A Note on Unstressability

国立国語研究所学術情報リポジトリ A Note on Unstressability 著者(英) journal or publication title number page range year URL Armin Mester, Junko Ito NINJAL Project Review 4 27‑44 2011‑03 http://doi.org/10.15084/00000561 大学共同利用機関法人人間文化研究機構 国語研プロジェクトレビュー NINJAL Project Review No.4 pp.27-44（March 2011） 国立国語研究所 National Institute for Japanese Language and Linguistics A NOTE ON UNSTRESSABILITY 強勢不可能性に関する一考察 Armin Mester＊†＆Junko Ito＊‡（アーミン・メスター, 伊藤順子） *University of California, Santa Cruz（カリフォルニア大学サンタクルーズ校） † National Institute for Japanese Language and Linguistics （国立国語研究所）[2010.9–2010.12] ‡ International Christian University（国際基督教大学） Abstract: A familiar case of unstressability is the fact that crosslinguistically schwa is often excluded as a stress-bearing element. Here we show that in some languages, such as German, there is evidence for a different kind of requirement: Schwa must occupy the weak position of a trochaic foot, attracting stress to the preceding syllable. 《要旨》シュワー母音が多数の言語において強勢不可能な要素であることはよく知られているが， 本稿では，ドイツ語等のシュワーが強勢を担えないのは他の理由から説明されることを指摘する。 シュワーは無強勢であると同時に，韻律構造の中で強弱格フットの弱音節に位置付けされなけれ ばならないため，その先行音節は強音節に位置し，必ず強勢が付与される。つまり，これらの言 語におけるシュワーは，先行音節に強勢を引きつける特徴があると言える。 1. Introduction＊ Many languages exclude schwa as the nucleus of a stressed syllable. The restriction comes in different flavors. In some languages, such as Dutch or English,1 the ban is absolute, as shown in (1) ． (1) cut ( x ) [ˈkʌt] market ( x . ) [ˈmaɹkət] *(x) [ˈkət] This is evidence for the existence of a constraint as in (2) , where "x" indicates the head of a foot, its prominent position. ＊ Many thanks to the colleagues and the staff at NINJAL for all their hospitality and support, and to our students at UC Santa Cruz. Special thanks go to Ryan Bennett and Manami Hirayama for their helpful comments and suggestions. 1 I.e., in varieties of English that maintain a distinction between (unstressed) [ə] and (stressed) [ʌ]. 27 Armin Mester & Junko Ito アーミン・メスター，伊藤順子 A Note on Unstressability 強勢不可能性に関する一考察 (2) NOSTRESSED-ə *x ə While (2) is undominated in the grammar of a language like English, in another type of language it is a dominated constraint. As a result, stressed schwa is permitted, but only under special conditions. Thus in French, schwa-syllables that constitute clitics can be bearers of phrase-final stress, but final schwa-syllables in content words cannot, as shown by the seg2 mentally similar pair of forms in (3) ． (3) prens-ˈlə *ˈprens-lə *prenˈdrə take it ˈprendrə take To take another example, in the Austronesian language Tondano (see Sneddon 1975, Ball 2003, and Piggott 2010) , canonical stress is penultimate or final. It falls on the penult when the final is light (has a short vowel) (4) ． (4) ˈwale ˈwuter ˈγorəm waˈnua kariˈmaŋkaʔ ˈwεːnu tiˈkɔːku kiˈnaːŋku manuˈaːsa kapaˈjaːsəm house heavy inside village spider will be given by you my throat has been eaten by me one village sour papaw When the final is heavy (has a long vowel) , it attracts the stress (5) ． (5) ˈkɔː maˈwεː məŋaːˈŋaːn waˈmɔːʔ tiˈkɔː arm is giving is continually eating will drink throat In other words, a standard analysis builds a quantity-sensitive trochee at the right word edge, 3 as shown in (6) ． (6) (x .) ... L L (x .) ... H L (x) ... L H (x) ... H H In an OT analysis, the ranking WSP, FT=TROCHEE >> RIGHTMOST:ALIGN-R (ˈσ,ω) , where "ω" stands for "prosodic word", produces such a system. 2 It is perhaps not irrelevant in this context that French schwa phonetically possesses a significant degree of lip rounding, and, as Ryan Bennett points out, that French stress is really phrasal, and arguably not foot-based. 3 Here shown with a classical quantity-sensitive trochee, with HL feet permitted. Moraic-trochaic footing would be another option. 28 Armin Mester & Junko Ito アーミン・メスター，伊藤順子 (7) A Note on Unstressability 強勢不可能性に関する一考察 a. LLL ▶ L (ˈLL) WSP Ft=Trochee Al-R (ˈσ,ω) * (ˈLL) L **! L (LˈL) *! b. LHL ▶ L (ˈHL) (ˈLH) L L (HˈL) * *! ** *! * c. LLH ▶ LL (ˈH) (ˈLL) (H) L (ˈLH) *!