; he was intending to carry the western frontier of the Ottoman
empire up to the line of the Rhine; and if Qara Mustafa had reached the Rhine,
the rest of western Europe would surely have succumbed to the Turks sooner or
later. With the failure of the second siege of Vienna, the situation changed
decisively. Then, at last, the west was relieved from the pressure that the
Osmanlis had been exerting on wests eastern land frontier for the past 300 years.
It was only then that the western people could concentrate their energies on
converting their already achieved command of the ocean into a domination of
the world. It was only then that western natural science consummated its
marriage with technology and thereby generated for the west a material power
that quickly put the rest of the world at the wests mercy. A conventional date for
this marriage is AD 1660, which is also the date of the foundation of the Royal
Society in England. The marriage between science and technology was, indeed,
an historic event. It was a new thing in the worlds history.
The first reaction to it was alarm; the second was emulation in self-defence.
Within less than 40 years of the foundation of the Royal Society, Peter the Great
was making the self-educational tour of the workshops of Holland and England.
Other non-western countries - for example, Turkey and China were slower in
reading the western signs of our modern times, and when they did reluctantly
read them, they were less resolute in taking action. Contemptuous of European
ideas and practices, the Turks declined to adopt newer methods. The armed
services had become a bastion of conservatism. Despite noting, and occasionally
suffering from, the newer weaponry of European forces, the janissaries were
slow to modernize themselves. Their bulky cannons were not replaced by the
lighter cast-iron guns. After the defeat at Lapanto, they did not build the larger
European type of vessels. In the south, the Muslim fleets were simply ordered to
remain in the calmer waters of the Red Sea and the Persian Gulf, thus obviating
the need to construct oceangoing vessels on the Portugese model.
On May 28, 1998, more than 300 years after the western world natural science
consummated its marriage with technology, an event of great significance took
place. Pakistan took a quantum leap in the field of science and technology,
175
exploded a nuclear bomb, acquired a nuclear umbrella and joined the nuclear
club. But has it enhanced our sense of security? I am not too sure because the
dominant impulse in Pakistan today continues to be that of fear, pervasive,
oppressing, strangling fear, not physical fear but fear in the mind, which distorts
our decision making.
What should we infer from this narrative? One thing is clear. External enemies
and personal failings of rulers do not provide a full explanation of the decline of
Muslim power. Nor does the tussle between the Mutazillites and the
predestinarians which Pervez Hoodbhoy has so well expressed (DAWN 10 - 11).
Muslims must recognize that in the Islamic world trouble started brewing among
the contenders for power soon after the death of the Holy Prophet, resulting in
the formation of warring camps, rebellions in the outlying provinces, decline of
central authority and the superiority of centrifugal over centripetal forces.
Second, absence of a law of political succession was, and continues to be, the
principle cause of the instability and decline of Muslim rule from Maghrib to
Indonesia. Third, the question of legitimacy, which has plagued the Muslim
world from the very beginning remains unresolved. Fourth, no political
institutions e.g. parliament, independent judiciary, Rule of Law, party system
could develop in the Islamic world mainly due to political uncertainty, insecurity
and lack of continuity. Fifth, in the absence of a law of political succession, force
remained the ultimate arbiter. The contenders title to rule was in direct
proportion to the length of his sword and the sharpness of its blade. This
continues to be the case till today throughout the Islamic world.
Today the number of choices that are available to Muslims are fast diminishing.
Hereditary monarchy, narrow nationalism, socialism, military dictatorship,
liberal (and illiberal) democracy have all been tried in different Islamic countries
and found wanting. Islam - not the scholastic, institutionalized, fossilized Islam
coopted by corrupt rulers - but the true, dynamic, pristine, revolutionary Islam of
its early years with its emphasis on equality, egalitarianism, social justice and
accountability is emerging as a challenge to western concepts of governance, and
is perceived by the west and the Muslim elite as the greatest threat to the
established order based on exploitation, injustice and inequality of opportunity.
It is now abundantly clear that the west, in its own interest, will not allow the
emergence of truly Islamic governments anywhere in the Islamic world. It would
prefer to maintain the statusquo and do business with corrupt, despotic,
autocratic, pliant governments which it would protect and defend against its
own peoples. The day is not far off when the Kashmiris struggle for selfdetermination, the Palestinian Intifada and their struggle to recover their lands
illegally occupied by the Israelis is dubbed as terrorism and the full might of the
west used to crush them. We have finally returned to a dark time when might
alone is right and law comes out of the barrel of a gun.
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Unfortunately, this belief-like so many myths-is false. Nobody can justify the
terrible human tragedy in which thousands of innocent men and women lost
their lives. We understand Americas anger and we share its grief and pain. But
why must America let its need for revenge blur its judgement, for the rage of a
wounded giant can be irrational, its direction unpredictable. What is the
justification for the relentless bombing of the poor, hungry, starving, defenseless
people of Afghanistan? It reminds me of an ancient Chinese saying: killing a
chicken to scare the monkeys (occasionally singling out a suspect for severe
punishment as a warning to others). The tragic drama being enacted in
Afghanistan has made it abundantly clear that the independence of third world
countries is a myth and an illusion.
Basically, what the Americans are demanding is the world do it their way or
else; that it is their duty to remake themselves in the American image. One
message is crystal clear. Dont mess with America unless you are a permanent
member of the Security Council or allied with one, as Burma and North Korea
are with China, or you possess nuclear weapons and, what is more important,
you have the will and courage to use them in defense of your independence and
national sovereignty. The lesson of history is that individuals and nations who
do not know how to die, do not know how to live. Only where there are graves
are there resurrections.
The US war in Afghanistan came under scathing attack from Professor Chomsky
in his lecture in Islamabad a few days ago. The two-hour lecture was followed by
a question - answer session. I asked Profession Chomsky, what was his advice to
the poor, hungry, starving, defenseless, innocent Afghans, subjected to relentless
bombing by the sole surviving super power in the world? Why had the entire
world ganged up against them? Why was there no moral outrage and why was
the intellectual community keeping so quiet? Professor Chomsky condemned the
bombing and said, in effect, what advice can I give? What can I say? People who
should raise their voice are in the employ of the rich and the powerful or words
to that effect.
Pakistan has lapsed into langour, a spiritless lassitude. A sense of guilt, shame,
danger and anxiety hangs over the country like a pall. It appears as if we are on a
phantom train that is gathering momentum and we cannot get off. Today
Pakistan is a silent, mournful land where few people talk of the distant future
and most live from day to day. They see themselves as ordinary and
unimportant, their suffering too common to be noted and prefer to bury their
pain.
Pakistan is in a deep, deep, hole. When will she follow the first rule of holes?
When you are in a hole, stop digging. Unfortunately the hole Pakistan has dug
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itself into is really, really, deep. The problem for us is that you feel you are in a
hole and you want to get out, and you hear all those noises, and all that activity,
but you feel very much alone, with no one out there really wanting to stretch
back to you and help you out. The country suffers from a malignant disease, but
people think it is just a cold, so they continue taking small doses of medicine and
wonder why it still hurts.
These days I feel like a fallen leaf blown by a gale raging outside. There is the
end of the vision, of the hope, of the dream. Nothing seems to work. Speaking for
myself, the moment I hear Mr. Jinnahs voice, I am smitten by a kind of sacred
rage, and my heart jumps into my mouth and tears start into my eyes Oh, and
not only me, but lots of other men. This is not the country I opted for in the
Referendum held in my home province in 1947. It has changed beyond all
recognition in more ways than one. I badly want a Pakistan to defend, a nation I
can belong to, fight for and die for.
The dawns are always spectacular on the vast South Asian sub continent. But
false dawns abound year as well. When we see the sun coming, let us hope it is
really rising, and if it is, let us do our part to keep it up there.
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capture Osama Bin Laden, dead or alive. Not surprisingly, Pakistan was back in
the American harem. President Musharraf, like President Zia ul Haq before him,
is now the darling of the West and can do no wrong.
However, there were no cheering crowds in Pakistan to applaud President
Musharrafs decision to facilitate US bombing in Afghanistan - a decision which
has very little popular support in the country and has aroused widespread anger
and resentment. It is strange how unimportant, ordinary people often foresee the
future more clearly than those who are engaged in shaping it. Whatever the
official spokesman may say, in public perception, Americans have been allowed
the use of our bases in sensitive areas close to the Afghan border for the sole
purpose of enabling them to subject the poor Afghans to relentless day and night
air strikes and topple their legitimate government. It is laughable to say that
American air or ground operations are not directed against Afghanistan or the
people of Afghanistan and are meant only for terrorists. It is also adding insult to
injury and highly hypocritical for the government to say that they feel profound
sympathy for the small but gallant Afghan nation in their hour of national grief
and loss.
When I heard the news in Washington, I was profoundly distressed. My heart
sank for I realized that we had sold our honor and compromised our national
sovereignty to escape the wrath of the Americans. The government had to choose
between saying no to American Diktat and shame. They chose shame. We would
have suffered if we had said no. But that is a little matter. We would have
retained something which is to me of great value. We would have walked about
the world with our heads erect. In a similar situation President Daoud of
Afghanistan told Brezhnev (who had asked Daoud to get rid of American experts
working close to the Russian border) what was just said could never be
accepted by Afghans who view his statement as a flagrant interference in the
internal affairs of Afghanistan. We will never allow you to dictate to us how to
run our country and whom to employ in Afghanistan. How and where we
employ foreign experts will remain the exclusive prerogative of the Afghan state.
Afghanistan shall remain poor, if necessary, but free in its acts and decisions.
The lesson of history is that nations which went down fighting rose again, but
those which succumbed to pressure, sold their honor, surrendered tamely and
capitulated were finished.
I feel myself torn between a sense of cowardly relief and shame. Today Pakistan
is undergoing all the conflicting emotions of a virtuous maiden selling herself for
really handy ready money. Never in my life did I feel so ashamed, so hurt, so
small, so humiliated, so nauseated as I did when we offered, almost at gun point,
unstinted cooperation and logistic support to the Americans in their war
against a friendly, neighbouring Muslim country and its poor, hungry, starving,
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war-ravaged people. The people are wondering if this is the first attack upon a
small Muslim state to be followed by another. Will Iraq be the next course on the
American menu?
All the rhetoric about fighting evil because it is evil does not impress anybody
and leaves one cold. Adolf Hitler, the greatest terrorist of the last century, was
the personification of evil and a threat to western civilization. Why did the allies
(England, France and America) allow this evil man to absorb the Republic of
Czechoslovakia? Why didnt they resist the outrage against Austria and the
subjugation of beautiful Vienna? Why was Britain, almost disarmed, with
triumphant Germany and Italy at its throat, left alone? Why did the United States
remain neutral in this war between good and evil for two long years? America
joined the war against evil on December 7, 1941 when Japan attacked Pearl
Harbour. Not before that. Isnt it ironic that while the United States took two
years to join the war against Hitler, the greatest terrorist of the last century, it
took Pakistan not more than 24 hours to reverse its Afghan policy, disown
Talibans and join the American-led coalition against Afghanistan!
Some people believe that President Musharraf had done a rather good thing; that
they had been granted a reprieve and felt an immense sense of physical relief.
The first ecstasy soon passed. The carpet bombing, use of cluster and penetration
bombs and killings of innocent civilians including children, brought about a
revolutionary change in feelings and opinions. It was not an explosion, but the
kindling of a fire which rose steadily, day by day, hour by hour, to an intense
furnace heat of inward conviction.
I doubt if the events of last month constitute the beginning of better things for
Afghanistan or Pakistan. We are in the presence of a disaster of the first
magnitude which has befallen the poor people of Afghanistan. Do not let us
blind ourselves to that. Afghanistan is on fire. Soon the conflagration will engulf
Pakistan.
At a meeting of the INTER - Action Council in HELSINKI, discussing Russia and
the future of EAST - WEST relations, Robert McNamara declared that the United
States has become a rogue state. Mr. McNamara laughed a little after he said
rogue state, explaining that he didnt mean to be sensational. But he was
worried about the growing tendency of the United States to act unilaterally
without regard to the concern of others. This is exactly what United States is
doing in Afghanistan. The war is becoming highly Americanized. All antiterrorist operations are wrapped in the American flag. Americans are talking to
themselves and are not listening to the outside world. The war is fast becoming
an American war of revenge against Afghanistan, with which the Islamic world,
at least, has little to do.
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The Afghans did not stab us in the back when we were at war with India. No
Afghan government was as friendly to Pakistan as the incumbent Taliban
government. By allowing Americans to use our territory as a platform for
bombing Afghanistan, we have antagonized the Afghan nation forever and
irretrievably lost their friendship. For the first time in the history of Pakistan, we
have laid the foundation of permanent enmity with the people of Afghanistan.
The passage of time has justified the saying that a close neighbour is better then a
distant brother. A country can choose its friends and allies but it cant choose its
neighbours. We cannot escape from geography. The people of Pakistan have no
quarrel with the people of Afghanistan or their government. We are not at war
with them. Why interfere in their internal affairs at the behest of others who have
their own agenda?
We have enough trouble on our eastern border. There is always a war between
India and Pakistan. The difference is only whether the guns are firing or not. It is
bad enough to have a hostile neighbour on our eastern border. It is disastrous to
alienate the Afghans on our western border and turn them into enemies. Afghans
are very good friends but they are also very bad enemies. They do not forget and
they do not forgive. In a crisis they could brew incalculable trouble for us in the
devils kitchen of mischief and set the frontier ablaze.
Late Commander Abdul Haq once predicted, may be one day Americans, will
have to send hundreds of thousands of troops (to Afghanistan). And if they step
in, they will be stuck. We have a British graveyard in Afghanistan. We also have
a Soviet graveyard. And then we will have an American graveyard.
Commander Abdul Haq was not fated to see the dnouement, the final scene of
this tragic drama.
God gave to President Musharraf as to no other and there is no more to give.
People puzzle over his momentous and strange journey that has brought him so
close to the place where history devours its heroes. With primacy in power, as
Churchill said, is also joined an awe-inspiring accountability. President
Musharraf is flying against the wind of public opinion in Pakistan. The country
does not share his faith in American friendship and assurances. There can be no
friendship between the strong and the weak. There can be no friendship between
unequals neither in private life nor in public life. Should the policy of unstinted
cooperation with the Americans in their war against Afghanistan fail, then it
would be upon the Presidents head that coals of wrath would fall.
In the history of states and peoples there comes a turning point which is often a
battle or an episode during a revolution. A turning point may also occur in the
peoples mind. Today it is the people who hold Pakistans destiny. That is the
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turning point in the history of Pakistan. To march at their head and lead them?
To stand behind them, ridiculing and criticizing them? Or to stand opposite them
and oppose them? Every Pakistani is free to choose among the three, but by force
of circumstances you are fated to make the choice quickly.
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I was surprised and disturbed that your Government saw fit publicly to announce its
position on the Peshawar facility before any real discussion between our two
Governments was possible. And it was particularly distressing to learn that your
Governments action may have been taken because of threats and demands by another
power.
I had thought you and I shared a convection that our own security-- as well as the
security of many other nations-- was well served by our cooperation in maintaining the
Peshawar facility. Accurate technical and scientific information on the intentions and
capabilities of others, can, as you know, be a stabilizing element in the present uncertain
state of the world.
In all frankness, the actions of your Governments do not seem to me to be appropriate to
the close relationship that has existed for so many years between our two countries and
which has been manifested in our contribution of more than $3 1/2 billion in aid to
Pakistan.
I accept of course, your right to terminate the 1959 Communications Agreement,
although I would hope that even now you could reconsider that decision. I do want you to
know, simply and unequivocally, that closing down of the Peshawar facility in July 1969
will give us real problems.
In this connection, I must point out that this facility is a complex one. Some of its
elements can be moved relatively easily. Others will take more time. Their hasty removal
could result in significant gaps in our understanding of the intentions of others and
thereby diminish the sense of security we both seek.
If, however, your decision is firm, I would hope and expect that you might allow our
representatives to discuss an arrangement whereby the various elements of the facility
can be phased down and closed but in an orderly way during a period beyond the formal
termination date of July 17, 19 69. I have asked Ambassador Oehlert to convey these
views to you and to be prepared to enter into full discussion of them at an early date.
I cannot hide from you the fact that the loss of Peshawar facility will be a real blow to
what I believe to be our mutual interests. But I do think that if we can agree to
arrangements that will permit a reasonable withdrawal period it will lessen the impact.
Such arrangements, if arrived at through imagination and good will on both sides, would
make the transition easier to accomplish. I do not think, old friend, this is too much to ask.
Sincerely,
Lyndon B. Johnson
Ayub stuck to his position and did not oblige. The Base was closed down.
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which was the preservation of Afghan independence. With the departure of the
British from Asia, that balance was upset. No other outside power ventured
meaningfully to replace Britain. Pakistan was, and is, too weak to play a decisive
role in the affairs of Afghanistan. The Soviets agreed to withdraw but only when
American weaponry and Afghan bravery raised the costs for Moscow. Even then,
it took six years of skillful diplomacy that gave the Russians a way out. Ironically,
it was the withdrawal and subsequent demise of Soviet Union in 1991 that placed
Afghanistan, at the mercy of the United States, the sole surviving super power.
After a decade of total neglect, Americans re-discovered Afghanistan. With the
Soviets gone, it was now their turn to intervene. On October 7, 2001, the United
States launched a powerful attack on Afghanistan in retaliation against the
suspected terrorist leader Osama bin Laden for the September 11 attacks on New
York and Washington. The Talibans had not met US demands to turn over
Osama Bin Laden and his Al Qaida militants. Now, President Bush declared
the Talibans will pay a price. We are supported by the collective will of the
world. We will not falter. We will not fail. With daily air strikes, involving
cruise missiles and attack aircraft, pounding their cities, the Afghans braced
themselves to face the full might of America. After one of these air strikes, I saw,
on television, a vast smoky pall hung over Kabul. One exhausted fireman could
be seen struggling to bring the fire under control. The amazing part of it is the
cheerfulness and fortitude with which ordinary Afghans are seen doing their
jobs under nerve-wracking conditions. Every thing seems, as Goethe said, to
be following its usual course because in terrible moments in which everything is
at stake, people go on living as if nothing was happening. In the heaps of rubble
that had once been homes, all you could see was a beam or two, one Afghan
chappal and a few crushed pots sand pans. Watching these pictures on TV, day
after day, night after night, I realized that human character can stand up to any
thing, if it has to. Grim, defiant, dogged and serviceable, the Afghans adapted
themselves to this new life, with all its terrors, with all its jolts and jars. And I felt,
with a spasm of mental pain, a deep sense of the strain and suffering that was
being borne by the poor people of Afghanistan. How long would it go on? How
much more would they have to bear? What were the limits of their vitality? How
many more innocent men, women and children have to die?
