Background to Discovery: Pacific Exploration from Dampier to Cook

Background to

Discovery

PUBLISHED UNDER THE AUSPICES OF THE

WILLIAM ANDREWS CLARK MEMORIAL LIBRARY

UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA, LOS ANGELES

Publications from the

CLARK LIBRARY PROFESSORSHIP, UCLA

1.

England in the Restoration and Early Eighteenth

Century: Essays on Culture and Society

Edited by H. T. Swedenberg, Jr.

2.

Illustrious Evidence: Approaches to English Literature

of the Early Seventeenth Century

Edited by Earl Miner

3.

The Compleat Plattmaker: Essays on Chart, Map, and Globe Making

in England in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries

Edited by Norman J. W. Thrower

4.

English Literature in the Age of Disguise

Edited by Maximillian E. Novak

5.

Culture and Politics: From Puritanism to the Enlightenment

Edited by Perez Zagorin

6.

The Stage and the Page: London’s Whole Show

in the Eighteenth-Century Theatre

Edited by Geo. Winchester Stone, Jr.

7.

England’s Rise to Greatness, 1660-1763

Edited by Stephen B. Baxter

8.

The Uses of Science in the Age of Newton

Edited by John G. Burke

9.

Studies in Eighteenth-Century British Art and Aesthetics

Edited by Ralph Cohen

10.

The Golden & the Brazen World:

Papers in Literature and History, 1650-1800

Edited by John M. Wallace

11.

Background to Discovery: Pacific Exploration from Dampier to Cook

Edited by Derek Howse

BACKGROUND TO

DISCOVERY:

Pacific Exploration from

Dampier to Cook

Edited by

DEREK HOWSE

Clark Library Professor, 1983—1984

UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PRESS

BERKELEY • LOS ANGELES • OXFORD

University of California Press

Berkeley and Los Angeles, California

University of California Press, Ltd.

Oxford, England

© 1990 by

The Regents of the University of California

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Background to discovery: Pacific exploration from Dampier to Cook/edited by Derek Howse.

p. cm.—(Publications from the Clark Library professorship, UCLA; 11)

Includes bibliographical references and index.

ISBN 0-520-06208-6 (alk. paper)

1. Discoveries (in geography)—English. 2. Pacific

Area—Discovery and exploration—English. I. Howse, Derek. II. Series.

G240.B33 1990

910’.941— de 19 89-4828

CIP

Printed in the United States of America

123456789

Dedicated to the late

JOHN HORACE PARRY,

who should have been editing this volume

CONTENTS

CONTENTS

ILLUSTRATIONS

PREFACE

CONTRIBUTORS

I SEAPOWER AND SCIENCE: THE MOTIVES FOR PACIFIC EXPLORATION Daniel A. Baugh

II THE ACHIEVEMENT OF THE ENGLISH VOYAGES, 1650-1800 Glyndwr Williams

III THE MEN FROM ACROSS LA MANCHE: FRENCH VOYAGES, 1660-1790 Seymour Chapin

IV LITERARY RESPONSES TO THE EIGHTEENTH- CENTURY VOYAGES Charles L. Batten, Jr.

V NAVIGATION AND ASTRONOMY IN THE VOYAGES Derek Howse

VI

INDEX

ILLUSTRATIONS

PREFACE

Since 1968, the William Andrews Clark Memorial Library of the University of California, Los Angeles (UCLA), has annually appointed a Clark Library Professor, sometimes from within the University of California, sometimes from elsewhere. One of this person’s tasks is to organize a series of seminars on some chosen theme relating to the particular interests of the Clark Library—English culture during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. Each seminar is addressed by an eminent visiting scholar invited by the Clark Professor. While faculty members and graduate students from UCLA and other southern California institutions make up most of the audiences, the seminars are advertised and open to all, often attracting scholars from outside the area. The texts of these Clark Professor lectures are generally published; a list of the published volumes faces the title page of this book.

Early in 1982, the distinguished English historian of maritime and Latin American affairs, John Horace Parry, CMG, Professor of Oceanic History and Affairs at Harvard University and former Vice-Chancellor of the University of Wales, accepted an invitation to become Clark Library Professor for the academic year 1983-84. For the Clark Professor seminars during 1983—84, he chose as his theme Background to Discovery: England from Dampier to Cook—roughly speaking, maritime exploration (or rather the background to it) from 1680 to 1780, mainly in the Pacific, because the main thrust of exploration during that period was there. This was a field in which he himself had made many contributions as a historian.

By mid-1982, Parry had already contacted many of the speakers who eventually contributed, including the present editor. Then, very suddenly, on 25 August 1982, John Parry died at his home in Cambridge, Massachusetts, aged sixty-eight, immediately following a foreign lecture tour. The present editor, who retired from the post of Head of Navigation and Astronomy at the National Maritime Museum, Greenwich, England, in October 1982, accepted with great humility the invitation to become UCLA’s Clark Library Professor for 1983-84.

