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Star Wars: Return of the Sixties
August Jordan Davis
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Star Wars: Return of the Sixties
Or, Martha Rosler versus
the Empire Striking Back
August Jordan Davis
1. For excellent examinations
of this variation of (police)
enforcement, see Naomi
Klein, The Shock Doctrine:
The Rise of Disaster
Capitalism, Penguin,
London and New York,
2007; David Harvey, A
Brief History of
Neoliberalism, Oxford
University Press, Oxford
and New York, 2007; and
Tariq Ali, Pirates of the
Caribbean: Axis of Hope,
Verso, London and
New York, 2008.
Amongst the myriad ‘forces of globalization’ that one might examine,
whether broadly or more specifically in relation to art and criticism, as
in the context of this special issue, surely the most fundamental is the
literal force of military imperialism. From its explicit exertion as an invading and occupying force (for instance that of the US and UK in Afghanistan
and Iraq) to its more slyly embedded position within expansionistic neoliberal economic policies (such as NAFTA – the North American Free Trade
Agreement – in Latin America), and the particular forms of policing these
require (now as much through the International Monetary Fund and
World Bank as previously through death squads and juntas), imperialistic
forces aim to shape a globalized world from compulsory expropriations
conglomerating one (eminent) domain for a particular power.1
‘Soft’ imperialism in the form of cultural colonizations can be no less
forceful than military and economic co-options; through processes of insidious internalization of exogenous ideological positions a realignment of
the territory of one’s inner life to match the contours of another’s hegemonic mappings takes place. This spectrum of imperialist reconstitutions – military, economic or cultural invasions (or any combination
thereof, leading ultimately to full-spectrum dominance) – comprises the
situation against which artist and activist Martha Rosler has worked
for nearly 50 years. This article examines her critique of imperialism as
a force of globalization rooted most directly within her series of
photomontages Bringing the War Home: House Beautiful (first series:
1967 – 1972; New Series: 2004– 2008) wherein I identify a meta-critical
practice predicated on the concept of the reboot, as unpacked below.
GENERAL DARTH VADER
In her 1997 video Chile on the Road to NAFTA, Martha Rosler included
footage of the Chilean National Police Band performing publically in a
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566
2. See Martha Rosler, Decoys
and Disruptions: Selected
Writings, 1975 –2001,
MIT Press, Cambridge,
Massachusetts and
London, 2004. Also see
August Jordan Davis,
‘Decoys and Disruptions:
Selected Writings, 1975 –
2001’, The Art Book, vol
12, no 2, May 2005,
pp 34 – 35.
3. There is an increasingly
extensive literature of and
on the theory, writings and
practices of Guy Debord
and the Situationist
International. See Guy
Debord and Gil J Wolman,
‘A User’s Guide to
Détournement’ (1956), in
Ken Knabb, ed and trans,
Situationist International:
Anthology, revised and
expanded edition, Bureau
of Public Secrets, Berkeley,
California, 2006, pp 14 –
21. Also see Situationist
International,
‘Détournement as
Negation and Prelude’
(1959), in ibid, pp 67 –68.
4. The touchstone for Rosler
regarding challenging the
mythologies/ideologies of
everyday life has been the
work of Henri Lefebvre.
‘Somebody stuffed a
paperback copy of
Lefebvre’s Everyday Life in
the Modern World into my
hand in the early ’70s, and
it burnt a hole in my life. I
hated it! And it was one of
those paradigm shifts. Oh
this is awful, this is totally
right!’, Stephen Wright,
‘Deinstrumentalizing
Knowledge – Interview
with Martha Rosler’, in
Paul Domela and John
Byrne, eds, Martha Rosler
Library, Liverpool Biennial
of Contemporary Art,
Liverpool, 2008, p 13.
Still from Chile on the Road to NAFTA, 1997, video, 10 minutes, colour with sound,
courtesy the artist and Electronic Arts Intermix
gazebo a medley of the works of American composer John Williams, who
had worked extensively with director Steven Spielberg, scoring most of his
films. Notably, Williams also worked with George Lucas, composing the
film scores for the original Star Wars trilogy (directed by George Lucas,
1977, Irvin Kershner, 1980, Richard Marquand, 1983). Additionally, as
humorously considered in British comedian and musician Bill Bailey’s
recorded performance A Remarkable Guide to the Orchestra (2009), Williams composed an early version of the theme to the NBC Nightly News –
a theme called ‘The Mission’ (1985). It is full of an urgency that promotes
exultant expectancy; it evokes both a sense of gravitas and, through its
string section, a soaring uplift of the spirit. As Bailey so aptly describes
it: it sounds like ET on horseback chased down a beach by Darth Vader!
I begin with this note for two reasons. First to highlight a particular
strategy within Rosler’s oeuvre: the incorporation of artefacts of daily
life, especially in their complexly banal attire of popular culture as
appropriated and deployed in amateur, quotidian settings and situations.