Meanwhile, the lush green Margalla Hills towering above Islamabad, the
pleasant fields that lie at the foot of the hills, people going casually about their
business, seem far removed from the shattered cities of Afghanistan, the gutted
buildings and the stricken people. Instinctively, we turn aside from the killing
fields over the border. Yet instinctively also, we know that we are not isolated
from these suffering people. Try as we will, we cannot brush the pitiless picture
of their destruction from our eyes or escape the profound effects of it upon the
world in which we live. As long as we dont feel ashamed to be alive while
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innocent Afghans are being killed, with our logistical support, not guilty, sick,
humiliated because we were spared, we will remain what we are, accomplices by
omission and commission. To watch this folly, to wait for the catastrophe, which
one is unable to prevent, fills me with choking, impotent despair.
The Bush administration has convinced itself that America cannot address the
problem of international terrorism by simply taking out Osama bin Laden and
his associates. At the very least, the US, so the argument goes, will have to
destroy the Taliban setup and clear the ground for a transitional authority
headed by the former king Zahir Shah. This is easier said than done. Even if
Taliban are driven out of the cities, they and their supporters would not simply
disappear. They would fight a long guerrilla war from the mountains against
foreign troops and would paralyze the puppet government formed and
sustained by foreign invaders. A wide array of Afghans factions, convinced that
Taliban will be dismantled by a US military strike, is now embroiled in a struggle
for places in a future government in Afghanistan. In a country with internal
fractures, bordered by nations with conflicting interests, and bombed and
battered over the years by many of the same people now seeking to regain a
share of power, common ground is elusive. People who fondly hope that the
deposed king, Zahir Shah, with US support and in conjunction with UN, would
play a critical role in calling a Loya Jirga and forming a future broad-based
Afghan government, are unaware of the reality of the Afghan situation and
betray total ignorance of the psyche, the spirit and soul of the Afghan nation.
Be that as it may, it is the question of political succession, which has bedevilled
the entire Islamic world since the death of the Holy Prophet, that will be the most
intractable of all the problems facing the decision-makers in post-Taliban
Afghanistan. One of the principal causes of the instability of Muslim rule, past
and present, all over the Islamic world, including Afghanistan, is the absence of a
law of political succession in Islam, which inevitably led to uncertainty, civil
wars, wars of succession throughout Islamic history. Theoretically, no Muslim is
disqualified to rule his country and his title to rule is as good as that of anybody
else. However, one of the lessons of Islamic history is that title to rule is in direct
proportion to the length of the contenders sword and the sharpness of its blade.
Therefore, the question who will rule Afghanistan will be decided on the
battlefield, not in the conference room. The only force which has established its
authority and restored peace and tranquility in Afghanistan is the Taliban. The
fall of Taliban will inevitably plunge Afghanistan irretrievably into the chaos of
the 21st century. That will be the end of whatever order still prevails in that
unfortunate country today.
Robert McNamara, the brilliant Secretary of defense for Presidents Kennedy and
Johnson, helped lead America into Vietnam. McNamara believed that the fight
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against communism in Asia was worth the sacrifice of American lives, and yet he
eventually came to believe that America had stumbled into a war - in which it
had lost over 58,000 men and women - that was, infact, unnecessary and
unwinnable. I want, McNamara wrote, Americans to understand why we
made the mistakes we did, and learn from themthe ancient Greek dramatist
Aeschylus wrote, the reward of suffering is experience. Let this be the lasting
legacy of Vietnam. Their hindsight was better than their foresight. With painful
candor and a heavy heart, McNamara concedes that the adage applied to him
and his generation of American leadership. Will McNamaras successor ever
confess error and explain how they stumbled into the war in Afghanistan and
how all the best and the brightest in America went wrong, horribly wrong.
How will history judge American military involvement in Afghanistan, a most
devastated, ravaged, country of demolished cities, starving and hungry people?
It will certainly not go down in history as Americas finest hour. Are Americans,
once again, on the wrong side of history? Doesnt it reflect their profound
ignorance of the history, culture and politics of Afghanistan and the complex
personalities and motivations of their leaders? Are Americans destined to fail,
once again, to recognize the futility of trying to wage a modern war on an ancient
civilization that formed its identity by repelling invaders? Are they destined to
fail once again to recognize the limitations of modern, high-technology military
equipment, in confronting unconventional, highly motivated Islamic religious
movements? Are Americans not nave to believe that the war they are fighting is
a war for democracy and freedom when most of their Islamic coalition partners
are either military dictators or thoroughly corrupt, discredited civilians despots
hated by their people?
This is perhaps the biggest crisis Pakistan has ever faced since 1971. President
Musharraf is pursuing a policy of a most decided character and of capital
importance. He has his own strong views about what to do. He has his own
standard of values; he has his own angle of vision. No one impugns his motives.
No one doubts his convictions, his patriotism or his courage. Besides all this, he
and he alone has the power to do what he thinks best. He has to take full
responsibility for taking the course in which he sincerely believes. Is he following
the right course? Final judgement on this vital issue can only be recorded by
history.
Bismarck once remarked that asking him to pay attention to political and moral
principles while conducting foreign policy was like asking him to walk through a
dense forest with a 12-foot pole between his teeth. President Musharraf finds
himself in a similar unenviable situation. One thing is quite clear. The decision to
facilitate American bombing of Afghanistan has very little popular support in the
country and has aroused a lot of anger and resentment among the people. And if
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In Defence of Machiavelli
He excited the interest and admiration of some of the brightest and the most
formidable men of action of the last four centuries. Was he a man inspired by the
Devil to lead good men to their doom, a devious Italian who poisoned everyone
on sight, the great subverter, the teacher of evil as most Elizabethan dramatists
and scholars describe him? Was he the Devils partner - in - crime, a
dishonorable writer and an unbeliever as the Jesuits called him? For the restorers
of the short - lived Florentine Republic, he was nothing but a venal and
treacherous toady, anxious to serve any master. And is the Prince, in Bertrand
Russels words, a handbook for gangsters? Contrariwise, is it a vade mecum
for statesmen as Mussolini (who wrote an introduction to the Prince) described
it? Is he a political pragmatist and a patriot, as Macaulay describes him, who
cared most of all for the independence of Florence. Marx called his history of
Florence a master piece. Engels speaks of him as one of the giants of the
Enlightenment, a man free from petit - bourgeois outlook. We are much
beholden to Machiavelli, Bacon wrote, who openly and unfeignedlly declares
and describes what men do, and not what they ought to do. There is something
surprising about the sheer number and variety of interpretations of Machiavellis
political opinions. There is, prima facie, something strange about so violent a
disparity of judgements.
The Italy that Machiavelli confronted was one divided into towns and city states subject to coups detat, assassinations, aggressions, and defeat in war. In
this chaotic situation, he wrote a textbook on the craft of ruling with the hope
that someone somewhere would take control of the disintegration which Italy
was then suffering. His advice as to where and how the Prince should be
ruthless or generous and what qualities should be required in subordinates,
remains sound till today. Of late, in Third World countries, the question of
leadership has been to the fore and the quality of the governments has been held
up to ridicule. The Prince is a useful textbook for any ruler seeking to rule the
sort of complicated and ungovernable city - state that Florence was and that
many Islamic countries nowadays are.
Whatever else he was, Machiavelli was a passionate patriot, a democrat, a
Republican and a believer in Liberty. In the opinion of many commentators, the
Prince is in reality a satire and must have been intended (Spinoza is particularly
clear on this) by its author to warn men of what tyrants could be and do. Perhaps
the author could not write openly with two rival powers - those of the Church
and of the Medici - eyeing him with equal suspicion.
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Machiavellis ideas influenced the Founding fathers of the United States. Men
are ambitious, vindictive, and rapacious, writes Alexander Hamilton, echoing
Machiavelli. That is why James Madison preferred a republic (in which the
whims of the masses are filtered through their representatives and agents) over
direct democracy, in which the people exercise government in person The
American constitution was conceived by men who thought tragically. Before the
first President was sworn in, the rules of impeachment were established. James
Madison wrote in Federalist No. 51 that men are so far beyond redemption that
the only solution is to set ambition against ambition, and interest against interest:
if men were angels, no government would be necessary. The separation of
powers, the pillar of the American Constitution, is based on that grim view of
human behavior. The French Revolution, conversely, began with boundless faith
in the good sense of the masses - and in the capacity of intellectuals to engineer
good results - and ended with the guillotine.
If Machiavelli was indeed a moral monster, then a long list of thinkers including Aristotle, Saint Augustine, Saint Thomas, John Adams, Montesquieu,
Francis Bacon, Spinoza, Coleridge and Shelley - all of whom have advised,
approved or borrowed Machiavellian maxims - would form a legion of fellow
immoralists.
I do not wish to leave out an important branch of this subject - how not to be
despised and hated and how flatterers should be avoided. Machiavelli wrote,
for it is a danger and a pest from which Princes are with difficulty preserved,
unless they are very careful and discriminatory.
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but seldom from small causes. Strange, what has happened to us. What
animosities thrive under conditions of excessive proximity? Two great masses
are confronting each other - an irresistible force and an immovable object. The
impending battle will be a clash between two great human masses, and the
stronger or the more determined will win. At times of stress, Churchill often
recalled some particular quotation...that expressed his feelings. The quotation
read, Fear not the result, for either shall thy end be a majestic and enviable one,
or God shall perpetuate thy reign upon the waters.
We are at the crossroads. Sometimes, once in a long while, you get the chance to
serve your country. It has fallen to General Musharraf to carry the awesome
responsibility and the heavy burden Destiny has placed on his shoulders. He
must prepare the people for the challenges that lie ahead and lead by example.
For Romans in Romes quarrels
Spared neither land nor gold,
Not son, nor wife, nor limb, nor life.
Such, I believe, is the temper of the hour in Pakistan today.
The nation is prepared for every sacrifice so long as it has leadership, so long as
the government show clearly what they are aiming at and so long as the nation is
confident that those who are leading it, will not sacrifice its honour and its core
assets.
I will unsay no word that I have spoken or written about the failings of President
Musharrafs government. But all this fades away before the grim spectacle that is
now unfolding. The past, with all its bitter disappointments, its follies, its failures
and its tragedies flashes away. This is no time for proscriptions. This is no time
for recriminations. We should pass a sponge across the past. With the collapse of
all civil institutions, the only cohesive force left behind is the army, and army
alone. It is also the only shield we have against foreign aggression. Destiny has
placed a grave and awesome responsibility upon General Musharraf. At this
darkest hour in our history, the nation must stand solidly behind the army. The
security of the nation, as they say, is not at the ramparts alone. Nothing should
therefore be done to weaken the army. Nothing should deflect its attention from
its primary task. Everything must be subordinated to the requirements of
national defence. All for the nation. All for Pakistan. Such is my motto.
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President Clinton did not blink facts or mince words during his brief stopover in
Islamabad. The Sermon on the Mount is the last word in Christian ethics. In his
sermon on the Mount, President Clinton, in effect, asked us among other things,
to bow our heads; give up our support for the Kashmiris; forget about their right
of self-determination enshrined in umpteen Security Council Resolutions; forget
all the promises made to the Kashmiris by Indian leadership and accept Indian
usurpation of Kashmir as a fait accompli. The tragedy is that Americans know
that in Kashmir, India is faced with what can only be described as a terminal
colonial situation. It is now abundantly clear that India can hold its own in
Kashmir solely by the application of brute force. The population does not
welcome its presence and would not vote for the continuation of its control in
any electoral process which was remotely free. And yet, the massacre of innocent
men, women and children by Indian security forces continues without arousing
the conscience of the West. At some future time there ought to be someone
capable of writing about the suffering of the Kashmiris without his hand shaking
uncontrollably or his note paper becoming wet with tears. But that person will
not be me.
In November 1944, Churchill told General Charles De Gaulle: the Russian
occupation (of Eastern Europe) would not last. After the meal comes the
digestion period. The Indians have strong appetite but poor teeth and weak
stomach and are, therefore, having digestive problems in Kashmir. The world
has seen the collapse of the Roman Empire, the Soviet Empire, the British and
French Empires. How can the Indian Empire in Kashmir be an exception and
survive history? Sooner or later, the Indians will have to quit Kashmir. How
many more Kashmiris have to die before America realizes this and lends its
support to the just cause of the Kashmiris as it did in the case of East Timor? Its
a great pity that President Clinton did not condemn Indian atrocities in Kashmir
and held out no hope to the poor Kashmiris during his five days stay in India.
The war in Kashmir is like a fire and the great thing was to remove the
inflammable material, the cause of the war. This President Clinton did not do.
We are facing the greatest danger and emergency of our history since 1971. Wars
come very suddenly in the sub-continent. I have lived through a period when
one looked forward, as we do now, with great anxiety and uncertainty to what
would happen in the future. Today we are vulnerable as we have never been
before. A great responsibility, therefore, rests upon those who hold power if, by
any chance, against our wishes and against our hopes, trouble should come. The
situation is incomparably more dangerous today. In the past, we had or we
thought we had American support, the so-called American shield, against
aggression. We cannot say that now. We stand alone in the ring.
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As we stand today there is no doubt that a cloud has come over the old
friendship between Pakistan and the United States; a cloud which it seems to me,
may not pass away, although undoubtedly it is everyones desire that it should.
If, God forbid, there arose a storm when we knew we were in the right, we
should let it break on us and we would either survive or break. At times of stress,
Churchill often recalled some particular quotation...that expressed his feelings.
The quotation read, Fear not the result, for either shall thy end be a majestic and
enviable one, or God shall perpetuate thy reign upon the waters.
At this time all those among us who see the perils of the future must draw
together and take resolute measures to secure our safety. God save Pakistan. I
have never prayed for the safety of Pakistan with more heartfelt fervour than I
did on March 25.
In the history of States and of peoples there comes a turning point which is often
a battle or an episode during a revolution. A turning point may also occur in a
persons mind. On May 28, when England stood alone, Churchill declared that
England would go on fighting no matter what happened: no matter what
happened: there would be no negotiations with that Man. That was the turning
point in the history of World War II. Churchill and Britain could not have won
the Second World War; in the end America and Soviet Union did it. But in May
1940, Churchill was the one who did not lose it. Eighteen days before this, on
May 10, Mr. Churchill had become Prime Minister. Late that afternoon, he was
driven back from Buckingham Place to Admiralty House where he lived. Behind
the driver, he sat with Inspector W. H. Thompson, his bodyguard. Churchill was
silent. Then Thompson thought it proper to congratulate Churchill: I only wish
the position had come your way in better times for you have an enormous task.
Tears came into Churchills eyes. He said to Thompson: God alone knows how
great it is. I hope it is not too late.
Never in my life did I feel so hurt, so isolated, so lonely, so small, so humiliated,
so threatened, so insecure as I did on that depressing day. Our moment of truth
arrived on March 25. We are at the crossroads. Sometimes, once in a long while,
you get the chance to serve your country. It has fallen to General Musharraf to
carry the awesome responsibility and the heavy burden Destiny has placed on
his shoulders. He must prepare the people for the challenges that lie ahead and
lead by example.
For Romans in Romes quarrels
Spared neither land nor gold,
Not son, nor wife, nor limb, nor life.
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descended on Pakistan. One could hear the sound of heavy boots ascending the
stairs and the rustle of satin slippers coming down. All attempts on the part of
my Commissioner to get in touch with me had failed. He was getting panicky
because he genuinely thought I had been detained by the Assistant Martial Law
Administrator who was now my real boss. It took me sometime to change gear,
make necessary adjustments and reconcile myself to the new order. In the end,
the instinct of self-preservation prevails. The country hailed a new Dawn and the
Deliverers. Tragically, the imposition of martial law set in motion a train of
events that ended in a bloody civil war in the eastern wing and the breakup of
Pakistan.
A year later, I was relocated and posted to Peshawar where I met Morarji Desai,
Finance Minister of the Government of India. He was visiting Pakistan as a guest
of the government. On arrival in Peshawar, Morarji expressed a desire to pay a
courtesy call on Abdul Ghaffar Khan. I was asked to make necessary
arrangements and escort him to Utmanzai. On the way to Utmanzai, Morarji
asked me how the freedom - loving Pukhtuns had reacted to the imposition of
Martial Law. This triggered a lively discussion. Was it for this, Morarji asked,
that your people fought so tenaciously? You thought you had found freedom on
August 14, 1947. But hasnt it turned out to be another kind of slavery? Were all
Mr. Jinnahs brave words and deeds to end in this? Dont you feel cheated and
betrayed? I feel sorry for you. Your future looks very grim to me. Until
recently, we were all Indians, I replied. We are as good and as bad as Indians
are. We all share the same weaknesses. You are not much better than us. We
have martial law today. You will have it tomorrow? Morarji reacted sharply:
No General dare impose martial law in India, he retorted. And if he does,
Morarji will be the first to face the Indian bullet. On this grim note, the
conversation ended. We had reached Utmanzai.
More than 40 years have passed since that thought - provoking conversation, but
Morarjis words still ring in my ears and haunt me to this day. Like all
prophecies, Morarjis predictions embodied a good deal of wishful thinking, but
the fact remains that he was not far wrong. Every now and then, I ponder over
what Morarji had to say and wonder why no member of our National Assembly
or Senator is prepared to face the Pakistani bullet or make any sacrifice in
defence of our political institutions or our fledgling democracy. Isnt it a sad
commentary on our chosen representatives that when honour calls, they all
abandon the ship and swim ashore to safety?
At a dramatic session of the Third Estate on June 20, 1789 Mirabeau made his
famous reply to a command from the Kings Grand Master of Ceremonies that
they withdraw from the Assembly. We are assembled here by the Will of the
Nation, and we will not leave except by force. Shortly afterwards, the King
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yielded. It is inconceivable that any member of our Parliament will ever put up
such a heroic resistance or utter such words of defiance.
All our rulers, both civil and military, left behind a splintered, ruined country,
torn by conflict, hijacked by thugs and robber barons, and in doubt about its
future. Each of them started with a blank cheque of goodwill and popular
enthusiasm given to them by the people of Pakistan, and each of them ended
with a bankruptcy of moral and political support, leaving the country in worse
condition than he found it in. No wonder, people have lost faith in their rulers,
elected or un-elected, civil or military. What is worse, they have lost faith in the
entire democratic process. Nobody believes in the sanctity of the ballot box or the
independence of the Election Commission any longer. Nobody believes in the
independence or integrity of the Judiciary, or the objectivity and neutrality of the
civil services. Nobody believes in free, fair and impartial elections in this country
and nobody believes in accountability as it is understood in the west. Few
Pakistanis seem ready to make any sacrifice or die for anything anymore. The
entire country seems crippled by a national defaillance. Is it any wonder that
so few believe in the Pakistan Dream today?
Pakistan today presents an image of a country plagued by political, ethnic and
sectarian divisions. Never before has public faith in the countrys future sunk so
low. There is a widespread and growing cynicism among the people. The
country as a whole appears to be adrift, lacking confidence about it future. It is
like being on a raft after being shipwrecked and drifting on the off chance of
being picked up by a passing ship. Be this as it may, one trait specially developed
by Pakistanis in the midst of gloom is their capacity to become inured to the
worst possible condition of existence without perceiving that anything is wrong.
