Citizenship Identity and Social History
Citizenship Identity and Social History
Citizenship Identity and Social History
http://journals.cambridge.org/ISH
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For examples, syntheses and critiques, see Robert D. Benford and Scott A. Hunt,
"Dramaturgy and Social Movements: The Social Construction and Communication of
Power", Sociological Inquiry, 62 (1992), pp. 35-55; Carl Boggs, Social Movements and
Political Power. Emerging Forms of Radicalism in the West (Philadelphia, 1986); Tom
Brass, "Moral Economists, Subalterns, New Social Movements, and the (Re-) Emergence
of a (Post-)Modernized (Middle) Peasant", Journal of Peasant Studies, 18 (1991), pp. 173International Review of Social History 40, Supplement 3 (1995), pp. 1-17
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T.H. Marshall, Citizenship and Social Class (Cambridge, 1950). For explications, critiques, and extensions of Marshall, see J.M. Barbalet, Citizenship (Minneapolis, 1988);
Margaret R. Somers, "Citizenship and the Place of the Public Sphere: Law, Community,
and Political Culture in the Transition to Democracy", American Sociological Review, 58
(1993), pp. 587-620; Yasemin Nuhoglu Soysal, Limits of Citizenship. Migrants and Postnational Membership in Europe (Chicago, 1994); and Bryan S. Turner (ed.), Citizenship
and Social Theory (Newbury Park, 1993).
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For the continued vigor of social history and closely-related enterprises in historical
sociology, see Joseba Agirreazkuenaga and Mikel Urquijo (eds), Storia Locale e Microstoria: Due Visione in Confronto (Bilbao, 1993); Lenard R. Berlanstein (ed.), Rethinking
Labor History (Urbana, 1993); Peter Burke, History and Social Theory (Ithaca, 1992)
and The Art of Conversation (Ithaca, 1993); Julian Casanova, La Historia Social y los
Historiadores (Barcelona, 1991); Carlo Ginzburg, Clues, Myths, and the Historical Method
(Baltimore, 1986); Carlo Ginzburg and Carlo Poni, "The Name and the Game: Unequal
Exchange and the Historiographic Marketplace", in Edward Muir and Guido Ruggiero
(eds), Microhistory and the Lost Peoples of Europe (Baltimore, 1991); Don Kalb, "Frameworks of Culture and Class in Historical Research", Theory and Society, 22 (1993),
pp. 513-537; Christopher Lloyd, The Structures of History (Oxford, 1993); Erik Monkkonen, "Lessons of Social Science History", Social Science History, 18 (1994), pp. 161168; Ewa Morawskaand Willfried Spohn, "'Cultural Pluralism* in Historical Sociology:
Recent Theoretical Directions", in Diana Crane (ed.), The Sociology of Culture. Emerging
Theoretical Perspectives (Oxford, 1994); Bryan D . Palmer, Descent into Discourse. The
Reification of Language and the Writing of Social History (Philadelphia, 1990) and "Critical
Theory, Historical Materialism, and the Ostensible End of Marxism: The Poverty of
Theory Revisited", International Review of Social History, 38 (1993), pp. 133-162; German
Rueda Hernanz (ed.), Doce Estudios de Historiografla Contempordnea (Santander, 1991);
Dennis Smith, The Rise of Historical Sociology (Philadelphia, 1991); Olivier Zunz (ed.),
Reliving the Past. The Worlds of Social History (Chapel Hill, 1985). For more skeptical
and postmodern views of the prospects for systematic knowledge of social processes, see
Malcolm Ashmore, Robin Wooffitt and Stella Harding (eds), "Humans and Others. The
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George A. Akerlof, "Gift Exchange and Efficiency Wage Theory: Four Views", American Economic Review Proceedings, 74 (1984), pp. 79-83; James N. Baron and Michael
T. Hannan, "The Impact of Economics on Contemporary Sociology", Journal of Economic
Literature, 32 (1994), pp. 1111-1146; Glenn R. Carroll and J. Richard Harrison, "On the
Historical Efficiency of Competition between Organizational Populations", American
Journal of Sociology, 100 (1994), pp. 720-749; Alfred Chandler, "Organizational Capabilities and the Economic History of the Industrial Enterprise", Journal of Economic Perspectives, 6 (1992), pp. 79-100; Ronald Coase, "The Institutional Structure of Production",
American Economic Review, 82 (1992), pp. 713-719; Mark Granovetter, "The Sociological
and Economic Approaches to Labor Markets", in George Farkas and Paula England
(eds), Industries, Firms, and Jobs: Sociological and Economic Approaches (New York,
1988); Mark Granovetter and Charles Tilly, "Inequality and Labor Processes", in Neil J.
