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    Anuradha Ghandy Scripting The Change CHPT 1

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    Feminist Theory, India, Proletarian Feminism

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    Anuradha Ghandy Scripting The Change CHPT 1

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    Feminist Theory, India, Proletarian Feminism

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    Anuradha Ghandy Scripting the Change Chpt 1

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    Feminist Theory, India, Proletarian Feminism

    Copyright:

    © All Rights Reserved
    Download as PDF or read online from Scribd
    Download as pdf
    275 views50 pages

    Anuradha Ghandy Scripting The Change CHPT 1

    Uploaded by

    DaniRob32
    Feminist Theory, India, Proletarian Feminism

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    © All Rights Reserved
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    ‘About the Editors ‘Anand Tetunbde sa writer, poll analyst and cil lghts activist ‘rth Commit for Protection of Democracc Rights, Mumbai He has {hthored moc than 17 book, widely wale in Indian guages and ‘merous ates on contemporary es. Some of his recent books ‘Ghde: Peni of Caves ad Book), Kha A Stone ond Biter Cup (Novoyen} and Ane Imperial Annition of Cates (Rama) Shoma Sen teaches Engh at Nagpur University and is active in the About Anuradha Ghandy Memorial Committee “The Anuradha Ghandy Memorial Commitee was forme by friends of [Anutedha who knew her ander ad worked with eras acts tse font of thir ies The sudden death of dea end and former cor= Fade lite Ar shocked many. Anuradha wa an activist hiker, on who Constantly strove to ink theory and proc teolgy and action. She verote widely and tied the diverse stand of resstance and peoples Inoverent intesly, while actively pariptng and even fading ‘any of them, Son ain to het contebuions in developing an tuidog gsr oot evel movernent she ao bul up asian body tf theoretical erature. This has helped thos in he fein of revo tionary struggles to beter usertand the word around the. 1 was {herfore decided to ull Keowee Patfore that wil os thinkers Sd wre who have contbuted to changing Ws woud. Soft the ‘Gentes has hosted three Anuradha Ghandy Memorial Lecures in Numba The speshers were Somir Amin, Jan Myrdal and Baburam Satara The very fst amor leure by Sar Amin was published na books form. Tire the second publication by the commie. Scripting the Change Selected Writings of Anuradha Ghandy With a foreword by ‘Arundhati Roy Edited by ‘Anand Teltumbde Shoma Sen On behalf of ‘Anuradha Ghandy Memorial Committee 2 Anuradha Chandy Manor Commie, 21 Dian encod Short exept sy be ase andor epaced ‘thet pr prin, te cna ne ore wine Foe esha eis pron be tC aa ‘eponaiy fork ott and oh pon eps soy wih pling Chg Se Wins fmt Chay ast pb Daantsu Booxs Seto cotta tea on, wr ‘lah by Daa Napa for Danish sks "edt LK Ore Dah. Contents Preface Foreword: "..But Anuradha was diferent” Remembering Anuradha Ghandy: Friend, Comrade, Moving Spe. SECTION: CASTE Introduction Caste Question in India ‘The Caste Question Retuens Movements against Caste in Maharashtra When Maharashtra Burned for Four Days Dalit Fury Scorches Maharashtra: ‘Gruesome Massacre of Dalit Mahars as Landholders SECTION 2: WOMEN Introduction Philosophical Trends in the Feminist Movement ‘The Revolutionary Women's Movernent in India ‘8 March andthe Women’s Movement in india International Women's Day: ast and Present Fascism, Fundamentalism and Patriarchy Wi Seon Ge ‘Changes in Rape Law: How far wil they Help? (Cultural Expression ofthe Adivasi Women, in the Revolutionary Movement In Conversation with Comrade Janaki Working Class Women: Making the Invisible Visible ‘Women Bidi Workers and the Co-operative Movement: ‘A Study ofthe Stragle in the Bhandara District Bidi Workers’ Co-operative ‘SECTION 3: MISCELLANEOUS Introduction [APythic Victory: ‘Government Take-Over of Empress Mills Empress Mill: What Misstatements? Inchampall-Bhopalapatnam Revisited ‘Season: Tendupata; Pimp: The State ‘Can Revolution be Prevented by Blocking the Roads to Kamalapur? Gagging People's Culture People’s Struggles in Bastar ‘TheBiter Lessons of Khaparkheda Working Class Anger Erupts Workers Upsurge against Changes in Labour Laws Priogs Make the Poor Footer Rape and Murder ~ ‘Law And Order ofthe Day ‘ATimeto Remember Brahmin Sub-InspectorTramples Dalit Flag ‘Small Magazines: ‘A Significant Expression ofthe People’s Culture Deaths in Police Custody in Nagpur Cotton Flower the Best Flower ..? Practical Socialism: Not Socialism but Pure Fascism Index 267 on a9 a M7 351 381 387 3a 47 a a1 139 451 457 Preface ‘ports on contemporary socal and poltial issues, or re search papers and booklet on theoretical and ideological Aebates, had the quality of sharpness, terseness and clearly de- fined political stands. They were not only well researched and place in their historical context but also showed the depth of a ‘writer having a philosophical outlook and ideological commit rent. The dialectical relationship of theory and practice, where ‘one enviches the othe, seems tobe the comerstone of her work and lite ‘We present, inthis volume, a compilation of the works of ‘Ams, 8 she was fondly known among her fends and comrades. Besides her significant writings on the women's and eastestrug- als, we have also brought together other pieces that give a sense ofthe varity, breadth and sheer volume of her weting despite being involved in intense field activity. Some have been reuieved from crumbling, browned newsprint magazines with scrawled logos and cartoons, Uke Adhitar Raksha, Kalam, Thing, etc that ‘were published and distrbuted by activist groups in the 1970s and 1980s. Others from prestigious and widely read journals ike EPW and Frontier. Some are from booklets from the women's movement of the papers published by a cultural organization. A, ten Sy ings, wits ty ett re me Co ‘Others have been written by her under a pseudonym a they ap eared in magazines that supported and propagated Mask deology ‘But whatever the source may be, each piece is interesting at {gumentative or constitutes some page fom the history of stage sl, which has perhaps not been recorded elsewhere. Pethaps the most significant contribution of Anu hasbeen in understanding the caste question from a Marist point of view Hers has been an honest and pungent analysis ofthe economie basis of caste and how it manifests itself in both the base and sux ersructure, She was one ofthe pioneers linking the caste sys {em tothe exiting relations of production. With deep insights into Indian history, she showed how the Indian feudal system ‘was basically castetinked and the ideology of Indian feudalisn was Brahminism. She further elucidated how the Dalit question and untouchabilty act as one ofthe major pillars of the taste system. Finally, a6 was her nature of being a theoreticien-cume activist, she brought out how destracton ofthe caste system io intrinsic to any anti-feudal struggle and the overall democrat. tion of society. ‘The other issue that has aroused similar debate is the under standing ofthe gender question. A great deal of Anu's writings on {tends in feminism, women and the trade union movernent and ‘women inthe Naxalte movement hve helped throw light upon this issues. Anu pointed out that, by arguing for an autonomous ‘women’s movement, the socialist feminists were in fact weakens ing the broader movement against capitalism impesalisn, feu. als and patstarchy By placing patrarchy a the main ‘enemy of women, the radical and cultural feminists were de linking pe \sarchy from the systems of capitalism and feudalism which pro ced it By equally emphasizing production and reproduttion 15 the reasons for gender oppression, feminists were bringing ‘t- Production into the economic base and negating women’s signif ant role in production, Most significantly, she points out that the strategy of bourgeois feminism i not to unite women with the working cass and peasantry and fight the system, but rather to form small women’s groups advocating lifestyle changes within the sytem. Anu tried to show through her work and writings that tis in fact by patcipating in the revolutionary movement that women tay to throw ofthe shackles of patirchy and ht atts root She as developing theoretical formulations on how “Women need ‘evolution and the revolution needs women!” And jst like her ‘counterparts in other countries, she too admilted that patriarchy ‘existed Within th revolutionary movement — the point was how tostay within itand combatit, not eave the moverent a gran ble about it.The simple piece inthis volume on poetic aspirations ‘of tribal women in Bastar is just such an example to show this, ‘The collection also incudes some of her journalistic writings ‘ofthe 1970s, 19808 and early 1980s writen for various activist, ‘magazines, fall of her reports and aticles ofthis period could be callected it would be ahistorical document ofthe time when the student movement, trade union moverent and even the civil ib: erties movement were vibrant and powerful and so much a pat of peoples ives and culture ‘Anu