If there is one principle more than any other, Morley, Secretary of State for
India, said, that has been accepted in this country since Charles I lost his head, it
is this - that the civil power must be supreme over the military power. The
British learned this lesson only when Charles I lost his head. Will Pakistan ever
learned from history? One thing is clear. The federation cannot survive unless
the principle of supremacy of civil power is accepted in letter and spirit.
The fate of the country and 140 million people is in the hands of President
Musharraf and his military colleagues. Like small boys with their hands on a
great machine, they take pleasure in casting aside the wisdom of the ages. The illfated referendum shattered President Musharrafs credibility and impaired his
ability to govern. If you have credibility, nothing else matters. If you have no
credibility, nothing else matters. The received wisdom is that Watergate teaches
us one basic rule about politics. If a President and his team commit an egregious
folly, a cover-up is always worse than the crime. A people may let a king fall, yet
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still remain a people, but if a king lets his people slip from him, he is no longer a
king.
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Written in Despair
The history of Pakistan shows what happens to a country when its Justices turn
political lackeys. From the countrys first decade, our Judges have tried to match
their constitutional ideas and legal language to the exigencies of current politics.
The Supreme Courts short order validating the Referendum Order came as no
surprise.
Every now and then, I unburden myself of the things that weigh upon my spirit:
The sense of being in a blind alley, the perception of our collective guilt, the
knowledge of all that has been irrevocably lost. On the eve of the Army takeover
of October 12, I threw discretion to the winds, gave vent to my pent up feelings
and wrote, The state of things has been so insufferable that one longs for it to be
decided as it must be now, one way or another. Unfortunately, the tyranny of the
statusquo is too strong and only a crisis can produce a real change. Pakistan is
hungry for a person who will light a candle in the gloom of our morale; who has
a passion burning within him that will set our nation alight; who will be the
standard-bearer of the disenchanted; who can give voice to our humiliation; who
helps the nation recover its elan vital; who places country above self; who
restores the process of national revival; who gives the country a new agenda, one
that does not replace once set of corrupt leaders by another; who offers the
genuine hope of a new order to take us into a new millennium; who stitches the
country back together; whose heart is in the right place; whose hands are clean
and remain clean; who restores the rule of law; who protects the citizens honor,
person and property; a crusader against high level corruption, who will purge
the country of all corrupt elements-politicians, bureaucrats, both civil and
military and members of superior judiciary; who brings the guilty, those who
stole the Pakistan dream, to justice, who will bring back a sense of decency; who
will raise the people from the slough of despondency; who will restore the
peoples faith in themselves, their rulers, and above all in their country; who will,
as Burke said, tell the people not where they want to go but where they ought to
go; who will, as Mercier said, lance the poisoned carbuncle and clean the country
of its mess and who will seize the moment, give the country the lift of a driving
dream, and drag the nation to its feet again. This is of course, asking for the
impossible. But pursuing the impossible and asking for the impossible is one
good definition of a Revolution
Is the dark long night about to end? And has the time come for us to leave the
valley of despair and climb the mountain so that we can see the glory of another
dawn? The darkest hour is just before the dawn and as generally happens in
history, it is at the darkest hour that a bright star arises when you had almost
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given up hope. When a nation is in crisis, it needs a man to match the time. You
dont create such a man, you dont discover such a man. You recognize such a
man. The time cries out for leadership. Cometh the hour, cometh the man. The
hour will find the man who has the will and power to restore the Pakistan dream.
The people are anxiously scanning the horizon waiting to see if the cavalry will
come riding down the hill to restore the Pakistan dream.
When the history of our benighted times comes to be written, it will be noted that
the Pakistan Army was the one institution which served the nation most
meritoriously in its hour of greatest need. It intervened t o save the country at the
darkest hour when we had almost given up hope. General Musharraf appeared
on the scene like a deus ex machina. When he seized power on October 12, like
millions of my compatriots, I welcomed the change and heaved a sigh of relief.
Our long national nightmare was over. It was morning again in Pakistan.
Pakistan had found its saviour in General Musharraf. After the trauma of Nawaz
Sharif, the emergence of General Musharraf was widely regarded as an
opportunity for a new start. Boundless hopes and expectations were invested in
the unsullied young military general. For a brief ethereal moment, the country
fell in love with him. His first address to the nation was a welcome relief to a
people torn apart by corrupt leadership, rising crime wave and a sinking
economy. His quiet dignity and lack of pretense provided exactly the stabilizing
force that people sought.
In popular perception, what happened on October 12, was not a coup but a
bloodless revolution triggered by a combination of factors including Kargil and
nomination of General Zia Uddin as Army Chief by Nawaz Sharif. A coup, as
every student of political science knows, is a seizure of power for power sake. It
does not aim at changing the social, economic, and political structures of a
society. It does not represent a threat to the elite and the corrupt, and most
important of all, the broad masses are indifferent to its success or failure. What
happened on October 12, was not a simple substitution of existing authority by
fresh authority. It sounded the death knell of a corrupt, rotten socio-economic
order. It was the expression of a revolution of expectations that had already
taken place in the minds of the people. It was the embodiment of their fears,
apprehensions, hopes and aspirations. That is why they welcomed it with tears
of joy in their eyes. They gave it their full support because they regarded it as the
Dawn of a new era. The old order represented by corrupt politicians had
collapsed and was dead and gone, or so we thought. General Musharraf now
had a unique opportunity to design and build a new structure on the ruins of the
old in fulfillment of the dreams and aspirations of the people of Pakistan. What
the people wanted was not a cosmetic change, but a purifying, cleansing,
surgical operation to purge the country of all robber barons - politicians, civil
servants, judges and Generals. Times were ebullient, and yeast was in the air.
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The old order had discredited itself. We would conjure up a new and better one
in its place.
On October 12, General Musharraf assumed an awesome responsibility and
faced a daunting task. He had one big advantage; his accession to power was
hailed with jubilation and quite genuinely acknowledged as the only way out of
the mess left behind by Benazir and Nawaz Sharif. Now that he was in power, he
had to demonstrate to the people and the outside world that the assault on
democracy and suspension of the constitution was fully justified by his
subsequent performance and that his military rule was qualitatively superior to
civilian rule. Unlike his democratic predecessors, he commanded absolute power
and had no excuses. There was no reason why he could not challenge and
demolish, brick by brick, the corrupt system he had inherited. Nothing could
prevent him from bringing about an egalitarian economic and social order.
Nothing prevented him from identifying himself completely with the poor
people of Pakistan who looked upon him as a messiah. They did not expect a
new heaven and a new earth but nothing prevented him from confronting their
main anxieties.
As we approached the October 12 anniversary, the hopes raised on that day
dimmed and faded away. Even revolutions have a morning after. The
euphoria following the dismissal of Nawaz Sharifs government soon gave way
to the sobriety of the morning after. Unrealistically high expectations were
awakened on October 12 and when these expectations were disappointed and
remained unfulfilled, frustration set in. The revolution we all expected and
which seemed so certain at the time, has evidently not taken place. The economy
shows little sign of recovery. Poverty has deepened. Investors confidence has
not been restored because the law and order situation shows no sign of
improvement and nobody knows what Pakistan will look like two years hence.
A year ago, ruthless accountability of corrupt holders of public office was on top
of General Musharrafs agenda. What prevents him from making good on his
promise to arrange for the expeditious and ruthless accountability of all those
who bartered away the nations trust and plundered the countrys wealth. Why
are so many known corrupt holders of public office still at large? Why have so
many got away? And why exempt corrupt Judges and corrupt Generals?
The contrast between the current tide of public shock and disappointment and
the grassroot enthusiasm two years ago is stark. Two years ago, President
Musharraf was being widely heralded as a peoples champion. Today, he risks
being dismissed as the latest in a long line of easily forgotten rulers. To
paraphrase Churchill, the last two and a half years of his rule were the years that
locusts have eaten. His prospects of changing Pakistan are dimming fast
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Witness to History
A countrys constitution, Thomas Paine cautioned in the Rights of Man, is not
the act of its government, but of the people constituting a government. More
than two centuries ago (1787) 55 Americans worked through the sweltering heat
of a Philadelphia summer to forge one of the most enduring political
compromises which has stood the test of time. In Pakistan too, a constitution
committee, with Mr. Abdul Hafeez Pirzada as chairman and 24 members met in
Islamabad on October 9, 1972, in the backdrop of a bloody civil war and loss of
half the country, to prepare a draft of a permanent constitution of Pakistan.
I was lucky enough to have witnessed, from a ringside seat in the official gallery
in the National Assembly, the passing of the Constitution Bill and the emergence
of the 1973 Constitution. It was a momentous event in the chequered history of
our country and I was not going to miss it. How could one resist the temptation
to be present at the Creation? History was in the making. History writes C. V.
Wedgwood in her biography of William the Silent, is lived forwards but is
written in retrospect. We know the end before we consider the beginning and we
can never fully recapture what it was to know the beginning only. None of the
main characters in the constitutional drama - Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, the architect of
the Constitution, Abdul Hafeez Pirzada who piloted the Constitution bill and
Wali khan who led the Opposition, knew, nor do any of us yet know, the end.
The Constitution committee was particularly conscious of the unfortunate
constitutional history of Pakistan and past failures. It identified the causes which
led, on more than one occasion, to the breakdown of the constitutional
machinery. This, in the opinion of the committee, opened the way for usurpers
and dictators to assume power at the cost of the oppressed people and the
country. The committee was of the view that the vagueness and dichotomy in the
past constitutional instrument with regard to the source and exercise of power
enabled unscrupulous adventurers to destroy systematically all democratic
institutions and processes.
As the peoples representatives for the first time elected directly by adult
franchise, the members of the committee strived to arrive at a constitutional
arrangement which would preclude any recurrence of past failures. The draft of
the constitution, the committee hoped, would do away with the dichotomy
between the fiction and reality of executive authority. The committee provided
what it thought were effective deterrents against any attempt to abrogate or
subvert the constitution, which offense was declared High Treason.
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I still remember Mr. Pirzada thanking the Speaker for conceding the floor to him
and his words still ring in my ears. Mr. President, Sir, first time in the history of
Pakistan of 25 years, tragic history of Pakistan, tragic constitutional history of
Pakistan, for the first time we are not only on the threshold of giving a
constitution through the most recognized and cherished democratic process but
we are almost over that threshold
Mr. Bhutto, who followed Mr. Pirzada said, I hope that after a long and
tortuous road we have reached a stage in our life which can be regarded as a
culmination. For a long time we have not been able to find basic solution to
many problems that affect the country. Again and again, the issues have been
opened and re-opened with greater anger and with greater bitterness. Among
these problems the answer to the constitutional problems of Pakistan can be
regarded as the most important. After 25 years we have, after many disputes and
quarrels, come to a point where we can say that we have a fundamental law; we
have a constitution and nobody can deny that this constitution does represent
the Will of the people of Pakistan; nobody can deny that this Constitution is a
democratic constitution by any definition of democracy; nobody can deny that it
is a Federal Constitution; nobody can deny that there is settlement over the
quantum of autonomy and thank God for that; nobody can deny that it is an
Islamic constitution; It contains more Islamic provisions than any of the past
constitutions of Pakistan as well as any of the other constitutions of Muslim
Countries other than monarchist Muslim countries I would always want to
meet you and to continue our dialogue and our discussions because I believe this
is the best way, this is the only way. We cannot shoot our way through because
we have seen that when you shoot your way through, you reach the grave, and
there is no flower left. If the whole land becomes a waste land, we do not want to
make our country into a waste land, we do not want to see those solutions which
are regarded to be the easy and the obvious solutions, they are not the easy, and
the obvious solutions as we saw in 1958 and as we saw to our peril in 1969. So,
then these are the major problems.
To the young Law Minister, I would say that he has done great service to
Pakistan and it is a good fortune of history that on his young and able shoulders
fell the task of giving Pakistan a constitution, of piloting the constitution bill.
This is not a privilege which can be easily had in our circumstances in the
conditions of Pakistan. He has worked with great zeal and with untiring
devotion. He has been in touch with the opposition leaders at all times. He has
kept his mind open. He has acted with dexterity, with finesse, with a nimbleness
and he has amply demonstrated great qualities of a legal mind, of a political
mind.
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I have continued my speech longer than I thought it would be but I would finish
with only one note and that is this that: is this constitution a viable constitution?
Its viability lies in the hands of the people, its viability lies in the consciousness of
the people, its viability lies in our understanding of our conditions. If we do not
take stock of the situation, if we do not learn from what had happened in the past,
if we do not repeat the tragic errors that we have made in the days not so long
ago, if we pause to think and consider what a certain action will contain and
what will be the consequences and repercussions of certain acts either made out
of lack of knowledge or out of sheer ambition or greed, then I believe that this
document will stand the test of time. But if we think that it can be cast aside and
that there are simple solutions and all that one has to do is to sit on a white
charger with sword in hand and settle problems with its flash, in that case the
tragedy of the greatest magnitude will befall Pakistan. Therefore, this document
is in the vault of the people, the people hold the key to its viability. All we can do
is to pray to Almighty Allah that at long last after many efforts, because no
country has had to face as much of constitutional experiences and troubles as
Pakistan - we would now consider this document to be a fundamental law
worthy of respect of the whole nation and that the whole nation now and the
generations following it will protect it with their blood and with their lives.
That day I felt like I had a future. Pakistan was back on the rails or so I thought.
Disillusion was soon to set in.
The 1973 constitution elevated the status of the Prime Minster while reducing the
status of the President and incorporated provisions presumed to deter the army
from interfering in politics. Mian Mahmood Ali Kasuri, a member of the drafting
committee and Law Minister, concerned about the Head of States uncontrolled
power to dissolve the National Assembly, resigned his committee post and
cabinet position. It is unfortunate that Mr. Bhutto violated the sanctity of the
constitution and the constitutional Accord by a series of unilateral amendments
in the constitution in the teeth of opposition from his political opponents. In the
process, he destroyed the delicate political compromise which formed the basis
of the 1973 constitution, weakened his position and exposed himself to vicious
attacks. Ultimately, he was overtaken by forces he thought he had neutralized
and had in fact re-empowered.
Zulfikar Ali Bhutto knew well the man responsible for the trouble he was in; he
looked at him everyday while shaving. All of us have a black as well as a white
horse to draw the chariot of the soul. Tragically, ZABs horses were both black. It
was a Greek tragedy. Mr. Bhutto was fulfilling his own nature. Once it started, it
could not end otherwise. Coexisting with his better angels in his nature were
demons from a darker hell. ZAB was like a quartz crystal: Some facets bright and
shining and polished, others dark and mysterious.
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On July 5, 1977, General Zia ul Haq, the COAS promoted by Mr. Bhutto in 1976
over the heads of several senior officers struck; staged a military take over,
arrested Bhutto, and other members of his government, including Mr. Pirzada,
sacked the Federal and Provincial governments, dissolved the assemblies, held
the 1973 constitution in abeyance and declared martial law. Mr. Bhutto, the
architect of the 1973 constitution, was convicted on a murder charge, taken to the
gallows and hanged on April 4, 1979. So, it had all been in vain. In vain all the
efforts, all the deliberations, all the debates, all the nocturnal sessions. We are
back to square one like Sisyphus, the Greek errant in Greek mythology whose
punishment in Hades was to push uphill a huge boulder only to have it tumble
down again.
We are all bruised and battered by those who chose to play fast and loose with
the Fundamental Law of the land. Once again the country is in the grip of a grave
constitutional crisis. Pakistan is under military rule for the forth time. The 1973
constitution is held in abeyance. Parliament stands dissolved. We have come to
the brink of a chasm with only three alternatives before us:
i.
ii.
iii.
We cant go back in time and fix the mistakes of the past, but why do we have to
repeat them in the expectation that it would produce a different result. Is it our
Karma? Is it our destiny? Is there some evil spirit that hangs over Pakistan? Are
we on a phantom train that is gaining momentum and we can not get off?
As to the Referendum, Mussolini once uttered a warning in a different context,
Eun errore. It is a mistake. If the result is satisfactory, people will say that it is
not genuine. If it is bad, the situation of the government will be unbearable, and
if it is inconclusive, then it is worthless. Even at this late hour, President
Musharraf will be well advised to heed these words of wisdom. But man,
Hegel once said, learns nothing from History except that man learns nothing
from history.
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military rule, the Constitution is held in abeyance, and the Parliament dissolved.
How can a credible Referendum be held in such an undemocratic environment?
Referendum is not a power placed by the Constitution in the hands of a ruler to
legitimate or perpetuate his rule or impose his will on the citizens. It is
inconceivable that in any democratic country, the Referendum process will ever
be used by any ruler to circumvent the provisions of the constitution in order to
get himself elected.
Almost 55 years after I cast my vote for Pakistan, the country is, for the forth time,
under military rule, has no constitution, no parliament, no elected government.
And the quest for a stable political order remains as elusive as ever. The tragedy
of Pakistan is that our rulers, like the Bourbons of France, dont learn from
history and are doomed to repeat the same mistakes. Einstein once defined
insanity as doing the same thing over and over again in the expectation that it
would produce a different result. We have gone through the valley of the
shadows before. Do we have to go through it again? How can such a highly
controversial Referendum lead to the restoration of a stable, genuinely
democratic political order? How can it stop the political pendulum from
swinging from one extreme to the other as has been the case throughout our
troubled history? How can such a dubious Referendum of doubtful value help
President Musharraf acquire moral legitimacy? How can we raise a strong, stable,
democratic superstructure on such a shaky foundation?
General Musharrafs first address to the nation was a welcome relief to a people
torn apart by corrupt, inept leadership, rising crime, insecurity of person,
property and honour. His quiet dignity and lack of pretense provided exactly the
stabilizing force that people sought. We thought he was a crusader against high
level corruption, a Tribune of the people who would bring about an egalitarian
social and economic order. We hoped he would help the nation recover its elan
vital, lance the poisoned carbuncle, clean the country of its mess, give the
country the lift of a driving dream, stitch the country back together and drag the
nation to its feet again. We didnt think he came to fiddle with the controls. We
thought he came to change the direction of the ship, untangle the mess and
restore Jinnahs legacy. He grasped the helm a little less then three years ago, but
the country still doesnt know whether he has an inner compass or a course to
steer or a port to seek. An aching sense of disappointment hangs over his
Presidency today although I would still prefer him to both Benazir and Nawaz
Sharif. But that is not saying much.
Men by their nature, Jefferson once remarked, are naturally divided into two
camps. Those who fear and distrust the people and wish to draw all power from
them into their hands, and those who identify themselves with the people, have
confidence in them, cherish and consider them the safest and most honest, if
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always the wisest repository of the public interest. These two camps exist in
every country, and wherever men are free to think, speak and write, they will
identify themselves.
Why not trust the people? Why fear and distrust them? Why not have confidence
in them? Why not follow the straight constitutional path back to democracy?
Why must President Musharraf follow in the footsteps of his military
predecessors? Why follow this tortuous, devious, circuitous road back to the
abyss?
