REPRESENTATIONS, SIGNS AND SYMBOLS. PROCEEDINGS OF THE SYMPOSIUM ON RELIGION AND MAGIC

RepResentations, signs and symbols RepResentations, signs and symbols Proceedings of the Symposium on Religion and magic Editors: Nicolae Cătălin Rişcuţa Iosif Vasile Ferencz Oana Tutilă Bărbat Editura Mega │ Cluj-Napoca │ 2015 Editors: Nicolae Cătălin Rişcuţa, Iosif Vasile Ferencz, Oana Tutilă Bărbat Review: Oana Tutilă Bărbat, Iosif Vasile Ferencz, Nicolae Cătălin Rişcuţa, Cătălin Cristescu Layout: Oana Tutilă Bărbat Cover Design: Oana Tutilă Bărbat, Nicolae Cătălin Rişcuţa (Front Cover: Clay Hands from Vlaha, Cluj County; photo: Mihaela Savu) The authors are responsable for the contents. Descrierea CIP a Bibliotecii Naţionale a României REPRESENTATIONS, SIGNS AND SYMBOLS. Simpozion naţional ( 2014 ; Deva) Representations, signs and symbols : proceedings of the symposium on religion and magic : Deva, 27-29 martie 2014 / coord.: Nicolae Cătălin Rişcuţa, Iosif Vasile Ferencz, Oana Tutilă Bărbat. - Cluj-Napoca : Mega, 2015 Bibliogr. ISBN 978-606-543-579-7 I. Rişcuţa, Nicolae Cătălin (coord.) II. Ferencz, Iosif Vasile (coord.) III. Tutilă Bărbat, Oana (coord.) 902 DTP: Crina Sincovici e-mail: mega@edituramega.ro www.edituramega.ro Contents Selena Vitezović Animal Symbolism in Starčevo Culture 7 Tünde Horváth The Mask Illusion from the Late Copper Age Site at Balatonőszöd 25 Corneliu Beldiman, Dan-Lucian Buzea, Diana-Maria Sztancs, Björn Briewig Symbolic Red Deer Antler Artefacts in the Wietenberg Culture Area. Zoomorphic Plate Discovered at Şoimeni, Harghita County 43 Antoniu Marc, Ioana Barbu, Cristina Bodó, Marius Barbu Representation and Symbol Reflected by Two Bronze Age Artefacts from Uroi – Sigheti (Hunedoara County) 81 Corneliu Beldiman, Marius Barbu, Diana-Maria Sztancs, Mihaela Maria Barbu Bronze Age Artefacts Made of Perforated Shells Discovered in a Ritual Complex from Transylvania 93 Cristian Schuster Religion and Magic of the Bronze Age Communities between the Carpathian Mountains and the Danube River (the Tei Culture). Some Possible Proves 115 Nicolae Cătălin Rişcuţa, Antoniu Tudor Marc Cultic Discoveries from Late Bronze Age Settlement from Şoimuş – Teleghi (Hunedoara County) 139 Mihaela Savu, Florin Gogâltan Exploring the Fields of Ritual and Symbolism. A Late Bronze Age Discovery from Vlaha, Cluj County 171 Cristian Ioan Popa Representation of a Keftiu Type Ingot on a Bronze Belt Plate from Transylvania and Its Connections 187 Gábor Ilon Customized Sacrificial Semiotics? The Motifs of a Sword Unearthed in Hajdúböszörmény and Its Analogies in Western Hungary: Csönge 215 Nona Palincaş A Women-Related Ritual in Early Iron Age Popeşti (Southeast Romania, 9th Century BCE) 247 Aurel Rustoiu, Sándor Berecki The Magic of Sounds. A Ceramic Rattle from the La Tène Grave No. 1 at Fântânele – Dâmbu Popii and Its Functional and Symbolic Significance 259 Iosif Vasile Ferencz Signs and Marks of Personal Identity Worn between the Two Worlds in Transylvania in the Early and Middle of the Second Iron Age 275 Ioan Alexandru Bărbat, Oana Tutilă Bărbat, Cristina Maria Mitar A Kernos Vessel from Uroi – Pod Mureş (Hunedoara County) and the Problem of a Ritual Pit 289 Silvia Mustaţă Pouring the Water, Offering the Wine. Instrumenta Sacra Depicted on Votive Altars from Roman Dacia 317 Dávid Petruţ Aspects of Military Cult Practice in Roman Dacia. The Case of a Possible Miniature Votive Offering from the Fort at Buciumi in Dacia Porolissensis 337 Silviu Oţa Rings Decorated with Anthropomorphic Representations (11th–12th centuries) 345 Alexandru Gh. Sonoc A Chinese Charm with Erotic Renderings from the Collection of the Brukenthal National Museum and Its Cultural and Historical Meaning 357 Abbreviations 373 Animal Symbolism in Starčevo Culture Selena Vitezović Archaeological Institute Belgrade, SERBIA selenavitezovic@gmail.com Keywords: animal symbolism, antlers, horns, Early and Middle Neolithic, Starčevo culture Abstract: For every human settlement, the environment has a very important role, not just in economic aspects, but also in social and cultural life. The perception of both the natural landscape and the animal world has a notable impact on economy and culture, and the animal world has a particularly significant part in creating cosmologies and belief systems. Despite the long tradition of studying diverse ritual and symbolic aspects in prehistoric archaeology, and although there is a large amount of data from ethnography on the animal symbolism in numerous pre-modern and modern cultures all over the globe, animal symbolism in prehistoric societies is still not sufficiently explored. Despite recent advances in widening the theoretical frameworks, animals are still predominantly analysed through their economic role. In this paper, some of the aspects of the animal symbolism in Early/Middle Neolithic Starčevo culture will be explored, in particular those of two animal species: cattle and deer. INTRODUCTION For every human settlement, its environment has a very important role, not just in economic aspects, but also in social and cultural life. Environment is a meaningful