With the general theme of Background to Discovery: England from Dampier to Cook, the seminars took place at the Clark Library, Los Angeles, once a month from October 1983 to May 1984. The series opened with the lecture Seapower and Science: Perspectives on the Motives of Exploration in the Eighteenth Century, by Daniel A. Baugh, Professor of English History at Cornell University, setting the scene and giving the underlying motives, political and economic, for eighteenth-century exploration. The November lecture, The Achievement of English Voyages of Discovery, 1650-1800, by Glyndwr Williams, Professor of History at Queen Mary College, University of London, and President of the Hakluyt Society, 1978-1982, gave the story of the voyages themselves. In December, Seymour Chapin, Professor of History at California State University, Los Angeles, in his lecture The Men from Across La Manche: A Brief Overview of French Voyages of Scientific and Geographic Discovery, 1660—1790, broadened the political field by detailing French exploration activity during the same period.

The 1984 seminars concerned specific subjects within the main theme. The January lecture by Charles L. Batten, Jr., Professor of English at UCLA, was entitled Literary Responses to Eighteenth-Century Voyages of Discovery. In February I explained the state of the art in navigation and the physical sciences in Navigation and Astronomy in Eighteenth-Century Voyages of Exploration. The March lecture was by another scholar from England, Nicholas Rodger, Assistant Keeper at the Public Record Office, Kew, Richmond, and Honorary Secretary of the Navy Records Society since 1975—The Royal Navy and Its Archives, an amusing and sometimes provocative paper. The April lecture, The Noncartographical Publications of the Firm of Mount and Page: Some Problems and Opportunities in Eighteenth-Century Maritime Bibliography, was given by Thomas R. Adams, John Hay Professor of Bibliography at Brown University and formerly Librarian of the John Carter Brown Library. The last lecture of the series, given on 25 May 1984, looked at the subject with an eye to the fine arts—The Sailor’s Perspective: British Naval Topographic Artists, by John O. Sands, Director of Collections at the Mariners’ Museum, Newport News, Virginia. One aspect which we would have liked to include was natural history—botany, zoology, anthropology, and so on, all important in eighteenth-century voyages of discovery—but, alas, this did not prove possible, though the topic is of sufficient substance that it may one day form the subject of a seminar series on its own.

The texts of all but two of these lectures are published here. The lectures by Professor Adams and Dr. Rodgers, not quite so closely connected with exploration as were the others, have been published elsewhere.

I am grateful to all the contributors for making the series the success I believe it was, and my sincere thanks must go to the Director of the Clark Library, Professor Norman J. W. Thrower, to the Librarian, Dr. Thomas F. Wright, and to all the library staff, for making each seminar such a pleasant and satisfying occasion.

DEREK HOWSE

SEVENOAKS, KENT

CONTRIBUTORS

Charles L. Batten, Jr., is Associate Professor of English at the University of California, Los Angeles. In Pleasurable Instruction (University of California Press, 1978), he investigates the generic convention of eighteenth-century travel literature. He is currently tracing the influence of eighteenth-century travelers on philosophical controversies in England.

Daniel A. Baugh is Professor of Modern British History at Cornell University. He is the author of British Naval Administration in the Age of Walpole (1965) and the editor of Naval Administration, 1715—1750 (1977), and he has written articles on both maritime and non-maritime subjects within the period from 1660 to 1830. He is presently writing a book on Great Britain’s Blue-Water policy from the sixteenth to the twentieth century.

Seymour Chapin is Professor Emeritus of History at California State University, Los Angeles. He has published extensively on the history of French science, scientific institutions, and scientific voyaging in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries.

Derek Howse was the William Andrews Clark Memorial Library Professor at the University of California, Los Angeles, in 1983-1984, having retired the previous year as Head of Navigation and Astronomy at the National Maritime Museum, Greenwich, England. Among his publications are The Sea Chart (with M. Sanderson, 1973), Greenwich Time and the Discovery of the Longitude (1980), A Buccaneer’s Atlas (edited with N.J. W. Thrower; University of California Press, forthcoming), and Nevil Maskelyne, the Seaman’s Astronomer (1989).

John O. Sands is Manager of Administration in the Collections Division of the Colonial Williamsburg Foundation. He was previously senior curator for the Mariners’ Museum, Newport News, Virginia.

Glyndwr Williams is Professor of History at Queen Mary College, University of London. A former president of the Hakluyt Society, his main research interest is the exploration of North America and the Pacific in the eighteenth century. His most recent books are (with P. J. Marshall) The Great Map of Mankind: British Perceptions of the World in the Age of Enlightenment (1982) and (edited with Alan Frost) Terra Australis to Australia (1988).

