... Richard S. Kayne 26. Unaccusativity: At the Syntax-Lexical Semantics Interface, Beth Levin an... more ... Richard S. Kayne 26. Unaccusativity: At the Syntax-Lexical Semantics Interface, Beth Levin and Malka Rappaport Hovav 27. Lexico-Logical Form: A Radically Minimalist Theory, Michael Brody 28. ... Thus, kita (no voiced obstruents) as well as kaze and gake (one Page 19. ...
... Richard S. Kayne 26. Unaccusativity: At the Syntax-Lexical Semantics Interface, Beth Levin an... more ... Richard S. Kayne 26. Unaccusativity: At the Syntax-Lexical Semantics Interface, Beth Levin and Malka Rappaport Hovav 27. Lexico-Logical Form: A Radically Minimalist Theory, Michael Brody 28. ... Thus, kita (no voiced obstruents) as well as kaze and gake (one Page 19. ...
This chapter shows that both Match and Align constraints are needed to account for an asymmetry i... more This chapter shows that both Match and Align constraints are needed to account for an asymmetry in Japanese syntax-to-prosody mapping. In Japanese, four-word left-branching syntactic phrases undergo prosodic rebracketing, such that the first pair and second pair of words form distinct phonological phrases, while four-word right-branching syntactic phrases are matched to isomorphic phonological phrases. Match Theory is shown to be unable to explain this asymmetry, whereas Align constraints do not account for matching effects in recursive phonological phrases. Japanese is analyzed as involving the interaction of Match and Align with binarity constraints favoring phonological rebracketing. This indicates that both Match and Align are present in the universal set of syntax-prosody mapping constraints responsible for phonological phrasing.
JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, a... more JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org. The MIT Press is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Linguistic Inquiry.
Abstract: Work on unaccentedness in Japanese finds a concentration of unaccented words in very sp... more Abstract: Work on unaccentedness in Japanese finds a concentration of unaccented words in very specific areas defined in prosodic terms. Unaccentedness is perhaps some kind of default for such words, but less clear is the prosodic rationale for the particular distribution of (un)accentedness. This paper investigates the underlying structural reasons and develops a formal OT-account. It involves two well-known constraints: RIGHTMOST and NONFINALITY. The tension between the two, usually resolved by ranking (NONFINALITY>> RIGHTMOST), finds another surprising resolution in unaccentedness: no accent, no conflict. Besides providing a more detailed analysis of Japanese word accent, which takes into consideration other mitigating phonological and morphological factors, a secondary goal of the paper is to gain an understanding of the similarities and differences between pitch accent and stress accent
Linguistic descriptions of natural languages routinely face the necessity to draw distinctions be... more Linguistic descriptions of natural languages routinely face the necessity to draw distinctions between different lexical classes-such as Latinate versus native roots in English, to which affixes like noun-forming-ation are sensitive ([lat varilation, but * [nat buril ation, etc.; see Ito and Mester 1995b:818 for relevant examples from a
A familiar case of unstressability is the fact that crosslinguistically schwa is often excluded a... more A familiar case of unstressability is the fact that crosslinguistically schwa is often excluded as a stress-bearing element. Here we show that in some languages, such as German, there is evidence for a different kind of requirement: Schwa must occupy the weak position of a trochaic foot, attracting stress to the preceding syllable. 《要旨》シュワー母音が多数の言語において強勢不可能な要素であることはよく知られているが, 本稿では,ドイツ語等のシュワーが強勢を担えないのは他の理由から説明されることを指摘する。 シュワーは無強勢であると同時に,韻律構造の中で強弱格フットの弱音節に位置付けされなけれ ばならないため,その先行音節は強音節に位置し,必ず強勢が付与される。つまり,これらの言 語におけるシュワーは,先行音節に強勢を引きつける特徴があると言える。
... Richard S. Kayne 26. Unaccusativity: At the Syntax-Lexical Semantics Interface, Beth Levin an... more ... Richard S. Kayne 26. Unaccusativity: At the Syntax-Lexical Semantics Interface, Beth Levin and Malka Rappaport Hovav 27. Lexico-Logical Form: A Radically Minimalist Theory, Michael Brody 28. ... Thus, kita (no voiced obstruents) as well as kaze and gake (one Page 19. ...
... Richard S. Kayne 26. Unaccusativity: At the Syntax-Lexical Semantics Interface, Beth Levin an... more ... Richard S. Kayne 26. Unaccusativity: At the Syntax-Lexical Semantics Interface, Beth Levin and Malka Rappaport Hovav 27. Lexico-Logical Form: A Radically Minimalist Theory, Michael Brody 28. ... Thus, kita (no voiced obstruents) as well as kaze and gake (one Page 19. ...
This chapter shows that both Match and Align constraints are needed to account for an asymmetry i... more This chapter shows that both Match and Align constraints are needed to account for an asymmetry in Japanese syntax-to-prosody mapping. In Japanese, four-word left-branching syntactic phrases undergo prosodic rebracketing, such that the first pair and second pair of words form distinct phonological phrases, while four-word right-branching syntactic phrases are matched to isomorphic phonological phrases. Match Theory is shown to be unable to explain this asymmetry, whereas Align constraints do not account for matching effects in recursive phonological phrases. Japanese is analyzed as involving the interaction of Match and Align with binarity constraints favoring phonological rebracketing. This indicates that both Match and Align are present in the universal set of syntax-prosody mapping constraints responsible for phonological phrasing.
JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, a... more JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org. The MIT Press is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Linguistic Inquiry.
Abstract: Work on unaccentedness in Japanese finds a concentration of unaccented words in very sp... more Abstract: Work on unaccentedness in Japanese finds a concentration of unaccented words in very specific areas defined in prosodic terms. Unaccentedness is perhaps some kind of default for such words, but less clear is the prosodic rationale for the particular distribution of (un)accentedness. This paper investigates the underlying structural reasons and develops a formal OT-account. It involves two well-known constraints: RIGHTMOST and NONFINALITY. The tension between the two, usually resolved by ranking (NONFINALITY>> RIGHTMOST), finds another surprising resolution in unaccentedness: no accent, no conflict. Besides providing a more detailed analysis of Japanese word accent, which takes into consideration other mitigating phonological and morphological factors, a secondary goal of the paper is to gain an understanding of the similarities and differences between pitch accent and stress accent
Linguistic descriptions of natural languages routinely face the necessity to draw distinctions be... more Linguistic descriptions of natural languages routinely face the necessity to draw distinctions between different lexical classes-such as Latinate versus native roots in English, to which affixes like noun-forming-ation are sensitive ([lat varilation, but * [nat buril ation, etc.; see Ito and Mester 1995b:818 for relevant examples from a
A familiar case of unstressability is the fact that crosslinguistically schwa is often excluded a... more A familiar case of unstressability is the fact that crosslinguistically schwa is often excluded as a stress-bearing element. Here we show that in some languages, such as German, there is evidence for a different kind of requirement: Schwa must occupy the weak position of a trochaic foot, attracting stress to the preceding syllable. 《要旨》シュワー母音が多数の言語において強勢不可能な要素であることはよく知られているが, 本稿では,ドイツ語等のシュワーが強勢を担えないのは他の理由から説明されることを指摘する。 シュワーは無強勢であると同時に,韻律構造の中で強弱格フットの弱音節に位置付けされなけれ ばならないため,その先行音節は強音節に位置し,必ず強勢が付与される。つまり,これらの言 語におけるシュワーは,先行音節に強勢を引きつける特徴があると言える。
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