was both a seasoned activist and briliant theoretican, and will surely be remembered as one ofthe leading women com. ‘munists of nda. She sno more today. Her writings only some of Which are presented inthis volume, will not only serve asa pet "manent reminder of her work but also asthe beacon forthe com ing generations ofthe activists striving for ibeation ofthe ting people ofthe county. Foreword .But Anuradha was different” ‘Arundhati Roy hat is what everyone who knew Anuradha Ghandy says “That i what almost everyone whose life she touched thinks ‘She died in a Mumbai hospital on the morning of 12 April 2008, of malavia, She had probably picked it up inthe jungles of Jharkhand where she had been teaching study classes to group of Adivasi women. In thie great democracy of ours, Anuradha CGhandy was what is known as "Maoist terrorist’ lable tobe ar- rested or, more likely, shot in fake encounter’ like hundseds of her colleagues have been. When this terrorist got high fever and ‘went to hospital to have er blood tested, she left a false name and a dud phone number with the doctor who was treating her. So he could not get through to her to tll her thatthe tests showed that she had the potentially fatal malaria faliparum. Anuradha's ‘organs began ofall one by one. By the time she was admitted to the hospital on 11 Apri it was 100 late. And so, inthis entirely unnecessary way, we lost he. ‘She was St years old when she died, and had spent more than 230 years of her life, most of them underground, ata commited revolutionary. 1 Senn ne Conc { never had the good fortune of meeting Anuradha Ghandy, but when Tattended the memorial service after she died I could tell that she was, above all, a woman Who was not ust greatly ‘admired, but one oho had been deeply loved. Iwas litle pz 2d a the constant eferences that people who knew her made 10 her ‘sacrifices’ Presumably by this they meant that she had sac: "fice the comfort and security ofa middleas if, fr radical politics. To me, however, Anuradha Ghandy comes across a8 Someone who happily traded in eds and banality to follow her «ream. She was no sant oF missionary. She lived an exhilarating fe that was hard, but falling. ‘The young Anuradha, like so many thers of her generation, was inspired by the Naxalite uprising in West Bengal. As asi. dentin Epinstone College, she was deeply affected bythe fam: ine that staked rural Maharashtra inthe 1970s. It was working, with the victims of desperate hunger that set her thinking and pitch-forked her into her joumey into militant polite. She be- ‘gan her working lf as lecturer in Wilson College in Mumbai, Dat by 1982 she shifted to Nagpur. Ove the next few year, she worked in Nagpur, Chandrapur, Amravati Jabalpur and ‘Yavatmal, organizing the poorest of the poor — construction workers, coslsmine workers ~ and deepening her understand- ing ofthe Dalit movement. In the ate 1990s, even though she had been diagnosed with multiple sclerosis, she went to Bastar and lived in the Dandakaranya forest withthe People’s Liberation Guerilla Army (PLGA) for three years. Here, she worked to strengthen and expand the extraordinary women’ organization, perhaps the biggest feminist organization in the country ~ the Krantkari Adivasi Mahila Songhatan (KAMS) thal has more ‘than 90,000 members. The KAMS is probably one of Inia’ best kept secrets. Anuradha always sid thatthe most flling years of her life were these years that she spent with the People's War (cow CPi-Maoist) guerillas in Dandakaranys, When visited the area almost two years after Anradha's death, I shared her ave and excitement about the KAMS and had to re-think some of my ‘own easy assumptions about women and armed struggle In an essay in this collection, waiting under the pseudonyin Avanti ‘Anuradha sys sw approach March, yn he dawn of hs ew etary ‘emule devlopnent sealing plc nthe wore’ ont int Deep ne tet and pa of ela ne aca igo of Acs Fades and pin he il among the ts inte sat nthe for an plas of Bar and TRadand woman ae geting onan actively to beak the {hackles offal ptacy and mabe te New Deora et luton les wot ibaon movement of peat women {hurl nda pat fhe people's war being wage bythe op rose petty der eotonay Inert. Fr te Pst Tee yeas nomad of women re aering in ended fe Inge wea # March, Women ae gabe tng 0 tmrch ough the ste sal own ie Narang oP forthe os Wor bnuy conte hy ae marching wie ‘tte though the hl towne snd maven bck ‘rd Bastar fo demu! proper shonin or er een. They Se ocing sod prt guns pe cat an oirenting ‘Be pote demand ia ie lof hor be bane And han inde young women ae teciing guia hes i he myo he oppesed thong of te shackles of et Wad ‘on i gay rend tgs aed sao eto ine geen cpm se ont shoulder, se young women ‘rimming whe conn the igh oat paar Urea led fo he igh gain the nang soso stil snc indo ung te wah {Relay knwiedge to ake on he a en amy ‘ple Thea cil and poll awaening among the Poet ofthe poor women nul India is ascent as Ener! ta om be esing eer oe bourgrosmedi a {fom te fash and per of TW cana Thy af eg of {trformaton coming the vero be al poo ath Pa tite nthe peat sug fr evauton. oat this revolutionary women's movement has not emerged veri and otha eerged spores) mere om fropepanda Te wor's moment grove with rove Timed struggle Conary oper opto the launching of Sted app heer Ty te osu etna) foes pate ofthe oat, he ian sop pal 1 « Sara ne Gone feudal oppression gave the condense o peasant women to pat: ‘Spat in struggles in age umbers an then to and up hd Sah or thee ighs, Women who onstate he man oppeennt ‘among the oppressed poor peasant and ndlss peasant women wo have lake not only an ientty and vista as soe hve Become activists forthe womens organizations in hel lags and guia fighters Thus wit the spread ae roth of {he armed struggle the women’s mobilization and wns or _gstization hae ala grown, leading the emergence othe eve Jetionary women’s movement ane ofthe stenger and set Powerful women’s movement inthe country today. Ba itis "sonized and ignored a ploy ofthe rling dss tat wl yo ‘suppress any news and acknowedgementas long coe ‘Maoist Party ofthe vestiges of continuing discrimination acinet women and the vious shades of patriarchy that stubbornly por, sisted among those male comrades who called themaclvesevola onary in the time I spent with the PLGA in Bastar, many com. rades remembered her with such touching affection. Comrade hind this shea of paper, these wetings notes and essays, And have been given the ask of introducing them toa wider audience 1 has been hard to work out how to read these writings, Cleaty, they were not written with a view tobe published sea «allen, At fis reading they could seem somewhat base often ‘epetitve litle didactic. But a second and third reading nade ime Se them differently. see them nov as Anuradh's testo berselé Their sketchy, uneven quay, the fact that some of her sssertons explode off the page ike hand-grenades, makes them that much more personal. Reading though them you catch _limpses ofthe mind of someone who could have been a serious scholar or academic but was overtaken by her conscience and found it impossible to sit back and merely theorize about the ter- "ble injustices she saw around her. These writings reveal a person, who is doing all she can to link theory and practice, action and thought Having decided todo something real and urgent forthe ‘county she lived in, and the people she lived amongst in these ‘writings, Anuradha reso tellus (and herself) why she became a “Marxist-Leninist and not liberal acuvst or a radical feminist of an ecofeminist or an Ambedkarie.To do this she takes us on 2 basic gulded tour of a history of these movements, with guick ‘thumb-nail analyses of various ideologies, ticking of their advan tages and drawbacks like a teacher correcting an examination pr perwith thick luorescent marker. The insights and observations sometimes lapse into easy sloganeering, but often they ate pro: found and occasionally they're epiphanic — and could only have ome from someone who has a razor sharp politcal mind and Snows her subject intimately fom observation and experience, ‘ot merely from history and sociology textbooks. Peshaps Anuradha Ghandy’s greatest contibuton, in her ‘writing, well as the politics she practied is her work on gender and on Dalit issues. Shes sharply cial ofthe orthodox Marxist ‘interpretation of cast (caste is class’) a being somewhat inele tually lazy. She point ou that her own party has made mistakes in the past in not beng able to understand the cast issue properly She critiques the Dalit movement for tuminginoan identity strug ale reformist not revolutionary, futile init search for justice with. {nan intrinsically unas social system. She believes that without dismantling patriarchy and the castesystem, brick, by painful ‘rick there canbe no New Democratic Revolution. Inher writings on caste and gender, Anuradha Ghandy shows use mind and an atitude that i unafaid of nuance naa of engoging with dogma, unafraid of telling it like itis — to her comrades as well as to the system that she fought against all her Ile. What a woman she was Remembering Anuradha Ghandy Friend, Comrade, Moving Spirit... romana soy dite (etherestanan Ther wallend ony