Smelser (ed.), Handbook of Sociology (Newbury Park, 1988); Alejandro Portes (ed.),
The Economic Sociology of Immigration (New York, 1995); Alejandro Portes and Julia
Sensenbrenner, "Embeddedness and Immigration:. Notes on the Social Determinants of
Economic Action", American Journal of Sociology, 98 (1993), pp. 1320-1350; Barbara
Reskin and Patricia A. Roos, Job Queues, Gender Queues. Explaining Women's Inroads
into Male Occupations (Philadelphia, 1990); Herbert Simon, "Organizations and Markets",
Journal of Economic Perspectives, 5 (1991), pp. 25-44; Chris Tilly and Charles Tilly,
"Capitalist Work and Labor Markets", in Neil J. Smelser and Richard Swedberg (eds),
Handbook of Economic Sociology (New York and Princeton, 1994); Harrison White,
"Varieties of Markets", in Barry Wellman and Steven Berkowitz (eds), Social Structures:
A Network Approach (Cambridge, 1988); Viviana Zelizer, "The Creation of Domestic
Currencies", American Economic Review. Papers and Proceedings, 84 (1994), pp. 138142 and Vie Social Meaning of Money (New York, 1994).
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Rajeev Bhargava, Individualism in Social Science. Forms and Limits of a Methodology
(Oxford, 1992); Pierre Birnbaum and Jean Leca (eds), Sur Vindividualisme (Paris, 1987);
Daniel Druckman, "Nationalism, Patriotism, and Group Loyalty: A Social Psychological
Perspective", Mershon International Studies Review, 38 (1994), pp. 43-68; Seymour Feshbach, "Individual Aggression, National Attachment, and the Search for Peace: Psychological Perspectives", Aggressive Behavior, 13 (1987), pp. 315-325; Michael Hechter (ed.),
The Microfoundations of Macrosociology (Philadelphia, 1983); Charles Tilly, "Softcore
Solipsism", LabourlLe Travail, 34 (1994), pp. 259-268.
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Seymour Martin Lipset, Political Man. The Social Bases of Politics (Garden City, 1960),
pp. 55, 84-85, 92-93.
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Stein Rokkan, Citizens, Elections, Parties. Approaches to the Comparative Study of
Processes of Development (Oslo, 1970), pp. 27-28. See Charles Tilly, "Stein Rokkan et
les Identit6s Politiques", Revue Internationale de Politique Comparie, 2 (1995), pp. 27-45.
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Isser Woloch, The New Regime. Transformations of the French Civic Order, 1789-1820s
(New York, 1994); Frederic C. Lane, Venice, a Maritime Republic (Baltimore, 1973);
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EXCLUSIVE
Israel
France
INCLUSIVE
Ottoman empire
USA
Israel gives priority, if not absolute exclusivity, to ties of mutual recognition with other Jews, which it regards as ancient and almost immutable.
France allows all sorts of people to become French, but imposes a
well-defined standard of Frenchness. While giving priority to Muslims,
especially Muslim Turks, the Ottoman empire tolerated a wide variety
of identities, never insisting (like its Turkish successor state) that all
citizens conform to a single cultural model; nevertheless, it assumed for
the most part that it was dealing with durable identities rooted in
custom and history. Within the space defined by primordial-learned and
exclusive-inclusive, contemporary states vary considerably in their criteria
for citizenship.