* *! * *! ** d. LHH ▶ L (H) (ˈH) (ˈLH) (H) L (ˈH) (H) *! Tondano shows an elaborate system of stress-avoidance for schwa, with the option of stressing schwa when no other vowels are available. In words ending with the sequence schwasyllable followed by a final L, the expected stress should fall on the penultimate schwa. This is not what happens: When the word has three or more syllables, stress falls on the antepenult, provided its vowel is not schwa (8) ． (8) wiŋˈkɔtəna ˈkaːnəna ikəˈtɔrəna kəˈtɔrəna will be asked by him will be eaten by him will be used by him to cut with will be cut by him This is evidence for the ranking NOSTRESSED-ə above RIGHTMOST. (9) wiŋkɔtəna ▶ wiŋ (ˈkɔtə) na wiŋkɔ (ˈtəna) wiŋkɔ (təˈna) NoStressed-ə Ft=Trochee Al-R (ˈσ,ω) ** *! * *! When the vowel of the antepenultimate syllable is also schwa, or there is no antepenult because the word has only two syllables, stress falls on the final syllable, provided its vowel is not schwa (10) ． (10) rəməˈdej is standing səˈraʔ fish mərərəˈdej əˈsa intends to stand one 29 Armin Mester & Junko Ito アーミン・メスター，伊藤順子 A Note on Unstressability 強勢不可能性に関する一考察 This means that NOSTRESSED-ə outranks FT=TROCHEE, resulting in iambic footing and satisfying RIGHTMOST. (11) rəməˈdej ▶ rə (məˈdej) rə (ˈmədej) (ˈrəmə) dej NoStressed-ə Al-R (ˈσ,ω) Ft=Trochee * *! * *! ** Finally, in all-schwa-words like those in (12) , stress falls on the penult (attested examples of this kind are apparently all disyllabic) ． (12) ˈrəpət ˈwəʔŋəl ˈpərəŋ ˈələw fast stupid blind lid The OT analysis developed so far (WSP, NOSTRESSED-ə >> FT=TROCHEE>> RIGHTMOST, with high ranking IDENT-VPLACE and HEADEDNESS (ω) ) correctly predicts penult schwa stress. (13) rəpət Headedness (ω) ▶ (ˈrəpət) * (rəˈpət) (ˈrepət) rəpət Ident-VPlace NoStressed-ə Ft=Trochee Al-R (ˈσ,ω) * *! * *! * *! 2. German schwa German is a language where stressed schwa is categorically ruled out. Interestingly, recent work has shown that, over and above the unstressability of schwa, a different restriction is at work: Schwa should be the weak member of a foot－i.e., besides being ruled out as the prominent member of a foot, it is also ruled out as an unfooted syllable. Observationally speaking, schwa-syllables need to occur in post-stress positions. As will be seen, this constraint is a dominated one and hence violated under certain conditions, but there are many situations where it is operative. This kind of pattern is of interest because it provides a window on the hidden underlying rhythmic structure whose overt manifestation is stress, in the conception of metrical form inaugurated in the work of Liberman and Prince (1977) and others. Beyond the dichotomy of the "stressed" and the "unstressed", there is a dichotomy between two kinds of unstressed syllables: the "footed" and the "unfooted" (McCarthy 2008, Bennett 2009) ． As background, we begin with a short summary of the stress system of German. With very few exceptions, word stress is limited to the last three syllables of the word and, as in Dutch and English, works along the lines of the familiar Latin stress rule, with some variations and modifications. First, superheavy finals (long vowel followed by one or more consonants, short vowel followed by two or more consonants, diphthong with or without following 30 Armin Mester & Junko Ito アーミン・メスター，伊藤順子 A Note on Unstressability 強勢不可能性に関する一考察 consonants) are stressed in the majority of cases.4 (14) VːC1 Banˈdiːt Athˈleːt VCC1 Aˈlarm Atˈtest VVC0 Glosses Abˈtei aˈhoi robber alarm abbey athlete certificate ahoy Attenˈtaːt Efˈfekt alˈlein assassination effect alone Disˈpuːt Konˈzert Papaˈgei despot horizon applause dispute concert parrot Paˈpiːr Proˈdukt Poliˈzei comet Olymp party paper product police Samuˈrai paradise recipe row pirate talent samurai tariff riot therapist Desˈpoːt Koˈmeːt Horiˈzont Oˈlymp Apˈplaus Parˈtei Paraˈdiːs Reˈzept Raˈdau Taˈriːf Tuˈmult Theraˈpeut Piˈraːt Taˈlent In final position, superheaviness reduces to heaviness (bimoraic status) if word-final consonants do not carry a mora. With this assumption, the rest follows along familiar lines: When the penult is heavy, it is stressed; when it is light, stress falls on the antepenult (in words of three or more syllables) ．Writing "σ" for "syllable" (of any weight) , "H" for "heavy syllable", and "L" for "light syllable", we have the following. (15) ... σσ H]ω ˈ Papagei ... σˈH L]ω Hibiskus ... ˈσ L L]ω Tremolo parrot rose mallow quaver The pattern here amounts to a quantity-sensitive trochee at the right word edge, with final consonants not carrying moras. (16) x L L (H) Papagei x . L (H L) Hibiskus x . . (LL) L Tremolo As in Dutch, the most controversial issue in German is the behavior of open syllables with long vowels. Besides the question of whether length or vowel quality (tense vs. lax) is the operative feature, there has been a long-standing debate whether long vowels make syllables heavy. For our purposes, we can proceed under either assumption. There are good reasons to assume, however, that such syllables behave as light for purposes of the stress system, different from both closed syllables and from open syllables with diphthongs. This is no doubt related to the fact that there is a process of vowel lengthening in open syllables. For concreteness, we follow Zonneveld, Trommelen, Jessen, Rice, Bruce and Árnason (1999)(see also the literature cited there) in assuming that long vowels per se do not make syllables heavy. This is why we generally get antepenultimate stress when the penult is open and has a long vowel (underlined) , provided the final is not superheavy (see (14) above) ． 