This incorporation allows Rosler her Situationist-inflected strategy of
crafting decoys and disruptions through (mis-)appropriation as
détournement,2 the politically and aesthetically motivated hijacking of
everyday life – the turning of material against itself.3
The sheer fact of incorporation, the plain act of selecting to focus upon
certain aspects of the ‘wallpaper’ of daily life – the ads, the buskers, the
shop fronts, the detritus of modern, urban and peripatetic life – stops
our attention just long enough to cause puzzlement as to why we are
asked to consider items, images, situations or performances that initially
seem so innocently mundane. It is the moment of the mini-double-take:
the asking ourselves why bother with this, which is the point of Rosler’s
larger project: the interrogation of the ideologies of everyday life and the
socio-political economic privileges these afford certain power blocs.4
567
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5. Roz Kaveney, Superheroes!
Capes and Crusaders in
Comics and Films, I B
Tauris, London and
New York, 2008, especially
Chapter 5, ‘Some Kind of
Epic Grandeur: Events and
Reboots in the Superhero
Universe’, pp 176 –200
6. Two exceptions were at the
behest of arts institutions/
organizations, rather than
at Rosler’s instigation, and
were reimaginings or
extensions of the original
works. The first is Semiotics
of the Kitchen: An
Audition, which
transformed Rosler’s blackand-white 1975 video
performance and reworked
it as a collaborative live
performance (itself
videotaped and now
available on the Electronic
Arts Intermix website,
dated as 2011). This
performance involved more
than two dozen volunteers
and was performed for the
Whitechapel Gallery’s ‘A
Short History of
Performance, Part II’,
November 2003; see
August Jordan Davis,
‘Martha Rosler’s Fighting
Legions: Semiotics of the
Kitchen (1975/2003)
Performance and the
(Video) Document’, in
Jonathan Harris, ed, Dead
History, Live Art?:
Spectacle, Subjectivity and
Subversion in Visual
Culture since the 1960s
(Tate Liverpool Critical
Forum), Tate Liverpool and
Liverpool University Press,
London and Liverpool,
2007, pp 209 –239. The
second was If You Still
Lived Here, an archive
project with e-flux, 28
August –14 November
2009. Her solo shows at the
London ICA, ‘London
Garage Sale’ (2005) and at
New York’s MoMA, ‘Meta
Monumental Garage Sale’
(2012), constitute
iterations of an ongoing
project which commenced
with her first ‘Monumental
Garage Sale’ show in San
Diego in 1973. The ‘Garage
Sale’ series is interesting as
a transitional work lying
somewhere between
vast installation art and
The second reason I mention Chile on the Road to NAFTA is to
describe the highly unsettling nature of the musical footage in this
video. As stated above, the medley of music by John Williams is performed by the National Police Band of Chile. Only a few years into the
‘resumption’ of democracy post-Pinochet at the time of Rosler’s video,
the sight and sound of the National Police performing leitmotifs from
Star Wars evoking the menace of Darth Vader, intercut with the
opening refrains of the NBC Nightly News theme, are both unnerving
and darkly comic, at least to an American viewer of a certain age who
immediately recognizes both of these aural landmarks and their varied
resonances. This conceptually discordant medley is the perfect metaphor
for both Rosler’s photomontage practice and for American foreign policy
post-Second World War.
However, let us focus on the following convergence: in this Williams
Police medley we have a constellation of popular cultural sci-fi villainy,
media accounts of daily history and the dirty politics of American
foreign policy, and neoliberal economic theory enacted as a violently
embodied practice, together with migrations of these policies into
newer forms such as the North American Free Trade Agreement.
Chile on the Road to NAFTA is a portrait of a country rebooted. Its
previous incarnation under Pinochet is treated almost as though it were
an alternate reality which has been banished by the undoing of a time
paradox, as in a comic book world; from this I will develop the
concept of the reboot. The reboot allows the retrospective correction of
narrative continuity issues within the world of the comic. It allows the
vanquishing of certain villains and the streamlining of characters, the
scrapping of convoluted multi-verses and excessive cast numbers. Roz
Kaveney has written very well in 2008 on the most notable reboots and
event narratives of the DC and Marvel comic book worlds.5
But Chile on the Road to NAFTA also represents a further instalment
in Rosler’s continued work on Chile since the 1970s, including the phototext work of 1977 published as The Restoration of High Culture in Chile,
and the 1978 video Domination and the Everyday. However, Rosler,
with a few exceptions, rarely revisits previous works6 (although it can
be said, as she herself does, that all of her works constitute fragments
of but one overarching project: that her oeuvre is her single meta-work,
what we can call her project of the critique of everyday life).7 This is
crucial to understanding the meta-critique constituted by Rosler’s
renewal of the Bringing the War Home series of anti-war photomontages
in the 2000s. As with her selection of everyday artefacts instantiating a
double take that asks us to enquire why we are prompted to look
at this, her renewal spurs us to ask why she has renewed the project of
Bringing the War Home.
