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The International Labour Movement during and between the Two World Wars. Some starting points for a research project in transnational labour history

Both World Wars interrupted the activities of the international labour movement but in very different ways. In World War I trade unions and social democrats on both sides supported the war effort, while significant and growing minorities within these organisations opposed the war. In World War II the labour movement supported the defence against the axis powers. Based on up to now rarely used sources from the international organizations of the labour movement, mainly the International Trade Secretariats (ITS), the International Federation of Trade Unions (IFTU) and the Labour and Socialist International (LSI), this paper reconsiders the (in-) activity of the international labour movement during the two world wars.

The International Labour Movement during and between the Two World Wars – Some starting points for a research project in transnational labour history Fourth European Congress on World and Global History, Paris 4–7 September 2014 Panel «Trade Unions in international perspective» Presentation Adrian Zimmermann The International Labour Movement The International(s) of the parties Second International founded 1889 Members: socialist, socialdemocratic and labour parties (mainly from Europe) Activities interrupted by 1st World War Conflicting attempts to continue/renew activities during and after war 1919-1920 founding of Comintern and adoption of 21 conditions leads to split of the international labour movement 1923 Labour and Socialist International (LSI) as a merger of the remnants of the Second International and the more left-wing «Vienna Union» LSI ceases activities after German invasion of Western Europe in 1940 (Secretariat in Brussels) The International Free Trade Union Movement The Two World Wars: Impact on the Labour Movement World War I World War II • No clear positioning of the international labour movement possible • Labour movement remains legal in most countries • Double Split: along national loyalties and between those supporting war efforts and growing anti-war opposition • International meetings mainly in neutral countries (Netherlands, Switzerland, Sweden) • At the end of and immediately after war: largest global wave of protests, strikes and revolution in history • International labour movement clearly sides with anti-fascist coalition • In the Axis powers and the territories occupied by them: no legal labour movement • Complicating factor: Soviet Union • Only a few democratic neutral countries remain and are surrounded by Axis (S, CH) • International meetings mainly in the Western allied countries «Geographical» shifts as consequences of war • German dominance in international labour movement before World War I: IFTU and most ITS have seat in Germany, 2nd International in Belgium • Strengthening of British, French and for a short time also USAmerican movements on the one side, neutrals (Scandinavian, Dutch, Swiss) on the other, as effects of World War I • In inter-war time IFTU has seat in Amsterdam (1919-30), Berlin (1930-33) and Paris (1933-40). Most ITS have their seat in the Netherlands or Switzerland. LSI first in London, then Zurich, then Brussels • After World War II: stronger opening to non-european world The Interwar years: Lessons learnt? (Memorandum Albarda 1931) „After the war of 1914-1918 the Labour Movement gave more attention than ever before to the question what should be its attitude and action in case of war, threatened or actual. It was felt in the ranks of the Socialist Parties and the trade unions that as much as possible must be done to prevent the working class from being again surprised and drawn into war as was the case in 1914.” Memorandum by J.W. Albarda (Prepared for the Meeting of the Sub-Committee of the Joint Disarmament Commission, Amsterdam, May 17-18th 1931), in: (IISG Amsterdam, Labour and Socialist International, Abrüstungskommission, Dossier 777a.) • 1920-21: Congresses ITF, IMF and Miners’ International decided that threat of war must be opposed by boycott and strike • IFTU Congresses 1920-1927: general strike to oppose war, supported by LSI • IFTU Congress Stockholm 1930 general strike no longer mentioned • Problem: Future wars will probably be launched by states without democracy and free labour movement: There, a general strike is not possible, general strike in attacked democratic countries will help the aggressor. • Differences inside the labour movement over role of League of Nations • Growing disillusion on international institutions from 1931 on New insights on transnational history from a collective biographic study of international labour leaders? • Important leaders of national trade unions and socialist parties had also leading function on the international level • Example: Ernest Bevin (1884-1951), as General Secretary of TGWU and member of General Council of ITF, Minister of Economic Warfare (19401945), Foreign Secretary (1945-1951) • Most International Trade Secretariats (main exception: ITF) were at the time still managed by national trade union leaders • Example: Konrad Ilg (1877-1954), President of the Swiss Metal- and Watch-Workers’ Union (SMUV-FOMH), social democratic MP and Secretary of the International Metalworkers’ Union (IMF) 1920-1954 • Both Bevin and Ilg have in their countries become symbols of “moderate” and “nationally orientated” labour leaders. • However, it was probably their experience on the international level that led these two labour leaders to take a more “patriotic” position, in order to defend the democratic constitution of their countries. Hypotheses for the next steps of my research • The international labour movement had learnt the lessons from the devastating experience of 1914 • World War I cannot be viewed as a time of failure and division of the labour movement only • It was also a period of intense attempts to renew the international contacts and of a truly international movement for peace and democracy at the end of the war • In the work of LSI and IFTU/ITS during the inter-war time, anti-war activities were very important, a repetition of 1914 thus became impossible • Political forces that pushed for a new war, had to oppress the labour movement by radical means that were not known before World War I • The rise of fascist regime preparing for war created the need for a fundamental change of strategies of the labour movement • The support of the labour movement to the Allied war effort in World War II (or also to armed neutrality in CH and S) is to often seen in a purely national instead of a international context.