4 Examples are given in German orthography, with phonetic details only indicated when essential (e.g., schwa and vowel length) . 31 Armin Mester & Junko Ito アーミン・メスター，伊藤順子 (17) A Note on Unstressability 強勢不可能性に関する一考察 Eˈlisabeth ˈDomino ˈTremolo ˈKolibri ˈGigolo ˈPaprika ˈAlibi ˈExodus ˈMarabu ˈAlbatros ˈAnorak ˈLexikon Indiˈviduum Curˈriculum Aˈnaphora inˈkognito (name) alibi exodus domino (name) albatross quaver anorak lexicon hummingbird individual gigolo anaphor paprika incognito curriculum The issue is not entirely straightforward because this pattern in (17) is not exceptionless, but only a statistical tendency. Penult stress is also found under these circumstances, as the examples in (18) show. The choice is lexically determined, and the antepenultimate pattern is considerably more frequent. (18) Aˈroma Mosˈkito Arˈthritis Kaˈsino Boˈtanik Abrakaˈdabra Biˈkini Muˈseum Hiˈatus aroma mosquito arthritis bikini museum hiatus casino botany abracadabra On the basis of the data presented in Féry (1998), which are extracted from the large lexical database CELEX developed at the Max-Planck-Institute in Nijmegen, and focusing on trisyllabic monomorphemic words (and disregarding all cases of final stress) , we find the following distribution of antepenult and penult stress in words with full vowels in their last syllable. (19) final full vowel antepenult stress 217 (61%) penult stress 136 (39%) Total 353 (100%) (20) antepenult stress 61% penult stress 39% final full vowel Against this background, it is significant that in words ending with a schwa syllable the antepenultimate pattern is very rare. Word stress in such examples is overwhelmingly penultimate, as in (21) ． 32 Armin Mester & Junko Ito アーミン・メスター，伊藤順子 (21) A Note on Unstressability 強勢不可能性に関する一考察 Apotheˈosə Lokomoˈtivə Karaˈwanə Meˈthodə Ziˈtronə Taˈpetə Westˈfalən Aˈka[zi̯ə] Okˈtobər Antiˈlopə apotheosis locomotive caravan method lemon Troˈphäə wallpaper Westphalia oboe acacia October Oˈboə antelope trophee The post-stress generalization for schwa-syllables has exceptions, but as Zonneveld, Trommelen, Jessen, Rice, Bruce and Árnason (1999) show, most of these are obscure compounds or pseudo-compounds as in (22) (there are often independent indicators for this, such as the onset [ʔ] in Einöde 'wasteland' [ˈʔaIn.ʔøː.də, *ˈʔaI.nøː.də], indicating a syllabification which can only be induced by compound structure and is impossible in monomorphemes. (22) ˈAlmosən ˈAmeisə ˈBrosamən ˈHerbergə ˈAlkovən ˈEidechsə ˈEinödə ˈentwedər ˈUrkundə ˈDarlehən alms lizard ant wasteland crumbs either hostel document alcove loan Returning to the survey in Féry (1998) and again focusing on trisyllabic monomorphemic words with non-final stress, we find the following distribution of antepenult and penult stress in words with full vowels and schwa in their last syllable. (23) final schwa final full vowel antepenult stress 38 (7%) 217 (61%) penult stress 528 (93%) 136 (39%) Total 566 (100%) 353 (100%) (24) 93% antepenult stress 61% penult stress 39% 7% final schwa final full vowel 33 Armin Mester & Junko Ito アーミン・メスター，伊藤順子 A Note on Unstressability 強勢不可能性に関する一考察 The remaining 7% of antepenult stress in words with final schwa in (23)/(24) include not only compound-like exceptions as in (22) , but also, as Féry notes, words like Akazie, which have a pronunciation with three syllables [a.