ith mye = Cherabandara breathed her last. The revolutionary movement in India, {and the world andthe oppressed masses in general ost dynamic, dedicated and unwavering fighter and teacher atthe relatively young age of 5, Com, Anuradha had just returned after spending a week in Jharkhand taking classes for leading. women activists from Jharkhand, mostly from tribal backgrounds, on the question of ‘women's oppression. On 6 April when the blood tess after she was struck by high fever didnot show any signs of malaria, litle did she or her comradeseaize thatthe fever was caused by fale pParum malaria and that it weuld prove fatal Her frail and i ‘minute body which had withstood many abate since «young age, had already been weakened by systemic sclerosis (an auton ‘immune disease that had affected her hands and had begun slow. Jy eating into er heart and lungs) On 11 April morning, when O: the moming of 12 April 2008, Anuradha Ghandy si «Sere re Gun the diagnosis confirmed falciparum malaria she was hospitalized ‘immediately. By then twas already too late as her weakened or 4gans began giving way. As always, she struggled valiantly. But ‘the end came within 2 hours on 12 April moming. It seemed as though ever in her death, Com. Anuradha stuck to her lifelong motto of never wasting a inte, THE EARLY YEARS ‘Anuradha Shanbag, fondly called Anu by everyone who knew her, was bom on 28 Match 1954, to a Gujarati mother and ‘Kannadiga father ~ both her parents along with ll her materal luncle and aunts were members of the undivided Communist Part of India Her parents themselves had got married in the CPL office in Mumbat in the 1405. Thus Anu grew up in an atmos: phere of rational and progressive thinking. Her late father Ganesh Shanbag was a wel known lawyer inthe Bombay High Court while her mother Kumud Shanbag atthe age of 79 continues to work a a librarian and resource person for a Women’s Resource Centre in Mumbai, Anuradha was the elder of ther two children, her brother Sunil Shanbag is the noted theatre and flm director. ‘The desire to do something forthe downtrodden was easly nur- tured in an atmosphere of serious study, intellectual creativity and rational thinking right from her childhood, In this atmoe- ‘Phere she exclled academically in both schol and college, ‘Ganesh Shanbag wrote in his memoir ‘Kaver to Ganga that Anuradha ther frst born was dedicated by them to the revo tion. Kumud Shanbag remembers the young Anuradha asa bur- dle of energy, very purposeul and yet ready to burs ino anger at seeing any form of injustice to animale or the housemald. For Sunil, Anu who was two-and-a half years older, was a close sb- ling who was responsible forgiving him a world view, As he was ina boarding schoo, she would write him long letters explaining the importance of every event that was affecting the country ‘A brilliant student, Com. Anuradha began as a committed cadre ofthe incipient revolutionary movement right fom her ean ns Gar» days at Elphinstone College, Bombay in the early 1970s. Those ‘were the days when urban students were not oblivious to the bit fer struggles of rural poople — that too at atime when rural Maharashtra was facing one of the worst famines. The young ‘Anuradha along with a group of students threw themselves into famine elit work She was deeply affected by the horors of fa- ine that had ravaged the lives ofthe rural poor an at the same ‘me inspired by their indomitable sprit of survival, ‘The early 1970s was also the time when the whole world was Inthe grip of militant struggles and evolutions. The anti-Vitnarn war movement inthe US, the daring stadent revolt in Pats the heroic struggles that led to the Great Proletarian Cultura Revolution (GPCR) in China among others... In Inia, the spark ‘of Naxalbari which lt dhe praizie fie of revolution in India in spied thousands of students to give up ther carers and edues tion to leave for the countryside to be withthe masses in theit dlring dream to carve out a new world fre from all frm of ‘exploitation. ‘Com. Anuradha eame in contact with the student organiza: on, Progressive Youth Movement (PROYOM), which was i splted by the Naxalite movement. They started working in the slums which helped her come in close contact with the Dalit ‘movement where she received her early exposute to the continu ing realty of untouchabilty and easte oppression. It was atthe same time that she began reading voraciously digging deeper into the warp and weft of Marxism a a touchstone to understand the basis of the oppressive and exploitative cast system and all the othe ils of society ‘She went on todo her M.A. ad later MPhil in Sociology, She began teaching asa lecturer, frst at Wilson College (Chow paty) and then at the Jhunjhunwala College (Ghatkopar). Het fervour and diligence made her a very popular and eective lecturer and 8 favourite amongst her stadents In November 1977 she merred Kobad Ghandy, a fellow comrade ‘The post-Emergency period saw Anuradha becoming one of the leading figures ofthe civil liberties movement inthe country. eo Sar Cae ‘She was founder member ofthe Committe forthe Protection of Democratic Rights (CPDR) in Maharashtra. She played a promi nent role alongside such leading figures sich as VM. Tarkunde, Govinda Mukhoty, Subba Rao, Sudesh Vaid, PA. Sebastian and even ruling clas elements as George Fernandes and Arun Shourie in organizing the landmark 1977 Civil Liberties Conference in Delhi. One ofthe prominent demands ofthis Conference was for ‘the release of politcal prisoners. "WE COMMITTED REVOLUTIONARY In response tothe clarion call given by the nascent revolutionary ‘movernentin Gadchirl district of Maharashtra the early 1980s, and urged by the need to spread the mestage of revolution in a backward region like Vidavbha, Com. Anuradha took the radical decision to leave Bombay and shit to Nagpur in 1982, ‘Wile teaching at Nagpur Universi she actively participated in and played a leading role in the trade union and Dalit move- _ments in the region. In trade union work, he began by organizing ‘the molarns(houschold labour) of Nagpur, and then in various other sectors. She was actively involved in organizing the 5000 strong construction workers at the Khaparkheda thermal power plant near Nagpur and led a umber of militant struggles, most notably a3-month strike facing the collective might of construction ‘companies as well as intense police repression. Dring the course ofthese struggles, Com. Anu went oa on numerous ocasons. In 1993, Com. Anu shifted to Chandrapur to help organize the coal mine and construction workers there She fought against the fact thatthe unorganized sector workers had no basic trade tunion rights, and atthe same time were totally ignored by tradi tional unions. She also developed links fr joint activities with other progressive trade union lesers ofthe region, fom Nagpur, Chandrapur, Amravati Jabalpur, Yeotmal and other surround: ing centes Com. Anu made path breaking contributions to organizing Dalits in Vidarbha She shifted residence in Nagpur to Indora, a enna anaes Gar « predominantly Dalit locality and «stronghold ofthe city’s Dalit leaders Com. An's indsive knowledge of Ambedkar’s and other sociological writings on the caste question seen inthe light of Marxism drew large sections of the youth to the Naxalite move- ment She gree tobecome the open face ofthe Maoists in the Dalit ‘movement and one of the major public speakers at many Dal functions in Vidarbha ‘Com. Anuradha wrote profusely onthe caste question in both English and Marathi, presenting a dass viewpoint of the issue ‘countering not only the numerous postmodemist trends on this ‘count but the wrong Marist interpretations ofthe Dalit and cate {questions as well An important essay writen by Com. Anuradha Jn Marathi was published in Salyshodhak Marzi the joural cited by Shared Pat from Dhue, explaining the Marsa stand- point onthe Dalit question linking Dalit iberation with the tack of the New Democratic Revolution (NDR) inthe country. This essay is sil referred to today as an example ofthe Marxist-Leninist Viewpoint on caste ‘The erstwhile CPT (ML) (PW) prepared its first caste policy paper which was theirs fr the revolutionary Marsist movement {in India, based on the draft prepared by Com. Anuradha. This raft had categorically outlined that in India the democratization of society is inconceivable without smashing the eis cast sy tem and fighting all forms of caste oppression, ios particularly, its crudest form — untouchabilty. Many of the views expressed by her then inthe mid-199s have become the core of the under standing ofthe preset revolutionary movement. THE CAL OF BASTAR Inthe late 19905, Com. Anuradha responded tothe call ofthe ev- clutionary movement and went to Bastar. She spent theee years living amongst the tribals ofthe region. She went out of her way to gather as many PhD. studies on the Gond tials to provide source materials for the revolutionary cadre of Dandakaranya to deepen their understanding of the region. Later on she would say al» Su me Cae with utmost conviction that these tree years were among the ‘most fulfilling inher life, She kenly studied the lives and strug gles ofthe Gond tribals of Bastar, the painstaking