part of the world people inhabit and ‘natural things’ such as animals, plants and topography should be included into studies of past societies1. The perception of both the natural landscape and the animal world has a notable impact on economy and culture, and the animal world, in particular, has a significant role in creating cosmologies and belief systems. Archaeology has a long tradition in studying diverse ritual and symbolic aspects of prehistoric societies, but the animal world was predominantly analysed through its economic perspective. The increasing importance of interdisciplinary studies since the 1960’s led to major advances in faunal studies, which were generally focused on reconstructing hunting strategies, processes of animal domestication, methods of exploiting animals etc., and far less attention has been paid to the symbolic role that animals played in ancient societies2. Despite a large amount of data from ethnography on animal symbolism in numerous pre-modern and modern cultures all over the globe3, animal symbolism in prehistoric societies is still not sufficiently explored4. Although recent advances in widening the theoretical frameworks, animal environment is still usually seen just as the source of food, and even zoomorphic imagery is interpreted as being directly linked to the importance of represented animals in the diet. 1 2 3 4 Cf. TAYLOR, ELLIOTT 2010. CRABTREE, RYAN 1995, p. 7, see also HILL 2014. Here it will be enough to mention works of Claude Lévi-Strauss, especially influential Le Totemisme aujourd’hui and his famous citation on animals “good to think”: “Les espèces sont choisies non commes bonnes à manger, mais comme bonnes à penser.” For a list of references of most important works, cf. JONES 1998, p. 303–305. See also HILL 2014, p. 266 ff. Representations, Signs and Symbols, 2014 / p. 7–24 8 / Selena Vitezović The changes in theoretical approaches with the post-processual critique re-introduced investigations of past belief systems. In the past two decades or so, numerous studies devoted to animal symbolism and human-animal relations appeared5. In fact, the “social zooarchaeology”6, as a concept that focuses on the interpretation of human-animal relations, is more and more widespread. However, sometimes both the symbolic and economic approaches take animals as emblematic of either as object or as food. Furthermore, these approaches tend to use animals as a mirror and a window that offers insight into human society, implying that animals are passive objects of human activity, rather than active subjects or agents in their own right7. Animal motifs may be related in part to ecological conditions and subsistence strategies, however, this link may not always be straightforward; the economically most important animal is not necessarily the most significant one in rituals, and vice versa, abundant evidence of the symbolic value of a certain animal does not always imply it having a prominent economic role. Perceptions of animals are dynamic and reflect the attitudes of the people as the animals themselves evolve within their environment; the conceptualisations/ perceptions that are attributed to an animal surely echo something of the value the animal has, be that as a commodity or otherwise8. ANIMALS IN STARČEVO CULTURE Early and Middle Neolithic in the central Balkans is represented by Starčevo culture, part of the Starčevo-Körös-Criş cultural complex9. Starčevo communities were the earliest agricultural communities in this region. They practiced farming and animal breeding, and hunting and herding were also important activities10. With Starčevo culture, domestic animals are being introduced for the first time into the central Balkans area11. The introduction of agriculture not only brought in new plant and animal species, but it changed the mode of exploitation of some animals, and had large impact on the entire system of supply with food and raw materials of animal origin. The change of animals’ role in economy is tightly linked with the change of the perception of animals and their role in social and cultural life; the two are mutually dependent12. At the eponymous site of Starčevo-Grad, situated on the banks of the Danube in the vicinity of Belgrade, domestic animals constituted about 65% of the fauna – domestic cattle were the most numerous (about 66% of domestic fauna), ovicaprines comprised up to 30%, and were followed by domestic pig and dog. Large wild animals comprised approximately 33% of the fauna: wild pig 26%, red deer 28%, and aurochs 10%. (However, if we count in the remains of what was identified just as Sus sp. and Bos sp., then pigs are dominant with about 40%, while red deer and Bos were more-less equally presented with about 30%). Also, Equus przewalski, badger, otter and some other carnivores and rodents were found in small numbers, and also fish, birds and mollusc shells. The most important animal were Bos, both wild (Bos primigenius) and domestic (Bos taurus), and pigs. Low number of domestic pigs is explained by environmental conditions which favoured hunting of wild pigs13. At Ludaš-Budžak, in Vojvodina, domestic animals were predominant, about 80%: mainly ovicaprines (68%), followed by cattle (10%), and pigs, dogs, red deer, aurochs, roe deer were discovered in small percentage, as well as fish and birds14. 