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who pass the door, and equally are useless against the determined burglar. But
they can and do deter the casual strollers who might otherwise come in and help
themselves. Constitutions are constantly and continually torn up to make new
ones. Moreover - so this line of arguments goes - Britain, New Zealand, and
Israel have no codified constitutions but nevertheless follow with remarkable
consistency and continuity what constitutional rules they do possess. Hence it is
concluded - constitution are otiose: if the power holders exercise self-restraint,
the written constitution is unnecessary. And if they do not then it is useless.
However, the American constitution - makers were, convinced of the unique
effectiveness of written law. A dictum of Jeffersons best expresses this attitude.
In questions of power, then, let no more be heard of confidence in man, but
bind him down from mischief by the chains of the constitution. Paper promises
whose enforcement depends wholly on the promisors goodwill have rarely been
worth the parchment on which they were inked.
Constitutions are influenced by what people think of them, by their attitude to
them. If a constitution is regarded with veneration, if what it embodies is thought
to be prima facie right and good, then there exists a force to preserve the
constitution against attempts to abrogate or suspend it. The chequered
constitutional history of Pakistan makes it abundantly clear that Pakistan is one
of those countries where constitution is treated with contempt and where the
army is treated with more respect and fear than the constitution. In Pakistan
what the constitution says is one thing and what actually happens in practice is
another. Our constitution is not a realistic description of what actually happens,
so is mostly fiction, bearing no relationship to what goes on. It contains fictive or
decorative passages and omits many of the powers and processes met with in
real life.
Addressing a press conference in Tehran, President Zia ul Haq said: what is the
constitution? It is a booklet with ten or twelve pages. I can tear them up and say
that from tomorrow we shall live under a different system. Is there anybody to
stop me? Today the people will follow wherever I lead. Is there anybody to stop
me? All the politicians, including the once mighty Mr. Bhutto, will follow me
with their tails wagging.
It is natural to ask, in the light of this discussion, whether constitution really
matters in Pakistan which seems to be in a state of perpetual revolution? And
isnt constitution - making an exercise in futility? Who is there to defend it? What
is the sanction behind it? Nobody sheds a tear when it is torn up. Why keep it in
a state of suspended animation? Why have a constitution which can be torn up,
abrogated, suspended or held in abeyance every time the army strikes?
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country. All over the world, except Pakistan, trees are venerated, respected. We
bulldoze them. Not surprisingly, Pakistan has a forest cover of 4.57% - a dismal
performance by any standard and an alarming annual rate of deforestation
ranging from 2.5% to 3%. How tragic that our leaders are much better at planting
ceremonial trees than they are at saving the forests of our nation. Perhaps, a ban
should be imposed on political and ceremonial tree plantation until the nations
forests and parks are fully protected. People who have no faith in the future of
their country do not plant trees. They loot and plunder and leave behind a
treeless desert for posterity. These are sad thoughts, but our sweetest songs are
those that tell of saddest thoughts.
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dares to hope that his king will condescend to honour his servants head by
placing upon it his august foot.
Once again, events are in the saddle and ride mankind. The Islamic world
faces its greatest threat. This is the darkest era in the history of Islam since the
13th century. The independence and sovereignty of the Islamic world is a myth.
God seems to have turned his face away from the Islamic world. Afghanistan is
under foreign occupation and has ceased to exist as a sovereign, independent
country. Afghans paid a horrible price for not meeting US demands and defying
the worlds sole superpower. Iran and Iraq, an Axis of Evil as President Bush
describes them, are next on the hit list. US troops are already engaged in military
operations against Muslims in Southern Philippine. Indonesia is threatened with
similar treatment. So are Yemen and Somalia.
We are told that Pakistan would have ceased to exist if it had resisted US
demands and not cooperated in the war against Afghanistan. When you are
face-to-face with a wolf, your only option is to work with it, until it becomes a
pet. Unfortunately the American wolf does not make a very good pet. There can
be no friendship between the cat and the mouse. There can be no friendship
between the strong and the weak or between unequals. The country does not
share President Musharrafs faith in US friendship and assurances. By
succumbing to American pressure, we managed to secure a temporary reprieve.
But at what price? Pakistan is splattered with American fortresses, seriously
compromising our internal and external sovereignty. Foreign troops stationed on
our soil move in and out of the country without any let or hindrance. Pakistan
has become a launching pad for military operations against neighbouring
Muslim countries. We have been drawn into somebody elses war without
understanding its true dimension or ultimate objectives.
Long before September 11, Secretary of State Madeline Albright, defending the
use of cruise missiles against Iraq declared. If we have to use force, it is because
we are America. We are the indispensable nation. We stand tall. We see farther
into the future. The illusion of victory in Afghanistan has put the US in sole
command of the World and it reserves to itself the right to wage war anywhere
in the world and change any regime. After the Presidents State of Union address
of January 29, many Muslims, not connected with Bin Laden, consider the US to
be on a moral par with Genghis Khan and genuinely believe that the war on
terrorism is simply a euphemism for extending US control in the Islamic world.
Why doesnt America understand that Islam is not its enemy; that the war on
terrorism can only be won by identifying and eliminating the reasons that have
brought about this menace; that it is not an honest broker in the Arab Israeli
conflict; that Israel is a deadly symbol of the humiliation of Islam by America,
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close friend and ally of Israel; that to go on a crusade against evil is one thing, to
do so with evil at your side is another; that when young men turn themselves
into suicide bombs, it is not because they are evil, but because they genuinely
think that it is America which is evil.
With the second unsuccessful siege of Vienna in 1683 and the Turkish retreat that
followed, a thousand years of Muslim threat to Europe came to an end and
centuries of Western threat to Islam began. What has been the response of the
Islamic world to this threat? One was to learn from the enemy in the whole range
of what has come to be known as modernization. The other was religious revival,
a return to the pure, authentic Islam of the Prophet and his Companions, a
rejection and elimination of the accretions and innovations that had debased and
corrupted the faith and enfeebled the Islamic society making it incapable of
resisting its external enemies.
Kamal Attaturk opted for modernization. In the process he disestablished Islam,
repealed Sharia, and adopted European practices. In order to understand what is
happening in Turkey and elsewhere in the Islamic world there are two essential
points that need to be grasped. One is the universality of religion as a factor in
the lives of Muslim people, and the other is its centrality. The notion of Church
and State as distinct institutions, each with its own laws, hierarchy, and
jurisdiction is characteristically Christian and is alien to Islam. In Islam, religion
is not, as it is in Christendom, one sector or segment of life regulating some
matters and excluding others. It is concerned with the totality of life. In such a
society, the very idea of separating Church and State is meaningless, since these
are not two separate entities to be separated.
The second response to the external threat came from the Wahabis. They aimed
at regenerating Islam and thus restoring Muslim power. In the early 19th century,
the most significant movements of resistance to western imperialism were
started by the Wahabis, inspired by charismatic leaders like Syed Ahmad Brelvi
against the British in India, Abdul Qadir against the French in Algeria, and
Shamil against the Russians in Daghestan. All three were defeated, and all three
are remembered and revered.
When Syria stood under the threat of Mongol invasion in the 13th century, Ibn
Tamiyya, a towering figure in the history of Islamic thought, exhorted his
followers to fight the Mongol foe. Having identified America as a threat to Islam
equivalent to Mongols, Bin Laden, using logic of Ibn Tamiyya, called on the
Umma to fight the Americans. A cheaper and perhaps better option is to confront
and fight the Munafiqin, the Hypocrites and the Apostates among us as the Holy
Prophet had done in the early 7th century before he fought the reigning Meccan
oligarchy. The need of the hour is to wage Jihad against the local infidels in the
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Islamic world - the oppressors, the collaborators, the exploiters and the corrupt.
Jihad par excellence against the world outside can wait.
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what it requires, then they would not be able to maintain it. Isnt it a sad
commentary on our chosen representatives that when honour calls, they all
abandon the ship and swim ashore to safety? With such leaders, is it surprising
that parliamentary democracy has failed to hold the field in Pakistan and can be
snuffed out by the military any time it likes? Perhaps no form of government,
said the historian and diplomat Lord Bryce, needs great leaders so much as
democracy.
Fifty five years after its creation, Pakistans quest for a stable political order
remains elusive. Our history can be summed up in one sentence. It is the sound
of heavy boots coming up the stairs and the rustle of satin slippers coming down.
Will it ever be possible for Pakistan to break out of this vicious cycle? The
argument that democracy has failed in Pakistan or that Pakistanis arent ready
for it just wont wash. The truth is that democracy was never given a fair trial.
Democratization is a long and complex struggle marked by advances and
setbacks. The process of genuine democratization is gradual and long-term, in
which election is only one step. Without appropriate preparation, it might even
be a false step. Democracy is not just setting up elections. It is a way of life.
Margaret Thatcher observed wisely. Only then is it irreversible. Politicians
elected during military rule face a difficult choice: they can either cooperate with
the army, thereby losing all their credibility or they can insist that the generals
call it a day, restore parliamentary democracy and go back to the barracks,
thereby forcing a political crisis. The future of parliamentary democracy in
Pakistan will depend on the choice they make.
We live in a democratic age. Democracy or freedom of choice is not a luxury. It is
intrinsic to human development. Military dictatorships are anachronisms in a
world of global markets, information and media. There are no longer any
respectable alternatives to democracy; it is part of the fashionable attire of
modernity. Can it be believed that democracy, which has overthrown the feudal
system and vanquished kings and fascist dictators, will retreat before
dictatorship in Pakistan in the 21st century? Time is on the side of democracy
everywhere. And time will win.
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held for the purpose of electing our rulers. Despite free and fair elections, Indians
were not given complete control over the government of their country; they
could not change or amend their constitution; the Indian legislature was not a
sovereign body and it was wholly incompetent to legislate on certain matters. Is
history repeating itself? By exempting himself from the democratic process
provided for in the Constitution, General Musharraf has denied the people the
right to elect their President. Pakistan will therefore remain an illiberal autocracy
of the Cromwellian type in which army has effectively ousted the front-ranking
politicians and replaced them by Lieutenant Generals. Whichever party comes
out on top, the London Times wrote in reality, the vote will do no more than
cloak continued military rule in democratic mufti.
When General Pervez Musharraf seized power on Oct 12, like millions of my
compatriots, I welcomed the change and heaved a sigh of relief. Pakistan had
found its saviour in General Musharraf. After the trauma of Nawaz Sharif, the
emergence of General Musharraf was widely regarded as an opportunity for a
new start. Boundless hopes and expectations were invested in the unsullied
young military general. For a brief ethereal moment, the country almost fell in
love with him.
However, the euphoria following the dismissal of Nawaz Sharif soon gave way
to the sobriety of the morning after. The revolution we all expected and which
seemed so certain at the time did not take place. President Musharraf slipped on
one banana peel after another. The constitution was defaced, disfigured, defiled,
decimated and changed beyond all recognition. The economy shows little sign of
recovery. Poverty has deepened. Investors confidence has not been restored
because the law and order situation shows no sign of improvement.
Three years ago, ruthless accountability of corrupt holders of public office was
on top of General Musharrafs agenda. What prevented him from making good
on his promise to initiate expeditious and ruthless accountability of all those who
had bartered away the nations trust and plundered the countrys wealth? Why
are so many corrupt holders of public office still at large and why have they been
allowed to contest the elections? Why were they not sent to prison, disqualified,
and prevented from recapturing the parliament? Why are they back in business?
What the people expected was not a cosmetic change, not selective accountability,
but a purifying, cleansing, surgical operation to purge the country of all robber
barons- corrupt politicians, civil servants, judges and generals. Unlike his
democratic predecessors, President Musharraf commanded absolute power and
had no excuse, no alibi, no political compulsions. When expectations were not
fulfilled, frustration set in, hopes raised three years ago dimmed and faded away.
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I have been associated with the conduct of many elections since preindependence days. Barring one or two exceptions, elections in Pakistan have
always been disputed and lacked credibility in varying degrees. Allegations of
official interference, rigging and manipulation of results are not uncommon in
this country. But the extent and depth of involvement of the civil administration
and the blatant, flagrant abuse of official machinery in support of the kings
party in this election was unprecedented even by Pakistani standards and broke
all previous records.
At the end of three years of military rule, the people looked forward to a new
beginning and a better future for themselves and their children in a genuinely
democratic Pakistan. Today the future has quite literally shrunk and the present
has stretched out. The center of gravity, the locus of ultimate power, will shift
from the parliament to the National Security Council, an unelected body
dominated by armed force answerable to none. It is foreign to the parliamentary
form of government and is inconsistent with the role of parliament as the great
inquest of the nation.
There cant be two suns in the sky. There should be one authority in any
government, in any state, in any country. There cant be a second center of power
in a parliamentary form of government. If you create a second center of power,
conflict between the two will develop, confusion and chaos will follow.
Cohabitation hasnt worked well in France. President Zia tried it in Pakistan
towards the end of his long military rule but it didnt work. He had to sack the
Prime Minister and dissolve the National Assembly with disastrous
consequences for the country. Why make the same mistake again? Why not learn
from history? But as Hegel said long ago? Man learns nothing from history
except that man learns nothing from history.
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2.
3.
2.
3.
(b)
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Subject to the provisions of the Act of 1935, the executive authority of each
province extended to matters with respect to which the legislature of the
province had power to make laws. It was provided that even though the
Governor could act at his discretion, he should exercise his function with the
help and on the advice of a Council of Ministers.
To summarize, the position under the act of 1935 was that, though in matters in
which the Governor-General was not empowered to act in his discretion or in
exercise of his individual judgement, the ministers could take action, which, as a
matter of convention, was not to be questioned by Governor-General, there still
remained a large sphere of action in which either the Governor-General did not
consult the Ministers or he was not bound by their advice.
It cannot be denied that Government of India Act 1935, was not a perfect piece of
legislation. It fell far short of the aspirations and demands of the people of India.
Some of its shortcomings and defects were:
1.
Indians were not given control over the government of their country.
2.
3.
(ii)
Its government should be responsible only to its own people or its elected
representatives and not to any other authority.
It is in the light of these principles that the Indian Independence Act has to be
examined when it came into force on the midnight of August 14, 1947. The
salient features and provisions of the act are:
1.
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2.
The legislatures of the two dominions were made fully sovereign and
were given powers to make laws having extra-territorial jurisdiction.
3.
4.
5.
Pakistan was not subject, as Canada and Australia were, to any disability
to change its constitution. It could have any constitution or form of
government it liked having no connection with the Commonwealth or the
Crown or the Governor-General as the representative of the Crown.
Under the provisions of the Indian Independence Act 1947, the Government of
India Act 1935 became, with certain adaptations, the working constitution of
Pakistan. Under the original Act of 1935, the position of the Governor-General
was unique. As the representative of British Crown in India, he was invested
with the final political authority in the country and given the widest
discretionary powers and special responsibilities. The Supreme command of the
land, naval, and air forces was vested in him.
On August 14, 1947, all discretionary powers were restricted through an
amendment in the Indian Independence Act 1947. Under section 8(c) of the Act
of 1947, the powers of the Governor-Generals or any Governor to act at his
discretion or to exercise his individual judgement lapsed from August 15, 1957.
From then onwards, the Governor-General was presumed to act on the advice of
his ministers. No discretionary powers were left with the Governor-General
under the act as adapted in Pakistan. With effect from August 14, 1947, all
governmental activity was brought under the control of the cabinet which was
responsible to the legislature. All powers of the Governor-General were to be
exercised on the advice of the cabinet.
Where do we stand today?
1.
The constitution - the fundamental law of the land - has been repeatedly
violated, defaced, disfigured, decimated and changed beyond all
recognition.
2.
Under the new dispensation, an un-elected President will rule Pakistan for
another five years, if not more.
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3.
4.
The Chief Executive, and not the parliament, will have the power to
amend the constitution, as he considers necessary.
One doesnt have to be a great constitutional expert to realize that we are back to
pre-Independence Government of India Act 1935 with a powerful President, a
non-sovereign parliament and a puppet Prime Minister. Pakistan opted for
parliamentary democracy at the dawn of independence. Parliament is one of the
chief instruments of our democracy. Is it consistent with the principles of
parliamentary democracy to empower the President at the expense of the Prime
Minister? And is it consistent with the principles of parliamentary democracy to
divest the parliament of its constitutional role as the sole check on the executive
and pass on this function to an unelected body like the National Security Council
dominated by the armed forces answerable to none?
One thing is clear. We have drifted away from the democratic path and have lost
our bearings and all sense of direction. Pakistan has been on the wrong road for
so long. It needs to get on the right road and go at any pace it can. Direction is
more important than speed. Nobody travels along a road without knowing
where it leads to. No captain of a ship sets out on a voyage without knowing
where it leads to. No captain of a ship sets out on a voyage without his charts
and, while sailing, without taking his position every day. But Pakistan travels
through time without orienting itself in it. The ship of state is decrepit and creaky.
The sea is turbulent. The captain has no compass and the crew is inexperienced. I
think of Pakistan as crossing an ocean in a canoe. People on an aircraft carrier can
jump around, even play football and the boat will not rock. In a canoe, all the
passengers have to paddle in unison facing the same direction or there will be
disaster. Isnt it tragic that the people on the canoe have resigned themselves to
their fate in mid ocean, have stopped paddling and have given up all hope?
There seems to be a crisis of confidence in the countrys future. There is
widespread and growing cynicism among the people. The country appears to be
adrift, lacking confidence about its future. Never before has public faith in the
countrys future sunk so low. Nobody knows where the country is headed and
very few care. Traditionally proud, Pakistanis have begun to despair. They have
seen a number of false dawns of reforms and renaissance. Talk today is of
vanished dignity, of a nation diminished in ways not previously imaginable. It is
almost as if no one wants to acknowledge a sad end to what once seemed a
beautiful dream.
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broke the cohesion, the sense of Umma that had existed under the Caliphate.
The new states have little or no popular support and are easily influenced or
manipulated by western powers. With the creation of national flags and national
anthems, the new national borders were sanctified. As the new states became
established, ruling elites emerged with vested interests in maintaining the
statusquo. The rulers are invariably autocratic and preside over inefficient
machines of states. The elites make deals with Western nations to ensure their
survival in power. Against this background, the Arab people feel isolated and
impotent, manipulated and deceived both by their own rulers and by outside
powers.
Today the politics of the Middle East present a completely different picture: they
are explosive. There is a dry wind blowing throughout the Middle East, and the
parched grasses wait the spark. Once the match is lit, and that will happen when
the Americans invade Iraq, the blaze will spread like wildfire throughout the
Middle East. All Middle East will then find itself in the eye of the storm. And the
entire political system fabricated by Kitchener, Lloyd George and Churchill in
1922 will collapse like a house of cards and go up in flames.
America is playing with fire and acting like Conrads puffing gunboat in Heart of
Darkness, shelling indiscriminately at the opaque darkness. The enemy has no
country, no address and no flag, wears no uniform, stages no parades, marches
to his own martial music. He could be on the next treadmill at the gym, or the
next table at the sports bar. He requires no tanks or submarines. He does not fear
death. He can operate with a rental car and a box cutter. He may be in Iran, Iraq,
Pakistan, Afghanistan, Germany, or the next motel room anywhere in the United
States. He is not in any hurry. For him the soup of revenge is best served cold.