THE WAR BACK HOME
In the 1960s and 1970s Rosler produced a series of photomontages she
later entitled Bringing the War Home. Originally conceived not as part
of her artistic practice but as agitational images for distribution at
anti-war demonstrations8 and for reproduction in underground press
publications,9 Bringing the War Home only entered the art world in
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568
Red Stripe Kitchen, 1967– 1972, photomontage, dimensions variable, from Bringing The War Home: House Beautiful,
photo courtesy the artist and Mitchell-Innes and Nash gallery
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569
proto-relational/
participatory art (eg, do we
identify this as an artwork,
a series, an exhibition, or a
project?). See http://www.
moma.org/interactives/
exhibitions/2012/
garagesale/about. This is an
area Rosler pioneered,
specifically with her project
If You Lived Here. . .
(1987 –1989): ‘a series of
events conceived and
directed by Martha Rosler
over the course of more
than two years. . . including
planning sessions; a series
of three exhibitions; and
open public “town
meetings.” Rosler called
this project “If You Lived
Here. . .”, exploring general
and specific issues of
community and housing,
homelessness, and urban
planning, in particular,
through diverse artists’
projects, public discussions
styled as “town meetings”
emphasizing participation
of the audience, and
rigorously compiled
research.’ Charles Wright
and Gary Garrels, ‘A Note
on the Series’, in Brian
Wallis, ed, If You Lived
Here: The City in Art,
Theory, and Social
Activism, A Project by
Martha Rosler, New Press,
New York, 1999, pp 9 –10.
Equally, the various
installations of the Martha
Rosler Library since it
began as an e-flux project in
New York in 2005 merely
exist as various venues on
what has become an
extended travelling
exhibition. Like her many
photo-text series, such as In
the Place of the Public,
commenced in the early
1980s, these are not
revivals of past works but
protracted series of works
spanning decades of
production and exhibition,
with varying incarnations
of display and methods of
dissemination.
7. See Benjamin Buchloh, ‘A
Conversation with Martha
Rosler’, in Catherine de
Zegher, ed, Martha Rosler:
Positions in the Life World,
Ikon Gallery, Generali
Foundation, and MIT
Press, Birmingham,
the early 1990s at the time of Desert Storm.10 As the ‘war on terror’
commenced, however, Rosler searched for a means within her work of
confronting this resurgent American bellicosity.
As far as I was concerned, my photomontage period wrapped up in the mid
to late ’70s and I was quite surprised to find myself turning back to it in the
early 2000s in response to our wars in Afghanistan and Iraq, which
outraged me as much as the war in Vietnam had. And I realized that if
I went back to the photomontage medium, I would be making that
point – it’s the same message and it has the same politics, which is: we
are responsible for this – this is us telling ourselves that life is beautiful
here at home and this is what we do abroad.11
In an interview with Alan Gilbert, Rosler further explicated the conditions
under which the renewed images were produced. It is critical to quote
from this statement at length:
In 2003, while I was casting about for a way to address, within my art, the
war we were launching, I realized that it seemed to make the most sense,
finally, to return to a form of expression I had used back then – that is,
simple photomontage, showing the ideal homes of today and their inhabitants, together with scenes of war and combatants abroad. I regarded this
mode of expression as a ‘meta-form’, in which the very return to this form,
which I had not used for a long time, would itself signify a certain ‘retro’. . .
element in the war itself. I wanted somehow to use this to make specific
connections with Vietnam, the subject of attention of the earlier antiwar montages. Among the similarities I wanted to call attention to were
that the rationales for the war were obviously bogus, the professed aims
constantly shifting, the press and Congress subservient and pandering,
and the mood of the public gullible and its stance crudely bellicose.
Finally, the war itself could safely be predicted to become a quagmire, a
situation applied quite often to the war in Vietnam. . . Thus, the return
to photomontage – taking up a form in my work that was
already acknowledged as constituting a body of ‘historical political art’
of the mid-1960s through mid-’70s – was meant as a signal concerning
the war, as opposed to the vagaries of my particular practice through
time.12
Rosler was acutely aware that critics would dismiss the work and disregard the point her renewal as meta-commentary made.13 Nonetheless,
she jumped in with both feet.
A MODEL WAR
Rosler’s use of mass-media imagery, particularly the use of fashion
models in the new series, has been a focus for some of the dismissals of
this work.14 These criticisms include:
. . . remarks to the effect that [the models’] appearance [in the photomontages] signals that I think – or that someone. . . might think that I think –
that the war was caused by women who shop or by models. These questions hardly merit a response, since if nothing else is clear, it should be
obvious that my work is precisely not about the immediately visible, or
ostensive, subject. In the case of the montages, of course the ‘subject’ is
mass-media imagery, not those who labor in the vineyards of the rag
trade or their busy customers.15
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570
Hooded Captives, 2004, photomontage, dimensions variable, from Bringing The War Home: House Beautiful, New Series,
photo courtesy the artist and Mitchell-Innes and Nash gallery
571
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Vienna and Cambridge,
Massachusetts, 1998, pp
23 –55, especially p 50,
p 54.
8. Martha Rosler noted that
the audience for these
images was
‘counterculture folks,
including antiwar
protesters, dissidents,
feminists, poets, passersby,
hippies’ at the
demonstrations where she
distributed them. Rosler
also confirmed that San
Diego (where she
primarily lived in this
period) was not the only
locale for the reproduction
of her images at that time,
but their production for
distribution as fliers and
posters was handled solely
by her. Email
conversations between the
author and Rosler, 4 –6
January 2011.