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 Cf. papers in RYAN, CRABTREE 1995; INGOLD 1995; PLUSKOWSKI 2005; WILLIS 2005; also RUSSELL 1999; MARCINIAK 2005; OMA 2007. Cf. MARCINIAK 2005; RUSSELL 2012. OMA 2007, p. 57. SEETAH 2005, p. 6. Cf. ARANĐELOVIĆ-GARAŠANIN 1954; GARAŠANIN 1973; for latest AMS dates see WHITTLE ET AL 2002. Cf. GREENFIELD 2008. Except for dog, domesticated locally during the Mesolithic period – cf. BÖKÖNYI 1975. SEETAH 2005, p. 6 CLASON 1982. BÖKÖNYI 1974, p. 436. Animal Symbolism in Starčevo Culture / 9 Also in Vojvodina region is the site of Donja Branjevina, where the faunal analysis, performed on the material from three trenches, showed the predominance of domestic species, with approx. 66%. Among domestic species, most numerous were ovicaprines, which took almost 50% of the total fauna, followed by cattle (15%). Pigs and dogs were noted in small percentages. Among wild species, most numerous were aurochs, followed by red and roe deer. Fish, birds, molluscs and turtles were also noted in considerable quantities15. Domestic fauna was also predominant at Divostin, in Pomoravlje region, with over 90%: Bos taurus was the most common with 47%, followed by ovicaprines (41%), and in smaller numbers domestic and wild pig, red deer, aurochs, dogs were also discovered16. In the Iron Gates area, the preliminary analysis at Ušće Kameničkog Potoka, done by S. Bökönyi, showed the predominance of wild fauna, mainly wild pigs and red deer; goats, cattle, fish and birds were also present17. Faunal record from Hajdučka Vodenica was analysed by H. Greenfield, and the predominance of Cervus elaphus was noted (over 50% of NISP), followed by domestic pigs and domestic cattle18. Although the analyses of faunal records from Starčevo culture sites were not systematic and differ in quality (sample bias is present at all sites, since the material is rarely sieved and, at some sites, probably selectively collected and preserved), it may be observed that domestic cattle, aurochs, ovicaprines, wild and domestic pig and red deer were present at all sites, sometimes also roe deer, small carnivores, etc. The percentage of different animals varies from site to site (due to different environmental conditions, but also due to diverse economy and perhaps even local preferences), so we may note that cattle were most numerous at Divostin, ovicaprines at Ludaš-Budžak, and wild and domestic pigs at Starčevo. Fishing and fowling are confirmed for Starčevo and Donja Branjevina, both in marshy surrounding. Keeping in mind that the presence and relative percentages of fish and bird remains are largely dependent on recovery methods, we may assume that fishing and fowling were not rarely practised activities, although their importance was probably mainly linked with environmental conditions. Many of these animals, apart from their economic role, may have had a “special” meaning in worldview. Archaeological data are richest for the symbolic meaning of two of them, Bos and deer, and include figurative representations, use of their skeletal elements as raw materials and use as “special” depositions19. FIGURATIVE REPRESENTATIONS Although present at numerous sites throughout the Neolithic and Chalcolithic in Southeastern Europe and Near East, zoomorphic figurines usually receive less attention than aesthetically often more attractive anthropomorphic ones. This may be because they are often quite simple in form and rarely represent what is usually considered to be “prehistoric art”; also, their simple form rarely allows identification of the species, therefore rendering the interpretation more difficult. Zoomorphic figurines in the Starčevo culture were not found in large number, yet they are present on numerous sites – Grivac20, Divostin21, Knjepište22, Blagotin23, etc. (Fig. 1). 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 BLAŽIĆ 2005, p. 74–76. BÖKÖNYI 1988. STANKOVIĆ 1986. GREENFIELD 2008. Other species, surely, also had a certain symbolic role and value, however, they will not be examined here because of scarce and ambiguous data. BOGDANOVIĆ 2004, Fig. 6.3. LETICA 1988. STANKOVIĆ 1990; STANKOVIĆ 1992. NIKOLIĆ, ZEČEVIĆ 2001. 