I

SEAPOWER AND SCIENCE:

THE MOTIVES FOR

PACIFIC EXPLORATION

Daniel A. Baugh

Among the principal expanses of ocean there were three whose geography remained substantially unknown to Europeans at the beginning of the eighteenth century: the Arctic, the Antarctic, and the Pacific. The Pacific, still generally called the South Seas (Mer du Sud, Mar del Sur), was the prime focus of curiosity. Its uncharted regions were suspected of containing not only many more tropical islands but also considerable landmasses in temperate latitudes. Eighteenth-century explorers investigated the Arctic and Antarctic mainly to facilitate development of Pacific routes: Their object was either to find a short passage via the Arctic or to discover and secure places suitable for refreshing ships’ crews along the two lengthy cape routes, both of which skirted the Antarctic.

European curiosity about the Pacific Ocean intensified suddenly at the end of the 1690s. Soon thereafter Daniel Defoe and Jonathan Swift, to name only the most famous of early eighteenth-century English authors, put the growing curiosity about the unknown ocean to various literary and loosely philosophical purposes. Granted, the plots of Robinson Crusoe and Gullivers Travels both required some sort of men from Mars, and in those days the Pacific seemed to provide the most plausible source and setting. But there also arose at this time a quasi-scientific curiosity about the South Seas. This was enhanced enormously by William Dampier’s charming yet incisive and faithful accounts of his voyages. His first account was published in 1697.¹ Moreover, there was a firm popular belief, especially in England, that the commercial and strategic potential of the South Seas was enormous.²

All these infatuations spread remarkably during the first two decades of the century, and if nothing more than curiosity and enthusiasm were needed to launch expeditions, a flurry of exploratory activity in the Pacific, led by the English, should certainly have commenced by about 1720. Nothing of the sort occurred. The years 1697 to 1760 saw only four significant voyages of exploration in the Pacific, that is, voyages properly equipped and primarily intended for exploratory purposes: one by an Englishman, Dampier; two by a Dane, Vitus Bering, who was hired by the tsar of Russia; the other by a Dutchman, Jacob Roggeveen. Thus, notwithstanding the heightened curiosity early in the century, the major powers of Western Europe mounted only two exploratory voyages—Dampier’s and Roggeveen’s— before the 1760s.

This eighteenth-century period of delay was really the latter portion of a longer period, roughly 120 years, in which very little effort was made by Europeans to unlock the secrets of the great ocean. This period, stretching from the 1640s to the 1760s, separates two great ages of Pacific exploration. The first age was long and drawn out; it lasted from about 1510 to the 1640s. Then came the 120-year period of fallow. The second age, signaled by the voyages of Bougainville and Cook, ran from the 1760s to about 1800; exploratory voyages in the Pacific did not thereupon cease, but all the main cartographical outlines were filled in by 1800.

Two questions are raised by these chronological facts, and they constitute the main concerns of this essay: Why was there a 120-year lapse of exploratory effort? And in what ways, if any, did the leading motives of the 1760s and 1770s differ from those of earlier times? As to the first question, some historians would not agree that there was a 120-year lapse. It will be necessary, therefore, both to establish the limiting dates clearly and to offer an explanation of why the lapse occurred. The second question, regarding differing motives, lies at the heart of my interpretive theme. Perhaps the most famous person to comment on the question of differing motives was the great Polish-English writer Joseph Conrad. He judged that the era of Cook’s voyages marked a fundamental change:

The voyages of the early explorers were prompted by an acquisitive spirit, the idea of lucre in some form, the desire of trade or the desire of loot, disguised in more or less fine words. But Cook’s three voyages are free from any taint of that sort. His aims needed no disguise. They were scientific. His deeds speak for themselves with the masterly simplicity of a hard-won success. In that respect he seems to belong to the singleminded explorers of the nineteenth century, the late fathers of militant geography whose only object was the search for truth.³

Conrad appears to be focusing here on personal motives, but he would not have denied the influence of culture in shaping personal motives. He is, in fact, contrasting modern, disinterested, scientific exploration with the exploratory venturing of the bad old days of blatant acquisitiveness. (The passage is suffused with esteem for nineteenth-century liberal virtue.) As we shall see, this historical contrast is broadly valid, but not so starkly as Conrad implied. One need only recall from the earlier period the conduct of Columbus, Verrazano, Torres, the Nodal brothers, or Hudson to be reminded that there were men of those times whose desire to be honored for sedulous and dangerous navigation seems to have matched, and possibly exceeded, their desire for material gain. And if Captain James Cook’s motives were free from any taint of the desire of trade or … loot, that was partly because as an officer of the Royal Navy he belonged to a well- established and respected professional corps. Within that institution he could look forward to material and social advancement as well as honor, if he did his job well.⁴ Very few explorers of the sixteenth or seventeenth centuries were in anything like that position. The institutions of their times were less solidly established.