9. The third issue of the
independent,
‘underground’ San Diegobased feminist publication
Goodbye to All That, 13
October 1970, reproduced
one of Rosler’s anti-war
photomontages – Tron
(Amputee) – as a full-page
spread on the back cover (p
16) of that issue. Rosler
also acknowledged she
published them in other
independent publications
in other cities at the time in
emails between the author
and Rosler, 4 –6 January
2011.
10. Martha Rosler, ‘Place,
Position, Power, Politics’,
in Rosler, Decoys and
Disruptions: Selected
Writings, 1975 –2001,
MIT Press, Cambridge,
Massachusetts, 2004, pp
355 –356. Also see Laura
Cottingham, ‘Crossing
Borders’, frieze 13,
November –December
1993, http://www.frieze.
com/issue/article/crossing_
borders/.
11. Martha Rosler, ‘Slide show’
(audio: 2 minutes 46
seconds), New York Times,
5 September 2008, author’s
transcription. Available at
http://www.nytimes.com/
interactive/2008/09/05/arts/
rosler-audioss/index.html
Yet, one could read the use of models as significant if one sees them as
models. As a poetic allusion, the foregrounding of the models could be
seen in terms of a Baudrillardian reading of the second Gulf War,
viewed through the lens of his critique of the first Gulf War, where
Jean Baudrillard felt that: ‘The victory of the model is more important
than victory on the ground.’16 Of course, Baudrillard was no more
talking of fashion models than is Rosler. He was addressing the model
of the model American war narrative.
Famously, Baudrillard wrote at the time of the (now first) American
Gulf War about the role of virtuality in that ‘combat mission’. He cast
it as war as spectacle, an arms fair display presenting a model of American
military might, a model indebted to Hollywood films of the triumphant
US victors of the Second World War. This was a machine to which the
Vietnam defeat had not occurred. This was a catwalk war debuting the
new line of equipment which would rid the US of, as Bush ‘senior’
dubbed it, the ‘Vietnam syndrome’:
. . . they present to themselves and to the entire world the spectacle of their
virtual power. They will have allowed the war to endure as long as it takes,
not to win but to persuade the whole world of the infallibility of their
machine.17
It does not take much imagination to see just this sort of ‘virtual power’ at
play in George W Bush’s obscenely premature ejaculation ‘Mission
Accomplished!’ in his May 2003 aircraft carrier spectacle.
If there is a model to be blamed within these present wars, it is the
model of an undefeated and indefatigable American military superpower,
eliminating both the record of and lessons learned from the American war
in Vietnam. This is the model the Bush administration sent down the
catwalk of international relations and which owes its existence to the
neo-conservative revisionism I read through the lens of the ‘reboot’. It
is to this concept we now turn.
DUPLICITY
Rosler’s renewed photomontage series is populated with a variety of
doubles – Photo Op and Hooded Captives (Bringing The War Home:
House Beautiful, New Series, 2004 and 2005) being just two cases in
point – and those doubles are significant, underscoring the doubles
within American foreign policy and the ideological stories we as Americans tell ourselves and the world about our policies and intentions. For
example, in US high school history classes the American wars in Korea
and Vietnam are offered as almost conceptually concurrent twins; in
both cases, a country riven in two because of a battle against or for Communism, depending which side of the divide you recognize. The TV show
M ∗ A ∗ S ∗ H (created by Larry Gelbart and Gene Reynolds, 1972 – 1983)
did much to compound this conceptual twinning of these two separate
conflicts, divided by more than a decade. Now, with the wars in Afghanistan and Iraq, it is as though that imagined duo finally is concurrent.
Within Bringing the War Home the operative role of the doubles – at
each level within the series, both in iconographic terms and in terms of
the renewal of the original series itself – is the deployment of Rosler’s
572
12. Alan Gilbert, ‘The Street is
a Collage: An Interview
with Martha Rosler’, in
Rosler, et al, The House,
the Street, the Kitchen,
Robert Ian MacCandless
Carrey and Juan Santana
Lario, trans, Diputación de
Granada, Centro José
Guerrero, Granada, Spain,
2009, p 198
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13. Ibid, p 198, p 200
14. Ibid, p 200
15. Ibid, p 201
16. Jean Baudrillard, ‘The Gulf
War Did Not Take Place’,
in Mark Poster, ed, Jean
Baudrillard, Selected
Writings (1988), Polity,
Cambridge and Malden,
Massachusetts, 2004,
p 251
17. Ibid
Photo-Op, 2004, photomontage, dimensions variable, from Bringing The War Home:
House Beautiful, New Series, photo courtesy the artist and Mitchell-Innes and Nash gallery
meta-commentary on the Bush administration’s uncanny (re)doublings,
its reboot of the narrative of Vietnam within the ‘war on terror’. As we
shall see, the cipher for this theoretical interpretation lies within
Rosler’s 2008 image Invasion.