10 / Selena Vitezović 0 4cm Fig. 1. Bovine figurines from Knjepište (Iron Gates) (after STANKOVIĆ 1990). They are made from clay, often from clay with admixtures, with rough surfaces, rarely polished or with decoration, usually simple in form. Usually, they just represent some quadruped animal, sometimes with distinctive features such as horns, antlers, or muzzle, and animals identified include bull, deer, goats, sheep, pigs and hybrid animals24. Cattle presentations are the most common and at the same time easiest for species identification, thanks to the plastically modelled horns. Sometimes, heads were not even modelled, with horns coming directly from the body25. At Divostin, for example, several zoomorphic figurines were found, generally representing fourlegged animals with cylindrical bodies and short conical legs. Most of them are fragmented, but when the heads are preserved, these are predominantly large horned animals, most likely cattle. Several of them were discovered within huts26. Similar simple small quadruped clay figurines with plastically modelled horns are known from numerous Early/Middle Neolithic sites in Southeastern Europe. From Körös culture, sites Endröd 3/3927, Endröd 3/4528 may be mentioned. At Rakitovo in Bulgaria, zoomorphic figurines with conical projections, probably representing horns, were discovered, and also one zoomorphic vessel in the shape of a bull29. Deer representations are known from Banja and Donja Branjevina30. From Donja Branjevina also comes one zoomorphic vessel or altar – animal with container on the back – that represents either a red deer, or chamois31. One zoomorphic vessel, presenting some deer-like animal, comes from the Early Neolithic site of Muldava in Bulgaria32. Figurines probably representing red deer were also noted on Körös site of 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 Cf. STANKOVIĆ1990; STANKOVIĆ 1992. STANKOVIĆ 1990. LETICA 1988, p. 174–177, Fig. 7.2. MAKKAY 2007, p. 108, Fig. 65. MAKKAY 2007, p. 190. MATSANOVA 1996, tab. 7, 8. STANKOVIĆ 1992. KARMANSKI 2005, p. 39, Fig. 30. НИКОЛОВ 2006, Fig. 105. Animal Symbolism in Starčevo Culture / 11 Endröd 3/4533. One of the famous presentations of a deer, with large antlers, is on a pot from Körös site of Csépa34, and deer antlers are visible on several other fragments of Körös pottery35. Another figurative representation characteristic for Starčevo culture are small clay objects, socalled amulets in the shape of bucrania (Fig. 2), also described as “T or Y shaped forms with small horned extensions36” or “eared lobates” and “reel shapes”37. They are known from numerous sites – from Donja Branjevina38, Grivac39, Divostin40, Blagotin41, Ušće Kameničkog Potoka42, Kneževi Vinogradi (Croatia)43. They are predominantly made from clay (stone bucrania are very rare, few are reported from Blagotin44; there is a mention of bone bucrania as well, but they seem to be natural bones, non-modified). They are generally of small dimensions, in range generally from 1.5 cm up to approximately 10 cm45. Fig. 2. Amulets in shape of bucrania, from Ušće Kameničkog Potoka (Iron Gates) (after STANKOVIĆ 1992, t. XXV, XXVI, XXVII and XL). There are two main types, with several variations in shape46. The first type includes variants of oval, circular, elongated or wedge-shaped body with horn-like addings on the upper part (at Divostin, they were classified as bulbous, cylindrical, rectangular and necked47). Rarely, they have decorations in the shape of incised, parallel or zigzag lines48. The second type resembles spools (reel-shapes), 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 MAKKAY 2007, p. 190. KUTZIÁN 1947, t. II/1. KUTZIÁN 1947, t. XVII, XX. VUKOVIĆ 2005, p. 27. MCPHERRON ET AL 1988, p. 325–327, see also Fig. 11.1, 11.3. KARMANSKI 2005, pl. XXII. BOOGDANOVIĆ 2004, Fig. 6.8. MCPHERRON ET AL 1988. STANKOVIĆ 1992; NIKOLIĆ, ZEČEVIĆ 2001; VUKOVIĆ 2005. STANKOVIĆ 1992. RAJKOVIĆ 2004, p. 53, kat. 135, 136. STANKOVIĆ 1992, VUKOVIĆ 2005. Cf. dimensions from Grivac: BOGDANOVIĆ 2004, 136; Blagotin: VUKOVIĆ 2005. CF. STANKOVIĆ 1992. CF. MCPHERRON ET AL 1988, p. 325–327. E. g., KARMANSKI 2005, pl. XXII, 1–3. 12 / Selena Vitezović again with horn-like extensions, and is symmetrical, i.e., the upper and the lower part are more-less identical. Their possible function is difficult to identify, since no traces of use were discovered. They may have been used as tokens and/or amulets49. Also, the context of the finds is unclear in numerous cases, although it seems they are generally discovered within dwellings. At Knjepište, four bucrania were discovered at the bottom of a pit-dwelling50, and one was found on the floor of a dwelling at Ušće Kameničkog Potoka51. The best contextual data come from the site of Blagotin52, where they were connected with dwelling structures, most of them lying at the virgin soil of structure 10 – suggesting a strong link with the house foundations. The bucrania are not specific for Starčevo culture only, but they are also present at other Early/ Middle Neolithic in the region – at sites of Rakitovo53, Belyakovac-Pločite, Džuljunica-Smardeš54, in Bulgaria, at Nea Nikomedeia in Greece55, at Miercurea Sibiului – Petriş56 and Foeni Salaş57 in Romania, at Körös culture sites Endröd 3/3958, Endröd 3/4559 in Hungary etc.60. USE OF SKELETAL ELEMENTS Skeletal elements of diverse animals were used for producing tools, weapons and jewellery: bones, teeth, antlers and mollusc shells. Predominant raw material in osseous industry of Starčevo culture were bones, mainly from ovicaprines and cattle, followed by red and rarely roe deer antlers; teeth from pigs were used for tools and other teeth as jewellery pieces, and mollusc shells occur occasionally as personal ornaments61. The choice of raw material was made after specific physical and mechanical characteristics (for example, metapodial bones for pointed tools, antler for punching tools, etc.), however, cultural preferences also had certain significance62. It may be observed that some of the artefacts, carefully made and in long use, were made from strictly determined skeletal elements. The choice of raw materials for specific items reveals the cultural attitude towards them, furthermore, the level of skill, time and labour invested in some reflect the attitude towards used raw material, people who made them, people who used them and/or tasks they were intended for63. Robert McGhee demonstrated that the choice of raw materials for specific items may have strong links with worldview, animal symbolism and cosmology64, on the case study of Thule culture. Within Starčevo bone industry, artefacts made exclusively from Bos metapodia are particularly interesting: spatula-spoons (Fig. 3) and projectile points65. If we arrange all bone objects from 49 50 51 52 53 54 55 56 57 58 59 60 61 62 63 64 65 For discussion on their possible function and critique to some of the hypotheses, cf. VUKOVIĆ 2005, 34–36; one possible hypothesis on how they may have been carried cf. ELENSKI 2006. STANKOVIĆ 1992, p. 178–179. STANKOVIĆ 1992, p. 178–179. VUKOVIĆ 2005, p. 31–32. MATSANOVA 1996, 124, tab. 9; NIKOLOV 2006, Fig. 11. ELENSKI 2004; ELENSKI 2006; ELENSKI 2008, p. 72, Fig. 48. RODDEN 1962. LUCA ET AL 2008, p. 332, photo 3. CIUBOTARU 1998. MAKKAY 2007, p. 108, Fig. 65. MAKKAY 2007, p. 190. Cf. cited references in VUKOVIĆ 2005, ELENSKI 2004, p. 17–19, LUCA ET AL 2008, p. 332–333, for more details on other finds; see also KALICZ, RACZKY 1981. VITEZOVIĆ 2011a. VITEZOVIĆ 2011a, 343–369; cf. also CHOYKE 2013. Cf. CHOYKE, SCHIBLER 2007. MCGHEE 1977. VITEZOVIĆ 2011a, p. 274 ff.; these artefacts were probably made mainly from domestic cattle; the hypothesis of John NANDRIS 1971 on specific use of Bos primigenius only was not supported by the actual evidence from Starčevo culture sites in Serbia – cf. VITEZOVIĆ 2011a. Animal Symbolism in Starčevo Culture / 13 Starčevo-Körös-Criş culture along manufacturing continuum axis66, bone spoons represent the highest peak – they were made from strictly, exclusively chosen raw materials, their manufacture encompassed several stages, which all demanded time and skill, they were in use for a long span of time, often reused and repaired67. Strict, exclusive choice of only one skeletal element as raw material suggest careful planning, but also certain meaning attributed to a specific material. The skill and labour investment also had a value of their own, as a carefully made object may be item of display, bringing or showing the prestigious status of its owner. Finally, long use suggests they were not easily discarded, but kept for a long time instead, perhaps even inherited68. Fig. 3. Spatula–spoons made from Bos metapodials, from Donja Branjevina, Starčevo and Tečić. These spatula-spoons are of Near Eastern origin; they were noted on Çatal Hüyük69, and several examples discovered at Hacilar even had zoomorphic heads70. They were also widespread in Southeastern Europe – they were found in Hungary, on sites Endröd, Sarvas71, in Romania, on numerous sites including Trestiana, Gura Bacului, Cârcea Hanuri, Cârcea Viaduct, Gălvăneşti, Arad and others72. They are also present in Bulgaria, and examples such as those from Kovačevo73, Kazanluk74, Azmaškata mogila75 etc., and from Greece Dikili Tash76 and Sesklo77 should be mentioned. 66 67 68 69 70 71 72 73 74 75 76 77 sensu SCHIBLER, CHOYKE 2007, p. 57. VITEZOVIĆ 2011a, p. 322–326; NANDRIS 1971. Cf. CHOYKE 2013. MELLART 1965. MELLART 1961. MAKKAY 1990, abb. 1–4; TÓTH 2012. POPUŞOI, BELDIMAN 1998; BELDIMAN 2007, pl. 152–8; BELDIMAN, SZTANCS 2011, Fig. 6. SIDÉRA 2013. NIKOLOV 2006, p. 41–42. GEORGIEV 1967, abb. 6. SÉFÉRIADES 1992. PAPATHANASSOPOULOS 1981. 14 / Selena Vitezović Projectile points were made from large mammal long bones (Bos- or Cervus-sized animals), and one specific subtype is made in the exactly same manner as spoons78, in fact, some broken spoons may be reworked into projectiles. Again, we observe careful shaping and skillful craftsperson. The most interesting find is a projectile with zoomorphic head from Donja Branjevina79, finely made and polished, perhaps never used as projectile, but used instead for display of prestige of its creator and/ or owner (Fig. 4). Fig. 4. Projectile point with animal head, Donja Branjevina. Another group of artefacts that should be considered here are personal ornaments. Jewellery is widely used as a symbol of identity, prestige, wealth and status, individual and/or social, therefore, its raw material and skill invested in its manufacture are even more important for achieving or stressing their function. Animal teeth were particularly used for such purposes, in numerous traditional cultures headmen, chiefs, etc. wear necklaces of large canines, particularly on formal occasions, of the most powerful and ferocious animals in their respective environments. Such necklaces are used to symbolize their power, leadership, rank and authority in society80 and their use is