But more than gender, descent and residence enters qualifications for
citizenship. Until 1865, the United States effectively denied citizenship
to slaves on the basis of their relationship to putative owners. Since the
1920s, the same United States has strongly emphasized kinship to existing
residents as a basis for legal admission of immigrants to residence and
work in the country, and therefore eventually to citizenship. During the
twentieth century, however, all states have given great weight to a
potential citizen's ties with firms and labor markets, greatly favoring
immigrants and citizens who already occupied positions in economic
organizations based within the receiving state and/or whose connections
promised high wages and valuable skills. In addition to kinship, descent,
Many Strands. Ethnic and Racial Groups in Contemporary America (New York, 1988);
Jan Lucassen, Migrant Labour in Europe, 1600-1900. The Drift to the North Sea (London,
1987); Leslie Page Modi, Moving Europeans. Migration in Western Europe since 1650
(Bloomington, 1992); Gdrard Noiriel, Le creuset francais. Histoire de I'immigration XlXeXXe siecles (Paris, 1988); Alejandro Portes and Rube"n G. Rumbaut, Immigrant America:
A Portrait (Berkeley, 1990); Rube"n G. Rumbaut, "Origins and Destinies: Immigration to
the United States Since World War II", Sociological Forum, 9 (1994), pp. 583-622; Robert
J. Thomas, Citizenship, Gender, and Work. Social Organization of Industrial Agriculture
(Berkeley, 1985); Susan Cotts Watkins (ed.), After Ellis Island. Newcomers and Natives
in the 1910 Census (New York, 1994); Robin Williams, "The Sociology of Ethnic Conflicts:
Comparative International Perspectives", Annual Review of Sociology, 20 (1994), pp. 4979; Virginia Yans-McLaughlin (ed.), Immigration Reconsidered. History, Sociology, and
Politics (New York, 1990); Aristide Zolberg, "Labor Migration and International Economic
Regimes: Bretton Woods and After", in Mary M. Kritz, Lin Lean Lim and Hania Zlotnik
(eds), International Migration Systems: A Global Approach (New York, 1992).
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Pierre Birnbaum, "La France aux Francois". Histoire des haines nationalistes (Paris,
1993).
u
Yagil Levy, "The Military as a Mechanism of Interethnic Reproduction: The Case of
Israel", Working Paper 198, Center for Studies of Social Change, New School for Social
Research (1994); Yoav Peled, "Ethnic Democracy and the Legal Construction of Citizenship: Arab Citizens of the Jewish State", American Political Science Review, 86 (1992),
pp. 432-443.
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Stein Rokkan, Citizens Elections Parties. Approaches to the Comparative Study of the
Processes of Development (Oslo, 1970); "Macro-Histoire et Analyse Comparative des
Processus de De*veloppement Politique: Note Introductive", unpublished report to the
Journde d'dtudes de l'Association Francaise de Science Politique (1974); "Une Famille de
Modeles pour l'Histoire Comparde de l'Europe Occidentale", unpublished report to the"
Journde d'dtudes de l'Association Francaise de Science Politique (1976). See also Stefan
Immerfall, "Macrohistorical Models in Historical-Electoral Research: A Fresh Look at
the Stein-Rokkan-Tradition", Historical Social Research, 17 (1992), pp. 103-116; Seymour
Martin Lipset and Stein Rokkan (eds), Party Systems and Voter Alignments. Cross-National
Perspectives (New York, 1967); Tilly, "Stein Rokkan et les Identity Politiques"; Per
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span many actors as well as their groups. Most clearly and crucially,
certain individuals and groups form bridges among islands of close
interpersonal collaboration, thus becoming bearers, initiators and transformers of understandings, projects and identities. Because both the
social base and the external relations of each type of local youth group
varies systematically from sector to sector, the network structures of the
major sectors - she distinguishes political cadres, grass roots movements,
civic institutions, and technical experts - differ dramatically. So, accordingly, do their shared conceptions of citizenship.