INVASIVE
18. The Matrix (1999), The
Matrix Reloaded (2003),
and The Matrix
Revolutions (2003); all
three films were written
and directed by Andy
Wachowski and Lana
Wachowski.
19. The ‘Matrix’ is the virtual
reality system established
to pacify the minds of the
sleeping bodies of humans
kept as batteries for the
machines that now rule
planet Earth in this postapocalyptic and high-tech
dystopian Earth.
Before addressing Rosler’s photographic appropriations within Invasion,
we must turn to her (popular) cultural appropriations, the allusory conscription within Invasion of The Matrix trilogy.18 In the first of these
films, the lesson Morpheus teaches the protagonist Neo is that within the
spectacular, unnatural, virtual reality of the Matrix one does not have to
obey the laws of nature and physics.19 Any feat may be accomplished as
long as one imagines doing it, the virtual body performing accordingly.
Danger, however, remains ever-present: if someone believes they have
been wounded fatally whilst plugged into the Matrix, their brain will psychosomatize the injuries, inducing actual death. Yet the radical lesson
remains that the resistance movement does not have to play by the established rules of engagement, which is, of course, the traditional underpinning of guerrilla warfare. It is not only the resistance movement in a war
which can adapt to new realities, however. In the second Matrix film, The
Matrix Reloaded (2003), we discover that the nemesis of Neo, Agent
Smith, has himself learned from Neo’s example of bending laws to suit
one’s own agenda. Agent Smith has co-opted the principle of recoding.
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573
Invasion, 2008, photomontage, dimensions variable, photo courtesy the artist and Mitchell-Innes and Nash gallery
20. The term Web 2.0
designates a more
interactive vision for the
Internet and World Wide
Web, largely reliant on
user-supplied content, of
which social networking is
the most prominent current
example. It also can be
considered a moniker for
the revitalized credibility of
the Internet as an area for
venture capital investment
as web-based businesses
and applications once more
appeared potentially
profitable, following
recovery from the bursting
of the ‘dot com bubble’ in
2001. The Guardian
devoted an entire issue of
its Weekend magazine to
the subject of Web 2.0 on 4
November 2006, http://
www.guardian.co.uk/
weekend/page/
0,,1939196,00.html. Also
see Clay Shirky, Here
Comes Everybody: How
Change Happens When
People Come Together,
Penguin, London, 2009.
21. Although to sate audience
expectations, one imagines,
they do retain the idea that
there is the ‘primary’ Agent
Smith, as we see in the fight
He is now a rogue Agent – no longer merely a coded representative of the
Matrix. He is now a viral entity within the code. And as with viral
phenomena, he has learned the art of replication.
In the visually impressive fight scene in this second film, Agent Smith
(attired in his usual garb of early 1960s black suit, white shirt, and skinny
black tie) meets Neo on a simulacrum of an inner city New York playground where he reveals that he is now effectively Agent Smith 2.0.20
He has the ability to convert anyone in the Matrix into a clone of
himself. In fact, there cannot be said to be any one Agent Smith any
longer;21 he embodies the film’s Baudrillardian ethos of ‘simulation and
simulacra’.22 Dozens, eventually hundreds, of Agent Smiths arrive to
fight Neo. Neo escapes only by deciding he has the power of rocketing
flight, busting out of the ruck of Smiths into the sky and away.
The ante is upped even further when in, the third and final film, The
Matrix Revolutions (2003), amidst a terrible rainstorm, Neo arrives for
the obligatory showdown with Agent Smith, who has now hijacked all
the inhabitants of the Matrix. They are all now Agent Smith. Smith
asks Neo, ‘Do you like what I’ve done with the place?’ They fight oneon-one as Smith concedes that all the rest of him will sit back and
enjoy the spectacle of the bare-knuckled combat. Ultimately, Neo goes
into the ‘body’ of Agent Smith and destroys him from the inside out.
A MODEL REPLICATION
For Invasion, Rosler has appropriated the photographs of Steven Klein
for the Dolce & Gabbana Spring 2008 Men’s Collection.23 Klein’s photographs foreground a row of beautifully sleek ‘suited and booted’ men
574
scene in the third film The
Matrix Revolutions.
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22. Jean Baudrillard, Simulacra
and Simulation, Sheila
Faria Glaser, trans,
University of Michigan
Press, Ann Arbor,
Michigan, 1994
23. The Steven Klein Dolce &
Gabbana images are
archived online at http://
www.ohlalaparis.com/
ohlalaparis/2008/01/thedolce-gabba.html
marching confidently forward (they are fully frontal in his photo).24 They
are captured mid-stride and several are giving the camera – and thus the
viewer – icily menacing stares. They look unstoppable in their progress.
They are on a slick cobbled street lit at night and to their left is a structure,
much like the roof of a covered market perhaps, topped with barbed wire.
The other photographs from this Spring 2008 campaign confirm this
image of an elite squad. In one of these photos we see the models again
at night in the same street, in the same formation, but garbed in shiny
combat-gear-inspired menswear, all blacks and steely greys. Yet
another photograph from this campaign shows the models by day in
the cobbled street, one of them heading away from us on our left, but
gazing back over his right shoulder at the camera, his comrades all
advancing on us once more. This time they are decked out in desert
sand-coloured casual wear. This is an eroticized but nonetheless resolute
Special Forces unit in which the Daniel Craig-era 007 reboot would not
seem out of place.
