Social Science & Medicine 72 (2011) 928e936
Contents lists available at ScienceDirect
Social Science & Medicine
journal homepage: www.elsevier.com/locate/socscimed
Do pharmaceuticals displace local knowledge and use of medicinal plants?
Estimates from a cross-sectional study in a rural indigenous community, Mexico
Peter Giovannini a, b, *, Victoria Reyes-García c, Anna Waldstein b, Michael Heinrich a, b
a
Centre for Pharmacognosy and Phytotherapy, The School of Pharmacy, University of London, 29-39 Brunswick Sq., London WC1N 1AX, UK
School of Anthropology and Conservation, Marlowe Building, University of Kent, Canterbury, Kent CT2 7NR, UK
c
ICREA and Institut de Ciència i Tecnologia Ambientals, Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, 08193 Bellatera, Barcelona, Spain
b
a r t i c l e i n f o
a b s t r a c t
Article history:
Available online 31 January 2011
Researchers examining the relationships between traditional medicine and biomedicine have observed
two conflicting tendencies. Some suggest that the use of biomedicine and biomedical concepts displaces
the use of traditional medicine and medical beliefs. Other scholars have found that traditional medicine
and biomedicine can co-exist, complement, and blend with each other.
In this paper we use an econometric model and quantitative data to test the association between
individual knowledge of pharmaceuticals and individual knowledge of medicinal plants. We use data
from a survey among 136 household heads living in a rural indigenous community in Oaxaca, Mexico.
Data were collected as a part of long term fieldwork conducted between April 2005 and August 2006 and
between December 2006 and April 2007. We found a significant positive association between an individual’s knowledge of medicinal plants and the same individual’s knowledge of pharmaceuticals, as well
as between her use of medicinal plants and her use of pharmaceuticals. We also found a negative
association between the use of medicinal plants and schooling. Our results suggest that, in the study site,
individual knowledge of medicinal plants and individual knowledge of pharmaceuticals co-exist in a way
which might be interpreted as complementary. We conclude that social organization involved in the use
of medicines from both traditional medicine and biomedicine is of particular significance, as our findings
suggest that the use of pharmaceuticals alone is not associated with a decline in knowledge/use of
medicinal plants.
Ó 2011 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.
Keywords:
México
Mazatecs
Traditional medicine
Medicinal plants
Pharmaceuticals
Self-treatment
Ethnobotany
Introduction
Understanding whether and how traditional medicine [here
defined as “the sum total of knowledge, skills and practices based on
the theories, beliefs and experiences indigenous to different cultures
that are used to maintain health, as well as to prevent, diagnose,
improve or treat physical and mental illnesses.”(WHO, 2008)] and
biomedicine (here defined as a global, hegemonic medical system
based on western scientific principles which includes the use of
pharmaceuticals, healthcare professionals and biomedical facilities)
complement or compete with one another has direct application in
instructing effective policy for improving health care systems in
developing countries, which still rely heavily on traditional medicine
* Corresponding author. Centre for Pharmacognosy and Phytotherapy, The School
of Pharmacy, University of London, 29-39 Brunswick sq., London WC1N 1AX, UK.
Tel.: þ44 20 7753 5844; fax: þ44 20 7753 5909.
E-mail address: peter.giovannini@gmail.com (P. Giovannini).
0277-9536/$ e see front matter Ó 2011 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.
doi:10.1016/j.socscimed.2011.01.007
(WHO, 2008). The relationships between traditional medicine and
biomedicine, that develop when different worldviews meet, are
an important topic of debate in medical anthropology, medical
ethnobotany, and health care development (Calvet-Mir, Reyes-García,
& Tanner, 2008; Etkin, Ross, & Muazzamu,1990; Hoa, Chuc, & Thorson,
2009; Muela, Ribera, Mushi, & Tanner, 2002; Scrimshaw & Cosminsky,
1980; Vandebroek et al., 2004). At least two conflicting tendencies
regarding this relationship have been documented. According to
some researchers traditional medicine and biomedicine may be
incompatible and the use of biomedicine and biomedical concepts
often displaces the use of traditional medicine and medical beliefs
(Ackerknecht, 1942; Foster & Anderson, 1978; Ngokwey, 1995;
Saethre, 2007). In contrast, other scholars have found that traditional medicine and biomedicine can co-exist, complement and blend
with each other (Byg, Salick, & Law, 2010; Etkin et al., 1990; Muela
et al., 2002; Scrimshaw & Cosminsky, 1980).
In this paper we examine the relationships between traditional
medicine and biomedicine in a rural indigenous community in
Oaxaca, Mexico, by focusing on knowledge and use of local
P. Giovannini et al. / Social Science & Medicine 72 (2011) 928e936
medicinal plants (central to what is called traditional medicine) and
knowledge and use of commercial pharmaceuticals and supplements (a key aspect of biomedicine, hereafter broadly referred to as
pharmaceuticals).
In the remainder of this section, we briefly review recent studies
that have found (a) a mutually exclusive relationship between
knowledge of traditional medicine and biomedicine and (b) a relationship of co-existence and syncretism between traditional
medicine and biomedicine. Following a description of the research
site we test the following hypotheses:
(1) laypeople who hold more knowledge of pharmaceuticals
hold less knowledge of medicinal plants and
(2) laypeople who use more pharmaceuticals use fewer
medicinal plants.
Our work provides a methodological improvement insofar as we
measured quantitatively both knowledge and use of medicinal
plants and pharmaceuticals at the same time and unit of analysis
(individual). Moreover, we included several control variables in our
model and used an instrumental variable to control for possible
reverse causality, omission of important third variables, and
random measurement error (Angrist & Krueger, 2001).
Mutual exclusion and competition between traditional medicine
and biomedicine
Historically, in medical anthropology there was a focus on
conflict between biomedicine and traditional medicine
(Ackerknecht, 1942; Foster & Anderson, 1978; Ngokwey, 1995;
Saethre, 2007). For example, most literature on Australian Aboriginal medicine supports the idea that this medical system is
incompatible with biomedicine (Saethre, 2007). Studies analyzing
the results of education programs on specific health problems have
stressed the role of traditional medicine as a barrier for the introduction of the new biomedical knowledge. Hoa et al. (2009) conducted a survey with 12,143 people living in a rural district in
Vietnam to assess their knowledge about tuberculosis (TB). Despite
the effort to introduce biomedical information on TB, traditional
beliefs about etiology were a strong barrier for knowledge acquisition, and only 15% of the respondents knew that TB is caused by
bacteria.