ways in which the movement was built, particulary focusing on the hives of the ‘women, their organization, the KAMS (Krantikar Adivasi Maha Sanghethan) andthe women in the gueila detachments Dring the peak ofthe famine in 1997, Com. Anuradha was ‘here in Basta, which saw hundreds of people perish ofstarva tion nother tribal areas. The revolutionary guerillas had resorted to selaing grain from the hoarders and distributing them among the starving masses, thus preventing a major calamity. During this period, intermittent attacks of malaria the terrible dry heat of summer, coupled with the famine conditions took a tll on her heath and she lost about 10g, It was only her enormous com> mitment to the cause ofthe people and tremendous will-power ‘hatepthee going. She never made a show ofher own suferings, always bearing pain, whether physial or mental, with digit, ‘without complaining o leting others know. ‘All this was happening amidst heavy sate repression, at a time when the armed contingents ofthe mercenary paramilitary forces wore tacking every inch of the Bastar forests, and when. living life on the edge was the norm forthe revolutionary. Com. “Anuradha lived up tothe challenge unfinchingly. She once even hha a narrow escape ater coming under the crossfire ofthe po- lice She would point out to others that this was the hard reality of| 2ist century rural India — to be with the masses, to understand them and be lke them i als to place yourself at risk of geting killed. Today, the forests, hills and valleys of India have become the hunting ground of the predators in the form of multinational corporations and India's large capitalists, with the greedy polit cian ready to grab any crumb thrown at him, In Bastar, Com. Anuradha spent most of her time in the Byramgadh area, which has ater come into the limelight for fac- in the brunt of the Salva Judum attacks. Se contracted malaria, 2 numberof times, but it was teste in time and with the good ‘are of the lca tribal people. Her tenacity to stay in such dificult Asem Ata Gor «38 conditions and despite her age astounded and won the affection ofthe local tribals. ‘During this period she also spent much time taking classes, ‘on women's health iseues, women's oppression and the New Democratic Revolution on imparting general knowledge, on the rudiments of Mander, et. mainly fr the groving leadership Smnong the tribal women. She helped draft handbills and wrote ‘humerous afces forthe lca revolutionary movement "Towards the last part of her stay she was responsible forthe ‘West Bastar are covering shat Is known as the National Park region. This to ia gion which Is affected by the onslaught of ‘he Sala udu. REACHING THE PINNACLE Forthelat5 years theend, Com, Anuradhahad been working mong the most downtrodden braving sate repression. She was deeply involved in developing» perspective on the roe ofa revo- feeeuy women’s moverent andthe need to organize the most fopprosed women in elzng New Democratic Revolution fee ‘femal fos of oppression, explation and discrimination. "athe de of hor death, Com. Anuradha was studying the problema facing the women comes inthe esa) ove ent She wa deeply involved inthe enguiy ofthe vase forms! ‘as of patroreh that women had to face every day, 0 8 ‘dvis a mthod tenable them to grow t greater leadership reoporsilles Px personof high principles, Com, Anuradha had the modesty tobeswiling eam always willing to acknowledge the postive tn others even with those with whom se differed, no mater tehat her diferences While being creative and not teretype in her tnking she was aways em onthe proetarian line and Mandst ideology. ‘Com. Anuradha was founder member ofthe CPI (Mansi Lenni) pry in Maharashtra tthe tine of her martyrdom, she tad aon fo Become a metmbe ofthe Central Comte ofthe i «Semen oe (Communist Party of India (Maoist). At the th Congress — Unity Congress, she was the single woman comrade tobe elected to its Central Commitee. ‘The represiv state machinery, which allows So many crimi- ral, communalist murderer, politicians and affluent people to ‘continue with their harmful activities, banned the party for which she worked and made a dynamic leader like Com. Anuradha in- accessible to vast sections of society. Many great leaders of the Indian freedom struggle like Bhagat Singh, Subhash Chandra Bose and numerous others believed in the necessity of armed struggle because of which they had to live under the oppressive British Raj under changed identities in order to evade imprison- ‘ment or death atthe hands ofthe states repressive machinery. Today the situation sno diferent. While we uphold martyrs like ‘Bhagat Singh as great leaders, modern day revolutionaries ike ‘Anuradha are portrayed as dangerous celminals and terrorists. ‘But the oppressed and exploited people, totally neglected by this same sate, have great respect and love for revolutionaries like Anuradha. Wherever she worked, Com. Anuradha reached ‘out and touched the ives of many, who will ce her a8 leading figure ofthe revolution and who became a martyr fo its cause, For the oppressed and exploited people ofthis country, Com, ‘Anuradha will always remain immortal You ar his. You are eget You are the her example of demaraylarity ‘der, We sal at fig you ond ‘th the le eof pe ts orth ts es ain ‘ome ack “La Pasonare Section 1 Caste Introduction ‘nu contibuted immensely through her writings othe ev ‘lution ofthe postion as wel asthe stategy and tactics of er party on caste In doing so she used her insights gained “ough working with people more than her acim training in sciology. The importance ofthese writings is immenes ‘Thenon-paliamentary Left that emerged after the Naxalbar struggle of 1967, inspired by the revolutionary developments in China began the ant feudal struggle in the rural areas and inevi- tably confronted the caste question. However, even in the [Naxalbar struggle in 1967 and thereafter during the formation of the CPI QML}, caste never figured inthe ideological discourse. AS its base in Adivasis and Dalits began growing, it acquired an. ‘dent of a pro-Dalit and pro-tibal movement. Faced with growing cast atrocities since late 1960s and swelling numbers of Dalits in thete cade, it was impelled to consider the caste ques ton more seriously than ever before. Some ofthe ML groups, particularly in UP. and Bihar, where the caste atrocities had be- ‘come more pronounced, took a clear pro-Dalt posture and made headway in resisting upper cate supremacy, in asserting the rights ofthe Dalits and, toa considerable extent, turning upside down the deeply enttenched cultural symbols of upper caste domination. However he ideological postion on the anti-caste ‘movement tl remained undefined, 45 Sana Ca ‘Since the 1980s this began to change. Various groups started srappling with the caste question atthe theoretical level and tried to formulate their caste-dass programme. Anu's wetings played an important part in the debates and discussions that ensued in her party. ‘The first essay, ‘Cast Question in India’ marks the culmina- tion of Anu’s study on caste. This long essay was witen in mid- 19906 and because of ts length remained unpublished. Here she takes a comprehensive review ofthe caste system, beginning from the theories of origin of castes though the significant develop- ‘ments in history and ending with a practical programme towards annihilation of caste. Anu atthe beginning itselfidentfes the caste system as an ideology as well soil system and transcends the stereotypical debate about the base and superstractre Following “Marc and Engels she identifies different stagesin pre-itieh Indian society: () Tribal-Olgarehy, (i) Ancient communal and stat own ership which proceeded especially from the union of several tes by agreement and/or conquest accompanied by the enslavement ofthe Shudeachelots i, the‘Anhashastra Mode’ and li) Pedal ‘or estate property accompanied by the Jat-based system, ke. fe le against the caste system and Brahminical ideology. ‘ORIGIN OF THE CASTE SYSTEM “The hetry ofthe caste system can be traced back to over 3,000, years. tis inextricably linked to the development of class society, ‘emergence of the state, the development ofthe feudal mode of production and the continuous but often forcible assimilation of tribal groups with their own customs and practices, into the ex- pitative agrarian economy. The origin and development ofthe system can be traced through the following periods: ‘Laie Period The period from 1500 BC, when Aryan pastor ral tabes and non-agricltral bal communities tok to agriculture; the emergence of agriculture as the dominant production system tothe ise of the stat around 00 BC. 12. The Perad from 500 BC tothe 4 century AD: The period ofthe expansion of agriculture based on Shudra labour the growth of trade and its decline; the se of small king- dom tothe emergence of feudalism. ‘3. The Pera fom the 4h century AD omuarés: When the de- velopment of feudalism took place and Brahminial Hin- duism and the ja! system acquired their complex and gid form. Fora country as vast as India, anda history so ancient, the above can only be broad periods which can be covered here, But there willbe differences in every specific region. Yet