REBOOT
24. The StillAd website, http://
www.stillad.com/dolcegabbana-man-springsummer-2008-353.htm, lists
the models featured as Chad
Dunn, Evandro Soldati,
Marcus Hedbrand, Michael
Camiloto, Noah Mills, Sam
Webb, Sean Harju, Tom
Warren and Tyson Ballou.
My assertion is that this idea of the reboot is vital to a reading of Rosler’s
renewal of Bringing the War Home. Originating within the world of
information technology (IT) and referring to the process of ‘rebooting a
computer’, the term indicates a method of starting a new operating
session without performing full shutdown functions on the previous
session. The term was adopted by the comic-book world, and then by
the film industry, to describe the renewal of a franchise with a fresh
start, unbeholden to all the character and plot developments of previous
versions of that canon.
Batman Begins (directed by Christopher Nolan, 2005) or the twentyfirst-century James Bond films starring Daniel Craig are well-known
examples of such rebooting. A reboot is not the same as a sequel or a
prequel to a film; it is a fresh incarnation of the story. In terms of commercial film-making, it is a means of refreshing a once-lucrative film franchise
with new actors so further instalments can be made, garnering new profits
accordingly, as did the 2009 reboot of Star Trek, or the Andrew Garfield
Spiderman and the various Superman reboots. It is not merely a re-make,
but the chance to reduce or disregard complicated subplots which have
accrued over the previous instalments and versions of the comic books
or films.
The relationship of the rebooted version to previous instantiations is a
complicated one. Rather than reading one cycle through the lens of the
other, as with the example of the Old Testament seen in light of the
New Testament of the Bible (or with the two cycles of Star Wars films),
the focus is on a revitalization of the core narrative contained in the original cycle of stories, but allowed a new incarnation free of accumulated
lore. It is an attempt to ‘get it right this time’.
This is the crux of Rosler bringing the war home yet again. It is not she
who has chosen a hackneyed re-run of the work of the ‘Vietnam era’ as
critic Jerry Saltz accused. What Saltz seemed to disregard, or even not
to understand, about the original series is that it was itself not merely a
visually catchy but ultimately disposable Pop pastiche on an earlier era
575
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of agit-prop. The original series was also a meta-commentary on
ideological representation agitating for a critique of the ideology we
internalize in relation to notions of national identity, the public versus
the private, the everyday versus history.
Rosler’s replication of her earlier work is meant to provoke an inquiry
into the replications at work under the Bush/Cheney administration and
their ‘war on terror’. Rosler’s renewed series – and, as stated above, I see
Invasion as the cipher which allows for decryption of this series’ core
purpose – serves to awaken us to the Vietnam narrative reboot employed
by the American executive post-9/11.
Invasion pictures for us the unstoppable robotic future nightmare
marching out of hell and into the present day. It is in Terminator 2: Judgment Day (directed by James Cameron, 1991) when the second incarnation of the Terminator robot, sent from the future back to early 1990s Los
Angeles, reforms from molten mercury and emerges whole from the fire to
continue his seemingly implacable pursuit of the heroes. It is Agent Smith
reloaded: replicated and replicating again and again, exponentially,
aiming to eventually usurp all other life forms. It is the resurgence of
that which we thought was laid to rest.
REBOOT SYNDROME
American New Left activist and politician Tom Hayden certainly thought
Vietnam was laid to rest. He believed there was one gain from the atrocious years wasted in that American war: surely it could never happen
again. ‘That is perhaps the key legacy of Vietnam: the new and hardwon potential of Americans to think twice before accepting our leaders’
words.’25 Yet the view from here shows just how wrong Hayden was.