Ethnobotanists have also argued that the increasing use of
pharmaceuticals is a major determinant of the decreasing use and
loss of knowledge of medicinal plants among indigenous populations (Caniago & Siebert, 1998). Access to and use of biomedical
health care may disrupt the dissemination of traditional medicine
(Ragupathy, Steven, Maruthakkutti, Velusamy, & Ul-Huda, 2008).
Thus, in the conflict between traditional medicine and biomedicine
the latter seems to displace the former, at least in some parts of the
world.
Despite these assumptions, few studies have collected quantitative data to test the association between both traditional medicine and biomedicine. Vandebroek et al. (2004) measured both
knowledge and use of medicinal plants and pharmaceuticals in six
communities in the national park Isiboro-Sécure in the Bolivian
Amazon. A village’s physical isolation and distance from a primary
health care service with a medical doctor were positively associated
with knowledge and use of medicinal plants and negatively associated with the use of pharmaceuticals. They also found a negative
association between medicinal plants knowledge and the use of
pharmaceuticals at the community level. They concluded that
where people were exposed and had access to pharmaceuticals and
other forms of biomedicine, they were more likely to adopt them
and reduce/discontinue the use of medicinal plants.
929
Co-existence and syncretism between biomedicine and traditional
medicine
Some authors have suggested that traditional medicine and
biomedicine, although perceived as discrete and separate bodies of
knowledge, complement rather than compete with each other. For
example, in a study conducted among Tsimane’ Amerindians living in
Amazonian Bolivia, Calvet-Mir et al. (2008) asked 39 informants to sort
20 medicinal plants and pharmaceuticals according to their similarities. They found that Tsimane’ recognize these medicines as two
discrete groups, suggesting that Tsimane’ conceptualize the two types
of medicine as “two independent domains of knowledge” (Calvet-Mir
et al., 2008: 9). However, Tsimane’ laypeople use both kinds of medicine when they are sick, and biomedical practitioners and traditional
healers both expressed a willingness to work with one another, suggesting that cooperation between traditional medicine and biomedicine is possible. Similarly, Spring (1980) interviewed more than 300
Luvale women in rural Northwest Zambia. While her informants chose
between traditional and biomedical options based on their faith in one
system or the other, the use of traditional medicine and biomedicine
sometimes was exclusive and sometimes was complementary.
In contrast to the theory of discrete domains of knowledge, several
authors have suggested that traditional knowledge can integrate and/
or be integrated into recently acquired knowledge of biomedicine (see
Byg et al., 2010). Muela et al. (2002) investigated local knowledge
about malaria in two rural communities in Tanzania. They found that
in some cases introduced biomedical information merged with preexisting local concepts instead of displacing them. For example, in
a survey carried out with 220 women, 62% of them shared an interpretation of the disease etiology that is the result of syncretism of
traditional medical beliefs and the introduced biomedical model. Thus,
even if biomedical health messages are well understood, the meanings
given to them may be different from those health workers intended, as
they are reinterpreted through the traditional medical beliefs.
Similarly, in a study that focused on the medical pluralism of
a Guatemalan plantation, Scrimshaw and Cosminsky (1980) found
that folk practitioners frequently combined elements from both
traditional medicine and biomedicine in their treatment of patients.
These authors stress the adoption and adaptation of elements from
both domains of knowledge. In a study conducted in a Hausa-Fulani
community in Nigeria, increased access to and use of pharmaceuticals
did not replace local disease concepts and the use of medicinal plants
(Etkin et al.,1990). Rather, the introduced pharmaceuticals were used
by Hausa according to local medical beliefs, a phenomenon that Etkin
names “indigenization of pharmaceuticals” (Etkin et al., 1990: 919).
Both the conceptualization of traditional medicines and
biomedicines as discrete but complementary domains and the
hybridization of the two types of medicines are made possible by
and contribute to medical pluralism (i.e. the existence of multiple
theories of illness/disease and corresponding therapeutic strategies
in a single society). Kleinman (1980) suggested that a society’s
healthcare system is not only made up of traditional and biomedical practices, but is also composed of different sectors (i.e. popular,
folk and professional) with different therapeutic options. The work
we describe in this paper focuses on popular medical knowledge
and self-treatment with medicinal plants and pharmaceuticals and
as such represents only one of many dimensions of medical
pluralism in Mexico.
Methods
The study site
The Mazatecs inhabit the Sierra Mazateca, a region located in the
north-eastern part of Oaxaca between the borders of the states of
930
P. Giovannini et al. / Social Science & Medicine 72 (2011) 928e936
Fig. 1. Map of the Sierra Mazateca region. The line around the region delimits the borders of the Sierra Mazateca. Modified after (Cabrera, Inchaustegui, Garcia, & Toledeo, 2001).
Puebla and Veracruz, Mexico (Fig. 1). This is a highly biodiverse
region with ecological habitats varying from temperate to tropical
and to cloud forests. The population is spread throughout
communities with great variation in their level of market integration. Huautla de Jiménez (referred as Huatla in Fig. 1) is the main
Mazatec urbanized center, where the impact of modernization on
traditional lifestyle is evident. The Mazatec native language is
spoken by a high percentage of the population, especially in the
more remote communities (Boege, 1988).
Basic biomedical assistance (consisting of national vaccination
campaigns, consultation with doctors, and dispensation of some
medicines) is provided by small government health clinics spread
over the Sierra Mazateca.
This study was conducted in a community of about 400 people in
the municipality (municipio) of San José Tenango. We will refer to this
community as “Paloma Alta” (This is a pseudonym). Paloma Alta is
about 800 m.a.s.l. and at the time of this study was accessible only by
hiking for about one and a half hours from the nearest dirt road, which
connects the surrounding village of Cañada de Mamey with San José
Tenango. In Paloma Alta everyone speaks Mazatec as a first language
and few individuals are also fluent in Spanish, the Mexican national
language. The main productive activities in Paloma Alta are the cultivation of corn, beans, and coffee, the last one being the main source of
cash. At the time of the research, the average individual annual income
earned from coffee was about 2388 Mexican pesos (US$ 188.2, March
2010). Other sources of cash are subsidies distributed by the Instituto
Mexicano del Seguro Social (IMSS), the Solidaridad scheme (a Mexican
government scheme to help poor rural households), cash earned
through trade, and remittances sent by relatives living in the Mexican
urban centers such as Mexico City and Puebla.