noted in geographically varied traditional cultures: in central and west Pacific islands, Central and West Africa, and the lowlands of South America. T. Pickenpaugh suggested that “the great distances between many of the cultures, and the fact that large bodies of water separate a number of them, has made any likelihood of contact between them highly improbable. It is accordingly proposed that the idea of using the canine teeth of large powerful ferocious animals as a means of expressing the concepts of power, rank, authority, and 78 79 80 VITEZOVIĆ 2011a, p. 291–294, VITEZOVIĆ 2012a. VITEZOVIĆ 2011a, t. 26. PICKENPAUGH 1997. Animal Symbolism in Starčevo Culture / 15 leadership has occurred, independently, over and over again through time, and is consequently a clear indication that the human mind everywhere functions in essentially the same manner81”. Within Starčevo culture, personal ornaments were often made from animal skeletal elements, especially from mollusc shells, probably chosen for both their exotic origin and white colour82, and also from antlers, animal teeth and large mammal long bones. Large mammal (Bos or Cervus) long bones were used for buckles and clasps, while pendants and bracelets were produced from antler (one was discovered at Drenovac83, and similar, better preserved ones are known from Romania84). Fig. 5. Pendant made from red deer canine and its bone imitation, Divostin. Among animal teeth used for pendants, red deer canines are particularly interesting, specific in shape, which were the favourite type of ornament throughout prehistory85 and were even copied in other materials86. From Divostin comes the find of one perforated red deer canine and one bone imitation87 (Fig. 5). SPECIAL DEPOSITS It is very hard to identify special, intentional deposits with exclusively symbolic meaning in the archaeological record without ambiguity, even when they are associated with graves. Within Starčevo culture, only one possible special deposition is noted so far, on the site of Blagotin. Here, a pit was discovered with the head of red deer carefully placed at its bottom88. Pits containing antlers or horns are also reported from Donja Branjevina89, however, their nature – ritual or not – is not clear. Graves are extremely rarely encountered in Starčevo culture. Apart from the Iron Gates region, all other finds are isolated finds of one or few graves, most often within settlements, and data on burial customs and grave offerings are scarce and sometimes ambiguous90. However, some information on animal symbolism may be presented, from two burials discovered in Northern Serbia, at the sites of Golokut and Zlatara. Golokut is a Starčevo culture settlement researched in several campaigns. Within one of the pitdwelling investigated at Golokut, a skeleton of a woman with a head of an aurochs in her left hand was 81 82 83 84 85 86 87 88 89 90 PICKENPAUGH 1997, p. 539. VITEZOVIĆ 2012b, see also LUIK 207. VITEZOVIĆ 2012a, Fig. 3. BELDIMAN 2000. Cf. D’ERRICO, VANHAERREN 2002; CHOYKE 2001. CHOYKE 2001. VITEZOVIĆ 2012a. STANKOVIĆ, LEKOVIĆ 1993; NIKOLIĆ, ZEČEVIĆ, 2001. KARMANSKI 2005, p. 40 ff. See also BORIĆ 1996. 16 / Selena Vitezović discovered. The skeleton was placed near the entrance, most likely after the dwelling was abandoned and no longer used for living91. At the site of Zlatara, two burial constructions were discovered. In Burial construction B a woman was buried and the grave also included a large amount of faunal remains, from diverse species: domestic cattle, ovicaprines, dog, but also wild animals – pine-marten, brown hare, roe and red deer. Skeletal remains of red deer are particularly interesting, consisting of skull fragments with poorly preserved antlers and few postcranial bones (vertebrae). Also, mollusc shells were discovered – few shells from Unio sp. and a large quantity (over 7000) of snail shells of Helix pomatia92. Antlers of red deer and horns of Bos were also placed in Late Mesolithic graves in the Iron Gates region93. Grave no. 7a from Lepenski Vir is particularly interesting, situated in the rear of house no. 21. The grave contained a skeleton of a man in extended position, buried with the skull of an elderly woman, the skull of a large bovid and the skull of a red deer, with large antlers94. DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSION Bos Cattle in general were very valued animals and a symbol of wealth and prestige in numerous cultures95. The very word for cattle in Latin, pecos, is also in the root of the word pecunia, wealth. In ancient Greece, cattle were the most important as sacrificial animals, and the largest sacrifice was hecatomb (εκατόμβη), the sacrifice of 100 cattle, reserved for special rituals96. There are numerous societies, including sub-modern and modern, in which cattle is the synonym for wealth and prestige97. Their symbolic importance is visible in many Neolithic cultures, cattle figurines were present in numerous Neolithic sites of the Near East98. Especially the site of Çatal Hüyük’s has rich animal symbolism, and bull had the prominent place – bucrania were placed on walls or used as