The United States finds itself today in a position similar to that of Nathan
Rothschild, more than 150 years ago. The richest man in the world in the early
decades in the 19th century, Rothschild died in 1837 of an infection of which the
poorest Englishman could easily have been cured in the next century by readily
available antibiotics. All of Rothschilds wealth could not give him what had not
yet been invented, and all of the vast military and economic might of the United
States cannot secure what lies beyond the power of guns to compel and money to
buy.
The biggest headaches for the United States are likely to stem not from the
invasion of Iraq itself, but from its aftermath - the old conundrum of military
history: what to do with the loser. Once the country has been conquered and
Saddams regime driven from power, the United States would be left owning
an ethnically divided country of 22 million people ravaged by more than two
decades of war and severe deprivation.
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I was filled with alarm to hear what Secretary of Defence Donald Rumsfeld had
to say last night (September 18). He told a senate committee that Iraq could not
be trusted and the US must pre-empt it and other nations who may be friends
today and may turn hostile tomorrow, from possessing weapons of mass
destruction.
The Islamic world faces its greatest threat today. This is the darkest era in the
history of Islam since the 13th century. The independence and sovereignty of the
Islamic world is a myth. God seems to have turned his face away from the
Islamic world. Afghanistan is under foreign occupation and has ceased to exist as
a sovereign, independent country. Afghans paid a horrible price for not meeting
US demands and defying the worlds sole superpower. Iran and Iraq, an Axis of
Evil as President Bush describes them, are next on the hit list.
We are told that Pakistan would have ceased to exist if it had resisted US
demands and not cooperated in the war against Afghanistan. When you are
face to face with a wolf, your only option is to work with it, until it becomes a
pet. Unfortunately the American wolf does not make a very good pet. There can
be no friendship between the cat and the mouse. There can be no friendship
between the strong and the weak or between unequals. The strong do what they
can, Athenians told the intractable Melians, and the weak suffer what they
must.
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One of the great lessons of history, British historian Paul Johnson wrote, is
that no civilization can be taken for granted. Its permanency can never be
assured. There is always a dark age waiting for you around the corner if you
play your cards badly and you make sufficient mistakes. Today America has
lost the high moral ground it once occupied. It stands alone in the comity of
nations, forsaken by most of its erstwhile friends and allies. America was her true
self only when she was engaged in a great enterprise. That is no longer the case.
Without a great cause to inspire and galvanize it, America has ceased to be a
great nation and the dream of the Founding Fathers has gone sour. This is
certainly not Americas finest hour.
In his Iron Curtain speech in 1947, Winston Churchill said, the United States
stands at this time at the pinnacle of world power. It is a solemn moment for the
American democracy. For with primacy in power is also joined an awe inspiring accountability for future. Those words are as true today as when
Churchill spoke them 55 years ago.
I was in Washington on September 11 and was shocked to see, on television, the
terrible human tragedy in which thousands of innocent men and women lost
their lives. Nobody can justify or condone a crime of such unparalleled
magnitude. We understand Americas anger and we share its grief and pain but
on September 20, as we listened to President George W. Bushs wartime rhetoric
and wild west allegories, we held our breath. When he finished, the spontaneous
reaction of all those present was that President Bush had virtually declared war
on the entire Islamic world. America must not let its need for revenge blur its
judgement, for the rage of a wounded giant can be irrational, its direction
unpredictable.
My greatest complaint, Tocqueville wrote almost two hundred years ago,
against democratic government, as organized in the United States, is not, as
many Europeans make out, its weakness, but rather its irresistible strength. What
I find most repulsive in America is not the extreme freedom reigning there but
the shortage of guarantees against tyranny. An American war against yet
another Islamic country will not be in Americas national interest and will almost
certainly produce unintended consequences. A great man has said that enemies
never tell men the truth and it is seldom that their friends do so. That is why I
have done so.
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he claimed that the takeover was designed to prevent any army seizure of
power in Pakistan. US officials noted that Mirza had taken them into his
confidence almost as soon as his plan of action was formulated and agreed to by
the key military leaders involved.
Amazed by the increasingly Byzantine and sterile characteristics of political
activity, Washingtons recently appointed ambassador James M. Langley,
quickly concluded that the time had come to rethink(the US) approach to the
Pakistan problem. By early 1957, President Eisenhower was telling the National
Security Council that in some instances the neutrality of a foreign nation was to
the direct advantage of the United States. The US had made a terrible error,
keeping Pakistan as a military ally while doing practically nothing for its people.
But having bet on the military and the bureaucracy in Pakistan, it was now
impossible to avoid facing up to the consequences. Suggestions by American
diplomats in Pakistan that Washington try and steer Mirza away from his
authoritarian tendencies were countered by the argument that this would defeat
US purposes by reviving the old slogan the real Prime Minister (of Pakistan) is
named Hildreth. In any event, the State Department and the Joint Chief of Staff
had not been seeing eye to eye on who was their best man - Mirza or Ayub. The
State Department thought, Mirza was more competent than Ayub, a view
generally shared by the British, while the Joint Chiefs of Staff thought Mirza was
no match for Ayub, so far as honesty and directness were concerned. The
American foreign and defence establishments, however, were agreed on one
thing. They would back the military and bureaucratic combination most capable
of restoring a semblance of stability in a country in which they had invested so
much for so little.
So while seeking to extricate the US from the present worrisome situation, there
could be no question of turning back on those elements which, for whatever
motive, and however imperfect, were Americas closest friends and supporters.
Consequently, any attempt at balancing Pakistans military and economic
requirements had to be conducted by and with Mirza and General Ayub and at
all costs not against them. Past American involvement in the Pakistans military
were in danger of being wiped out if something (was) not done to arrest the
current deterioration in many aspects of Pakistani life. In the American
ambassadors colorful metaphor in Pakistan we have an unruly horse by the
tail and are confronted with the dilemma of trying to tame it before we can let go
safelyI have the uneasy feeling that far from being tamed, this horse we
assumed to be so friendly has actually grown wilder of late.
By the early morning hours of October 8, 1958, Ayub with Mirzas connivance
had staged a successful coup. Before the people of Pakistan could hear of the
news, the makers of the coup thought it politic to secure the blessings of
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Pakistans foreign allies. Mirza summoned the American ambassador and the
British High Commissioner. Pakistan, he asserted in Ayubs presence, had been
placed under Martial Law. But irrespective of changes at the domestic level, the
new government would be even more pro-West than before. Armed with the
legitimacy they deemed to be important, Mirza at Ayubs behest, issued a
proclamation suspending the constitution, dismissing the central and provincial
governments, dissolving the three assemblies, banning all political parties,
postponing election indefinitely and placing Noon as well as other members of
the central cabinet under house arrest. Not a single shot was fired to protest
against the imposition of Martial Law. The only hitch, as everyone realized, was
that the duumvirate of Ayub and Mirza could not last long. Neither had a solid
constituency of support, but Ayub with his direct control over the army, had a
clear edge over Mirza. The US ambassador nevertheless thought it desirable that
Mirza, a civilian, emerge as top man. Yet Washington thought that wisest
course would be to take a rather neutral position between the two potential
contenders for power while being friendly and equally frank with both of them.
The most remarkable development of the last quarter of the 20th century,
according to Fukuyama, has been the collapse of dictatorships of all kinds. It is
his brilliantly argued theme that, overtime, the motor of History will drive
societies toward establishing liberal democracies. Isnt it ironical that while
authoritarian governments are collapsing all around us and the world has gotten
better in many ways, Pakistan, which started as a modern, progressive,
democratic state 58 years ago, is drifting away from the democratic path and
sliding into darkness. The engine of history is moving Pakistan backwards. Our
fledgling democracy may, after all, turn out to have been a historical accident
and a parenthesis that is closing before our eyes.
Forty-two years after the first military coup in Pakistan, we are back to square
one. The country is under military rule for the fourth time. The parliament stands
dissolved. The constitution remains suspended. The constitutional changes made
by President Musharraf make a mockery of the promised October elections. The
last 50 years are or so have made all of us in Pakistan into deep historical
pessimists. As individuals we can, of course, be optimistic about our personal
prospects for good life. But when we come to larger questions, the verdict is
decidedly different. It is becoming increasingly clear that Pakistan is moving
away from what the West considers decent and humane political institutions. As
time passes it may be harder to sustain optimism.
Democracy, freedom of choice, rule of law and human rights, are highly
desirable American goals but their priority has obviously diminished since
September 11. In an off the - cuff comment on the series of constitutional changes
announced by President Musharraf, President Bush conveyed a sense that
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democracy in Pakistan wasnt all that important and was an afterthought for him.
Many Pakistanis are wondering: why is America pushing democracy only in
Afghanistan and Iraq? Why is the Bush team advocating democracy only in
authoritarian regimes that oppose America and not in authoritarian regimes that
are pro-America? Why is Washingtons response to the constitutional changes
made by President Musharraf so tepid? Today American policy towards the
Islamic world, as described by Thomas Friedman, the well-known American
columnist, is to punish enemies with the threat of democracy and reward its
friends with silence on democratization.
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In Search of a Constitution?
A question keeps coming up. Why did Mr. Jinnah not give a constitution? Some
of his remarks on the subject are worth noting: the constituent assembly may
take some time to accomplish its task of framing the final constitution of our state.
It is a stupendous task and it may take eighteen months or two years before it
can come into full operation Pakistan is now a sovereign state, absolute and
unfettered and the government of Pakistan is in the hands of the people. Until
we finally frame our constitution which, of course, can only be done by the
constituent assembly, our present provisional constitution, based on the
fundamental principles of democracy, not bureaucracy, not autocracy or
dictatorship, must be worked. More than half a century after Mr. Jinnah uttered
these words, Pakistan is still in pursuit of a durable constitutional framework. It
has been a 55-year journey and Pakistan has not arrived yet. The country is
under military rule; the constitution remains suspended. Parliament stands
dissolved. The supreme power of the country is wielded by a single person. His
word is law. He exercises sovereign power. Any discussion of the legality or
illegality of his decree is without any practical value and is infact quite
impertinent. For this reason, all the lengthy debates in the Supreme Court do not
impress the people and leave them cold. It is a long story to tell how we have
come to this pass, but in this retrospective account, I shall try to be brief.
It all started at the dawn of our independence. Under the Indian independence
act of 1947, the function of the Legislature of the Dominion, including the making
of the constitution, were to be performed by a constituent assembly which had
also to function as the Federal Legislature. The framers of that act had before
them the experience of other constituent assemblies in the world and believed
that both the constituent assemblies (of India and Pakistan) would complete the
work assigned to them within approximately the same time as other constituent
assemblies had done. They never imagined that in this respect the constituent
assembly of Pakistan would beat the world record. When the constituent
assembly for Pakistan was setup, the longest time ever taken up by any
constituent assembly in the world had been one year and nine months. The
constituent assembly of India had begun its work in 1948 and it enacted the
constitution of India on November 26, 1949. It took the United States of America
one year and nine months to produce a written constitution which is the envy of
the democratic world. During the same period of about two years, all that the
constituent assembly of Pakistan accomplished was to adopt the Objectives
Resolution which affirmed that sovereignty over the entire universe belongs to
God Almighty alone and the authority which he had delegated to the state of
Pakistan through its people for being exercised within the limits prescribed by
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Him, was a sacred trust. After adopting the Objectives Resolution, the assembly
resolved to appoint a Basic Principles Committee to consider and report on the
main principles on which the constitution was to be based. The interim report of
the committee was presented to the assembly by the Prime Minister, Mr. Liaquat
Ali Khan, on September 28, 1950. It was bitterly criticized in east Bengal and the
Punjab, because of the principle of parity - cum - weightage embodied in it.
On April 17, 1953, the Governor General, Mr. Ghulam Muhammad relieved
Khawaja Nazimuddin of his responsibilities as the Prime Minister and called
upon Mr. Muhammad Ali, who was then Pakistans ambassador to the United
States, to form the government. Meanwhile, the provincial elections held in East
Bengal in March 1954 completely eroded the representative character of the
constituent assembly, as the dominant political party in it (the Muslim League)
secured only two seats in the Provincial Assembly. On September 21, 1954 the
Constituent assembly adopted the basic principles committee report. The
drafting committee prepared a draft of the constitution which was sent to the
printer on October 16, so that it would be on the table of the house when the
Constituent assembly reconvened to discuss it on October 27. Pakistan was to be
declared an Islamic Republic on January 1, 1955. The document although printed,
did not see the light of the day. The Governor General, Mr. Ghulam Muhammad,
dissolved the Constituent assembly on October 24, 1954, ostensibly because, over
the years, it had lost its representative character. The President of the dissolved
assembly (Maulvi Tameez Uddin Khan) challenged the legality of the Governor
Generals action and a full bench of the Chief Court of Sindh held the dissolution
to be unconstitutional. The decision was however, reversed by the Federal Court
announced in March 1955.
The Governor General then called a Constituent Convention of parliamentarians
and legal experts to frame a constitution. The elections to the convention were
however, postponed because of the advice given by the Federal Court on a
Reference made to it. In accordance with this advice the Governor General gave
up the idea of calling the convention and, instead, promulgated Constituent
assembly order 1955 for the election of a new Constituent assembly consisting of
80 members equally divided between the two wings of the country. On January 8,
1956, the government introduced the constitution bill in the Assembly which was
finally adopted by it on February 29. The constitution was to come into force on
Pakistan Day (March 23, 1956) marking a smooth change - over from the
Government of India act to the Constitution of the Islamic Republic of Pakistan.
General elections under the new constitution were to be held in early 1959.
Unfortunately, the constitution prepared after nine long years did not last longer
than two and a half years. No general election was held under it because
President Iskandar Mirza had lost control over the democratic forces in the
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country. He was unable to influence the electoral process and was, therefore, not
prepared to run the risk of holding a general election. Ayub Khan, the
commander-in-chief, contemptuously dismissed the 1956 constitution as hotchpotch of alien concepts which had already brought enough confusion and chaos
in the country. The hour has struck. The moment so long delayed had finally
arrived. The responsibility could no longer be put off. In the darkness of the
night General Ayub and President Mirza conspired to derail the political process.
This was the beginning of the recurring periods of military rule in Pakistan.
From June 8, 1962 to March 25, 1969, Pakistan was governed under the 1962
constitution promulgated by Ayub Khan, the new President and Chief Martial
Law Administrator on the strength of a mandate acquired by him through a
dubious referendum held on February 14, 1960. Towards the end of this period,
the country witnessed scenes of unprecedented chaos and upheaval following a
popular movement to overthrow the regime in order to democratize the
constitution. The situation deteriorated to such an extent that President Ayub
wrote to the c-in-c, Pakistan army, General Agha Muhammad Yahya Khan on
March 25, 1969: I am left with no path but to step aside and leave to the defence
force of Pakistan to takeover full control of the affairs of this country. Martial
law was re-imposed for the second time since independence and Pakistans
second working constitution was demolished by its own creator.
After the breakup of Pakistan, General Yahya Khan was compelled to transfer
power to Mr. Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, the Chairman of Pakistan Peoples Party. On
December 29, the new President said: As for as the constitution is concerned, we
intend to move fast in that direction. I am going to have further discussions with
the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court as well as with others. I am determined to
move as fast as possible for the restoration of democracy. On April 12, 1973 at a
special session of the National Assembly 137 members affixed their signatures to
the constitution of the Islamic Republic of Pakistan. After authenticating the
constitution, marked by a 31-gun salute, the President remarked: The
Constitution of the Islamic Republic of Pakistan is the Constitution of the people
of Pakistan and they are best suited to speak for it. The document is their
property and they are best suited to protect it. It is our hope and belief that under
the inspiring guidance of God Almighty, the people of Pakistan will speak for
their constitution and will protect it for all times to come. In a similar address
on the radio - TV network, Mr. Bhutto said: today we bid good-bye finally and
for all times, to the palace revolutions and military coups which plagued
Pakistan for nearly two decades. Fate willed otherwise. On July 5, 1977, General
Ziaul Haq, Chief of Army Staff, staged a military take-over, arrested Mr. Bhutto,
sacked the Federal and Provincial governments; dissolved the assemblies; and
suspended the constitution. The evening before, I saw Mr. Bhutto for the last
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time at the American Ambassadors reception. He was smoking a cigar and was
huddled up with the Afghan ambassador.
Would it have made any difference if we had succeeded in making a constitution
earlier than we did? Would it have deflected the grand currents of our history?
Would it have prevented the imposition of martial law? Would it have prevented
the breakup of Pakistan? I have my doubts. It might have slowed down the
course of events but nothing more. The rot had set in long before the army struck.
For years, the political landscape of Pakistan had been dotted with Potemkin
villages - parliamentarians went through the motion of attending parliamentary
sessions, question hour, routine legislation, privilege motions etc., endless
debates which everybody knew were sterile and totally unrelated to the real
problems of the common man. The loss of faith in the democratic process, the
bankruptcy of our political leadership, palace intrigues etc. enfeebled and then
ultimately brought down the rotten structure of Pakistan democracy. Like the
Berlin wall, it came tumbling down because nobody believed in it strongly
enough to defend it. Nothing could have stopped the army from taking over.
Successive governments, both civil and military, have disfigured, defaced, and
defiled the 1973 constitution and changed it beyond all recognition. What will it
look like when it is restored and how long will it survive? A written constitution
makes sense only if people genuinely believe in the sanctity and supremacy of
the constitution and are prepared to protect and defend it. It makes sense only if
people have confidence in the independence and integrity of the Supreme Court
which is the guardian of the constitution. A written constitution makes no sense
if what it says is one thing and what actually happens in practice is another. It
makes no sense if it is periodically abrogated, suspended or held in abeyance by
people who have sworn to defend and uphold it. It makes no sense if it is treated
as a parchment of dried leaves and torn to pieces whenever it suits the rulers. If
that is how we are going to treat our written constitution, why have a written
constitution at all? Whither, then, are we tending?
Constitution making is a hazardous business in Pakistan. On the eve of the 1973
constitution, Mr. Bhutto said: Today we have passed through the dark tunnel,
and I see the Golden Bridge. Tragically, what he saw was not the Golden Bridge
but an optical illusion and a mirage. Six years later, on April 4, 1979 to be precise,
Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, Prime Minister of Pakistan and architect of the 1973
constitution, was taken to the gallows on a stretcher and hanged. What is the
moral of it all? Danton summed it up famously in his memorable words.
Standing on the scaffold, he said: It is better to be a fisherman than to govern
men.