the broad trends apply othe whole of India. Case Guowm on « 9 Indus Valley Civilization and Caste Some Marxist historians have spoculted that he rots of the cate system may be traced tothe theocratic Indus Valley Civilization td inthe tribal belie in magical power and pollution, common ‘among Dravidian tribes, But there sno substantive prot to sup- port this speculation nor is there any adequate explanation as to ‘why such a complex system would exist in this earlier period. “That the Harrappan city population was divided into these class- ces, with endogamous Nerarchicaly placed groups, is not yet known It isa fac that primitive tribes posses elie n the magh- cal power of certain objects and in pollution, but from this one ‘cannot conclude that inthe earliest period whole sections within tribal communities were considered permanently polluting. Hence, we cannot conclade that some form ofthe caste system existed in the pre-Vedie period, ‘The study ofthis ealer period of history (3000 BC to 1500, BC) shows that even before the Aryan (Indo-European) telbes en tered India, various communities and tribes with varying e2o- omic and socal-cultural systems existed within the country: Some had developed agriculture, a division of labour, and even trade, and there were sharp class difeences. They were in the ‘copper age. Others ranged from shifting cultivation (juan) t0 hunting fishing and food gathering Some were herders. Many of them had matrilineal socal organizations. The pastoral Indo- “European tribes with patrilineal socal organization entered India sn waves from around 1500 BC, From Tibal to Clas Solty Case society emerged from the dashes of the various pastoral ‘Aryan tribes and the indigenous tibes and the development of agriculture with the widespread use of ion It took the form, ini tally, of the four Varnas. Hence, we can say thatthe four Varras ‘were the form that class society took in te later Vedic and the Upanishad period. 10 + Searme ne Gust ‘As the Vedic Aryans entered from the Punjab area and spreed towards the Gangetic plain from around 1500 BC, they were ak ready divided into an aristocracy (Rajan) and picts (Brahmins) and the ordinary clansmen (9), In the incessant conflicts and ‘wars that were associated with thee spread eastwards, coils among the various pastoral Aryan tes and with local tribes for fale, water sources, land and then also for slaves, sections of tebes that were defeated began to be enslaved, known a5 diss sdasye. The wars increased the importance ofthe chieftains. They relled on stualism to enhance their prestige and consolidate it, and to appropvate the surplus through these rituals. Tributes of cattle and slaves were given by the ordinary visto the rams. Major and minor yignas were Increasingly performed by the i jana, in alliance withthe Brahmins. The ruling elite and the press lived off the gits (anda) given to them by the vis at ‘hese yagns. At this stage the tbl organizations based on clan and kin were sll dominant. The emergence ofthe Brahmin and ‘Kshatiya Varnas was a process ofthe breaking down of the kin- based relations among these ruling elites andthe creation of a broader dass — the Varna — which lived of the tbutes and gifs from the vie and subjugated the tribes. The pastoral tribes had ‘adopted agriculture; and from the local tribes, the chieftain clans land the priestly clans were being incorporated into the Kshatiya nd Brahmin Varnas eepestively ‘The subjugated tribals both Aryan and non-Aryan gradually came to form the Shura Vara, Allof them were notslaves. While domestic slavery existed, it was basically the Vaishya peasants (Crom the vis the broader Vishya Verna emerged) andthe Shudas ‘who reared the cate and tiled the sol "The widespread use of ron, not only for weapons but aso for agricultural purposes, from around 800 BC, marked a quali tative change in the production system ofthe ancient tribal soci tes lough-based agriculture could generate considerable si- plus on a regular basis, Dense forests could be cut down and land cleared for cultivation. Thus iron enabled the agrarian ‘economy to become the prominent production system in tis Ce Qasen oe © 11 ancient period. The spread of agriculture was achieved at the cost of the non-agricultural tribes. They were either subjugated ‘or displaced from the forests and their traditional means of ive uhood. The conquest of new territories and the possibility of regular settlements farther enhanced the importance of che tains. Tribal oligarchies emerged. Many of the chieftains turned into kings who needed grander yagnas to consolidate thet tule not only over their own clans and tbes but also over the terito- ries they commarcled (the janapad). The Varnashrama Dharma was already being developed by the Brahmin priestly clas, The rituals became more complex, elaborate and wealth consuming, ‘These rituals were the means by which the surplus could be re istibuted. The surplus appropriated in the form of gift was shared by the culing Kshatryas and the Brahmin priests, Gis were no longer voluntary. They were forced. The Arga dare and Varna ideology legitimized the increasing power of the kings and priests and the absorption ofthe subjugated tribals into the lower Vaenas. became the ideological expresion of the classes that had emerged from the womb of the vatious tmbes. Those groups that did not accept the rituals and freed toutes were considered anarye of mlechha, Development of agriclture, including paddy cultivation in the Gangetic plains, was accompanied by the increasing division of labour and the growth of tade. Private property in land emerged. Towns developed. Few classes came into existence — the Vaishya traders and the ahapatis the landowners. The gahap ati did not themselves til the land but go slaves or shudas to Ul {Tensions between the upper two Varnas and the lower Varas, and between those who owned and those who laboured, emerged. ‘This led to the emergence ofthe ancient state. The first states ‘emerged inthe Gangetic pins, in Bihar. ise ofthe State ‘The emergence of the Kosala and Magatha monarchies around the 6th century BC was the form in which the state developed in 12 Sen ne Coe ancien India. The ruling clan in the proto-states and these early states relied heavily on yagasand vitualstobuttres and legitimize ‘thelr rule. The eary states had the explicit function of upholding the Vara order and private property. Gifts were replaced by tax- cs But the upper ewo Varas, the Brahmins and Kehatiyas were not taxed. A standing army came into existence ‘The Varashrama ideology reflected and buttressed this class station in the interests ofthe ruling Kshatryas and Brabmins — “the Brahimen and Ksetriye enclose the tisha and shud” “a Visshy a tributary to another tobe oppressed twill. a Shudra the servant of another, tobe removed a wil tobe slain at wil’ In the context of the diferences between the lasses becoming sharp, the Vara divisions had become rigid. Social distance and endo amy came tobe emphasized. ‘But the newly emerged classes, the lower two Varnas andthe ‘or-subjugated tribal communities didnot aceept this ideology and the Varna hierarchy with Brahminical superiority. The rise of the Lokaat, Maho, Buddha and othe opposing sects and phil Sophical systems was a challenge to this Vedic yagna-based Brahminism and Varna-based hierarchy. These sects gained the support of traders and artisans organized into gulls and the sem-rbal kings and chieftains, Later, with the consolidation of the state formation with Mauryan rule (th-3rd centuries BC), the reduction in the importance of yagnas and the canzlidation ‘of the agricultural economy, Brahminism tel underwent tans: formation. Reducing the Importance of yagnas and borrowing certain principles from Buddhism, Brahmiism tried to reassert lt ideological role. Yo, it had to contend with Buddhism and Jainism for commercial and royal patronage and for socal domi- nation. This reflects the struggles put up by the various cases and peoples to the consolidation ofthe caste system based on Brahmin-Kshatrya superiority. Yet, Brafminism played a key role in the development and consolidation ofthe state in ancient India andthe development and formalization of a lass society in the form of the Varn. Case Qasr as © ‘The MauryanEmpice “The Mauryan Empit, which rose in the Magadha region in the Sr century BC, wa the fr major fully formed state in India (ater the Indus Valley fdor bourgeoisie and centralized resources. The pro~apitalist landlord sections came together on an even wider basis in UP. and Bihat, once agai in a coalition of lasses, to form the Janata Dal which came to power at Delhi in 1989. To stabilize their social base and to get a share of the state's resources through control of the higher rungs ofthe administration, they demanded reserve tions in government jobs and higher profesional education for the OBCs, The appointment of various commissions atthe state level and that of the Mandal Comission in 1977, was a part of {his process. The implementation of the Mandal Commission re [por dealing with posts in the central government services, Was En attempt by the sural elt from the midale castes to guarantee ‘heir sheen the state