ˈka.z̯iə], with a glided [̯i] and thus actually conform to the penult stress generalization. As Zonneveld, Trommelen, Jessen, Rice, Bruce and Árnason (1999) point out, this interpretation is independently supported by the observation that words whose final schwa-syllable is unambiguously onsetless, such as Oˈboə and Troˈphäə in (21) , are indeed stressed on the penult and not on the antepenult. Onsetless final schwa therefore does not result in antepenult stress. Overall, the post-stress generalization for schwa-syllables is very firmly anchored in the prosodic system of German. Independent support for the generalization that schwa attracts stress to the syllable that precedes it can be found in cases, as in (25) , whose last vowel has historically been reduced to schwa. Here, we find stress shifting from antepenult to penult. (25) ˈGenesis ˈViola Diˈastol[ε] > > > Geˈnesə Viˈolə Diasˈtol[ə] Koepcke (1995) notes borrowings with a similar stress shift to the pre-schwa syllable ( (26a) from English, (26b) from Spanish; there is also a variant caniˈbal with stress on the last syllable) ． (26) a. b. ˈmormon ˈshaman ˈIroquoise caˈnibal > > > > Morˈmon[ə] Schaˈman[ə] Iroˈkes[ə] Kanniˈbal[ə] The pre-stressing character of schwa amounts to the generalization that the schwa syllable must appear in immediate post-stress position, as the weak member of a trochaic foot. This is a subset of all unstressed positions, which also include unfooted occurrences. Referring to this position as "foottail", we can state the constraint as in (27) , which should be understood as being violated by any schwa not occurring in the position indicated.5 (27) FOOTTAIL-ə Obligatory position for ə: (x . ) ə Constraint (27) is violated by two kinds of schwa, stressed schwa and unfooted or loose schwa. A schwa syllable needs another syllable to depend on. The unstressability of schwa in a language like German, known as a separate constraint (2) operative in languages like Eng5 The formulation doesnʼt cover iambic feet, and it is at present unclear to us whether it should be generalized or not. Another possibility to consider is a parsing constraint: PARSE-SCHWASYLL-INTO-FEET, separate from PARSESYLL-INTO-FEET, which would collaborate with NOSTRESSED-ə in restricting schwa to weak positions of feet. As Ryan Bennett points out, PARSE-SCHWASYLL-INTO-FEET has an intrinsic problem: When dominating NOSTRESSEDSCHWA and ranked sufficiently highly (e.g., PARSE-SCHWASYLL-INTO-FEET >> ALLFEET-RIGHT >> PARSE-SYLL-INTO-FEET) , it predicts systems where only schwa is stressed in certain positions, to the exclusion of all other vowels. Another potential problem is the existence of languages like Indonesian where it has been argued that they show evidence for a constraint that schwa-syllables must not be footed at all (see Cohn and McCarthy 1994) . 34 Armin Mester & Junko Ito アーミン・メスター，伊藤順子 A Note on Unstressability 強勢不可能性に関する一考察 lish, thus follows already from (27) , which is a stricter limitation. FOOTTAIL-ə also provides an explanation for the systematic stress shift in nouns ending in －or when a schwa-syllable is added (28) ．More examples are given in (29) ． (28) ( x . ) . ( ˈDoktor Proˈfessor ˈTraktor (29) Adˈduktor6 Agˈgressor ˈAktor ˈCursor Deˈskriptor Deˈtektor x .) ( x .). Dokˈtorən *ˈDoktorən Trakˈtorən *ˈTraktorən Profesˈsorən ˈDoktor Diˈrektor Efˈfektor ˈFaktor Inˈduktor Inˈspektor *Proˈfessorən Inˈvestor ˈLektor ˈKantor ˈMentor Komˈpaktor Proˈfessor Korˈrektor Proˈjektor Korrepeˈtitor ˈProktor Kolˈlektor Proˈtektor Proˈzessor ˈQuantor Reˈaktor ˈReflektor ˈSektor ˈSenior ˈSensor ˈTensor ˈTraktor Tranˈsistor ˈVektor ˈZensor Cf. also the shift by two syllables in (30) (besides the pronunciation variants Meteˈor, Semaˈphor, with no shift) ． (30) ˈMe.te.or~Me.te.ˈo.rən, ˈSe.ma.phor~Se.ma.ˈpho.rən The analysis proceeds as in (31) , with an unviolated FTFORM=TROCHEE constraint. (31) a. Tremolo ▶ (ˈTremo) lo WSP Foottail-ə NonFin Al-R (ˈσ,ω) ** (σσ) Tre (ˈmolo) *! * b. Hibiskus (ˈHibis) kus *! ** ▶Hi (ˈbiskus) * * c. Papagei (ˈPapa) gei Pa (ˈpagei) ▶Papa (ˈgei) *! ** *! * * * d. Zitronə (ˈZitro) nə ▶Zi (ˈtronə) *! ** * * Another consequence of FOOTTAIL-ə is that schwa should not be able to follow another schwa-syllable: (32) 6 *əC0ə The English equivalents here are virtually identical to the German forms. 35 Armin Mester & Junko Ito アーミン・メスター，伊藤順子 A Note on Unstressability 強勢不可能性に関する一考察 In the inflectional system, we find violations of this generalization, and sequences of schwa syllables can arise, leading to a violation of the FOOTTAIL-ə constraint. There is still evidence that the constraint is at work here, as well. First, it is easy to find examples of inflected forms with schwa syllables which are clearly not in post-stress position, as in (33) ． (33) ˈtroc.k[ə]n ˈtroc.k[ə].n[ə]r dry COMPARATIVE ˈtroc.k[ə].n[ə] ˈtroc.k[ə].n[ə].r[ə] ADJ+INFLECTION ADJ+COMPARATIVE+INFLECTION This outcome is due to the fact that other constraints dominating FOOTTAIL-ə, such as IDENT (VPLACE) , NOSTRESSED-ə, and MAX, preclude any other outcome. (34) trockənər Base: (ˈtrockən) Ident (VPlace) ▶ (ˈtrockə) nər troc (ˈkənər) troc (ˈkenər) (ˈtrocknər) NoStressed-ə Max Foottail-ə * *! * *! Al-R (ˈσ,ω) ** * * 7 *! * The stressed schwa in *[troc. (ˈkə.nər)] violates both NOSTRESSED-ə and FOOTTAIL-ə and shows that both constraints are operative. There is probably also a dominant Output-Output constraint such as (35) (following Benua 1997:176) at work here, requiring the derived form to preserve the stress of the base. (35) OO-IDENT (FOOTHEAD) If αxβ is derived from x, segment s∈x corresponds to s' ∈αxβ, and s is part of a foothead, then s' is part of a foothead. The prosodic parse of a form with three schwas such as [(ˈtroc.kə) .nə.rə] leads to two violations of FOOTTAIL-ə. An alternative hypothesis about the prosodic parse of such forms posits an additional foot whose head is occupied by the second schwa-syllable, but realized without phonetic stress: [(ˈtroc.kə) (nə.rə)]. This is undeniably another possibility, and relevant evidence is hard to come by. One piece of evidence arguing against this kind of prosodic interpretation is found in parallel examples of words with four syllables with a non-schwa syllable in the third position. Thus the plural forms of (ˈLehrə) rin 'teacher fem' and (ˈKündi) gung 'dismissal' are (ˈLehrə) (ˌrinnən) and (ˈKündi) (ˌgungən) , respectively, with perceptible secondary stresses on their third syllables. Comparing these forms with ˈtroc.kə.nə.rə, the intuitive feel of their prosodic profile is quite different. Needless to say, this issue cannot be regarded as settled, and further investigation is needed. On the other hand, some inflectional suffixes have allomorphs with and without schwa, and here we see the restriction against successive schwas (36a) and more generally against ə following an unstressed syllable (36b) , again clearly in operation. When this factor is not at stake (36c) , both variants are possible. 7 This variant, which fulfills the FOOTTAIL-ə constraint by deleting the medial schwa, is actually possible as a fastspeech form, showing that MAX is variably ranked w.r.t. FOOTTAIL-ə. 36 Armin Mester & Junko Ito アーミン・メスター，伊藤順子 (36) A Note on Unstressability 強勢不可能性に関する一考察 a. des ˈRegəns *des ˈRegənəs rain des ˈLehrərs *des ˈLehrərəs teacher des ˈSessəls b. *des ˈSessələs des ˈMonats des ˈSchicksals c. *des ˈMonatəs month *des ˈAutoəs car *des ˈSchicksaləs des ˈAutos des ˈManns des ˈMannəs des ˈTags des Erˈfolgəs des Erˈtrags des Erˈtragəs fate man des ˈTagəs des Erˈfolgs armchair day success 8 yield What about initial schwa, i.e., schwa in first syllables? Given (27) , it should be impossible, unless (27) is outranked by another constraint demanding realization of such schwas and hence to a violation of (27) ．It is slightly unclear what the facts are. On the one hand, it is a fact about German that schwa does not occur in strictly initial position, there are no words like about [əˈbaUt]. This leaves cases where the schwa is preceded by a word-initial consonant, as in Beamter 'civil servant', or in the prefixes be- and ge-. It is not unreasonable to assume that FOOTTAIL-ə is violated in such cases. It turns out, however, that at least for certain speakers something else happens. Such speakers do not have [ə] there, but instead a reduced version of [ε] which is clearly distinct from [ə]. das Haar b[ε]nutzen das hab[ə] Nutzen to use the hair that is said to be of use ̯ (37) A rich area of the lexicon where the FOOTTAIL-ə constraint has a pervasive influence is names for inhabitants of countries (henceforth "country demonyms") ．As Fuhrhop (1998:152 sqq.) has shown, the schwa-suffixes deriving such forms are strictly required to follow a stressed syllable. The case is especially interesting because superficially parallel names for inhabitants of cities are not governed by this restriction. Two main allomorphs are used in German to derive country demonyms, -ə and -ər. Each occurs either alone, or with an additional interfix (-es- and -an-) , depending on the base word. (38) without interfix -ə -ər with interfix -es-ə -an-ər The interfix occurs mainly (but not exclusively) to attract the word stress to the pre-ə syllable, as schematically shown in (39) ．Overall, the number of country demonyms where stress falls on the pre-ə syllable is overwhelming. 8 Segmental factors can also force the appearance of [ə], as in des ˈKlotzəs (*des ˈKlotzs). 