Critic and creator of the term ‘counterculture’ Theodore Roszak also
found the Vietnam reboot hard to believe. He wrote in tones of amazement about the resurgence of overt American military imperialism:
I could never have predicted that, after Vietnam, there would come a time
when a benighted militarism would rise again to take control of my
country’s government as part of another all-consuming cause: the war
on terrorism.26
25. Tom Hayden, Reunion: A
Memoir, Collier,
New York, 1988, p 250
26. Theodore Roszak, World
Beware! American
Triumphalism in an Age of
Terror, Between the Lines,
Toronto, 2006, p 34
27. Gilbert, op cit, p 197
Alan Gilbert notes that Rosler herself has ‘talked. . . about history
repeating itself, along with [her] disbelief at the fact that the United
States failed to learn – or quickly forgot – its lessons from the Vietnam
War’.27
However, Noam Chomsky, linguist, academic, activist and public
intellectual, feared at the time of the American war in Vietnam that
such lessons were bound to be unlearned or overlooked or forgotten. In
his first political book, published in 1969, Chomsky recognized already
that:
Whatever happens in Vietnam, there are bound to be significant domestic
repercussions. It is axiomatic that no army ever loses a war; its brave
soldiers and all-knowing generals are stabbed in the back by treacherous
civilians. American withdrawal is likely, then, to bring to the surface the
worst features of American culture, and perhaps to lead to a serious
internal repression. On the other hand, an American ‘victory’ might well
576
have dangerous consequences both at home and abroad. It might give
added prestige to an already far too powerful executive.28
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Reflecting further, just after the American withdrawal from Vietnam and
in the throes of continuing Watergate fall-out and hot on the heels of the
oil crisis, Chomsky in 1975 made an amazingly prescient statement about
what it meant (and means), ‘post-Vietnam’, to be ‘still in an empire-building, war-fighting period in world history’ as Rosler has put it.29 In his
statement, Chomsky acknowledged that the benefits of empire usually
exist for the privileged in the ruling society while the costs are paid by
the majority of the public, who:
28. Noam Chomsky, American
Power and the New
Mandarins (1967), New
Press, New York, 2002,
p 384
29. Molly Nesbit and Hans
Ulrich Obrist, ‘Martha
Rosler in conversation with
Molly Nesbit and Hans
Ulrich Obrist’, in Inka
Schube, ed, Martha Rosler:
Passionate Signals, Hatje
Cantz, Hanover, 2005,
p 42
30. Noam Chomsky, ‘Chapter
4: The Remaking of
History (1975)’, in
Chomsky, Towards a New
Cold War: Essays on the
Current Crisis and How
We Got There, Sinclair
Browne, London, 1982,
p 135
31. Ibid
32. Ibid, pp 152 –153
33. Jonathan Neale, The
American War: Vietnam
1960 –1975 (2001),
Bookmarks, London,
2005, p 179
34. Author, academic and antiwar activist, Franklin lost
his position at Stanford
during the Vietnam war for
his outspokenness and
actions, and was featured
at that time, along with his
wife Jane Franklin, in Time
magazine because the
furore was deemed so
newsworthy. Also see H
Bruce Franklin, War Stars:
The Superweapon and the
American Imagination,
University of
Massachusetts Press,
Amherst, Massachusetts,
2008.
Therefore. . . must be aroused by jingoist appeals, or at least kept disciplined and submissive, if American force is to be readily available for
global management. Here lies the task for the intelligentsia. If it is determined that we must, say, invade the Persian Gulf for the benefit of
mankind, then there must be no emotional or moral objections from the
unsophisticated masses, and surely no vulgar display of protest. The
ideologists must guarantee that no ‘wrong lessons’ are learned from the
experience of the Indochina war and the resistance to it.30
Chomsky made it very plain what the stakes were regarding how
‘Vietnam’ would be seen:
If America’s Vietnam ‘intervention’ is understood, as it properly must be,
as a major crime against peace, then an ideological barrier will be erected
against the future use of U.S. force for global management. Hence those
who are committed to the founding principles of American imperialism
must ensure that such questions are never raised. They may concede the
stupidity of American policy, and even its savagery, but not the illegitimacy inherent in the entire enterprise, the fact that this was a war of
aggression waged by the United States, first against South Vietnam, and
then the rest of Indochina. These issues must be excluded from current
and future debate over the ‘lessons of the debacle,’ because they go directly
to the crucial matter of the resort to force and violence to guarantee a
certain vision of global order.31
Unlike Roszak and Hayden, who believed, erroneously as it turns out,
that the battle was won and the war truly over, Chomsky (as Cassandra)
appreciated the long-term implications if the American war in Vietnam
were chalked up as just a bungle:
Suppose that the system of thought control re-establishes the doctrine that
the United States remains exempt from the principles we correctly but
hypocritically invoke in condemning the resort to force and terror on
the part of others. Then the basis is laid for the next stage of imperial violence and aggression. As long as these doctrines hold sway, there is every
reason to expect a re-enactment of the tragedy of Vietnam.32
Ronald Reagan and George H W Bush (Bush ‘the elder’) did much to
rebuild that faith in the story of American exceptionalism after the hit
it took from the American war in Vietnam. After the end of Desert
Storm in 1991, ‘Bush announced on American radio that he had finally
buried the Vietnam syndrome’.33 Academic and anti-war activist H
Bruce Franklin has charted the mutation and rehabilitation of the story
of America’s involvement in Vietnam.34 It is important to offer his significant statement at some length:
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577
35. H Bruce Franklin, Vietnam
and Other American
Fantasies, University of
Massachusetts Press,
Amherst, Massachusetts,
2000, pp 26 –27. Later, on
p 29, Franklin writes: ‘This
rewriting of history was
fundamental to Reagan’s
definition of the war as “a
noble cause”, a phrase he
first presented along with
another new term – the
“Vietnam syndrome” – in
a 1980 campaign speech to
the Veterans of Foreign
Wars.’