resources and stabilize thei holdover their class brethren from the poorer lasses Hence the intensification of the political and economic cisis ofthe present semi-eudal,semi-clonial system has intensified the contradictions in the realm ofthe caste system and this has manifested itself in: a) the pogroms against Dalits, especially, in ‘ural areas and b the demand for reservations for the OBCo and Wiolent agitations against the reservation policy. stacks on Dalits “The mass killings of Dalits began with the Kilvenmani massacre ‘of Dalit agricultural labourers in Thanjavur district in 1968 Iwas | repeisl for ther atemptto strike in support oftheir demand for higher wages. This was soon followed by similar massacres in ‘various parts ofthe country, especialy, from the late 1970s on- ‘wards frinstance inBihar (Belch, Farasbigha,etc) Marathawada In Maharashtra and Andbra (Chundur, Karamchedu, et.) These Kallings, and the countless attacks in every state are attempts by tthe santinne taeenc dhe erowing assertion of poor Dalits cant Gaon hon © 52 setned exon nd hl casted Po again canted xi et Sine, cee selon nebenncxper mebeethei sa ne mare wee techs Se Sec Tot eid ses ol at sa et dn ae =e a nd he eed ema ualty Tes Dalia can ref need on ra lings an ry ttn They ae ale en gc ane Dat more in he Aeseration Paley ‘Te reservation policy, granting the reservation of» ceain Pst Trap rj inthe administration and sess neal sen tr professional courses for SCs and STs, began 9 sn pre nants and goverment os ere a ee ND (ODC) cates os wel TS py was rr othe OBC inthe oer tae 18 mei sty Ue di with uneven deveopet ne par apa cocentated i the bande of 2 se i meting pesos oH sal li pus where ecrtment based ore of oat coat gerne eo Ms se ymca of noon rte ee Pe come he rie ging eu youth among be Dae nt So ng for pony tours tas he ea ala employment. Lhe sre ie he ca sours owned by emporio oe som i ent exon again wi ited ad Sto Senne Coe distorted development. The government sectors unableto satisfy the demands ofthe educated unemployed whose numbers grow by leaps and bounds, The scramble for jobs has made reserved feats prized among the Dalits, and they arouse the hatred ofthe ‘idle classes among the higher casts. The upper cast bureat ‘rats and ruling ete have attempted to scuttle the implementa ton of reservaionsin every way and deny the Dalits even whats thelr right under the law. Hence reservations have generated @ [peat deal ofthe tension within the urban pety-bourgeoisie ofthe tipper castes andthe Dalits. What is basically a non-antagonistic ‘contradiction among the people has taken an antagonistic form, Teading to agitations, its and attacks on Dalits asa whole ‘There ae sever limitations to the reservation policy fom the perspective of Dalit Uberation. The reservation policy has been Used by the ruling clases to stabilize a pety-bourgoois class lamong the Dalits and alzo create a small, but influential elite Smongst them. This policy has fostered dependence on the state land create an illusion that the Dalit castes can gain equality withy inthis exploitative system, something imposible without smash- ing this sem feudal,semicolonal economy, the foundation ofthe case system. The class of government employees created by this policy is denied politcal rghts and this has hampered the pety~ ‘ourgecisie fom parispating in militant mass struggles and this ‘ans hay sought to rete their agitation within consttionally ecognized channels and through the politics of lobbying and pa tronage Reservation isa eformist policy which provides relief but fot liberation. Though these limitations ofthe reservation policy need to be exposed, yet atthe same time, we must understand that for the SCs, reservations have provided white colar employ- ‘mentand hasbeen the main avenue tener the higher professions vwhich ae stil the monopoly ofthe higher castes, Anti-Reseration Agitation Reservations for SCs and ST, as wellas for the OBCs, have led 40 olent agitations against them. These agitatons have been prcremnenenmpenrerenemneneecnnrnerenine ae Quiros 6 5 backed by the main suing class parties, the Congress and ‘he BP. [Aslong a8 the reservations for the SCs andthe STs were im plemented marginally, opposition to them did not take an agit tonal form. But inthe mid-197s, under the pressure of mas re vols of the Dalits and tials the ruling clases started imple- menting the rerervation policy to some extent in most sectors. A ‘violent agitation began in Gujarat in 1861, ld, iniialy, by medi ‘alcllage students agains reservations Biter false but rovoc+ tive arguments that reservations lead to inefciency, et, were pul forward to get the support of the urban petty-bourgecisie ftom the upper castes. The upper castes were reacting against a threat to their monopoly over the lucrative protesions and the {government bureaucracy. The agitation in Gujarat spread from the cities to the villages. The landed Patel used the ant-Dalit a= mosphere crested by the agitation to attack ther Dalit labourers, Ww had begun to oppose their unchecked exploitation, and browbeat them into submission. The ant-reservaton agitation in Gujarat was supported by the students and yout fom the upper castes aspiring for professional education in other states as wel, ‘The ruling clases gave publicity to their agitations and an anti Dalit atmosphere was generated all over the country. By the 1980s the middle castes — the OBCs ~ too, began to dematid reservations. in 1977, when the Janata Pasty state govern- tment in Bihar, under Chief Minister Karpoort Thakur, imple- ‘pened reservations fr te OBCS inthe state administration and protssional colleges, ited to violent agitation by the forwards! be upper castes — against the backward the middle and lower castes. The agitators forced the state government to modify ‘he policy and inlroduce reservations for the Economically fachwards a well EBC), “The commission under the Chairmanship of BP Mandal ap- pied by the Janata Party government in 1977, was abo under ‘be pressute of the growing assertion of the landlord and rich ‘peannt sections among the middle casts in north India, The Commission recommended reservations for the OBCs. The 56 6 Scan Cs Congress () government shelved this report. Te all India com- prador bourgeoisie led Congress government, with its reduced Support from the agrarian elite in the northern belt was intrest ed, primarily, inthe entalization of the state. Inthe 1990s the Janata Dal government implemented the Mandal Commission recommendations of reservations forthe OBCs in the central gov- ‘ermment administrative machinery and in the inetitutions of higher education. From the 1980, sections ofthe OBC had been pressing forthe implementation of reservations, though ithad not taken the form ofa mass agitation. ‘The middle castes, whether of landlord or ordinary peasant ‘backgrounds and artisan castes, have been even more backward than the educated sections among the Dalits. They ae trapped in the sem-feudal agrarian economy of heir traditional occupations and way oflife. The emerging educated sections among them are the soil base forthe demand for reservations forthe OBCs. But the OBCs are much more class divided than the Dalits. Upper sec- tions of the OBC castes have tied hard tobe included inthe OBC lists in the diferent states In an attempt to check the BJPs efforts to dislodge it the Janata Dal government announced the implementation of reser ‘ations for the OBCs. But thie was widely opposed by the upper castes in the form of ant-reservation agitation. The extent ofthe “upper castes control over the government bureaucracy and pres: tigious professions can be seen from their violence and aggres- slveness against the implementation of the Mandal Commission. ‘The comprador bureaucrat bourgeolse and its media gave wide publicity to this agitation which was restricted woes institutions ‘The techniques they used ike sel-4mmolatio, to show their op position also gave their agitation more publicity. The upper caste Sections ofthe bureaucracy alo supported this agitation. The agi- tating students were from the ABVP and NSUL although both the Congress and the BJP opportunistilly remained silent during the agitation ‘While recognizing that implementation of reservation policy fr OBCs, will inspite of income limits, favour the landlordlte ; f t i a Gaston whos «57 scuons ofthe OBC castes and in that nly afew casts may gain; ye the facts that most of the OBCs are poor and landless peasants ‘Srthose ching out abare subsistence in their radtional ccupation. ‘Reservations will provide only avery emall ection among them 2 scue middle class existence, fr the majority, the agrarian order ras tbe overtumed in oder to give security and a beter fe. But ‘ne middle castes have hardly been represented inthe administa- ‘son and thy havea right to their share in this sector. ‘The extent of caste prejudice and caste felings that are nur- ‘ured and bred among the so-called modem secions ofthe upper ‘astes hasbeen revealed by the vehemence ofthe sntizeservation agiations. There is need ip oppose the anti-eservation aitations for what they ae — an attempt by the reactionary sections ofthe ‘uppermost castes to maintain thelr monopoly over the