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When Zulfikar Ali Bhutto and 10 others were re-imprisoned by General Zia in
September 1977, Begum Bhutto filed a petition in the Supreme Court challenging
the validity and legality of the Martial Law regime. In that case, Pakistan made
judicial history when a bench of 9 judges of the Supreme Court validated the
imposition of Martial Law and the dissolution of Parliament by the Chief of
Army Staff, General Muhammad Ziaul Haq, on the ground that it was
necessitated by considerations of state necessity and public welfare. It held that
the CMLA was entitled to perform all such acts and promulgate all such
legislative measures which fell within the scope of the law of security, including
the power to amend the constitution, completely disregarding the accepted view
that the court did not have the power or jurisdiction to circumvent settled
constitutional procedures and allow a functionary to tamper with the
constitution. This was an exercise of power without precedent. Not a single
dissent was filed. In the years to come, the CMLA was to amend the constitution
wholesale and to cite this judgement as an answer to all accusations of abuse of
power. The Supreme Court had retained for the superior courts the jurisdiction
to examine all acts and measures of the military regime on the criterion of
necessity. But when it appeared that there was a cleavage between the regimes
and the superior courts view of what was necessary, the courts lost. The regime
used the sword supplied to it by the judiciary to strike at judicial power.
In March 1981, General Zia promulgated the provisional constitutional Order
1981 (PCO) for consolidating and declaring the law and for effectively meeting
the threat to the integrity and sovereignty of Pakistan and because doubts have
arisenas regards the powers and jurisdiction of the superior courts. As a
consequence of this order, judicial powers were extinguished and 1973
constitution effectively abrogated. It placed virtually all powers in the hands of
the executive; provided extensive emergency provisions to extend military rule
and gave the President - CMLA retrospective powers to amend the constitution.
All the orders and actions taken by the regime were considered to have been
validly made, and notwithstanding any judgement of any court, could not be
called into question in any court on any ground whatsoever. To add insult to
injury, Superior courts judges were required to take a new oath to uphold the
P.C.O; not all judges were invited to do so. The Supreme Court, the guardian of
the constitution, without any jurisdiction or power, authorized the CMLA to
dismantle the constitution brick by brick and change it beyond recognition. The
regime used the sword supplied to it by the judiciary to strike at judicial power.
The PCO 1981 was the logical culmination of the process started in 1955 with the
judgements in Tamizuddin Khans case, the 1955 reference and Dossos case.
It is unfortunate that from the countrys first decade, our judges tried to match
their constitutional ideals and legal language to the exigencies of current politics.
It is our misfortune that the judiciary has often functioned at the behest of
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authority and has been used to further the interests of the state against the
citizens. Their judgements have often supported the government of the day. This
was their chosen path through the 1950s; during the Martial Law period of the
1960s and 1970s; under the mixed constitutional rule of Zulfikar Ali Bhutto and
persists till today. When the history of our benighted times comes to be written,
it will be noted that the superior judiciary failed the country in its hour of
greatest need.
What would have happened had the Supreme Court decisions been different. It
is idle to speculate but I have no doubt that the history of Pakistan would have
been different. Looking back, keeping the courts open for business, not as a
matter of right but as a privilege, under strict limitations imposed by military
rulers, and tailoring judgements for expedience, or simple survival has done the
country or the judiciary no good. On the contrary, it has done incalculable harm
and undermined the confidence of the people in the independence of the courts.
In the words of Palkhivala, so long as there is a judiciary marked by rugged
independence, the citizens liberties are safe even in the absence of cast iron
guarantees in the constitution. But once the judiciary becomes subservient to the
executive and to the philosophy of the party for the time being in power, no
enumeration of fundamental rights in the constitution can be of any avail to the
citizen, because the courts of justice would then be replaced by government
courts.
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What should be the powers of the President and the Prime Minister in a
Parliamentary form of government?
And
2.
India framed a constitution, like ours, on the Westminster model within two
years of independence and has a parliamentary form of government. All their
constitutional experts including Sir Chimanlal Setalvad, Sir Krishna Swamy and
others made it abundantly clear right in the beginning that the executive
responsibility for the governance of the country rests with the Prime Minister
and President is neither an appellate authority over the Prime Minister nor a
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supervisory authority over the Prime Minister or the cabinet. Doubts in regard to
the precise powers of the President vis--vis the Prime Minister and the Council
of Ministers were originally raised by Indias first President, Dr. Rajendra Prasad
who had earlier presided over the Constituent Assembly. Rajendra Prasad raised
three points of constitutional importance and claimed that he was not bound
hand and foot by the advice of the Council of Ministers. He contended that he
had the power to withhold assent to bills in his discretion, dismiss a ministry or
minister and order a general election and as a Supreme Commander of Defence
Forces, send for the Military Chiefs, and ask for information about defence
matters. The power, he argued, flowed from the Presidents oath of office.
Jawahar Lal Nehru, the Prime Minister, was taken completely by surprise and
promptly sought the formal opinion of the Attorney General, M. C. Setalvad, a
recognized legal colossus. Setalvad was clear in his opinion that in a
parliamentary form of government, the office of the President was essentially
that of a titular head like that of the British Monarch. He, therefore, held that the
President was bound by the advice of the Council of Ministers and could not
withhold assent to a bill as claimed by Rajendra Prasad. At the same time,
however, he was of the opinion that the President could, like a Constitutional
Monarch, assert his influence in other ways, as spelt by Bagehot, the
acknowledged authority on British constitutional law. According to Bagehot, the
Crown had the right to be consulted, the right to warn, and the right to
encourage and nothing more. Setalvads views were equally of interest on the
two other issues. First, he said that the President could not send for the Service
Chiefs but he could send for the Defence Minister. Setalvad further held that the
President should avoid speeches which might embarrass the government. That
settled the issue once and for all and that is where the matter rests today. Indian
democracy has stood the test of time. The Executive is accountable to the
legislature and legislature alone. There is no other check on the Indian Prime
Minister or the cabinet. The constitution has kept the country united, allowed its
democracy to survive and kept the armed forces at bay.
In our case, successive governments disfigured, defiled, defaced, decimated and
destroyed the basic features of our Constitution with the help of a pliant and
spineless Judiciary. We deviated from the principles of parliamentary form of
government, gave vast powers to the President including power to appoint
Service Chiefs, Governors, power to dissolve the National Assembly and power
to supervise and oversee the working of the government. This, inevitably, led to
trouble which persists till today. Is it consistent with the principles of
parliamentary government to empower the President at the expense of the Prime
Minister? And is it consistent with the principles of parliamentary government to
divest the parliament of its constitutional role as the sole check on the Executive
and pass on this function to an un-elected, extra-constitutional body like the
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National Security Council dominated by the armed forces? The irony is that in
spite of all the battering it has received, the constitution, which is now almost
unrecognisable, is still described as the 1973 constitution of the Islamic Republic
of Pakistan. It is like in ancient times, when the Emperor would test his ministers
and courtiers by bringing out a donkey and calling it a horse. If you maintained
that it was a donkey, you lost your head. If you called it a horse, then you got a
promotion.
It is axiomatic that army has no political role in any democratic country,
whatever its form of government. But, for historical reasons, it has acquired this
role in Pakistan which now appears to be irreversible. The only question for
consideration, therefore, is: should this role be formalized through the NSC and
made a part of the constitution or should it be left as it is. In my opinion, the
army should be like an Emergency Lamp. When power fails, and power fails
quite frequently in Islamabad, the Emergency Lamp comes into operation. When
power is restored, the Emergency Lamp becomes dormant. Or to put it
differently, the role of the army should be like that of a firebrigade. It should
rush to the site of fire, extinguish the fire as quickly as possible, and then get
back to the station. It must not stay at the site of the fire a minute longer than is
absolutely necessary. If it lingers on, tarries too long, gets involved in the
management and administration of the house, it ceases to be a firebrigade.
The Chief of Army Staff should, like the Emergency Lamp, remain in the
background. If strain develops between the President and the Prime Minister and
the country faces what is called the deadlock of democracy, he should act as a
Referee, avoid becoming a participant or a partisan in the political power game
and act as a peacemaker and peacekeeper without derailing the political process.
In course of time, this arrangement will, hopefully, develop into a healthy
convention and become a source of strength and stability for Pakistans
democracy.
On the other hand, if the army role is formalized, as is proposed, it will expose it
to criticism both at home and abroad. It will be accused of exercising power
without responsibility, and usurpation of the functions of parliament and
Bonapartism. The center of gravity, the locus of ultimate power, will shift to the
National Security Council, an un-elected body dominated by armed forces
answerable to none. It will result in Constitutional anarchy because the proposed
National Security Council is foreign to the Parliamentary form of government
and is inconsistent with the supremacy of the Constitution and the role of
parliament as the great inquest of the nation. There cant be two suns in the
sky. There should be one authority in any government, in any state, in any
country. There cant be a second center of power in a Parliamentary form of
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government. If you create a second center of power, conflict between the two will
develop, confusion and chaos will follow.
I think you listen too much to the soldiers, Lords Salisbury wrote to Lytton,
Viceroy of India. No lesson seems to be so deeply inculcated by the experience
of life as that you should never trust experts. If you believe the doctors, nothing
is wholesome: if you believe the theologian, nothing is innocent: if you believe
the soldiers, nothing is safe. They all require to have their strong wine diluted by
a very large admixture of insipid common Sense. I recalled Salisburys words of
advice when I left the Chief Executives office after five hours of free, frank and
open discussion with President Musharraf on the constitutional package.
Contrary to popular belief, President Musharraf is a good listener, enjoys the cut
and thrust of argument and is still open to conviction. What he needs more than
anything else is civilian input.
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at present and understand its true constitutional and legal implications when
you say that you will be faithful to the constitution of the Dominion. The
supreme irony of the event is that the Constitution of Pakistan was to be
abrogated or suspended by some of the officers present in Mr. Jinnahs audience.
Years later, General Zia, while addressing a press conference in Tehran, said,
What is the Constitution? It is a booklet with ten or twelve pages. I can tear
them up and say that tomorrow we shall live under a different system. Why did
the army get involved in the politics of Pakistan in the first instance? Why did
Ayub Khan stab Pakistans fledgling democracy in the back? Why was he
allowed to commit the original sin? No one can undo the past but why must we
persist in this folly?
It is now abundantly clear and it gives me no pleasure to say that whatever the
constitutional position, in the final analysis defacto sovereignty in Pakistan
(Majestas est summa in civas ac subditoes legibusque soluta potestas i.e. highest
power over citizens and subjects unrestrained by law in the words of French
Jurist Jean Bodin) resides neither in the electorate, nor the Parliament nor the
executive, nor the judiciary, nor even the constitution which has superiority
over all the institutions it creates. It resides, if it resides anywhere at all, where
the coercive power resides. In practice, it is the pouvoir occulte which is the
ultimate authority in the decision making process in Pakistan. They decide when
to abrogate the constitution; when it should be suspended; when elected
governments shall be sacked, and when democracy should be given a chance.
The political sovereignty of the people is a myth. To apply the adjective
sovereign to the people in todays Pakistan is a tragic farce.
But as Rousseau said, however strong a man is, he is never strong enough to
remain master always unless he transforms his might into right and obedience
into duty. This has been the problem of all military dictators of Pakistan. In
order to convert their might into right and obedience into duty, they devised
devious ways and means. Ayub Khan faced the same dilemma. How was he to
acquire legitimacy? He created 80,000 basic democrats. Zia ul Haq held a
fraudulent referendum. President Musharraf followed Zias example and held a
dubious referendum in a bid to acquire legitimacy.
Why make structural changes in the constitution now? Why open the Pandoras
box? Why follow this tortuous, circuitous, devious road back to nowhere? Why
not follow the straight path and restore the unamended 1973 agreed constitution?
Far from detailing a system of checks and balances, the proposed constitutional
framework is a veritable time bomb with the fuse box in the custody of the
President. Even a cursory examination of the proposed amendments would
show that the powers of the President far exceed those normally bestowed upon
a ceremonial head of state in a parliamentary system of government. Before
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Pakistan is at the crossroads. Fifty five years after its creation, Pakistans quest
for a stable political order remains elusive. In the absence of a constitution, the
country is, to borrow George Washingtons words, united only by a rope of
sand. The number of choices that are available to it in determining how it will
organize itself politically are fast diminishing. The lesson of our history is that
army rule, with or without a civilian faade is a recipe for disaster; that by itself
no army, no matter how strong, has ever rescued a country from social upheaval,
internal disorder or prevented its disintegration. Cohabitation - the tortured, ineffectual, co-existence between the President and the Executive of conflicting
ideological stripes has not been a great success in France. How can it work in
Pakistan? Confrontation would be fraught with dangerous consequences for the
very survival of the country. On the other hand, unless the principle of civilian
supremacy is accepted, it will never be possible for Pakistan to breakout of this
vicious cycle of civilian governments followed by military regimes and the
country will go on swinging between fake democracy and naked dictatorship,
going from one extreme to the other as has been the case throughout our
troubled history. Isnt it time to end the permanent civil war among the people of
Pakistan?
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The city itself provides enough subjects for conversation; let him confine his
garrulity to these; and let him be aware that I shall be satisfied with the advice
originating in camp. The Consuls cry for a free hand echoes that of Generals
throughout history.
Generals are professionals, much like highly trained surgeons: the statesman is
in the position of a patient requiring urgent care. He may freely decide whether
or not to have an operation -, he may choose one doctor over another, and he
may even make a decision among different surgical options but he may not select
the doctors scalpel, or rearrange the operating room to his liking. Even the
patient who has medical training is well advised not to attempt to do so, and
indeed his doctor will almost surely resent a colleague - patients efforts along
such lines. The result should be a limited degree of civilian control over military
matters. To ask too many questions, (let alone to give orders) about tactics,
strategy, particular pieces of hardware, advance or retreat is meddling and
interference, which is inappropriate and downright dangerous. When political
leadership assumes the military role of how the armed forces will perform their
duty, the nation has a problem. For a politician to dictate military action is folly.
On the other hand, when politicians abdicate their role in making policy
decisions and blindly follow military advice, the nation has a serious problem.
The civil hand must never relax, and it must hold the control that has always
belonged to it by right.
As Clausewitz wrote, no one starts the war - or rather no one in his senses
ought to do so - without first being clear in his mind what he intends to achieve
by that war and how he intends to conduct it. Every war is begun, terminated,
and ended by political considerations. War and politics, campaign and statecraft,
are Siamese twins, inseparable and interdependent; and to talk of military
operations without the direction and interference of political leadership is as
absurd as to plan a campaign without tactics, pay or rations. War, Clausewitz
said, is merely the continuation of politics by other means. That is why great
statesmen like Lincoln, Clemenceau and Churchill did not delegate war fighting
to the Generals. They always queried, prodded, probed and, on rare occasions,
ordered their professional subordinates. But a great statesman is a rarity and an
average politician like Bush or Cheney or Rumsfeld who poses as a Lincoln or a
Churchill or a Clemenceau may come to grief and inflict incalculable damage on
his country.
The Vietnam War tore President Johnson apart and damaged his entire
Presidency. One reason why the United States failed to achieve victory in
Vietnam is that civilian leaders made the military fight with a hand tied behind
its back. At the end of the last Gulf war, then - President George Bush declared
when he received the Association of the US Armys George Catlett Marshall
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Medal: I vowed that I would never send an American soldier into combat with
one hand tied behind the soldiers back. We did the politics and you superbly
did the fighting. The standard indictment of civilian leadership during the
Vietnam War also includes a criticism of its preference for incremental uses of
force, - rather than the sudden, massive application of power that the military
would have preferred. In the Gulf war, Colin Powell, ever the professional,
George Bush wrote, wisely wanted to be sure that if we had to fight, we would
do it right and not take half measures. He sought to ensure that there were
sufficient troops for whatever option I wanted, and then the freedom of action to
do the job once the political decision had been made. I was determined that our
military would have both. I did not want to repeat the problems of the Vietnam
War where the political leadership meddled with military operations. I would
avoid micromanaging the military. Rumsfeld rejected the doctrine of using
overwhelming force which was promulgated by Colin Powell. Instead, he
favoured the use of air power, more joint operations among army and marine
units and the use of special operations. The result is that today the United States
does not have a large enough force in Iraq to takeover the country. Is America
sinking into quicksand? Is Bushs luck about to turn in the winds and sands of
Iraq?
Americans dont seem to understand why Iraqi forces are putting up such a
fierce fight? They dont understand that Iraqis, even those who detest Saddam,
love their homeland and hate the idea of a US occupation and are ready to resist
a foreign occupier, even one that claims to be a liberator. There is no question in
my mind that creating an American colony in Iraq will do more to stoke
radicalism than to contain it. Press commentaries in the past week or so have
been full of reminders about previous failures to remake the Middle East, going
back as far as the Versailles Treaty of 1919 when the maps of the current-day
Middle East were drawn. In her book, Paris 1919: Six months that changed the
world, Margaret MacMillan recalled the optimistic prediction of the British
Governor-General of Mesopotamia, who declared that the average Arab sees
the future as one of fair dealing and material and moral progress under the aegis
of Great Britain. A misconception of similar scale afflicts US ambitions for Iraq
today.
Winston Churchill once said, Never, never, never believe that war will be
smooth and easy, or anyone who embarks on the strange voyage can measure
the tides and hurricanes he will encounter. The statesman who yields to war
fever must realize that once the signal is given, he is no longer the master of
policy but the slave of unforeseeable and uncontrollable events. Words of
wisdom which Bush should heeded before unleashing the war against Iraq. The
fact that Bush had embarked on a disastrous course carrying the nation into a
major war - the first illegal war of the 21st century - does not appear to have
275
seeped into the American consciousness yet. However, the picture of the worlds
sole super power killing or maiming innocent men, women and children, while
trying to pound a small Muslim country into submission on an issue whose
merits are hotly disputed by the International community, is not a pretty one. It
is revolting. Americans dont have the God-given right to shape every nation in
their own image. Today they are on their own - Lone Rangers riding toward the
sunset.
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278
Quarrying in Kalinjar and Sinyari valleys in Margalla was stopped under orders
of Moin Qureshi, as caretaker Prime Minister. Mustafa Khar, as Minister of water
and power, stopped stone crushing in Shahdara valley by simply ordering
WAPDA to remove the transformers and discontinue power supply. With the
crushers gone, nature has taken over and wild life has returned. The military
regime set up a Task Force two years ago to study the wanton destruction and
decimation of Margallah around Nicholson monument. It has yet to submit its
report! Meanwhile, the decimation and destruction of Margalla goes on round
the clock, unchecked and uninterrupted.
Who among our leaders, elected or un-elected, in uniform or otherwise, will save
our National Parks, our forests, our national heritage. Trees are symbols of hope
for the future and are planted by people who have faith in the future of their
country. All over the world, except Pakistan, trees are venerated, respected. We
bulldoze them. Not surprisingly, Pakistan has a forest cover of 4.57% - a dismal
performance by any standard and an alarming annual rate of deforestation
ranging from 2.5% to 3%. How tragic that our leaders are much better at planting
ceremonial trees than they are at saving the forests of our nation. Perhaps, a ban
should be imposed on political and ceremonial tree plantation until the nations
forests and parks are fully protected. People who have no faith in the future of
their country do not plant trees. They loot and plunder and leave behind a
treeless desert for posterity. These are sad thoughts, but our sweetest songs are
those that tell of saddest thoughts.