In Paloma Alta, pharmaceuticals are considered expensive and in
some cases are unaffordable. The nearest government hospital, where
free patient care is offered, is located in Huatla de Jiménez, which is
about 2 h drive by pickup from San José Tenango. In 2006, traveling to
Huatla de Jiménez from San José Tenango cost 25 Mexican pesos (2.0
US $). Respondents often cited costs among the reasons that prevented them from getting medical assistance in the hospital. The
nearest public health clinic, which provides health services for the
uninsured, is located in Cañada de Mamey. The nearest pharmacy is
located in the municipal capital, San José Tenango, although traders
sell some pharmaceuticals in community shops (tiendas) e generally
simply a space of their house open to the path.
Data collection and variables construction
Fieldwork was carried out by the first author between April
2005 and August 2006 and between December 2006 and April
2007 as part of his doctoral studies. The first author followed the
guidelines of the international Society of Ethnobiology, the
American Anthropological Association and the institutional
internal requirements for ethical review as they were in place in
2004. As a UK-based comparatively small institution, institutional ethical approval was not obtained for the study as no
Internal Institutional Review Board existed at this time (it was
implemented in 2008) and only studies involving the UK’s NHS
facilities or other health care providers were subject to an ethical
review by the appropriate external bodies (like the NHS Trusts’
review boards). Permits for research were obtained from
Mexican authorities (Mexican Embassy in Italy, Oaxaca Immigration Office, Mexican Ministry of Environment and Natural
Resources, and municipality of San José Tenango). Verbal
community consent to carry out the research was granted during
a community meeting where the research aim and methods were
explained to the adult population. Further verbal individual
informant consent was asked prior to each interview. Research
progress and results were discussed periodically with community leaders. A bilingual translator assisted in interviews with
monolingual informants in the Mazatec language. Voucher
specimens were stored in the National Herbarium of Mexico and
at the Instituto Mexicano del Seguro Social. Duplicates, when
available, were stored at the herbarium of the School of Pharmacy, University of London.
Background ethnographic data
During the first phase of the research (15 months) we collected
data on general concepts of health and sickness and on the
medicinal plants and pharmaceuticals used in the study site
through participant observation, open, semi-structured and structured interviews with most of the adult population in the study site
(Berlin & Berlin, 2005).
To produce a list of the most commonly used medicinal plants,
we asked 33 respondents to list all the medicinal plants they knew.
Similarly, we asked 43 respondents to list all the pharmaceuticals
they knew. Freelisting interviews of the two cultural domains were
carried out with a convenience sample. Most of the respondents
P. Giovannini et al. / Social Science & Medicine 72 (2011) 928e936
participated in only one of the two different freelisting exercises.
We deemed it unnecessary to elicit the freelisting of the two
domains from the same persons, as our aim was to define the items
that belong to the two cultural domains at the community level.
We followed standard ethnobotanical guidelines for the
collection identification and storage of plant specimens (Martin,
2004) and collected data on the range of medicinal uses associated with each plant species.
Survey and sample
During the second phase of the research, we used the data
collected during the first 15 months of ethnographic work as a basis
to design a structured questionnaire. We used the questionnaire to
collect systematic data through a survey that included questions on
1) knowledge and use of medicinal plants, 2) knowledge and use of
pharmaceuticals, and 3) demographic and socioeconomic characteristics of informants. Our sample included all the male (n ¼ 66)
and female (n ¼ 70) household heads of Paloma Alta who were 20
years of age or older and willing to participate (n ¼ 136). The sample
represents about 80% of the household heads living in the study
community at the time of the survey and includes the informants
who participated in open interviews and freelisting in the previous
phase of the research. Below we discuss how we defined and
measured our variables.
Dependent variable: knowledge and use of medicinal plants. To
measure respondents’ knowledge of medicinal plants, we used
a true/false questionnaire. We could collect herbarium specimens
of 65 of the 82 species of plants whose medicinal uses were
documented during the first stage of the research. In order to
design a questionnaire that contains questions with different
degrees of difficulty, we randomly selected 15 species from the list
of plants from which we had vouchers and mounted a dried
specimen of each of the selected species (Appendix 1). We showed
informants the 15 mounted specimens and asked them to provide
the local (Mazatec) name of the species. If the informant could not
name the dried specimens we prompted with its local name. Using
both the dried specimens and the local name ensured a correct
identification of the species before asking the questions on the uses
of the plants and avoided misidentification due to the fact that folk
botanical taxonomies can have several terms for the same species
and several species can be recognized with the same term (Berlin,
1992).
If the informant identified the plant (either before or after
having been prompted with its native name), we asked three true/
false questions about the use of each of the 15 species (3 15 ¼ 45
questions). For example, we asked “is this plant good to cure
fever?”, or “is this plant good to cure diarrhea?” We designed the
questionnaire to include questions on uses that were clearly
considered “right” or “wrong” at community level according to the
data on the range of use of medicinal plants collected in the first 15
months of research.
If the informant did not identify the medicinal plant from the
dried specimen nor after having been prompted with its native
name, the questions on its uses were skipped and coded as “I do not
know”. To measure the use of medicinal plants we also asked
respondents whether they had ever used each of the 15 selected
plants for medicinal purposes. We coded affirmative answers as 1,
negative as 0, and “I do not know” as 2.
To calculate individual scores of medicinal plants knowledge, we
first elaborated an answer key to our test based on the ethnographic information collected during the first phase of fieldwork.
We then matched respondents’ answers to the answer key. Our
methodology builds from the findings of previous research that
showed that, in spite of some intra-cultural variability (Boster,
931
1985), ethnobotanical knowledge is shared within an ethnic
group and even more within inhabitants of the same community
(Reyes-García et al., 2003). We corrected respondents’ answers for
guessing using Eq. (1) (Angoff & Schrader, 1984), where the corrected scores (S) depend on the number of correct answers (R),
wrong answers (W), and on the number of options (k) given to the
informants for each question:
S ¼ R
½W=ðk
1Þ
(1)
We used the number of species each informant reported to have
used in the past as medicine as an indicator of the overall use of
medicinal plants. We validated the internal consistency of our tests
for measuring knowledge and use of medicinal plants by calculating Cronbach’s alpha (Bland & Altman, 1997).
Explanatory variable: knowledge and use of pharmaceuticals. To
measure individual knowledge of pharmaceuticals, we selected 14
pharmaceuticals (Appendix 2) from an initial list of 81 obtained
through free listing. We arbitrarily selected the items with the
following two criteria: 1) all the pharmaceuticals in the list had
clear uses according to the consulted biomedical sources; 2) the
items selected represent a continuous range from commonly to
rarely used pharmaceuticals. We asked informants three true/false
questions about the uses of each pharmaceutical (14 3 ¼ 42
questions). The pharmaceuticals were not shown during the
interviews and the answers were prompted using pharmaceuticals’
commercial names as previously elicited during freelisting. We
used the commercial names of the pharmaceuticals because the
first phase of this research showed that these were unambiguous.