state's r= sources and prestigious lucrative professions with thee vicious ‘bust caste bases. tis nothing but an indirect ater to perpet tue the caste system by keeping the Dalits and the lower sections of ‘he OBCs as menias and labourers tobe exploited a will Movements in the Present Period abt Pane Reval ‘The economic and political policies ofthe reactionary ruling dlss- ‘= have led to opitations among the Dalits and other sections of the lower castes from the 1970. Although the leadership of the alt movement was co-opted and splintered in the 19605, the plight of the masses of the ower castes, inchuding the Dalit, ‘worsened. The practice of untouchabliy continued inabated in ‘he rural areas, caste forms of extra economic exploitation like Vet ‘eyuri, Vt, et, persisted in many parts ofthe country. Caste discrimination and prejudices in urban areas als became sharp This situation, coupled with the Brahiinical Hindu culture's domination and lack of opportunities among the Dalit youth led to the revolts. Under the influence ofthe world wide upeirge among the students the youth and the Blacks nthe 19605 and the Sf» Scans Case ‘Naxalbari movement, Dalit youth in Maharashta revolted under the banner ofthe Dalit Panthers, The movement began in the city (of Bombay in 1973. twas initially caltura movement, of poems land articles printed inthe small magazines brought out in that period, Dalit students and youth from the slums, hostels and hawis condemned the Manusmsi, announced thatthe 15th of ‘August was false independence and called fora boycot of elec tions. The movement did not last long but it spread rapidly to other urban centres ike Pune, Nagpur, and even to cities in Madhya Pradesh and other places ike Kamataka, Gujrat, Chandigarh, Bhopsl and Agra, where units ofthe Dalit Panthers were formed. "The Panthers revolted agaist caste oppression and also the RPI Dalit leaders who they flt had betrayed the Ambedkarte anticastelantvuntouchabity movement. Thei campaign to vil lages where caste oppression was reported indicates this. They slso attacked the ideological bastion of the case system by burr” ing the Manusnrit, Tey also attacked the corrupt parliamentary system by calling for boycott ofthe by-elections to the Lok Subba in Worl at Bombay, and managed to get almost 85 percent ofthe SCs the area to boycot the elections. This was the frst time that the Dalit movement ook an explicitly antstate stand. They were able to mobilize thousands of people for their morchas and fced ‘cute state repression. During one of their orcas, the Shiv Sena stacked witha volley of stones and when the Dalits resisted the pole fred on the morcha in defence of the Shiv Sank. In this [tack a young poet, Bhaskar Jadhav, was klled. Later, the Shiv ‘Sena, acting asthe storm-troopers of the uppercaste dominated state machinery, systematically attacked the Dalit Panthers. The Panthers military resisted these Shiv Sena attack, which insti gated rots in Dalit shume and chawls, The physical battles at ‘Worl between the Shiv Sainks and the police on one side andthe Dalits on the other, lasted for over three months. Hundreds of Panthers were thrown into jails. The Panthers contonted state repression, but having been a spontaneous revolt led bythe pety- bourgeoisie and lacking unifed suategy and tactics, they started A f (se son hs 58 sisimeprating by 17% The Dalit anther movement was prt the democratic revolutionary clas srggein the eon asa 2 eslof tis movement tht the weed ces fhe cuntay boyan tng the droga wor jth Hind ce stators) and ita adopted the word Dal” he leadeaip of the movement as won ove by the ong goeey Ginga andere trend radualy mos ofthe el preys mp, po etek and oppor Insp ofthe ate Dalit youth and tudes in vais prs othe Sat have open aly become ave and he tancy hs bur fot on ues ke the renaming ofthe Marathvada avery span he ba, Inge Amba book Ris Hn aga apa elilingot 1 Dats inpoic Sng at Mumba (anal Regs) sir limes teeter The Dalit Panther movement shook up akuashten oc sndtditoackowidg he see ste dscns {nd prjie struck amor low a the upper se monopa ‘spent snd the poirot evapo. Te alr ‘tshent was parry acd were oe ge ‘sopiton tote iterate of the oped mae and at erature expresing te agony of Baht inhi est! ye sv anew expres Alt was onl ater hs cutbut tat tervals or Dalisbgan abe filed Tilthentesidesahand, ‘ded nthe post eeprom fx The merece npn Date part anata A sila moveneat emerged among the stan Das in Krnataa. The Dat Sangha So began seit ‘att uppercase tacks nan seas ad oon spread tothe ial ares to ght casts totes it ed to popular op Boston guns caste in Karat to. Ths maven Sled the iden th of touchy and the pertence of 6» Sen Conc caste oppression and alo resulted in the development of Dali Iiterature. But soon it to became sectarian and evolved as apres ‘sre lobby that was used bythe various ruling class parties. ite Dale Politis ‘Due to this outburst of revolt the rung classes have consciously sponsored an elte among the Dalits who have, consciously ap- peated to Dalit solidarity and a sectarian approach, while denying [Eny unity with other exploited sections and parties representing, them. They were maintained as powerbrokers whose main task twas maintaining a clas aiance with the ruling classes though the medium ofthe state, They have been playing the role of re pestedly building up the fsith in the raling clas state among the Dalit masses, The Dalit leaders have promoted the ideology of ‘Ambedarism which suits the ruling classes. Instead of learning from the life and experiences of Ambedkar, and drawing lessons from his postive democratic aspect, they have highlighted and logmatize all those aspects of Ambedkar’s thoughts that wil legitimize the existing state. They are upholding the Constitution assacrosancl, defending liberal politcal philosophy the polities of Dargaining and lobbying. Hence they are taking # sectarian ap- proach tothe unity of the Dalits with other sections of the ex: ploited masses, or talking only of caste unity between the Dalits nd the OBCs without considering the lass contradictions that make this unity practically impossible to sustain. They are unwill- fing to edress any ofthe basic questions ofthe Dalit and the OBC ‘masses Thus the elite politcal leadership among the Dalits, in Teague with ling clase partes, string t keep the Dalit masses under their organizational and ideological influence, repeatedly Dreventing thelr militancy from Being integrated into a evoluion- [ny struggle and channelizing itinto parliamentary politics They ste preventing the building up of united struggles which alone can ‘wage a succesful fight against all forms of caste oppression, particulaly the dastardly system of untouchability andthe over throw ofthe caste sytem from its rots. (se Qustan an « 61 Dalit Movement inthe Present Period ‘The intensification of contradictions inthe past decade, the caste atrocities the impact of the ant-feudal struggles under revolu- tionary leadership in Telengana and Bihar, have led to a wide- spread awakening among the Dalis and other lower castes in \aious parts ofthe country especially inthe northern states like UB, Haryana and MP which were relatively untouched by any socal reform movement forthe upliftment ofthe Dalits in the ‘colonial period. This awakening was particularly among the pet- ‘y-bourgeos sections ofthe Dalit. The BSP, te party formed on the bate of Dalit bureaucrats and ruling clas elements fom, amongst the Dalits, has become the main organization through ‘hich this democratic sentiment against caste discrimination, and for social an politcal power, is being expressed, and, hence, ‘mass struggles under its leadership have alo taken place locally, tn the various stats in the face of repression from local vested sewers and the police. But the BSP, with its anit Brahmin rheto ‘is emphasis on cast alliance, the excision of lass unity, the absence ofa systematic socio-economic programme and its com plete faith on electoral politics, which in practice, has meant ali ances with ruling class forces and parties cannot satisy the dem ‘cztic aspirations and sentiments ofthe Dalits and other lower ‘aste masses. Their allance with the segional comprador and. lundiord-baced parties has meant that they have betrayed the in- terest of the poor and the landless peasants. With it upport to the prorimperialst economic poltic, which has ed to privtiza- ‘ion, unemployment and increased imperialist exploitation of the agrarian economy, the BSP cannot but betray the interests of even ‘he pety-bourgeois sections amongst the Dalits. Its acting asthe ‘major tol amongst the Dalits for Keeping them enslaved to fe dal and imperialist exploitation, and diverting them from the path of evolution. However, the intensifying crisis in India is bound to lead the ‘Dalit mases and ptty-bourgevisie to more and more struggles, The constitutionalism being fostered by the elite and corrupt t 4a 2 Sc Cu leadership of the Dalits is dissipating their miltancy into fampennass on the one hand and politcal lobbying onthe other. “Thus their interests cannot be saisfed. ‘nly by joining hands with the revolutionary struggle thats. being waged against imperialism, its socal prop feudalism