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Stray Thoughts
At the crack of dawn, seven days a week, with wordsworthian enthusiasm, when
my health permits and most of Islamabad is fast a sleep, I wander about the
Margalla Hills enjoying natures richness and its luxurious fecundity. Fatigue,
frustration and disillusionment all drop away. In solitude among natures works
and away from the selfishness of man, I seek in the Margalla Communion with
nature and a place to lose myself. The scented and invigorating air and the sight
of distant snows act like an elixir. The Margalla Hills, which form the backdrop
of Islamabad, comprise largely subtropical, dry, semi-ever green forest and pine
trees. No less then seventeen hundred species of flowering plants and fifty-three
ferns occur in a diversity of habitats. In the spring, the Margallas are carpeted
with flowers such as tulips, dandelions, buttercups, poppies, and many annual
and perennial plants. Once within their embrace, the Margallas are designed by
nature to dispel from the minds visitors of all thoughts and memories likely to
sadden or oppress. To be in Margalla is not to be in Islamabad but to be
suspended magically beside it, freed from the citys tensions and protected from
the bureaucracy. The Margalla is where people go to seek asylum from the
mandarins.
Unfortunately, although the entire area was declared a National Park by the
Federal Government in 1980, it has been disfigured, decimated and defiled as a
result of activities which are prejudicial to its preservation, environmentally
hazardous and incompatible with the objectives of a National Park. A cement
factory was established in 1984 in the green area. Its requirement of raw
materials i.e. lime stone is quarried in the National Park. Consequently, the
parks features, its rock, soil, fauna and flora are being destroyed. Besides, the
factory is creating serious pollution. Hundreds of stone-crushers were installed
in some of the most beautiful valleys in the National Park and rock-mining
allowed. This has totally destroyed the landscape, the natural geographical
formations, archaeological features and native plant communities. An industrial
atmosphere has been created in an otherwise pristine environment by the noise
of motors and machinery, dynamite-blasting, heavy truck traffic, workers camps
and polluted streams. Even Rawal Lake, a part of the National Park and the main
source of drinking water for Rawalpindi has not been spared and is threatened
by pollution caused by human habitations in the catchment area and all around
the lake.
The Margalla Hills Society has been campaigning, in the teeth of opposition from
powerful political elements and vestige interests, against this deliberate
degradation and decimation of the environment of the National Park. Five years
280
ago, among other measures, the Society organized its first annual Save the
Margalla National Park Long March from Islamabad to Khanpur Dam. It was a
very enjoyable and memorable experience, which we repeat every year. This year
the walk is planned for November 28. Against heavy odds we have achieved
some limited success. We have succeeded in stopping stone crushing in
Shahdara, Kalinjar, Sinyalri and Shah Allah Ditta valleys. Regrettably, round the
clock stone crushing is still going on in the area around the Nicholson monument
with the blessing of the administrations and the courts. It is a crusade that has
earned me many enemies.
I believe there are urgent moral and practical reasons to conserve the Margallas
natural resources, not only for the benefit of the people today, but also to meet
the needs and aspirations of the future generations. I raised this matter several
times with successive governments, Presidents and Prime ministers with little or
no success. Regrettably, protection of the environment of Margalla Hill National
Park did not figure on their agenda. Their priorities were different. Preservation
of the Margalla Hills National Park was definitely not one of them. No wonder,
while Margalla Hills was ablaze, the helicopter equipped for fire control in the
National Park could not take off because the Cabinet Division and the CDA were
locked in a senseless dispute over who should pay the operational cost. In this
environment-unfriendly atmosphere, how could we protect the National Park or
for that matter anything else worth protecting in Pakistan? Two years ago I
brought the problem to the notice of President Musharraf and sort his
intervention.
281
strikes and carpet bombing. Afghans are very good friends but they are also very
bad enemies. They do not forget and do not forgive. We have enough trouble on
our eastern border. Now we have a bitter enemy on our western border. In a
crisis, a hostile Afghanistan could brew in calculable trouble for us in the devils
kitchen of mischief and set the frontier ablaze.
Now that Afghanistan is under American military occupation and has ceased to
be a sovereign, independent country, the full might of the United States has been
turned against Iraq which is the next course on the American menu. Bush seems
to have reached the banks of his own Rubicon. He is determined to unleash a
totally unjust, unprovoked, unwarranted war against another Muslim country
for the sole purpose of toppling its regime and capturing its oil resources. In a
desperate attempt to justify this naked aggression, the Bush administration has,
again and again, cited evidence that turns out to be misleading, or worthless garbage after garbage after garbage, according to one UN official. Isnt it a fact
that the last ten years have been the best behaved of Saddams career? Isnt it a
fact that during this period, he has committed no aggression and has threatened
none? Isnt it now recognized the world over that the system of inspections is
working well and producing results? Why then go to war? Why not give the
inspectors more time if that is what they need? What is the hurry?
In a similar situation, Abraham Lincoln, though pressed by zealots of every
political creed, electrified the nation by playing for time and putting action off:
My countrymen, one and all, think calmly and well upon this whole subject.
Nothing valuable can be lost by taking time. If there be an object to hurry any of
you in hot haste to a step which you would never take deliberately, that object
will be frustrated by taking time, but no good object can be frustrated by it. Let
Bush heed these weighty words! President Eisenhower, who led the European
allies to victory in World War II and faced a similar crisis in Egypt, effectively
chose containment rather than invasion, forced the invaders - France, Israel, and
Britain to retreat and resolve the crisis peacefully. President John F. Kennedy
chose to contain Cuba rather than invade it. President Reagan chose to contain
Libya rather than invade it. Where then is the case for attacking Iraq? And why
was action not taken against Saddam in the 1980s when Rumsfeld was cosying
upto him and United States was shipping him seven strains of Anthrax? Why
now?
It is now abundantly clear that a powerful combination of the corporation, the
military and the oil lobby - the military - industrial complex as President
Eisenhower described it, has set up a pre-fascistic atmosphere in America. The
dire prospect that opens, is that America is going to become a mega-banana
republic where the army will have more and more importance in Americans
lives. It will be an ever greater and greater overlay of the American system. And,
283
before it is all over, democracy, noble and delicate as it is, may give way. Never
has one single country joined so much power and so much arrogance and lack of
responsibility, so much scientific knowledge and so much contempt for the rest
of the world.
Pakistan is one of the six swing votes that the Bush administration desperately
needs to win adoption of the American sponsored War Resolution in the
Security Council. How can Pakistan fail to raise its voice and register its protest
against an unjust war? How can Pakistan abstain from voting when the lives of
millions of innocent men, women and children in a Muslim country are at stake?
How can Pakistan sin by silence? How can Pakistan remain neutral between fire
and the fire brigade? How can Pakistan fail to stand up in the Parliament of Man
and be counted on the side of peace? How can Pakistan fly against the wind of
world opinion and the wrath of its own people? How can we bear to continue to
lead our comfortable, easy lives in Pakistan, unwilling to pronounce even the
word No, to a totally unjust, unprovoked war against another Muslim country?
These are times that try mens souls. I feel torn between a sense of cowardly
relief and shame. Today Pakistan is under going all the conflicting emotions of a
virtuous maiden selling herself for really handy ready money.
I am astonished to hear with what composure and how glibly responsible people
talk of the war against Iraq - a war that cannot be anything but a massacre, a
cruel, heartrending, bloody, ruinous, one-sided affair. Isnt it a great tragedy that
the Organization which the United Nations created at San Francisco for the
preservation of peace, has become an idle name, a shield for the strong, a
mockery for the weak, and a mechanism for legitimizing aggression by the
strong against the weak. Will the attack on Iraq be the last attack upon a small
Muslim country or will it be followed by another? Is this in fact a step in the
direction of an attempt to dominate the world by force? Be that as it may, when
the history of this tragic period comes to be written, let it not be said that
Pakistan, under American pressure, took an unprincipled decision and failed to
say No to unprovoked aggression against a Muslim country.
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Back to 1919
Colin Powell told a Senate Committee meeting recently, I think there is also the
possibility that success (in Iraq) could fundamentally reshape the region in a
powerful, positive way that will enhance US interests. The 20th century began
with Western powers seeking to impose a new order on the Middle East. The
21st century has begun in a similar fashion.
It all started in 1919. The Ottoman gamble had failed. Turkey had joined the war
on the losing side. The Empire had melted like snow. The Arab territories had
gone, from Mesopotamia to Palestine, from Syria down to the Arabian Peninsula.
Between January and July 1919, much of the modern world was sketched out,
bankrupt empires carved up, new countries created - Iraq, Yugoslavia, Israel whose troubles haunt us still. General attitude among Turks, reported an
American diplomat, is one of hopelessness, waiting for the outcome of the Peace
Conference. Like so many other people, they hoped the Americans would
rescue them. Almost everyone in Paris assumed that Muslims would simply do
as they were told. When Edwin Montagu, the British Secretary of State for India,
cried, let us not for Heavens sake, tell the Muslim what he ought to think, let us
recognize what they do think. Balfour replied with chilling detachment, I am
quite unable to see why Heaven or any other power should object to our telling
the Muslim what he ought to think.
An American official told us in confidence, an Arab official said in private,
that an intervention in Iraq would be a prelude to political and geographic
upheavals in the region. The Islamic world faces its greatest threat today. This is
the darkest era in the history of Islam since the 13th century. The United States
entered the Great war only when a German submarine sank a Cunard Liner,
Laconia. It entered World War II when Japan attacked Pearl Harbour. Not before
that. Today America is hunting for a pretext that would justify unprovoked
aggression against Iraq. Today we live in a world in which the United States is
the only super power. No nation currently has the power to challenge it without
risking a devastating response. And yet the United States claims a right to use
preemptive military force against any country and change its regime. Rumsfeld
articulated a novel doctrine to justify preemptive action by stating that absence
of evidence is not evidence of absence of weapons of mass destruction!
Some of the most intractable problems of the Middle East today have roots in the
decisions made in 1919 in the salons of Paris right after the end of the Great War.
Among them one could include the crisis over Iraq and endless struggle between
285
Arabs and Jews. One day during the Peace conference, Arnold Toynbee, an
Advisor to the British delegation, had to deliver some papers to the Prime
Minister. Lloyd George to my delight had forgotten my presence and had
begun
to
think
aloud.
Mesopotamia;
Palestineyesthe
Holy
LandZionismwe must have Palestine; Syriahmwhat is there in Syria?
Let the French have that. Thus the lineaments of the Peace settlement in the
Middle East were exposed: Britain seizing the chance; the need to throw
something to the French; a homeland for the Jews, oil; and the calm assumption
that the peacemakers could dispose of the former Ottoman territory to suit
themselves. For the Arabs Middle East, the peace settlement was the old 19th
century imperialism again.
At their meeting in London in December 1918, the conversation on the Middle
East between Lloyd George and Clemenceau was short and good-humoured.
Well, said Clemenceau, what are we to discuss. Lloyd George replied,
Mesopotamia and Palestine. Clemenceau: tell me what you want. Lloyd
George: I want Mosul. Clemenceau: you shall have it. Anything else? Lloyd
George: Yes. I want Jerusalem too. Clemenceau: you shall have it but Pichon
will make difficulties about Mosul. Mosul was about to become important
because of oil. Britain and France got away with it temporarily because the
United States did not choose to involve itself in the spoils. Its turn would come
later.
At the luncheon meeting with Ibn Saud on board the cruiser Quincey, in the Suez
Canal, President Roosevelt brought up the question of a Jewish homeland in
Palestine. He made a long appeal on behalf of the Jewish people who had
suffered so much under Hitler. Ibn Saud gravely replied that he did not see why
the Arabs had to expiate the sins of Adolf Hitler when there were other countries
in a much better position to help. Arabs would choose to die rather than yield
their land to the Jews, he said. The President assured the King that he would
make no move hostile to the Arabs. But the matter did not end there. Truman,
who succeeded Roosevelt, realizing that his chances for re-election were dim,
called in some of his advisors to discuss whether or not, because of the Jewish
vote in the United States, the embargo on arms to Palestine should be lifted to
help the Zionist organization battling the British. The President turned to
General Marshall and asked his view. Marshall said he assumed that the
President wanted his opinion. With the bark on, Marshall who in his military
tradition did not exercise his right to vote, went on, I am not going to vote
anyway but if I were I would vote against you if you so demeaned the office of
the President of the United States. Truman hastily said to the General, this is
what I expected from you, and decided not to lift the embargo. But against the
advice of all his advisors, and within minutes of the declaration of independence
by Ben Gurion, Truman announced recognition of the Jewish State. Today Jews
286
wield decisive influence over US foreign policy in the Middle East. Those who
criticize Israeli policy invite painful and relentless retaliation and even loss of
their livelihood. Presidents fear the Jewish lobby. Congress does its bidding.
Prestigious universities shun academic programmes and grants which it opposes.
Giants of the media and military leaders buckle under its pressure.
My greatest complaint, Tocqueville wrote almost two hundred years ago,
against Democratic government, as organised in the United States, in not, as
many Europeans make out, its weakness, but rather its irresistible strength. What
I find most repulsive in America is not the extreme freedom reigning there but
the shortage of guarantees against tyranny. Two hundred years ago, the United
States was militarily weak and economically poor, but to millions of people in
other countries America was the hope of the world because of the timeless values
it stood for. Two hundred years ago, America caught the imagination of the
people because of the ideals which it stood for. Americans were seen as altruistic,
reliable and generous. Americans didnt need to keep telling themselves, we are
the greatest, or if we have to use force, it is because we are America. We are the
indispensable nation. We stand tall. We see farther into the future. Today
Americas example is tarnished with military adventurism and conflicts abroad.
America seems to be experiencing what Toynbee called, the dark night of the
soul. Most of us who once admired America now see it as a swaggering giant,
imperialistic, pushy, condescending and self-certain. Today I know no country in
the free world in which, speaking generally, there is less independence of mind
or true freedom of discussion than in America. A powerful minority has enclosed
thought within a formidable fence. Woe to the man or woman who goes beyond
it. Today America stands alone. Washington prefers to call it anti-Americanism.
This is not true. It is hostility to American foreign policy that is characterized by
unilateralism, militarism, and cynical self-interest. Against the advice of the
whole world, Bush is threatening to unleash a totally unjust unwarranted and
unprovoked war of aggression against Iraq to capture its oil resources and
reshape the region as Britain and France sought to do in the salons of Paris in
1919. Once again, America is on the wrong side of history. By attacking yet
another Muslim country, America shall be giving a most dangerous stimulus to
Muslim passions throughout the Islamic world. Sooner or later, sullen
resentment may burst into savage frenzy. And if that anger results in another
September 11, it will mean the end of open society everywhere and the death of
all that makes life worth living.
In another century it was said that war was too important to be left to the
Generals. Today world peace is too fragile to be left to the whims and ambitions
of one man who is playing with fire. Winston Churchill once said, Never, never,
never believe that war will be smooth and easy, or anyone who embarks on the
strange voyage can measure the tides and hurricanes he will encounter. The
287
statesman who yields to war fever must realize that once the signal is given, he is
no longer the master of policy but the slave of unforeseeable and uncontrollable
events. Let Bush give heed to these weighty words.
I have come to the conclusion that force is right, Clemenceau said one day in
Paris in 1919 over lunch to Lloyd Georges mistress, Frances Stevenson, Why is
this chicken here? Because it was not strong enough to resist those who wanted
to kill it. And a very good thing too. Iraq is now in the gunsights, in imminent
danger of losing its sovereignty and going under American military control. Iraq,
the land of Hammurabi who gave the world the greatest civilization that has yet
appeared on earth, will soon be laid in thrall and recede into darkness. We do not
know if Iran and Pakistan will not suffer a similar fate. What Bush doesnt seem
to realize is that it is simply not in Americas national DNA to impose a new Pax
Romana. The lesson of history is that the pursuit of empire is a prescription for
certain failure. Every great empire in history, no matter how enduring, has fallen
eventually to its own hubris; having built a tide of resentment among its subjects
or enemies. The American empire is no exception and will almost certainly meet
the same fate.
A few days ago I saw on television pretty little Arab girls in Baghdad, clad in
uniform, with their satchels hung from the shoulder, going to their school. And I
felt, with a spasm of mental pain, a deep sense of the strain and suffering borne
by the innocent people of Iraq and the grim fate that awaited them. The amazing
part of it is the cheerfulness and fortitude with which ordinary Iraqis are seen
doing their jobs under nerve wracking conditions. Everything seems, as
Goethe said, to be following its usual course because in terrible moments in
which everything is at stake, people go on living as if nothing was happening.
Instinctively, we in Pakistan turn aside from the tragedy about to be enacted in
Iraq. Yet instinctively also, we know that we are not isolated from these suffering
people. As long as we dont feel ashamed to be alive while innocent Iraqis are
about to be killed, not guilty, sick, humiliated because we were spared, we will
remain what we are: accomplices by omission and commission.
To watch this criminal folly, this Greek tragedy unfold itself, to wait for the
catastrophe, suffocated by a sense of ones own irrelevance which one is unable
to prevent, the deafening silence of the Umma, fills me with choking, impotent
rage and despair. No one can prevent the Americans from attacking Iraq but
what prevents brother Muslims from taking to the streets and protesting against
an unjust and unprovoked war as millions are doing across the world? Why is
there no spirit of protest in the Islamic world? Why is the voice of protest so
muted? Why lend our silence to an unjust war? Why become accomplices and
partners in crime in somebody elses war? Why sin by silence? Who will give
voice to this oppressive silence?
288
His view that there was a deep-seated respect in India for constitutional
government at all levels in the country.
b.
c.
If the army were to attempt a coup against the Union government without
seizing power in the states simultaneously, the Congress machine would
remain operational and coup would almost certainly be ineffectual.
d.
If the coup were directed against one or more of the states, it would
present the same weaknesses as above in even greater measure. Moreover,
the army commander who directed such a coup would place a critical
strain on the loyalty of the army, since state loyalties and rivalries are a
real factor in the army. In these circumstances, the organizer of the coup
would find himself in a civil war situation.
289
e.
COAS agreed that there would probably be no great difficulty if the Union
government directed the army to take over a particular state or region
though even then he himself would require reasonable time to redeploy
troops and assemble a select force whose loyalty would be strained as
little as possible. COAS agreed that there would probably be no great
difficulty if in a situation of political and administrative chaos, the
President of India might, independently of the Union government or even
against its wishes, order the army to takeover from the civil authority. If
this ever happened, he would do his best to execute the order. He believed
that Presidential authority would be adequate cover and that the
operation could probably be carried out successfully. But he was thankful
that there was no prospect of such an order being given before his
retirement.
The fact that General Chaudhry was prepared to discuss such a delicate topic
with the High Commissioner shows that it was not so far below the surface in the
minds of the government and of the army. This was confirmed by a speech made
by Kamaraj, the Congress President, in Madras, in which he said that if violence
continued on the scale recently seen in the Punjab and Bengal, the military might
conclude that democracy was unworkable and themselves takeover the
government.