To estimate the use of pharmaceuticals by respondents, we asked
whether the informant had ever used each of the 14 pharmaceuticals in the list. We coded affirmative answers as 1, negative as 0,
and “I do not know” as 2.
To calculate individual scores of pharmaceutical knowledge we
first elaborated an answer key to our test based on biomedical literature (Carranza, 2005; Swiss Pharmaceutical Society, 2004; UNAM,
2007) and then matched respondents’ answers to this answer key.
We corrected respondents’ answers for guessing using Eq. (1).
An estimate of the use of pharmaceuticals was calculated
summing up all the positive answers to the questions: “Have you
ever used [pharmaceutical commercial name]?” This score was used
as a proxy for use of pharmaceuticals. We assessed the internal
consistency of our tests for measuring knowledge and use of pharmaceuticals by calculating Cronbach’s alpha.
Demographic and socioeconomic characteristics of informants. We
collected measures of each individual’s age, sex, education,
fluency in the national language, and cash income. We estimated
the age of informants using the birth date recorded in the local
health center, which is based on birth certificates. For individuals
under 50 years of age, we considered the birth certificate accurate
with a margin of error of weeks. For individuals older than 50
years of age the date of birth may be less accurate as birth
certificates were not widely requested in the area at that time. We
took note of the respondent’s sex at the beginning of the interview and we coded males as 1 and females as 0. Schooling was
measured as number of school years completed as reported by
the informant. The interviewer assessed the Spanish level of the
informants during the survey and assigned a score using a 3-point
scale (0 ¼ no Spanish; 1 ¼ basic level; 2 ¼ fluent). We also
included cash income as control for market integration. Individual
cash income was proxied through the cash earned through the
annual sale of coffee beans during the 12 months previous to the
interview.
932
P. Giovannini et al. / Social Science & Medicine 72 (2011) 928e936
Finally, we proxied maternal knowledge of pharmaceuticals by
asking informants: “how knowledgeable was your mother on
pharmaceuticals?” and assigned a score using a 4-point scale
(0 ¼ not at all, 1 ¼ a little, 2 ¼ quite enough, 3 ¼ a lot).
The estimation strategy
We tested the associations between (1) the scores of individual
knowledge of pharmaceuticals and the scores of individual
knowledge of medicinal plants and (2) the scores of individual use
of medicinal plants and the scores of individual use of pharmaceuticals, while controlling for individual variables that have been
shown to be associated with knowledge and use of medicinal
plants.
We used two types of regressions to ensure robustness: ordinary
least-squares and a two-stage instrumental variable model (Deaton,
1997). Following a common trend and after having carried formal
tests for their appropriateness, we used a parental attribute (i.e.,
maternal knowledge of pharmaceuticals) as an instrument to
control for the endogeneity of the explanatory variable in our
estimates (Angrist & Krueger, 2001). Endogeneity refers to biases
from possible reverse causality, omission of important third variables, and random measurement error (Angrist & Krueger, 2001).
Suppose that some informants are less healthy than the average.
Those informants might acquire more knowledge in the use of
medicinal plants and in the use of pharmaceuticals. If we do not
control for these types of unobserved heterogeneities we would
overstate the effect of the use of pharmaceuticals on the use of
medicinal plants. In our estimations, we correct for endogeneity
biases with the use of instrumental variables, or variables that bear
a strong statistical association with the instrumented endogenous
variable (the explanatory) but not with the dependent variable
(Angrist & Krueger, 2001).
To ease the interpretation of results, we took the natural logarithm
of both the outcome variable (dependent variable) and explanatory
variables, so the estimated coefficients can be read as elasticities
(percentage change in the outcome variable when the explanatory
variable increases one percent). The statistical significance of the
estimated association when using the logarithm resembles results
from a model with raw data. We use a similar model to test the
potential association between the use of medicinal plants (outcome
variable) and pharmaceuticals (explanatory variable).
Potential biases in estimations
A main limitation of this study is the small and homogeneous
sample size. Our sample size consists of 136 people from only one
community. The small sample size makes it hard to detect small
but existing associations between the dependent and the independent variables because it lowers statistical power and
increases type II errors. Additionally, because our entire sample
comes from the same community, our analysis might misrepresent phenomena that occur at a larger scale. Therefore, our results
might not be generalizable unless they are reproduced by other
case studies.
Potential sources of biases relate to measurement error and
omitted variables. Our measures of use of medicinal plants and
pharmaceuticals may contain random measurement error as these
are based on self-report of yes/no responses. For example respondents may have better memory than others and some respondents
may have wanted to please the interviewer by giving him a positive
answer.
Moreover, the pharmaceuticals included in the questionnaire
were not randomly selected and this could have introduced
a measurement error resulting in less observed variation among
informants.
Finally, our measure of knowledge of medicinal plants may be
biased toward common knowledge and penalize specialized
knowledge, as we based our answer key on the range of uses shared
at community level. Random measurement error would inflate
standard errors and weaken the statistical results of the analysis,
thus making our estimates more conservative.
There may be omitted variables in our models that may have
both an effect on the knowledge and use of medicinal plants and on
some of our independent variables. For example respondents may
have shared the household with a traditional healer or with
someone trained as a biomedical health promoter. Respondents
who may have experienced more medical problems, either
personally or within their household, may also have used both
more medicinal plants and pharmaceuticals. Omitted variables can
bias both positively and negatively the coefficients of the estimated
parameters and inflate the standard errors.
Results
Descriptive statistics of outcome and explanatory variables
Knowledge and use of medicinal plants and pharmaceuticals
Definitions and descriptive analysis of the variables are shown
in Table 1. The values of Cronbach’s alpha for our scores on the tests
of knowledge and use of medicinal plants and pharmaceuticals
suggest that responses to questions in our tests have high internal
consistency. Since we corrected for guessing, the total score on the
tests of knowledge are negative when the wrong answers on the
test are more than the right ones. We transformed the four scores in
order to have the minimum value at one without reducing the
sample size when taking the natural logarithm. We transformed
the individual scores on the test of knowledge and use of medicinal
plants and the scores on the use of pharmaceuticals by adding one.
We transformed the scores of knowledge of pharmaceuticals by
adding eight.