37 Armin Mester & Junko Ito アーミン・メスター，伊藤順子 (39) A Note on Unstressability 強勢不可能性に関する一考察 Afˈghanistan Af (ˈghan-ə) ˈSenegal Äˈgypten Senega (ˈl-es-ə) , * (ˈSene) gal-ə, *Sene (ˈgal-ə) ˈMexiko Ä (ˈgypt-ər) Mexi (ˈk-an-ər) , * (ˈMe.xi) ko-ər, * (ˈMexi) k-ər, *Me (ˈxik-ər) Besides a small number of other formations, exemplified in (40) , the overwhelming number of country demonyms are formed as in (39) ． (40) Others ˈIsrael ˈJemen Israˈel-i ˈUngarn ˈZypern Jemeˈn-it ˈUngar Zypriˈot We begin with a list of country demonyms in -ər (41) ．As can be seen, various adjustments take place in order for stress to lodge on the pre-schwa syllable. (41) Country demonyms in -ər Äˈgypten Alˈbanien Alˈgerien Alˈger[i̯]-ər Äquatorialguiˈne-ər Arˈmenien Arˈmen[i̯]-ər Aserbaiˈdschan Äthiˈopien Argenˈtin[i̯]-ər Aserbaiˈdschan-ər Äthiˈop[i̯]-ər Ausˈtralien Ausˈtral[i̯]-ər Banglaˈdesch Banglaˈdesch-ər Belaˈrus Belaˈruss-ə Bahˈrain Barˈbados ˈBelgien Beˈlize Beˈnin Bhuˈtan ˈBosnien Botsuˈana Bruˈnei Burˈkina Faso Buˈrundi Côte d'Iˈvoire 10 Alˈban-ər Äquatorialguiˈnea Argenˈtinien 9 Äˈgypt-ər Bahˈrain-ər Barˈbad[i̯]-ər ˈBelg[i̯]-ər Beˈliz-ər Beˈnin-ər Bhuˈtan-ər ˈBosn[i̯]-ər Boˈts[u̯ ]an-ər Bruˈnei-ər Burˈkin-ər Buˈrund[i̯]-ər Iˈvor-ər Besides Iˈrak-i. Besides ˈKuˌwait, ˈKuˌwait-ər. 38 ˈIndien Indoˈnesien Iˈrak Iˈran Iˈtalien ˈJaˌpan Jorˈdanien ˈKanada Kap ˈVerde Kaˈtar Kiriˈbati Koˈmoren ˌKuˈwait Leˈsotho ˈLib[i̯]en Maˈlawi Maˈlaysia Maleˈdiven ˈMali Maureˈtanien Mauˈritius Mazeˈdonien Mikroˈnesien ˈInd-ər Indoˈnes[i̯]-ər Iˈrak-ər Iˈran-ər Itaˈl[i̯]en-ər Jaˈpan-ər Jorˈdan[i̯]ər Kaˈnad[i̯]ər Kap ˈVerd[i̯]-ər Kaˈtar-ər Kiriˈbat[i̯]-ər Koˈmor-ər ˌKuˈwait-ər Leˈsoth-ər ˈLib[i̯]-ər Maˈlaw[i̯]-ər Maˈlays[i̯]-ər Maleˈdiv-ər ˈMal[i̯]-ər Maureˈtan[i̯]ər Mauˈrit[i̯]-ər Mazeˈdon[i̯]-ər Mikroˈnes[i̯]-ər 9 10 Armin Mester & Junko Ito アーミン・メスター，伊藤順子 A Note on Unstressability 強勢不可能性に関する一考察 Dschiˈbuti Dschiˈbut[i̯]-ər Eriˈtrea Eriˈtre-ər ˈGambia Geˈorgien Greˈnada Grenaˈdinen Guiˈnea Guˈyana Herzeˈgowina ˈSambia São Toˈmé ˈSchweiz Seyˈchellen Sierra Leˈone Simˈbabwe Soˈmalia ˈSpanien Sri-ˈLanka ˈGamb[i̯]-ər Geˈorg[i̯]-ər Greˈnad-ər Grenaˈdin-ər Guiˈne-ər Guˈyan-ər Herzegoˈwin-ər ˈSamb[i̯]-ər São Toˈmé-ər ˈSchweiz-ər Seyˈchell-ər Sierra Leˈon-ər Simˈbabw-ər Soˈmal[i̯]-ər ˈSpan[i̯]ər Sri-ˈLank-ər Gaˈbun Monteˈnegro Monteneˈgrin-ər ˈNiger Oˈman ˈPakistan ˈNigr-ər Oˈman-ər Pakisˈtan-ər ˌPhilipˈpinen Ruˈanda Saloˈmonen St.ˈKitts ˈSyrien Tansaˈnia ˈTschad Tuˈnesien Tuˈvalu Uˈganda Ukraˈine ˈZypern ˌPhilipˈpin-ər Ruˈand-ər Saloˈmon-ər St. ˈKitts-ər ˈSyr-ər Tansaˈni-ər ˈTschad-ər Tuˈnes[i̯]-ər Tuvaˈlu-ər Uˈgand-ər Ukraˈin-ər ˈZypr-ər Naˈmibia Gaˈbun-ər Papua-Neuguiˈnea Naˈmib[i̯]-ər 11 Papua-Neuguiˈne-ər 12 In a special set of cases primary stress does not manage to fall on the pre-schwa syllable, but there is still a secondary stress in this position, securing a foottail-status for the schwa syllable. (42) a. b. 11 12 13 14 15 Secondary stress before -ər (ˈNiederˌländ-ər, etc.) Compounds and pseudo-compounds ˈEngˌland ˈIsˌland ˈLiechtenˌstein ˈLuxemˌburg ˈMolˌdau ˈNiederˌlande Others ˈKameˌrun ˈParaˌguay ˈEngˌländ-ər ˈIsˌländ-ər ˈLiechtenˌstein-ər ˈLuxemˌburg-ər ˈMolˌdau-ər ˈNiederˌländ-ər ˈNorˌwegen ˈÖsterˌreich ˈSwasiˌland ˈThaiˌland ˌNeuˈseeˌland ˈNorˌweg-ər ˈÖsterˌreich-ər ˈSwasiˌländ-ər ˈThaiˌländ-ər ˌNeuˈseeˌländ-ər ˈKameˌrun-ər ˈParaˌguay-ər ˈSingaˌpur ˈSuriˌname ˈSingaˌpur-ər ˈSuriˌnam-ər 14 Besides Pakisˈtan-i. Besides ˌFilipˈpin-o. Besides ˈSwas-i. Besides ˌKameˈrun, ˌKameˈrun-ər. Besides ˌSuriˈnam-ər, and ˌSurinaˈm-es-e. 39 13 15 Armin Mester & Junko Ito アーミン・メスター，伊藤順子 A Note on Unstressability 強勢不可能性に関する一考察 Next, we give examples with the interfix -an-, which attracts the stress and so makes sure that the FOOTTAIL-ə constraint is fulfilled. Country demonyms in ˈ-an-ər (43) Anˈdorra Andorˈr-an-ər16 Anˈguilla Anguilˈl-an-ər Anˈgola Anˈtigua Aˈruba Angoˈl-an-ər Antiˈg[u̯ ]-an-ər Aruˈb-an-ər Barˈbuda Barbuˈd-an-ər Boˈlivien Boliˈv[i̯]-an-ər Berˈmudas Braˈsilien Bermuˈdan-ər Brasiˈl[i̯]-an-ər CostaˈRica Costa Riˈc-an-ər Ecuaˈdor Ecuadori-ˈan-ər ˈFidschi Fuˈtuna ˈGuadeloupe Guˈam Haˈiti Honˈduras Fidschi-ˈan-ər Doˈminica El ˈSalvador Koˈrea Dominiˈc-an-ər Salvadori-ˈan-ər Futuˈn[i̯]-an-ər Guadeloupi-ˈan-ər Guaˈm-an-ər Haiti-ˈan-ər Honduˈr-an-ər Jaˈmaika Jamaiˈk-an-ər Kamˈbodscha Kamboˈdsch-an-ər ˈKenia Keni-ˈan-ər Koˈlumbien Kolumbi-ˈan-ər ˈMalta Malˈt-es-ər Also: ˈKuba Liˈberia Maˈca.u Maˈrokko ˈMexiko Mosamˈbik Nicaˈragua Niˈgeria ˈNiue Peˈru Puerto ˈRico Saˈmoa St. ˈHelena St. Luˈcia Südˈafrika ˈUruˌguay Vanuˈatu Venezuˈela Vereinigte Staaten von Aˈmerika ˈWallis Kore-ˈan-ər Kuˈb-an-ər Liberiˈan-ər Maca.u-ˈan-ər Marokˈk-an-ər Mexiˈk-an-ər Mosambiˈk-an-ər Nicaraˈg[u̯ ]-an-ər Nigeriˈan-ər Niu-ˈan-ər Peru-ˈan-ər Puerto Riˈc-an-ər Samo-ˈan-ər St. Heleˈn[i̯]-an-ər St. Luci-ˈan-ər Südafriˈk-an-ər ˌUrug[u̯ ]ay-ˈan-ər Vanuatu-ˈan-ər Venezoˈlan-ər 17 18 Ameriˈk-an-ər Walliˈs[i̯]-an-ər Zentralafriˈkanische Zentralafri k-an-ər ˈ Repuˈblik Finally, we turn to country demonyms in -ə. A list of forms derived by this suffix alone appears in (44) ．