In this essay, however, we are concerned not with the personal motives of the explorers but rather with the motives that underlay decisions to finance the voyages. To put the matter bluntly, Cook’s voyages were expensive and obviously he did not pay their costs. The expenditures for his three voyages were authorized by the British government within a framework of objectives that could be expected to stand up to taxpayer scrutiny. Similarly, Dampier was expected to pursue objects that may tend to the advantage of the Nation. Lord Keynes’s remark, For only individuals are good, and all nations are dishonorable, cruel and designing, although perhaps unduly bitter, has a bearing here.⁵ In short, it is one thing to say that an explorer’s motives were purely scientific and professional and quite another to say that the motives underlying the decision to finance his voyages were equally of the same character.⁶ Even in our own time, when the pursuit or maintenance of scientific preeminence is generally acknowledged to be a motive sufficient unto itself, considerations of national power and prosperity set limits on public appropriation of funds for exploratory research.

Our theme therefore requires us to step back from the voyages themselves in order to examine the kinds of motives that got the explorers their authorization and funding. We shall find that throughout the whole period from 1500 to 1800 one consideration never ceased to be of primary importance: great-power politics. But we shall also discover that the geopolitical perspective of ministers of state did begin to change in the 1760s and 1770s.

In the end we shall see that the surge of exploration in the Pacific during those decades was carried forward by a convergence of three broad motivating forces. One of them had operated powerfully from the sixteenth century onward and never ceased to operate: the inclination of the European powers to parcel out the world and its resources— le partage du monde, as Fernand Braudel has spoken of it—in which process the Treaty of Tordesillas (1494) between Portugal and Spain stands as one of the earliest and greatest landmarks.’ Although traces of the second motivating force might be seen in the sixteenth century, it did not crystallize as a powerful force in Western Europe’s policy-making until the later part of the seventeenth: this was the development of a widespread public appreciation of the role and importance of seapower. (The focus on seapower was not the same thing as le partage du monde; its rationale and policy implications were considerably different.) The third was a force whose promise was first announced by Francis Bacon in the 1620s; however, it did not attain the power to open large purses until the middle of the eighteenth century: a new conception of the role of science. This conception held that knowledge of the natural world should be pursued not only for the glory of God and man but also because such knowledge translates to prosperity and power. In this view, any society whose capacity for acquiring knowledge is inferior or merely derivative must therefore expect to hold an inferior and derivative role in global affairs.

The impact of the second and third of these motivating forces, seapower and science, forms the concluding theme of this essay. More immediately our task is to place all three forces in the long historical context of exploration in the Pacific, taking notice not only of their influence, stage by stage, but also the conditions and developments that at certain times overrode them and thus inhibited exploration.

THE FIRST AGE OF PACIFIC

EXPLORATION (CA. I5IO— 164OS)

The European exploration of the world’s largest ocean may be said to have begun either with the penetration of Indonesian waters by the Portuguese in the decade after 1510 or with the circumnavigation by Ferdinand Magellan’s ship (1519-1522). Whichever beginning is preferred, it must be granted that the year 1519 was indeed a year of destiny for the Pacific. A month before Magellan sailed from San Lucar, the city of Panama had been founded.⁸ The first age of exploration may be divided into two phases. The initial phase was dominated by the Iberians and lasted about a century. The Spanish played by far the dominant role—largely because after about 1520 the Portuguese concentrated their energies on integrating a trading system based on the Indian Ocean.

What were the Spanish trying to achieve in the Pacific? This question raises the larger question of the motives of Spanish imperialism. The familiar historical answer is that offered by the conquistadors: to seek gold and to serve God. Certainly these goals were approved by Ferdinand and Isabella and their successors. Yet Columbus himself repeatedly sought and was expected by his backers to find an alternate passage to the Indies, so that Spain might enjoy the same profits of trade in spices that Portugal seemed to have within its grasp. Just five years after the conquest of Mexico, Cortès was urged by dispatches from the Spanish court to launch exploratory expeditions in the Pacific (from the west coast of New Spain). The Philippine Islands were finally reached from America in 1543. It took another thirty years for the Spanish to work out a practicable return route, and until the correct method was found (by sailing in more northerly latitudes where the winds were favorable) dreadful losses were incurred from lack of water and shipboard diseases. Hence it was not until the 1560s that the Manila galleon could be instituted; Spanish trad ing with the Indies became an accomplished fact seventy years after Columbus’s