We found a correlation coefficient of 0.13 (p ¼ 0.14) among the
scores of knowledge and use of medicinal plants and a correlation
coefficient of 0.43 (p < 0.01) between the scores of knowledge and
use of pharmaceuticals (data not shown).
Formal tests for the appropriateness of the instrumental variables (IV)
In the formal tests for the appropriateness of maternal knowledge of pharmaceuticals as instrumental variables for own
knowledge and use of pharmaceuticals (Table 2) we found
a significant association between maternal knowledge of pharmaceuticals and own knowledge and use of pharmaceuticals (regressions V to VIII), but not between maternal knowledge of
pharmaceuticals and own knowledge and use of medicinal plants
(regressions I to IV). Therefore, we consider maternal knowledge of
pharmaceuticals to be a valid instrument (instrumental variable)
for own knowledge and use of pharmaceuticals.
Multiple regressions
Knowledge of medicinal plants
Table 3 shows the results of the multiple regressions where we
tested for a possible association between knowledge of medicinal
plants (outcome) and knowledge of pharmaceuticals (explanatory
variable) with three different combinations of control variables
(regressions I to III). We also ran three regressions with maternal
knowledge of pharmaceuticals as instrument for own knowledge of
pharmaceuticals (also referred in the text as “two-stage leastsquares regressions” or “instrumenting own knowledge of pharmaceuticals”) (regression IVeVI).
P. Giovannini et al. / Social Science & Medicine 72 (2011) 928e936
933
Table 1
Definition and descriptive statistics of the variables used in the regression analysis.
Variable
Dependent variables
Knowledge of medicinal plants
Use of medicinal plants
Explanatory variables
Knowledge of pharmaceuticals
Use of pharmaceuticals
Control variables
Age
Male
Schooling
Spanish
Income
Definition
N
Theoretical knowledge of 15 medicinal plants using
formula scoring and correcting for guessing
Self-reported use of 15 medicinal plants
136
19.37
7.86
0
35
0.89
134
7.72
3.90
0
15
0.83
136
10.78
8.43
7
37
0.85
131
7.05
3.10
0
14
0.78
136
136
136
133
47.5
0.49
2.1
1.21
14.5
0.5
2.49
0.92
20.9
0
0
0
Theoretical knowledge of 14 pharmaceuticals using
formula scoring and correcting for guessing
Self-reported use of 14 pharmaceuticals
Age in years at the time of the interview
Dummy variable Male ¼ 1; Female ¼ 0
Number of school years completed
Spanish level as assessed by the interviewer at the
end on the questionnaire: (0,1 or 2)
Kg of coffee sold last year multiplied for average
price (14 MX pesos)
In three of the six regressions we found a positive and statistically significant association between knowledge of medicinal plants
and knowledge of pharmaceuticals. In regressions I to III, the coefficient of knowledge of pharmaceuticals ranges from 0.342 to 0.387
and is statistically significant at the 95% confidence level. Since
the outcome and the explanatory variables are in logarithms, the
coefficient can be read as elasticity (a one percent increase in
the explanatory variable is associated to a percentage increase in
the outcome of the magnitude of the coefficient). In other words, if
we have two individuals, A and B, with similar demographic and
socioeconomic characteristics, these models predict that if individual A has 10% higher score in knowledge of pharmaceuticals than
individual B, then individual A will also have 3.4e3.9% higher score
in knowledge of medicinal plants than individual B. Strikingly, this
result is contrary to our prediction of a negative association
between knowledge of medicinal plants and knowledge of pharmaceuticals. The association disappears when we instrument
knowledge of pharmaceuticals (regression IV, V, VI).
In all the models (IeVI) we also found a positive and statistically significant association between knowledge of medicinal
plants and age. In these regressions, the coefficient for age is about
0.01. This means that the average informant would have about
1.0% higher score of knowledge of medicinal plants than an
informant with the same characteristics and one year younger.
126
Mean
2388
Std dev
3319
Min
0
Max
Cronbach’s alpha
92.1
1
12
2
21000
A considerable effect, as assuming a linear association, the model
would then predict that an average 60 years old person would
have about 40% more knowledge of medicinal plants than a 20
years old average informant.
Use of medicinal plants
The regressions in Table 4 resemble those from Table 3 except
that we include the use of medicinal plants as the outcome variable
and the use of pharmaceuticals as the explanatory variable. In the
first three models, without instrumental variables, we found that
use of pharmaceuticals bore a positive and statistically significant
association with the use of medicinal plants. More specifically,
a 10% increase in the use of pharmaceuticals is associated with
a 5.1e5.9% increase in our measure of use of medicinal plants.
Similar to what we found for the knowledge of medicinal plants,
the sign of the association is contrary to what we expected. In the
three instrumental variable regressions (Model IV, V and VI) the
association between the use of medicinal plants and the use of
pharmaceuticals losses its significance after we instrument use of
pharmaceuticals with maternal knowledge of pharmaceuticals.
Similar to the models in Table 3, age is positively associated with
the use of medicinal plants. The models predict that the average
informant’s score of use of medicinal plants would increase
between 1 and 1.3% for every year of age.
Table 2
Testing the adequacy of maternal knowledge of pharmaceuticals as instrumental variable for own knowledge of pharmaceuticals and own use of pharmaceuticals. Columns
IeVIII corresponds to the regressions run. Coefficient values of the regression equation are shown in the cells.
Dependent variables (in natural logarithm)
I
II
Knowledge of
medicinal plants
Explanatory variables:
Instrumental variable
Maternal knowledge of
pharmaceuticals (raw value)
Controls
Age
Sex
Observations
R-square
III
IV
Use of medicinal plants
0.085
0.085
0.130
0.005
0.014
130
0.0203
0.005
X
130
0.0201
0.012**
0.093
128
0.0899
0.135
0.012***
X
128
0.0838
V
VI
Knowledge of
pharmaceuticals
0.199***
0.011***
0.070
130
0.1649
VII
VIII
Use of pharmaceuticals
0.195***
0.012***
X
130
0.1614
*** and ** significant at 1% and 5%. Regressions are Ordinary Least Square linear regressions with robust standard errors.
0.244***
0.002
0.061
126
0.1043
0.246***
0.002
X
126
0.1006
934
P. Giovannini et al. / Social Science & Medicine 72 (2011) 928e936
Table 3
Regression results. Columns I to VI corresponds to the regressions run. Coefficient values of the regression equation are shown in the cells. A cell with X means that the variable
was intentionally excluded from the regression.