motifs, horn cores were set on benches, bulls were depicted on walls or made from clay99, etc. The importance of cattle continues in the later Neolithic and Chalcolithic period; in Vinča culture, zoomorphic figurines are found on many sites100, bucrania made from horns and clay are discovered at several sites (Jakovo-Kormadin101, Vinča-Belo Brdo102, and several others103). In protohistoric and historic societies, bull symbolism continues – for example, bucrania were deposited in graves in the Kush kingdom in Sudan104, Minoan bull frescoes and zoomorphic vessels105 are very famous, and the list may go on and on. Cattle are ascribed a decisive role in the intensification of agriculture, especially at the beginning of the Neolithic106. Cattle domestication is considered to be one of the most significant animal exploitations in human history, very important for the establishment of a sustained meat supply for early human societies and throughout history. Cattle have always been a multipurpose animal, i.e., used for secondary products (products taken from an animal while it is still alive): traction, dung, dairy products107. PETROVIĆ 1985; PETROVIĆ 1987. LEKOVIĆ 1985, p. 161. 93 Cf. BORIĆ 1996; RADOVANOVIĆ 1996. 94 RADOVANOVIĆ 1996, p. 180. 95 Cf. MARCINIAK 2005, p. 40–45. 96 Cf. CERMANOVIĆ, SREJOVIĆ 1996. 97 MORALES MUÑIZ, MORALES MUÑIZ 1995. 98 COLE 1972; HODDER 1990; CAUVIN 1994; COQUENUGNIOT 2003. 99 MELLART 1975, 107 ff, Fig. 58; see also MARCINIAK 2005, p. 41; TWISS, RUSSELL 2009. 100 E. g. at SELEVAC – MILOJKOVIĆ 1990, p. 416. 101 JOVANOVIĆ, GLIŠIĆ 1961. 102 IGNJATOVIĆ 2008, p. 208, 256, kat. 158. 103 See also SPASIĆ 2012. 104 CHAIX 2001. 105 HOUGHTON BRODERICK 1972. 106 MARCINIAK 2005, p. 41. 107 SEETAH 2005, p. 1. 91 92 Animal Symbolism in Starčevo Culture / 17 Cattle are very often used as a measurement for wealth – economic studies of pastoralists virtually always define household wealth in terms of the size of the household herd of cattle, or, rarely, other livestock. Furthermore, in some traditional economies in Africa cattle functioned almost as money108. Such evident importance of cattle is usually explained through the economic importance, and the explanation of symbolic value is often linked with fertility, virility, with the female principle, etc. However, É. Coquenugniot, in his recent analysis of cattle figurines from Near Eastern Neolithic, noted that there is no evidence of a link between the female principle and the bull as a symbol of virility. A closer look into the data from Starčevo culture also does not support such a hypothesis, for the same reasons. Instead, É. Coquenugniot accepted the interpretation of cattle as figurines of protection and of a divine attribute109. Context of both bucrania amulets and zoomorphic figurines within Starčevo settlements links them closely to the domestic sphere – several figurines from Divostin come from huts, bucrania from Knjepište, Ušće Kameničkog Potoka and especially Blagotin are linked with dwellings, more specifically, with their foundations. Contexts of such finds in Körös and Criş sites are also linked to houses – for example, the bucranium from Miercurea Sibiului – Petriş110 is discovered within the dwelling, thus providing a strong argument for protective function. The use of cattle skeletal elements for specially valued artefacts suggests they were used to display wealth and/or prestige, but perhaps some apothropaic role as well. The burial context may indicate display of identity, wealth and/or prestige, but also a link between this and the other world. Cervidae The cult of deer was widespread in traditional societies of deer hunters in the Eurasian forests111, particularly among Mesolithic societies. At Star Carr in UK, for example, come peculiar finds of “frontlets” from red deer skulls and antlers. They consisted of the uppermost part of the skull of a red deer, with the antlers still attached, modified so they could, presumably, be used as headgear, probably during rituals or festivals112. Similar frontlets are known from few other sites as well113. Some of the burials at Late Mesolithic sites in France, Téviec and Hoëdic114, contained structures with red deer antlers, red deer antlers also noted in graves at Vedbaek in Denmark115. In the Iron Gates Mesolithic, although symbolic evidence is most conspicuous for Danube fish, deer was also important116 – beside numerous antler artefacts, sometimes even placed in graves117, we may also find skulls and unworked antlers placed in graves118, and red and roe deer antlers with incised decoration119. From Vlasac, nine objects made from antler had incised decoration, including one crown of roe deer antler, which has most of its body covered with incised bundles of parallel lines and net-like motifs120. Deer figurines and zoomorphic vessels are also known from Near Eastern Neolithic – for example, one zoomorphic vessel121 originates from Hacilar VI, while a scene of stag- and boar-baiting is depicted at one shire at Çatal Hüyük122. 