Anthony Marx offers us an analysis of race as a political and social
identity in Brazil, the United States and South Africa. In addition to a
telling critique of previous attempts to account for international differences in race relations, his paper provides two significant explanatory
efforts. First, he makes a case for state ratification of racial categories
as a basis of a more general racially-divided politics. Second, he argues
a connection between racially-defined mobilizations and changes in state
policies. Then he links the two by insisting on an irony: a state's
establishment of legally-supported racial categories, although discriminatory, facilitates later mobilization against racial discrimination.
Marx does not claim that race relations are "better" in Brazil because
the state is color-blind; indeed, the absence of official categories leaves
wide racial inequalities in well-being unattended to and inaccessible to
state policy. He does claim that state creation or incorporation of racial
labels, while commonly begun in the interest of organized repression,
has the long-term effect of legitimating and facilitating mobilization along
racial lines. (Note the similarities to Chartism, where within six years
after 1832 the principled exclusion of the politically-mobilized working
class by the Reform Bill had spurred a massive new working-class
mobilization on behalf of political rights.) The analysis matters not only
in itself but also in the parallels with other politically-generated or
politically-ratified categories such as ethnic group, nation, citizen or, for
that matter, pauper.
What remains least clear in Marx's analysis - not to mention all the
others in this volume - remains unclear in most such analyses: exactly
what connection exists between the political mobilization of one identity
or another and the embedding of everyday social relations in related
identities? To what extent and how, for example, does the radical
segregation of work, labor markets, housing, kinship, sociability and
sexuality promote mobilization within the same divisions? The answer
to that much-debated question will have strong implications for Bosnia,
Abkhazia and Somalia as well as for Brazil, the United States and South
Africa.
At first glance, Eiko Ikegami seems to be addressing a rather different
set of questions: how did Japan make its transition from the relatively
segmented political structure of Tokugawa to the rather centralized
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institutions of Meiji? How did the Japanese state form citizens out of
subjects it had long held at a distance from its centers of power? She is
actually exploring the creation of citizenship. She uses Western European
experience knowledgeably as a point of reference without making it a
universal model. Like Mische, furthermore, she calls attention to the
creation of new vocabularies to articulate new forms of citizenship.
Ikegami argues, in essence, that energetic, clairvoyant samurai, faced
with the collapse of the Tokugawa state's repressive and military capacity
under pressure from the West,- had powerful incentives to create a
stronger, more centralized, bureaucratized, militarily effective state, but
could not do so without extensive popular support that was not available
under the segmented old regime with its disarmed peasantry and segregated samurai. Understanding their problem and looking westward for
organizational models, some of the samurai more or less deliberately
promoted a rapid passage through an equivalent of the struggle and
bargaining over means of state power that had created effective citizenship in Western Europe. They also enlisted ambitious non-samurai in
their meritocratic state-centered project.
Very well, we might say, but given the way Europeans bloodied and
blundered their ways to citizenship and centralized statehood, why in
the world did the process run as intended in Japan? Did Japanese elites
simply invent and impose appropriate public identities on their citizens?
If so, why didn't something similar happen in the ruins of the Habsburg
and Ottoman empires? Why isn't it happening in the former Soviet
Union today? Have we returned to national character - Japanese national
character - after all?
The answer, of course, is no. Like her colleagues, Ikegami has set
herself firmly against essentialist accounts of political behavior and
toward understandings of politics as contingent, negotiated and interactive. My own final paper on the formation of thick citizenship moves in
precisely the same direction. Using France as a springboard, I leap into
the history of state formation, with special reference to military service
as a forcefully-imposed obligation of male citizens. My paper identifies
connections between the thickening of citizenship and the growth of
different forms of nationalism, as well as specifying relations between
citizenship and democracy. It closes with warnings against taking the
Western European pattern as the universal model for citizenship, and
with questions - not answers - concerning the future of citizenship in
an age of changing states.
Individually and collectively, the papers fail to tell us why people will
kill each other over competing national claims to territory in the Balkans,
whether citizenship in a united Europe will crowd out citizenship in its
component states, what is driving Germany toward more restrictive
definitions of citizenship, under what conditions African countries can
move away from military rule toward unity and democracy, whether the
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