Dependent variable ¼ Knowledge of medicinal plants (in natural logarithm)
Regressions
I
II
III
IV
V
VI
Explanatory variable
Pharmaceuticals knowledge (in logarithms)
0.387***
0.332***
0.342***
0.429
0.285
0.329
Control variables
Age (years)
Male (dummy, male ¼ 1)
Schooling (Years)
Spanish (0,1 or 2)
Income (1 unit ¼ 10000 Mx pesos)
IV (mother knowledge of pharmaceuticals)
R-square
Observations
0.010***
0.015
X
X
X
No
0.1796
136
0.011***
0.018
0.009
0.070
X
No
0.1876
133
0.011***
0.008
0.010
0.076
0.086
No
0.2153
125
0.010**
0.015
X
X
X
Yes
0.1806
130
0.010***
0.027
0.009
0.077
X
Yes
0.1871
128
0.010**
0.006
0.007
0.081
0.112
Yes
0.2168
121
*** and ** significant at 1% and 5%. Regressions are Ordinary Least Square linear regressions with robust standard errors.
Schooling bore a significant negative association with the use of
medicinal plants in all the models. The coefficients of the association range from 0.048 to 0.060. Therefore, the models predict
that every year of school completed is associated with a 4.8e6.0%
lower score on the test for use of medicinal plants. Accordingly, an
individual who completed secondary school (nine years of school)
would have 43.2e54% lower score on the use of medicinal plants
than an individual with no formal education. In other words, we
found that schooling is associated with a decrease of use of
medicinal plants.
Robustness
To test the robustness of our results, we ran the regressions in
Tables 3 and 4 with the following changes (results not shown): (1)
we used knowledge of the folk name of the medicinal plants as
a measure of knowledge of medicinal plants and knowledge of
commercial name of the pharmaceuticals as measure of the
knowledge of pharmaceuticals, (2) we used the raw scores of
knowledge and use of medicines instead of logarithms, (3) we
added to each regression, separately, control variables for household size, a measure of belief of supernatural causes of illness
(number of visits to a traditional healer in the last year) and
a measure of migration (years lived outside of the Sierra Mazateca).
In all of the robustness tests, the sign, magnitude, and significance
of the associations between the explanatory variable and the
outcome resemble those presented in Tables 3 and 4.
Discussion and conclusion
The first important finding of this study is the significant positive associations between an individual’s knowledge of medicinal
plants and the same individual’s knowledge of pharmaceuticals, as
well as between her use of medicinal plants and her use of
pharmaceuticals.
The finding suggests that in the study area laypeople who know
and use more medicinal plants also know and use more pharmaceuticals, and vice versa.
To better understand this finding we should look at how Mazatecs perceive the two types of medicine and how this perception
influences their therapeutic behavior. To Mazatecs, medicine is used
in order to fight illness, or its ultimate causes, and to stop the
progression to death and restore health. Therapy and treatment are
active processes that people carry out against illness. Although
Mazatecs distinguish at a cognitive level between medicinal plants
(Xka-Xki) and “medicine from the shop” (Xki-tienda) our ethnographic data suggest that use of both types of medicines is not
guided by this distinction but rather by perceived efficacy, cost, and
access of the medicines. Indeed, self-treatment is the most common
therapeutic choice among Mazatecs and the concomitant and
complementary use of medicinal plants and pharmaceutical is
widespread, also to treat the same conditions. In fact, Mazatecs tend
first to use medicinal plants to treat an illness perceived as common
and curable. Then, if the patient does not respond to treatment, they
Table 4
Regression results. Columns I to VI corresponds to the regressions run. Coefficient values of the regression equation are shown in the cells. A cell with X means that the variable
was excluded from the regression.
Dependent variable ¼ use of medicinal plants (in natural logarithm)
Regressions
I
II
III
IV
V
VI
Explanatory variable
Use of pharmaceuticals (in logarithms)
0.513***
0.588***
0.585***
0.632
0.678
0.790
Control variables
Age (years)
Male (dummy, male ¼ 1)
Schooling (years)
Spanish (0,1 or 2)
Income (1 unit ¼ 10000 Mx pesos)
IV (maternal knowledge of pharmaceuticals)
R-square
Observations
0.013***
0.060
X
X
X
No
0.257
129
0.011***
0.090
0.050***
0.011
X
No
0.2877
128
0.011***
0.105
0.048***
0.030
0.003
No
0.288
122
0.013***
0.060
X
X
X
Yes
0.2454
124
0.010**
0.102
0.056**
0.004
X
Yes
0.2826
123
0.011**
0.113
0.060**
0.004
0.001
Yes
0.2635
118
*** and ** significant at 1% and 5%. Regressions are Ordinary Least Square linear regressions with robust standard errors.
P. Giovannini et al. / Social Science & Medicine 72 (2011) 928e936
use pharmaceuticals. In other words, medicinal plant and pharmaceuticals are seen, and used, as options of the same health care
system in the study site (Giovannini & Heinrich, 2009).
This finding dovetails with previous research emphasizing the
complementarities of traditional medicine and biomedicine as
available health care options (Kleinman, 1980; Leslie, 1980;
Worsley, 1982).Furthermore, it dovetails with Mexico’s long
history of medical pluralism. During the colonial period many
indigenous cosmological beliefs about health and sickness were
lost or transformed by missionary activity. However, the Spanish
were greatly interested in the medicinal plants of the New World
and incorporated many indigenous medicinal plants into colonial
medicine (Ortiz De Montellano, 1990). Likewise, European materia
medica was added to indigenous pharmacopoeias. In modern times,
the use of the same medicinal plants (both introduced and native
species) for related disease conditions is common among Mexican
mestizos and Mexican Americans, as well as numerous indigenous
Mexican groups (Heinrich, Ankli, Frei, Weimann, & Sticher, 1998;
Kay, 1977). The acceptance of pharmaceuticals among the Mazatecs may thus, be interpreted as part of the continuing adoption of
new medicines into indigenous Mexican pharmacopoeias, which
has been documented since colonial times.
Our second important finding is that the estimated association between knowledge of medicinal plants and knowledge of
pharmaceuticals, as well as between use of medicinal plants and
use of pharmaceuticals, disappears after we control for endogeneity. This finding suggests that these associations are not causal
but rather may reflect the role of third unobserved variables. We
suggest that potential third unobserved variables are an individual’s interest in medicine and/or frequency of self-medication.