In all of these cases, stress falls on the pre-ə syllable. 16 17 18 Another morphological interpretation takes the a as part of the base and analyses the interfix as -n-. Besides ˈUruˌg[u̯ ]ay-ər and ˌUruˈg[u̯ ]ay-ər. Besides Venezueˈl-an-ər. 40 Armin Mester & Junko Ito アーミン・メスター，伊藤順子 (44) A Note on Unstressability 強勢不可能性に関する一考察 Country demonyms in -ə Afˈghanistan Bulˈgarien ˈDänemark ˈDeutschland ˈEstland ˈFinnland ˈFrankreich ˈGriechenland Grossbriˈtannien Guateˈmala ˈIrˌland Jugoˈslawien ˈKasachstan Kirˈgisistan Kroˈatien ˈLaos ˈLettland Madaˈgaskar Afˈghan-ə Bulˈgar-ə Mazeˈdonien Mazeˈdon-ə Mongoˈlei Monˈgol-ə Moˈnaco ˈDän-ə ˈDeutsch-ə ˈEst-ə ˈFinn-ə Franˈzos-ə ˈGriech-ə ˈBrit-ə Guatemalˈtek-ə ˈIr-ə Jugosˈlaw-ə Kaˈsach-ə Kirˈgis-ə Kroˈat-ə Laˈot-ə ˈLett-ə Madaˈgass-ə Myanˈmar ˈPolen Ruˈmänien ˈRussland ˈSchottland ˈSchweden ˈSerbien Slowaˈkei Sloˈwenien Taˈdschikistan ˈTschechien Türˈkei Turkˈmenistan Usˈbekistan Moneˈgass-ə Myanˈmar-ə ˈPol-ə Ruˈmän-ə ˈRuss-ə ˈSchott-ə ˈSchwed-ə ˈSerb-ə Sloˈwak-ə Sloˈwen-ə Taˈdschik-ə ˈTschech-ə ˈTürk-ə Turkˈmen-ə Usˈbek-ə Next, we give examples with interfixes (-es-, and some others) , which attract the stress and so make sure that the FOOTTAIL-ə constraint is fulfilled. (45) Country demonyms in -ˈes-ə ˈChina Kaˈlabrien ˈKongo ˈLibanon Neˈpal Also: ˈChile ˈPortugal Chiˈn-es-ə San Maˈrino Kalaˈbr-es-ə San Mariˈn-əs-ə Nepaˈl-es-ə ˈSenegal Suˈdan Taiˈwan Vietˈnam Vietnam-ˈes-ə Chiˈl-en-ə Saˈvoyen Savoˈy-ard-ə Kongoˈl-es-ə Libaˈn-es-ə Portuˈgies-ə Senegaˈl-es-ə Sudaˈn-es-ə Taiwaˈn-es-ə There are some exceptions to the pre-ə stress generalization among country demonyms, but they are few in number. 41 Armin Mester & Junko Ito アーミン・メスター，伊藤順子 (46) A Note on Unstressability 強勢不可能性に関する一考察 Exceptions to the pre-ə stress generalization: Baˈhamas ˈGhana Giˈbraltar Guiˌnea-Bisˈsa.u ˈLitauen ˈMarshallinseln Na.ˈuru ˈNevis Paˈla.u Baˈhama-ər ˈGhana-ər Giˈbraltar-ər Guiˌnea-Bisˈsa.u-ər ˈLitau-ər ˈMarshall-ər Na.ˈuru-ər ˈNevis-ər Paˈla.u-ər ˈPanama Saudi-Aˈrabien St. ˈVincent ˈTimor Toˈbago ˈTogo ˈTonga ˈTrinidad ˈPanama-ər Saudi-ˈArab-ər St. ˈVincent-ər ˈTimor-ər Toˈbago-ər ˈTogo-ər ˈTonga-ər ˈTrinidad-ər It is significant that most of the demonyms in (46) have alternate variants which conform to the generalization (47) ． Even a form like Saudi-Aˈrab[i̯] -ər, which sounds outlandish because of the well-established word Arabər, is attested in non-facetious uses. (47) Alternate variants of the demonyms in (46) Bahaˈm-an-ər Panaˈm-es-ə~Panaˈm-en-ə Ghaˈn-es-ə Saudi-Aˈrab[i̯]-ər Guinea-Bissau-ˈan-ər Timoˈr-an-ər~Timoˈr-es-ə Gibralˈt-an-ər St. Vinˈcent-ər Tobagoˈl-es-ə Marchalˈl-an-ər, Marshall-Insuˈlanər Togoˈl-es-ə Na.uru-ˈan-ər Tonˈg-an-ər~Tongaˈl-es-ə~ Tongaˈn-es-ə Neviˈs-an-ər Trinidaˈn-es-ə Pala.u-ˈan-ər The fact that this is not simply some kind of internet noise can be deduced from the fact that speakers are explicitly aware of the prosodically problematic status of the forms in (46) , as shown by blog entries such as the following: "[W]ie nennt man auf Deutsch wohl einen Menschen aus Guinea-Bissau? Guinea-Bissauer, Guineer (Bissau) , Guinea-Bissauaner oder gar Guinea-Bissaui? Das ist keine Scherzfrage. Ich muss einen Bericht schreiben..." ("What does one call a person from Guinea-Bissau in German?... This question is not a joke. I have to write a report...", and "was bin ich den[n]nun...? ein litauaner.., litaunese.., litaunippizaner...?"19 ("So what am I?...") ． Matters are different with demonyms derived from city names. In this case, -ər is added without any stress-related restrictions, as can be seen in (48) ．We can attribute the behavior of this suffix to the OO-IDENT (FOOTHEAD) constraint formulated in (35) above. 19 http://www.wer-weiss-was.de/theme143/article4660166.html and http://board1.2min.eu/showthread.php?t =20&page=12, both retrieved on 11/19/2010. 