In an accompanying note on the subject, the Defence Advisor, summed up the
position as under:
a.
b.
c.
Pensions are absurdly meagre, a Major can expect 500 rupees, and a
General Officer not much more than 1000 rupees a month.
d.
It is said that senior officers, who have reached the highest ranks in army,
are so concerned during the last few years of their service with securing
for themselves lucrative employment in the government or in business
that they have little or no time to worry about their subordinates. On
several occasions I have heard criticism levelled at General Chaudhry, the
290
f.
g.
h.
The Indian army inherited from the British the tradition that the army
must always be subordinate to the civil power and that officers should
keep out of politics. Despite the example of the neighbours, Indian officers
have so far managed to follow this admirable precept, although there are
differing views on how much longer they will continue to do so. To some
extent they have been helped by the innate suspicion of the Indian
politician for the soldier, who for nearly 200 years represented an army of
occupation. The Indian journalist is equally ignorant and equally despised
by the soldier. Moreover, the Indian army is stationed mainly on the
frontiers in awkward and uncomfortable garrisons which offer no
inducements for visits by the politicians, and to this extent it is isolated
from the main trends of political thought.
i.
I have been told that General Thimayya, the most popular and probably
the most competent of all the Chiefs of Army Staff, who was forced to
throw up the sponge, was urged in 1949 to head a coup but lack of
support from the Navy led to the abandonment of the plot.
291
2.
except under a constitution which reflects the sovereign will of the people,
not the whims of one individual person.
3.
292
4.
5.
if the rule of law gives way to the rule of man because the dykes of justice
and law will then break and revolution will begin.
Pakistan cannot survive under military rule, with or without a civilian faade,
because military rule lacks legitimacy and is an anachronism in a world of global
markets, information and media.
We have deviated from the democratic path and lost our bearings and all sense
of direction. Pakistan has been on the wrong road for so long. It needs to get on
the right road. But where is the beacon to guide us back from the errant path?
293
295
sunk so low? What can you expect from a people who show no sign of life even
when they lose half their country? What can you expect from a people who have
unlimited capacity to become inured to the worst possible conditions, of
existence and the loss of everything that makes life wroth living without
perceiving that anything is wrong? The tragedy is that each man feels what is
wrong, and knows what is required to be done, but none has the will or the
courage or the energy needed to seek something better; all have lofty ideals,
hopes, aspirations, desires, regrets, sorrows and joys which produce no visible or
durable results, like old mens passions ending in impotence. They deserve the
fate that has now descended upon them. And this is not the end of our
humiliation. This is only the beginning of the reckoning. This is only the first sip,
the first foretaste of the bitter cup which will be proffered to us in the days to
come. We lie in the grip of even worse perils and humiliations than those we
have faced so far. An evil spirit now hangs over Pakistan. Is it our destiny that
for us there must always be darkness at high noon, there must always be a line of
shadow against the sun?
Pastor Martin Niemoeller, who was sent to Dachau for resisting the Nazis,
summed up in his memorable words the plight of people like us who for one
reason or another do not speak up. They came first for the Communists, and I
didnt speak up because I wasnt a Communist. Then they came for the Jews and
I didnt speak up because I wasnt a Jew. Then they came for the trade unionists
and I didnt speak up because I wasnt a trade unionist. Then they came for the
Catholics and I didnt speak up because I was a Protestant. Then they came for
me and by that time nobody was left to speak up. Where are the men to be
found who will dare to speak out? If we do not speak up, who will? If we do not
act, who will?
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297
In a speech in Delhi in April 1943, Mr. Jinnah explained his concept of a just and
egalitarian, social and economic order in the Pakistan of his dream, Here I
should like to give a warning to the landlords and capitalists. The exploitation of
the masses has gone into their blood. They have forgotten the lesson of Islam. Do
you visualize that millions have been exploited and cannot get one meal a day? If
this is the idea of Pakistan, I would not have itThe constitution and
government will be what the people want.
What was Jinnahs concept of the role of the military and civil bureaucracy in the
governance of independent Pakistan? On the day of Pakistans independence,
August 14, 1947, Mr. Jinnah, who had just become Governor General, scolded
one young Pakistani army officer. The officer had complained that: Instead of
giving us the opportunity to serve our country in positions where our natural
talents and native genius could be used to the greatest advantage, important
posts are being entrusted, as had been done in the past, to foreigners. British
officers have been appointed to head the three fighting services, and a number of
other foreigners are in key senior appointments. This was not our understanding
of how Pakistan should be run. Mr. Jinnah was deliberate in his answer. He
warned the officer concerned: not to forget that the armed forces were the
servants of the people and you do not make national policy; it is we, the civilians,
who decide these issues and it is your duty to carry out these tasks with which
you are entrusted.
Months later, during his first and only visit to Staff College Quetta, he expressed
his alarm at the casual attitude of one or two very high-ranking officers. He
warned the assembled officers that some of them were not aware of the
implications of their oath to Pakistan and promptly read it out to them. And he
added: I should like you to study the constitution which is in force in Pakistan
at present and understand its true constitutional and legal implications when
you say that you will be faithful to the constitution of the Dominion. The
supreme irony of the event is that the Constitution of Pakistan was to be
abrogated by some of the officers present in Mr. Jinnahs audience.
In an informal talk to civil servants in Government House Peshawar in April
1948, Mr. Jinnah said: The reason why I wanted to meet you is that I wanted to
say a few words to you who are occupying very important positions in the
administration of Pakistan. Governments are formed, governments are
defeated. Prime Ministers come and go, ministers come and go, but you stay on
and, therefore, there is a very great responsibility placed on your shoulders. You
should have no hand in supporting this political party or that political party, this
political leader or that political leader this is not your business. Whichever
government is formed according to the constitution and whoever happens to be
Prime Minister, coming into power in the ordinary constitutional course, your
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duty is not only to serve that government loyally, faithfully, but at the same time
fearlessly, maintaining your high reputation, your prestige, your honor and the
integrity of your servicewhile impressing this upon you on your side, I wish
also to take the opportunity of impressing upon your leaders and politicians in
the same way that if they ever try to interfere with you and bring political
pressure to bear upon you, which leads to nothing but corruption, bribery and
nepotism which is a horrible disease and from which not only your province
but others too are suffering if they try and interfere with you in this way, I say,
they are doing nothing but disservice to PakistanMay be some of you may fall
victim for not satisfying the whims of Ministers, I hope this does not happen, but
you may even to put to trouble, not because you are doing anything wrong but
because you are doing right. Sacrifices have to be made and I appeal to you, if
need be, to come forward and make the sacrifice and face the position of being
put on the blacklist or being otherwise worried or trouble. If you will give me the
instances of you sacrifices, some of you atleast, believe me, we will find a remedy
for that very soon. I tell you that you will not remain on the blacklist if you
discharge your duties and responsibilities honestly, sincerely and loyally to the
State. It is you who can give us the opportunity to create a powerful machinery
which will give you a complete sense of security.
In his presidential address to the constituent assembly on August 11, 1947, Mr.
Jinnah said: you will no doubt agree with me that the first duty of a government
is to maintain law and order, so that the life, property and religious beliefs of its
subjects are fully protected by the stateThe next thing that strikes me is this:
this great evil - the evil of nepotism and jobbery must be crushed relentlessly. In
the same address he said: you are free to go to your temples. You are free to go
to your mosques or to any other places of worship. You may belong to any
religion or caste or creed - that has nothing to do with the business of the state.
It has become common in recent years to hear policy makers and development
experts describe good governance as the missing link to successful growth
and democratic reforms in developing countries. But attention has focused
almost exclusively on economic processes and administrative efficiency. For Mr.
Jinnah, good governance meant democratic governance. From his perspective,
good governance was inconceivable except within a system of democratic
representation with well-functioning political parties, an electoral system that
guarantees free and fair election, a strong, independent, incorruptible judiciary
and last but not least, effective civilian control over the military and other
security agencies.
How can you have good governance when the nation has been stripped of all its
core values dearest to the heart of the Father of the Nation? How can you have
good governance if people dont have the freedom to choose their President in
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accordance with the constitution? How can you have good governance when
elections are rigged and results manipulated; judges shift with political winds;
judiciary functions at the behest of authority and allows itself to be used against
the citizen? How can you have good governance when known corrupt leaders
are resurrected, foisted upon a poor, illiterate electorate unable to make an
informed political choice and then sworn in as ministers? Good governance
requires fostering fair, accountable institutions that protect human rights and
basic freedoms. Good governance requires a parliament that represents the
people, not one controlled by the President. It requires an independent judiciary
that guards the constitution and enforces the law with equal concern for all
citizens. It requires security forces that are politically neutral and serve the needs
of the people. It requires an accessible media that is free, independent and
unbiased, not one controlled by the state or corporate interests. Above all, it
requires that ultimate authority on all key security matters must rest with the
elected representatives.
With Mr. Jinnahs death, it was as if a great light had gone out, and people were
left groping in the dark. The hands of the nations clock stopped the day the
Quaids heart stopped beating. Sometimes, I wonder if it ever occurred to Mr.
Jinnah that, one day, Pakistan will be stripped of all its core values, the
constitution, the supreme law of the land, will be abrogated or suspended,
defaced, disfigured and changed beyond recognition; Pakistan will be ruled by
corrupt civilian leaders or military dictators and his dream turn into a nightmare.
We have a horrible past, a topsy-turvy present and an uncertain future. Pakistan
is a case of failed leadership, not failed State. Until we get the right kind of
leadership, Pakistan will continue to oscillate between long periods of
authoritarianism and bouts of corrupt and sham democracy.
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Relations between the two became frosty. They were soon on a collision course
and a showdown was inevitable. Junejo was a democrat and made no secret of
his determination to get rid of martial law and missed no opportunity to assert
his independence. Zia resented this. What upset him most was that power was
fast slipping out of his hands and flowing in the direction of the Prime Minister
and he could do nothing about it. When I called on him at the Presidency in
Rawalpindi a few days after Junejo was sworn in, deathly silence prevailed.
There was not a scrap of paper on his table and he looked visibly underemployed and quite unhappy. Things had not worked out the way he had
planned. He wanted Junejo to seek his prior approval in all important cases.
Junejo was in no mood to oblige and was not prepared to be a puppet Prime
Minister. There cant be two suns in the sky. Junejos fate was sealed. His days
were numbered. It was now only a question of time.
How will things pan out between President Musharraf and Prime Minister Zafar
Ullah Jamali? Will history repeat itself? Musharraf is not Zia and Jamali is not
Junejo. Musharraf is impulsive and not as cool as Zia was. On the other hand,
Jamali is more tactful and flexible than Junejo. Will it make cohabitation between
the two easier or more difficult? We have to wait and see. Mir Jamalis biggest
problem in the days ahead will be the President, his benefactor, who got him
elected as the Prime Minister of Pakistan. The notion that Pakistan Muslim
League (Quaid-e-Azam) elected Mir Jamali as the Prime Minister reminds me of
a rooster who took credit for the dawn.
Mr. Jamali has inherited a dysfunctional political system that most Pakistanis
describe as democracy with a dictator sitting on top. He faces a daunting task.
Pakistan is at the crossroads today. In the absence of the constitution, the country
is, to borrow George Washingtons words, united only by a rope of sand. A
plethora of amendments has defaced, disfigured, mutilated, defiled and
decimated the 1973 constitution and changed it beyond recognition. General
Musharraf has literally reappointed himself as the President of Pakistan on the
basis of a dubious referendum. No man ever willingly gives up pubic life,
President Roosevelt once said, no man who has ever tasted it. The people of
Pakistan have been denied the right to elect their President in accordance with
the constitution. President Musharrafs Legal Framework Order, the bedrock of
the new political dispensation, is under attack and its legality in dispute. Major
political parties refuse to take oath under the legal framework order which they
reject and do not accept as a part of the constitution. Devolution, the brainchild
of General Naqvi, trumpeted as a revolutionary concept, is in a mess, its future
uncertain. The system of old district administration which had stood the test of
time for centuries - has been demolished with nothing, but chaos, to replace it.
No one knows who is in command at the grassroot level.
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From the time of Herodotus democracy has meant, first and foremost, the rule of
the people. Every country gets the kind of democracy it deserves. Pakistan is no
exception. How meaningful is our new democratic order replete with
parliaments, cabinets, and political parties when crucial decisions are made
elsewhere. How can authentic democracy flourish in this country when people
are not prepared to defend the core values of the nation sovereignty of the
people, inviolability of the constitution, supremacy of civilian rule, a fiercely
independent, incorruptible judiciary, Rule of law, an independent, incorruptible
Chief Election Commissioner, a neutral, non-politicized and honest civil service,
social justice, egalitarianism and ruthless accountability of rulers? How can
authentic democracy take roots if people have no faith in their democratic
institutions; if they do not value representative governments; if they are not
prepared to make any sacrifice for its sake; if they are unwilling to defend it and
if they are unable to do what it requires? How can you have authentic democracy
in a country where defacto sovereignty highest power over citizens
unrestricted by law resides neither in the parliament, nor the executive, nor the
judiciary, nor even the constitution which has superiority over all the institutions
it creates. It resides, if it resides anywhere at all, where the coercive power
resides. It is the puvois occult which decides when to abrogate the constitution,
when to dismiss the elected government, and when to restore democracy. All our
civilian Prime Ministers - Z. A Bhutto, Junejo, Nawaz Sharif and Benazir made a
fatal mistake when they lost sight of this reality. ZAB paid the ultimate price. He
went to the gallows. Benazir is a fugitive from justice, living the life of an exile in
London and Dubai. Nawaz Sharif awaits an uncertain future in the holy land.
Junejo died a frustrated and unhappy man. Mir Jamali will have to proceed
warily if he is not to meet the same fate. It is difficult to predict how long he will
last, but a ruler, history shows, has only the briefest time to make his mark before
the power seeps away. Power is evanescent. It can come in a rush, but it also
tends to evaporate overnight. Mir Jamali must therefore hurry up and draw
upon it quickly, putting it to good use in public interest, or he will never achieve
any result.
I am no longer young and the season for summing up is descending upon me
with steady insistence. I was born in slavery. On August 14, 1947, I was a free
man, proud citizen of an independent, sovereign, democratic country I could call
my own, a country I could live for and die for. For me, and like me, for all those
who belonged to my generation, Pakistan symbolized all our dreams, our hopes
and aspirations. Today it is a nightmare of despair and despondency, in doubt
about its future. The rich are getting richer, while the poor are sinking deeper
and deeper into a black hole of abject poverty. The country appears to be adrift,
lacking confidence about its future. Disaster and frustration roam the political
landscape. Look into the eyes of a Pakistani today and you will see a
smouldering rage. Our entire political system has been pulled into a black hole
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caused by periodic army intervention and prolonged army rule. People wonder
if Pakistan will ever take the high road out of this moral squalor or wallow in it.
President Musharraf has one rare quality which none of his predecessors
possessed. He has integrity. His hands are clean. But in politics probity isnt
enough. You are expected to speak to the important needs of the country, not to
your own personal rectitude. People focus on what you stand for your political
character, not your personal character. President Musharraf started with a blank
cheque of goodwill and popular enthusiasm given to him by the people of
Pakistan. But after three years of absolute rule, and I say it with deep anguish, he
has ended with a bankruptcy of moral and political support, leaving the country
in worse condition than he found it in. A perfectly good country has become the
laughing stock of the world once again. The country is in the grip of a grave
political crisis but President Musharraf does not seem to comprehend the gravity
of the situation and genuinely believes that all is well and things are working out
according to plan. Like Reagan, he is a born optimist. One of Reagans favourite
stories was about the two boys getting their Christmas presents. The first boy
was a pessimist, the second an optimist. The pessimist got a roomful of toys. He
is miserable because he is sure there is some catch involved. The optimist gets a
roomful of horse manure. He is delighted. He digs around in the room for hours
on end. With all that horse manure, he figured there just had to be a pony in
there somewhere. What do you do when your President ignores all the palpable
facts, all the lessons of history, looking for a pony in a room full of manure?
To no country has fate been more malignant than to Pakistan. We thought the
past was dead and gone on October 12. It is not even past. How wrong can one
be? How flawed human judgment can be? Will Pakistan ever recover its lan
vital and regain its lost dignity, its past glory? Will Pakistan ever convert itself
into a more proud country, a more self-respecting and just country, a country
that is truly sovereign, fiercely independent and authentically democratic? Will
consensus on nations core values ever breakout in this country and will the
people ever protect and defend those values? Today, Pakistan has trouble
agreeing on whether the sun will rise tomorrow morning.
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institutionalizes the armys dominant power and blocks any move toward
democratization. One of EUs main target has been Article 118, which establishes
the National Security Council, a kind of shadow government through which the
generals can impose their will on parliament and the government. The NSC is
made up of 6 high ranking military officers and civilians. Once a month,
decked out in full dress uniform, the Chief of Staff and the Head of the Army,
Navy, Air Force, and National Police along with a sixth general acting as the
Councils General Secretary, meet Turkeys President, Prime Minister, and the
Ministers of Defence, Foreign Affairs, and the Interior. The Council is
empowered to examine all affairs of state, whether relating to domestic or to
foreign policy. Its deliberations are never made public, and even when decisions
are announced, they are presented as recommendations to the government.
Civilians ignore these recommendations at their peril. Although the NSC
acquiesced when its order to purge suspect civil servants was vetoed by
President Sezer, the countrys highest ranking judge and a known liberal, and
sent to parliament for approval, the Council was far less indulgent in the case of
Prime Minister Erbakan. When Erbakan had the temerity to send the NSCs 20
recommendations aimed at eradication of Islamist reaction to parliament in
February 1997, the military had him ousted. Erbakan signed his death warrant by
pretending not to understand that the recommendations constituted an
ultimatum. Reminding Turks that the NSCs decisions are taken not by majority
vote but by consensus, the Chief of Staff of the Turkish army declared that the
Council could include even 100 civilians, if that is what they want, implying
thereby that numbers did not count.
The armed forces enjoy autonomy in the judicial domain, having their own laws,
courts, and judges to deal with matters concerning military personnel
including cases where civilians are involved. Any public criticism of the military
found to be insulting can result in prison sentences of up to six years. Crimes
of opinion are tried in state security courts, until recently presided over by highranking officers. The EU has demanded the abolition of these special courts on
the ground that they are incompatible with a democratic system. Equally
unacceptable to the EU is Article 312 of the Penal Court which penalizes views
judged contrary to ethnic and religious harmony. This was the article used in
1998 to strip the 75year old Erbakan of his civic rights for five years. The same
article was applied again to sentence him to one year in prison for a campaign
speech he gave in 1995, a year before he was appointed Prime Minister.
The Justice and Development party has won a landslide victory despite the
banning of its leader for propagating Islamic views. Will Recep Tayyip Erdogan the popular 50-year old leader of Justice and Development party, who once
openly campaigned on an Islamist agenda but now says he has changed his
politics - be allowed to form the government? Erdogan was ruled ineligible
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