Indeed, ethnographic evidence suggests that Mazatecs recognize
that among laypeople there are some individuals that hold more
medical knowledge than others. It is possible that these individuals had more exposure to medical knowledge in their
household or that they become responsible for the health of
other members of their household. These individuals have more
interest in medical knowledge than others, and e pragmatically
e this interest encompasses knowledge and use of both medicinal plants and pharmaceuticals, provided that the Mazatecs
consider those two types of medicines as useful and efficacious in
maintaining or restoring health. For example, one informant
explained that her father was a traditional healer and that he
taught her how to use both medicinal plants and pharmaceuticals. Again, this suggests that Mazatecs see medicinal plants and
pharmaceuticals as options of the same health care system in the
study site.
One should note that while our findings indicate that medicinal
plants and pharmaceuticals are co-existing, they do not exclude the
possibility that knowledge of medicinal plants may have changed
or transformed in the last decades. On the contrary, it is possible
that with the increasing migration outside the region some new
knowledge about medicinal plants has been added and other
knowledge may have been lost.
Our third finding, that schooling has a negative association
with the use of medicinal plants, suggests that the social organization of the Mazatecs is of particular significance concerning the
erosion of the knowledge and use medicinal plants. Previous
research on the effect of schooling on traditional ecological
knowledge, including knowledge of medicinal plants, shows that
the two are often negatively associated, especially if schools
curricula are not contextualized (Quinlan & Quinlan, 2007; ReyesGarcía et al., 2010; Sternberg et al., 2001). Indeed, in the study site,
school curricula are poorly adapted to the rural context and the
teachers are often coming from more urbanized areas. For
example, the secondary school uses a system of via satellite
935
distance education, which broadcasts the same curricula for all
rural communities in Mexico, and the textbooks included culturally inappropriate content such as, for example, an English text
about the life of a US millionaire.
Some authors suggest that children attending school have less
time to learn empirical ecological knowledge (Reyes-García et al.,
2010; Sternberg et al., 2001). It is possible that as younger generations are acculturated by state-run institutions (i.e. schools)
a growing dependence on professional medical services may
potentiate a decline in the use of home remedies of both traditional
and biomedical origin. In other words, the increased exposure to
global capitalist culture (including its highly professionalized
biomedical system) and decreased contact with the local environment due to attending state-run schools could ultimately lead to
a re-organization of the way medical knowledge is distributed and
healthcare is provided in a community.
One last finding deserves attention. We found that age is
positively associated with both knowledge and use of medicinal
plants. The finding is in agreement with previous empirical
research on traditional ecological knowledge (Phillips & Gentry,
1993; Voeks, 2007). The association does not necessarily imply
an on-going loss of knowledge between generations. Rather, it can
be explained by the fact that people continue learning about
medicinal plants during their lifetime and as a consequence their
knowledge and use about them increases (Quinlan & Quinlan,
2007). It is also possible that the observed association is caused
by the fact that when people get older they are more likely to get
ill and/or become responsible for the health of other members of
the household, so they acquire more knowledge on medicinal
plants and pharmaceuticals.
In conclusion, our study suggests that, at individual level,
knowledge and use of medicinal plants and pharmaceuticals coexist. We did not find evidence of competition between these two
systems of knowledge and practice. Future studies on the relationships between knowledge of medicinal plants and pharmaceuticals should:
1) include a measurement of general interest on medical knowledge as a whole rather than separating interest toward traditional medicine and biomedicine
2) include instrumental variables to distinguish between real
causality and the effect of omitted variable bias (see the
estimation strategy section)
3) address social factors (like schooling) in more detail.
Effective policy to improve health care systems should consider
the contemporaneous and integrated use of traditional medicine
and biomedicine as part of a continuum range of available options
for self-medication. Finally, policy makers and researchers should
also consider the potential physiological interactions between the
concomitant use of plants and pharmaceuticals.
Acknowledgments
We express our profound gratitude to any Mazatec people,
especially to the inhabitants of the community where this
research was conducted. Thanks to Laurecio López Nuñez and
Enriqueta Martinez Murillo from CECIPROC. Thanks to Marco
Antonio Vásquez from I.T.V.O. in Oaxaca, Mexico. Thanks to
Miguel A. Martínez Alfaro, Abigail Aguilar, Alberto Ysunza Ogazón, Silvia Diaz-Urdanivia for help during the fieldwork period.
Thanks to the director of the MEXU Gerardo A. Salazar and to all
the staff for help and technical assistance to identify voucher
specimens. Thanks to five anonymous reviewers that helped to
improve this paper.
936
P. Giovannini et al. / Social Science & Medicine 72 (2011) 928e936
Appendix 1
List of the plant species selected for the survey to assess
knowledge of medicinal plants
Medicinal plants used in the survey
Ageratum corymbosum Zuccagni
Bursera simaruba (L.) Sarg.
Cedrela odorata L.
Phlebodium areolatum (Humb. & Bompl. Ex Willd) J. Sm.
Abelmoschus moschatus Medik.
Croton draco Schltdl. & Cham.
Eupatorium morifolium Mill.
Matricaria recutita L.
Neurolaena macrocephala Sch. Bip. Ex Hemsl.
Solenostenom scutellarioides L.
Persea americana Mill.
Pilea microphylla (L.) Liebm.
Trimezia steyermarkii R.C. Foster
Tournefortia glabra L.
Valeriana scandens L.
Appendix 2
List of pharmaceuticals used during the survey to assess
knowledge of pharmaceuticals.
Pharmaceuticals selected for the survey
NEO-MELUBRINAÒ
666Ò
Penicilina
MetronidazolÒ
Ampicilina
AspirinaÒ
Bicarbonato
Cafi-AspirinaÒ
MejoralÒ
MertiolateÒ
MicotexÒ
PenprocilinaÒ
RespicilÒ
Pepto-bismolÒ
References
Ackerknecht, E. (1942). Problems of primitive medicine. Bulletin of the History of
Medicine, 11, 503e521.
Angoff, W. H., & Schrader, W. B. (1984). A study of hypotheses basic to the use of
rights and formula scores. Journal of Educational Measurement, 21(1), 1e17.
Angrist, J. D., & Krueger, A. B. (2001). Instrumental variables and the search for
identification: from supply and demand to natural experiments. Journal of
Economic Perspectives, 15(4), 69e85.
Berlin, B. (1992). Ethnobiological classification: Principles of categorization of plants
and animals in traditional societies. Princeton: Princeton University Press.
Berlin, E.-A., & Berlin, B. (2005). Some field methods in medical ethnobiology. Field
Methods, 17(3), 235e268.
Bland, J. M., & Altman, D. G. (1997). Statistics notes: Cronbach’s alpha. British
Medical Journal, 314, 572.