and. the comprador bourgeoisie, the three enemies ofthe Indian peo- ple, that are sustaining all the reactionary orces and all he reac: tionary social relations and ideology, can the caste system and Brabminical ideology be uprooted from the Indian sol. The par liamentary system fas placed power inthe hands ofthe feudal and comprador bourgeois lasses, wil it will seek to co-opt only ‘smal section from the middle or lower casts. Bu forthe masses ‘ofthe oppressed cases and classes politcal power canbe gained only through a revolutionary struggle to fst overthrow the con- trol of the handful of upper castes over the means of production, Without taking control ofthe means of production the power of the oppressed cannot be built. Hence, while fighting against all forms of caste oppression and ulation, i is this task that re ‘mains principal in our struggle to annihilate the caste systems. ‘CASTE, CLASS AND STAGES IN INDIAN HISTORY In this section, we shall race the interinking between caste and class through history fom the advent of dss society. We have Seen continuous changes inthis, which we shall try and trace in this section, ‘Any overview of Indian History would show that Alhitherto istry of India has been te history of ase and cles struggle’ The processes dus to which casts, Vrnas and jtis came into being fd thei ros in the different stages of Indian history, are now ‘owe cles, Iie also now proved beyond doubt that Indian soci tty has been a changing sodety, and has gone through diferent Stages in history prior to ts present stage ofa semi-eudal and semi-colonial society. Based on the definition given by Marx and Engels inthe The ‘German dclogy hat The varoue stages of development inthe dson ‘ f i or Gus ton 6 6 of labour are just so many dierent forms of ownership, ie the existing ‘agin the disiono lbour determines also the alationsofndiiduals toon another with reference to he material instrament and product of ludour’ we can categorize the diferent stages in preBritsh Indian society as (1) Tribal Oigarchy, 2) Ancient communal and state ‘ownership which proceeded, especialy, from the union of several tubes by agreement andor conquest, accompanied by the en slavement ofthe Shudra-helots, Le, the Arthasashtra Mode and (G) Feudal or estate property accompanied by the Jat-based sys- tem Le, feudalism ofan Indian vast. “The Tribal period extends from the early Vedic period, where- 1a, the Aryan tribes came to the Punjab, at about 1500 BC. This continued to 500 BC, by when they had conquered, subjugated tnd assimilated the non-Azyan tribes and had overrun the Doab {Ganges plain) It was in this period that the decaying gentile Society broke up due tothe incessant nta-kin and inter-kin con- ‘cts for cattle, land, water sources and, later, slaves classes were ‘bor, and Varas came into being Sete agriculture developed ‘duc to the wooden and then the iron plough. Transplantation of face ws kaown, Iron use was widespread. Te state was yet to ‘ome into being. Vamashrama Dharma, oulined in the Brahein texts brought order and was the ideology ofthe ruling Kshatriya! Rejanya and Brahmin classes who expropriated the surplus tnrough the extraction of Bal (Tribute) or Da (Git). From 500 BC onwards, we see the emergence of the "Amthasashta State’ which was based onthe expropriation of su plus in the mai, from the Shea who tilled the king's sita lands {End also the tributes from the peasantry, The Arthasashtra mode {ot production based on tibutes and exproprition of surplus from the Shudrarelotsdecined after Ashoka and disappeared in the ‘main ate the Gupta period (th century AD) in thenorthand the ‘Chola period (th century AD) in the south. From the éthcentury AD onwards, we see anew intermedi- ary class coming nto existence, which not only kepta pat ofthe Surplus but also administered fefdoms. Also, during this peri- ‘Gd money economy and trade declined, local barter increased, 64 6 Sn ne Cet the guilds/srenis nearly disappeared, and the self sulficiet village economy, with its Jaimani, Balutedari and Ayagar sys tem, came into existence. The Jai system was born. Thus, the third stage of Indian History came to be — the Indian variant ‘of feudalism — till the British came, The British continued the feudal and semi-feudal system with changes suited to thei im- peril designs. The Changing Roe ofthe Varas In each ofthe fist three stages of Indian histor, the role ofthe Varnas did not remain unchanged with egard tothe ownership ofthe material and instruments oflabour and the expropriation of the product oflabour. The Vara Vyasa oo was nota constant ‘which remained unaltered. In the fist stage we have traced the development of how, from the tribal chiefs or Rajaryas who were given bal, and also from the priestly clas of Brahmins who were given dan, arose the tnibal-oligarchy ofthe 7th century BC. 1 was this ruling alliance that kept control over the ordinary txibal-folk, Vis and a small, class of domestic slaves, the Shudras. The Vashya was a tributary to another tobe oppressed a will while the Shura was‘ seroant of anather, to be removed at wil, slain at wil? The Varnashrama [Dharma was a code of conduct propounded by the ruling classes to keep the ruled in check and in order. But, inthe next mode of production, we see a change. The ‘Brahmins inthisperod, keepingasie therulesoftheVarashrama Dharma, which restricted them to priestly functions, had now transgressed into the territory ofthe Kshatriyas acting as adv sors tothe rulers, and taking up tasks in the administrative setup. Also, they had become gahapai, Le, landowners, and gatapati/, sets, Le, merchants — traditionally, the preserve of the Vaishya caste In the Arthasashtra mode of production, wherein, due to the development of agriculture, the importance ofcatle and farm. animals increased ~ the saccfcil ign declined ~ the Brahmin rests had to search for fresh avenues. (ae Quran man 68 ‘The Vashya Vasna also saw a break up into diferent classes. “Theupperrustin the urban areas became merchants of trade and thei gulls controled tovms. The Nagarseis became the main buckets of Buddhism and Jainism and contended fora share in the power setup together with the wealthy gohaptis ofthe rural seas, who had nimerous Shudra domestic slaves and farm labourers ‘The Prurjanapads, the rling classes of the Arthasashtra state, consisted of the Kshatriyas, the Brahmins and the upper ‘rst ofthe Vaishya Vara, The Vaishya Varna witnessed the fo- ration of another dass within i. A class which was skilled in Carian cralts (ike making chariots) later became part of the Karmarkar Shudra. Also, the Shuidras performed farm-labour as hired helots inthe Arthacashira state, which Was not witnessed sn the Vedic times. ‘Thus, we can conclude tha while in the tba period Varnas were itself classes and had extain role, this changed in the Arthasachtra mode of production, in which Varmas of the "Anthasachtra society were not congruent to asses Inthe nest stage, from the Gupta period onwards, we once again se changes in the ole of the Varnas withthe emergence of ‘he jats and the self sufcent village economy. "The Brakmins, missionaries who helped settle villages forthe zat ad become the priests, astologers and keepers of accounts fh the celfsulfcient village, The Brahmin missionaries brought eth them the knowledge of the Natta, the use ofthe iron ‘plough, rice transplantation etc. They contributed tothe product ‘bon process and became apart of the blutedai system. At another ‘evel the court Brahmins ofthe numerous rising feudatores — racers of this period — granted and sancied Kahatiyahood to a section ofthe erstwhile Shudras or foreign anguerrsinretum, receiving, ofcourse large grants of taxfree land. Thus, the Brahmin Vama took up presly functions once 2gain and also consolidated ther position as landlords. “The Vaishya asa Vara, had nearly disappeared from the see- teano and were restricted to big urban centes only. This was so 6 « Snr Cee ‘because trading had declined and local barter had increased. The majority amongst them in the rural areas (Le, te cultivators) be came asiilated with the Shucras. The Shudra became synony- ‘mous with the clas of peasantry. The hud were again divided. into the SatikShucras, ie, the culivators andthe non-Sao shu- dra, the labourers. Als, an at-Shudra caste of Untouchables ‘were bom, The Untouchables could not own land or wealth and were usually labourers “The Kshatriyas became a bigger Varnain size withthe mumer- ‘ous new foreign and lca entrants tit Tein this stage that we aoe the jatis being born. Many ts composed a Varna. Also, classes were composed of many jas “The Kshatiya and Brahmin castes comprised the raling cas, The VVernashrama Dharma outined the hierarchy and also who were the rulers and who could be exploited Thus thejatis were fied Ino the Varnashrama Dharma scheme by the ruling lasses. Also, the new entrants were given befiting status by the theory of the nevly invented zarnasenskare theory “Thus we see that though clases didnot tke exactly the form ‘ofthe Varna ate the tribal stage, Le, during the Arhasashtraand the feudal stages, et, the two higher Varas comprised the ruling

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