42 Armin Mester & Junko Ito アーミン・メスター，伊藤順子 (48) A Note on Unstressability 強勢不可能性に関する一考察 Demonyms derived from city names ˈAltona Bad ˈOeynhausən Berˈlin ˈBielefeld ˈBochum ˈDeggendorf ˈDüsseldorf ˈEinbeck ˈEnschede ˈFrankfurt ˈGöttingen ˈHamburg ˈHerford ˈJena 21 ˈAltona-ər Bad ˈOeynhausən-ər Berˈlin-ər ˈBielefeld-ər ˈBochum-ər ˈDeggendorf-ər ˈDüsseldorf-ər ˈEinbeck-ər ˈEnschəd-ər ˈFrankfurt-ər ˈGötting-ər ˈHamburg-ər ˈHerford-ər ˈJena-ər 20 ˈKöln ˈKrefeld ˈLeipzig ˈLemgo ˈLokkum ˈMoskau ˈMünchən ˈPassau Paˈris ˈPotsdam ˈWien ˈWilsəde ˈWuppertal ˈKöln-ər ˈKrefeld-ər ˈLeipzig-ər ˈLemgo-ər ˈLokkum-ər ˈMoskau-ər ˈMünchən-ər ˈPassau-ər Paˈris-ər ˈPotsdam-ər ˈWien-ər ˈWilsəd-ər ˈWuppertal-ər Some of these cases probably have a secondary stress on the pre-suffixal syllable (ˈBieleˌfeldər, etc.) , the issue is difficult to decide and requires a separate investigation. Except for cases that have compound status (such as ˈKreˌfeld-ər) , a secondary stress can generally be excluded immediately after a stressed syllable (ˈLeipzig-ər, * ˈLeipˌzig-ər) and is out of the question when the syllable in question contains schwa (ˈMünchən-ər, Bad ˈOeynhausən-ər) ． Some special cases appear in (49)–unsurprisingly, all of these fulfill the poststress-ə restriction. (49) Special cases Hanˈnover ˈHalle Hannover-ˈan-ər Halˈl-ens-ər 3. Conclusion The theory of prosodic constituent structure is built on a three-way distinction between foothead positions, foot-nonhead positions, and unfooted positions. One kind of empirical evidence for distinguishing two kinds of weak positions, the footed and the unfooted, going beyond the simple dichotomy of the stressed vs. the unstressed, comes from the observation that certain items must not just be unstressed, but are required to occupy the weak position of a foot. German schwa, with its characteristic post-stress prosodic signature, is an example of this kind. 20 21 Besides Bad ˈOeynhaus-ər. Besides Jeˈn-ens-ər. 43 Armin Mester & Junko Ito アーミン・メスター，伊藤順子 A Note on Unstressability 強勢不可能性に関する一考察 References Ball, Douglas (2003) Insights into the patterns of sounds: Stress in Tondano. Journal of Undergraduate Research, University of Rochester 2:15–19. Bennett, Ryan (2009) Irish plural allomorphy and output optimization. Ms. UC Santa Cruz. Benua, Laura (1997) Transderivational identity: Phonological relations between words. Doctoral dissertation, University of Massachusetts, Amherst. [ROA-259-0498]. Cohn, Abigail and John J. McCarthy (1994) Alignment and parallelism in Indonesian phonology. Ms. Cornell University and University of Massachusetts, Amherst, Ithaca, NY, and Amherst, MA. Féry, Caroline (1998) German word stress in Optimality Theory. Journal of Comparative Germanic Linguistics 2:101–142. 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Berlin & New York: Mouton de Gruyter. Armin Mester Invited Professor, NINJAL (September 2010−December 2010) Present Position: Professor of Linguistics, University of California, Santa Cruz (since 1997) University Education: 1978 Erstes Staatsexamen, Georg-August-Universität Göttingen, Germany 1986 Ph.D. in Linguistics, University of Massachusetts, Amherst Major Publications and Papers: 1986 The phonology of voicing in Japanese: Theoretical consequences for morphological accessibility [with Junko Ito]. Linguistic Inquiry 17: 49–73. 1990 Patterns of truncation. Linguistic Inquiry 21: 478–485. 1994 The quantitative trochee in Latin. Natural Language and Linguistic Theory 2: 1–61. 1999 The structure of the phonological lexicon [with Junko Ito]. In: Natsuko Tsujimura (ed.) The handbook of Japanese linguistics, 62–100. Malden, MA, and Oxford, U.K: Blackwell. 2010 Recursive prosodic phrasing in Japanese [with Junko Ito]. In the Proceedings of the 18th Japanese/Korean Conference. Stanford, CA: CSLI. Junko Ito Present Positions: -Professor of Linguistics, University of California, Santa Cruz (since 1996) -Director, University of California, Tokyo Study Center (since 2009) -Invited Professor, International Christian University, Tokyo University Education: 1979 M.A., B.A. International Christian University, Tokyo 1986 Ph.D. in Linguistics, University of Massachusetts, Amherst Major Publications and Papers: 1985 Melodic dissimilation in Ainu. Linguistic Inquiry 15: 505–513. 1989 A prosodic theory of epenthesis. Natural Language and Linguistic Theory 7: 217–259. 1990 Prosodic minimality in Japanese. In: K. Deaton, M. Noske and M. Ziolkowski (eds.) CLS 26: Parasession on the Syllable in Phonetics and Phonology, 213–239. Chicago, Chicago Linguistic Society. 2003 Japanese morphophonemics: Markedness and word structure [with Armin Mester]. Linguistic Inquiry Monograph Series 43. Cambridge, Massachusetts: MIT Press. 2009 Lexical classes in phonology [with Armin Mester]. In: Shigeru Miyagawa and Mamoru Saito (eds.) Handbook of Japanese linguistics, 84–106. Oxford: Oxford University Press. 44