36. Susan Sontag, ‘What’s
Happening in America’
(1966), in Sontag, Styles of
Radical Will, Penguin
Modern Classics,
New York and London,
2009, p 198
37. Gilbert, op cit, p 201
38. See Hillel Schwartz, The
Culture of the Copy:
Striking Likenesses,
Unreasonable Facsimilies,
Zone, New York, 1998, p
65. Also See Alexander
Alberro, ‘The Dialectics of
Everyday Life: Martha
Rosler and the Strategy of
the Decoy’, in Catherine de
Zegher, ed, Martha Rosler:
Positions in the Lifeworld,
MIT Press, Cambridge,
Massachusetts, 1998, pp
72 –112, p 76, footnote 9,
where Alberro cites the
importance of Dostoevsky
for Rosler. Also see
Stephen Wright,
‘Deinstrumentalizing
Knowledge’, op cit, p 15, in
which Rosler discusses her
interest in Doppelgängers.
It was George Bush, vice-president under Reagan from 1981 to 1989, the
years when the history of the Vietnam War was being radically rewritten
and re-imagined, who broke the silence with these words: ‘The final lesson
of Vietnam is that no great nation can long afford to be sundered by a
memory.’ President Bush’s usage of the term reflected what had become
standard in American speech. ‘Vietnam’ was no longer a country or
even ‘a place called Vietnam,’ as his predecessor [Reagan] had put it. It
had become a war, an American war. Or maybe not even a war. It had
become an American tragedy, an event that had divided and wounded
America. The grotesque title of one widely adopted history textbook
reveals far more than intended: Vietnam: An American Ordeal. Bush’s
inaugural speech blamed ‘Vietnam’ for the ‘divisiveness,’ [present in American society]. . . ‘It has been this way since Vietnam,’ he lamented. Two
years later, gloating over what seemed America’s glorious defeat of Iraq
[in 1991], President Bush jubilantly proclaimed to a nation festooned in
jingoistic yellow ribbons, ‘By God, we’ve kicked the Vietnam syndrome
once and for all!’35
The scene was set for the Vietnam reboot. As Susan Sontag observed in
1966, ‘It’s hard to lead a holy war without allies. But America is just
crazy enough to try to do it.’36 That could be the tagline on the movie
poster for the film of the post-9/11 ‘war on terror’: the American war
rebooted. The urgency is to recognize the folly of this reboot and to
understand that no amount of tinkering can change the ultimate wrong
of replicating the Vietnam narrative. Within Rosler’s image of Invasion,
the issue of replication is reinforced not just through reference to The
Matrix trilogy, but also through its obvious use of duplication. Rosler
includes multiple copies of the Dolce & Gabbana models in Invasion,
the fact of replication on show in the work itself. This photomontage
was made using Photoshop, enabling Rosler to replicate these Agent
Smith clones.37
Not only is the resultant image reminiscent of the final instalment of
The Matrix trilogy, when Agent Smith has infected all the inhabitants
of the Matrix: they are all now Smiths. Invasion also emphasizes the temporal replication (ie the reboot of the Vietnam narrative, sans defeat) at
work in the ‘war on terror’ by underscoring the Mad Men (created by
Matthew Weiner, 2007 to present) retro quality of these clones’ sartorial
outfitting; they look like something marching forth from Dr Strangelove
(directed by Stanley Kubrick, 1964). Furthermore, this image of fearsome
replicants recalls the exponential extension of the double, as imagined by
Fyodor Dostoyevsky for his character Golyadkin in his 1866 reworking
of The Double:
Dreams Golyadkin. . . ‘with every thud of his foot against the granite of the
pavement there would spring up, out of the ground, an exact likeness of
the repulsive Mr. Golyadkin with his corruptness of heart. And all of
these exact likenesses, immediately upon making their appearances,
began running one after the other and stretched out in a long chain like
a string of geese, waddling after Mr. Golyadkin Senior, so that there
was nowhere to escape to from these exact likenesses.’38
In Invasion, Rosler presents this sense of the dread of the uncanny terror
ineffably marching onwards, our own self, made multiple and wickedly
animated beyond our control. The notion of the evil twin, bearing our
likeness as it commits unthinkable acts. The ‘war on terror’ as Vietnam
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578
39. See Jacques Derrida,
Specters of Marx: The State
of the Debt, the Work of
Mourning and the New
International, Peggy
Kamuf, trans, Routledge,
New York and London,
1994.
reboot is a case of a terrible figure from the past escaping the confines of
history to insinuate itself in what should be a wholly alien present day.
The anachronistic figure which has escaped and knowingly haunts our
present is the ghost of the American war in Vietnam, refigured. For the
reboot does not always magic the system back to full working order, it
does not account for the ‘ghost in the machine’.
But what Rosler’s hauntological reboot allows us is a chance to look at
the war over there,39 committed in our name, continuing in various ways
in both Iraq and Afghanistan to this very day, and to recognize within it
our own features made horribly double and doubly horrible. Rosler’s
photomontages prompt us to look at ourselves more closely and ask us
to recognize the absurd divisions we erect between here and there, us
and them; divisions we internalize such that we exculpate ourselves
from our own wars. These works exhort us to face the reality that our policies give with the left hand and take away with the right, or as the band
Low sing in their 2007 anti-war song ‘Breaker’: ‘It’s just a shame/My
hand just kills and kills/There’s gotta be an end to that.’ Indeed, there
must be an end to that.