Boege, E. (1988). Los Mazatecos ante la nación. Mexico, D.F.: Siglo Veintiuno Editores.
Boster, J. (1985). Requiem for the omniscient informant: There’s life in the old girl
yet. In J. Dugherty (Ed.), Directions in cognitive anthropology (pp. 177e197).
Urbana: University of Illinois Press.
Byg, A., Salick, J., & Law, W. (2010). Medicinal plant knowledge among lay people in
five eastern Tibet villages. Human Ecology, 38(2), 177e191.
Cabrera, A., Inchaustegui, C., Garcia, A., & Toledeo, V. (2001). Etnoecologia Mazateca:
una approcimacion al complejo cosmus-corpus-praxis. Etnoecologica, 6, 61e83.
Calvet-Mir, L., Reyes-García, V., & Tanner, S. (2008). Is there a divide between local
medicinal knowledge and Western medicine? A case study among native
Amazonians in Bolivia. Journal of Ethnobiology and Ethnomedicine, 4, 18.
Caniago, I., & Siebert, S. F. (1998). Medicinal plant ecology, knowledge and
conservation in Kalimantan, Indonesia 1. Economic Botany, 52(3), 229e250.
Carranza, R. (2005). Vademecum Academico de Medicamentos. Mexico D.F:
McGrawHill. Facultad de Medicina UNAM.
Deaton, A. (1997). The analysis of household surveys. Microeconomic analysis for
development policy. Baltimore: John Hopkins University Press.
Etkin, N., Ross, P., & Muazzamu, I. (1990). The indigenization of pharmaceuticals:
therapeutic transitions in rural Hausaland. Social Science & Medicine, 30(8),
919e928.
Foster, G., & Anderson, B. (1978). Medical anthropology. New York: John Wiley and
Sons.
Giovannini, P., & Heinrich, M. (2009). Xki yoma’ (our medicine) and xki tienda
(patent medicine)-interface between traditional and modern medicine among
the Mazatecs of Oaxaca, Mexico. Journal of Ethnopharmacology, 121(3),
383e399.
Heinrich, M., Ankli, A., Frei, B., Weimann, C., & Sticher, O. (1998). Medicinal plants in
Mexico: healers’ consensus and cultural importance. Social Science & Medicine,
47(11), 1863e1875.
Hoa, N. P., Chuc, N. T., & Thorson, A. (2009). Knowledge, attitudes, and practices
about tuberculosis and choice of communication channels in a rural community
in Vietnam. Health Policy, 90, 8e12.
Kay, M. A. (1977). The Florilegio medicinal: source of southwest ethnomedicine.
Ethnohistory, 24(3), 251e259.
Kleinman, A. (1980). Patients and healers in the context of culture: An exploration
between anthropology, medicine and psychiatry. Berkeley: University of California Press.
Leslie, C. (1980). Medical pluralism in world perspective. Social Science & Medicine.
Part B: Medical Anthropology, 14(4), 191e195.
Martin, G. (2004). Ethnobotany. A methods manual. London: Chapman and Hall.
Muela, S. H., Ribera, J. M., Mushi, A. K., & Tanner, M. (2002). Medical syncretism with
reference to malaria in a Tanzanian community. Social Science & Medicine, 55(3),
403e413.
Ngokwey, N. (1995). Home remedies and doctors remedies in Feira (Brazil). Social
Science & Medicine, 40(8), 1141e1153.
Ortiz De Montellano, B. (1990). Aztec medicine, health, and nutrition. New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press.
Phillips, O., & Gentry, A. (1993). The useful plants of Tambopata, Peru: II. Additional
hypothesis testing in quantitative ethnobotany. Economic Botany, 47(1), 33e43.
Quinlan, M. B., & Quinlan, R. J. (2007). Modernization and medicinal plant knowledge in a Caribbean horticultural village. Medical Anthropology, 21(2), 169e192.
Ragupathy, S., Steven, N. G., Maruthakkutti, M., Velusamy, B., & Ul-Huda, M. M.
(2008). Consensus of the ‘Malasars’ traditional aboriginal knowledge of
medicinal plants in the Velliangiri holy hills, India. Journal of Ethnobiology and
Ethnomedicine, 4, 8.
Reyes-García, V., Godoy, R., Vadez, V., Apaza, L., Byron, E., Huanca, T., et al. (2003).
Ethnobotanical knowledge shared widely among Tsimane’ Amerindians,
Bolivia. Science, 299(5613), 1707.
Reyes-García, V., Kightley, E., Ruiz-Mallén, I., Fuentes-Peláez, N., Demps, K.,
Huanca, T., et al. (2010). Schooling and local environmental knowledge: do they
complement or substitute each other? International Journal of Educational
Development, 30(3), 305e313.
Saethre, E. J. (2007). Conflicting traditions, concurrent treatment: medical pluralism
in remote aboriginal Australia. Oceania, 77(1), 95e110.
Scrimshaw, M., & Cosminsky, S. (1980). Medical pluralism on a Guatemalan plantation. Social Science & Medicine. Part B: Medical Anthropology, 14(4), 267e278.
Spring, A. (1980). Faith and participation in traditional versus cosmopolitan medical
systems in Northwest Zambia. Anthropological Quarterly, 53(2), 130e141.
Sternberg, R., Nokes, C., Geissler, P., Prince, R., Okatcha, F., Bundy, D., et al. (2001).
The relationship between academic and practical intelligence: a case study in
Kenya. Intelligence, 29, 401e418.
Swiss Pharmaceutical Society. (2004). Index Nominum. International drug directory.
Stuttgart: Medpharm Scientific publishers.
UNAM. (2007). Dicionario de especialidades farmaceuticas. Mexico D.F.: Facultad de
Medicina UNAM.
Vandebroek, I., Calewaert, J., De jonckheere, S., Sanca, S., Semo, L., Van Damme, P.,
et al. (2004). Use of medicinal plants and pharmaceuticals by indigenous
communities in the Bolivian Andes and Amazon. Bulletin of the World Health
Organization, 82(4), 243e250.
Voeks, R. A. (2007). Are women reservoirs of traditional plant knowledge? Gender,
ethnobotany and globalization in northeast Brazil. Singapore Journal of Tropical
Geography, 28(1), 7e20.
WHO. (2008). Traditional medicine. Fact sheet N 134. Geneva: WHO. http://www.
who.int/mediacentre/factsheets/fs134/en/print.html Retrieved from.
Worsley, P. (1982). Non-western medical systems. Annual Review of Anthropology, 11
(1), 315e348.