108 109 110 111 112 113 114 115 116 117 118 119 120 121 122 RUSSELL 1998, p. 44. COQUENUGNIOT 2003. LUCA ET AL 2008, p. 332, photo 3. Cf. MIKHAILOVA 2006. CLARK 1954; CONNELLER 2004. MIKHAILOVA 2006, p. 190. SCHULTING 1996, see also MIKHAILOVA 2006. MIKHAILOVA 2006, p. 193. Cf. VITEZOVIĆ 2011b. At VLASAC – SREJOVIĆ, LETICA 1978. RADOVANOVIĆ 199, also see above. Cf. RADOVANOVIĆ 1996; BORONEANŢ 1969; BORONEANŢ 1970. SREJOVIĆ, LETICA 1978, p. 105–109. MELLAART 1975, Fig. 64. MELLAART 1975, Fig. 60. 18 / Selena Vitezović Evidence of special red deer deposits, notably within chambered tombs, from Orkney and Outer Hebrides in prehistoric times suggests that the species may have been used in a number of ritualistic ways123. The deposits of red deer within chambered tombs may indicate that it may have been conceptualised as a totemic animal used to identify with the landscape. Studies of red deer indicate that separate groups of red deer often stay in the same area, which could mean that people may have associated particular places with red deer, and that these deposits may be linked to the social use of landscape surrounding the location of cairns. People are metaphorically identifying themselves to the landscape and their ancestors with particular places in landscape through the use of animals124. Furthermore, in the Iron Age red deer were considered capable of shape shifting, forming a liminal category between the living and the supernatural worlds and, in fact, those areas where red deer were deposited may be considered liminal in nature – for example, boundaries that circled settlements. Deer may also have been viewed as a liminal animal due to the yearly cycle of antler re-growth, and possibly used for displays of wealth and power125. Similar explanations, of deer as a symbol of yearly cycles, linked with their annual change (casting off and re-growth) of antlers was also offered for the Iron Gates Mesolithic, and ethnographic evidence from the region support such a hypothesis. The representations of deer are preserved on some medieval funerary monuments, and today some traces of beliefs related to the deer are preserved in folklore tradition, especially among ethnic Vlach populations in Eastern Serbia126. Red deer was also used as a symbol of status, wealth and prestige in the historic and modern times, as evident, for example, through hunting trophies127. Special deposits of red deer within Starčevo culture also suggest red deer was liminal animal, connecting this and the other world, and a symbol of re-birth, but also a totemic animal closely linked to the use of landscape. The use of antlers for ornaments also signifies it was connected with prestige. In the Eurasian forest zone, after the transition from Mesolithic to Neolithic economy, the significance of deer decreased, but it cult was saved and transformed, it became caretaker of life power, deer antlers or images accompanied powerful deceased people in their graves, and red deer majestic antlers were associated with the tree of life128. The situation we encounter in the Starčevo culture may be similar – some of the deer importance and symbolic value is preserved from the Mesolithic times, although transformed and its importance was in decline. *** Although at first glance cattle and deer are quite different animals, they actually have several physical traits in common129 – they are both large herbivores with prominent decorations on their heads. Antlers and horns differ in their chemical composition, nature, and looks130, but are not necessarily perceived as different in every culture’s worldview131. There is also no evidence for the dualism between wild and domestic sphere, in fact, bull symbolism seem to encompass both Bos taurus and Bos primigenius. Therefore, one of the hypotheses is that in the “folk taxonomy”132 these animals were closely connected, through the metonymic connection by their head-decorations. They were con123 124 125 126 127 128 129 130 131 132 MORRIS 2005. JONES 1998, p. 315, MORRIS 2005. MORRIS 2005, p. 10–11, 14. SREJOVIĆ 1955; IVANOVIĆ 1983; MARJANOVIĆ 2008. Cf. also MORRIS 2005, p. 12–13. MIKHAILOVA 2006, p. 197. Cf. JONES 1998, p. 314. Cf. REITZ, WING 2008. In the English language, horn and antler are labelled with two terms, however, in many languages there is one and the same word for both, for example, “rog” in Slav languages (Serbian, Croatian, Bulgarian). Cf. MARCINIAK 2005, p. 54 ff. Animal Symbolism in Starčevo Culture / 19 nected with wealth, prestige and value, they were considered as liminal and totemic animals, connecting this and the other world and identified with the landscape/ human group, and were also ascribed the role of protective animals. Their importance in the religion and magic practices in Starčevo culture is difficult to assess, due to a lack of clear religious contexts, but portable finds such as figurines, zoomorphic vessels and small bucrania “amulets” were probably used in connection with domestic, household rituals. 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Stanković S., Leković V., Neolithic Settlement at Blagotin, in Glasnik SAD 9, p. 177–179. Taylor B., Elliott B., Perceptions of the Environment in Prehistory. Paper presented at 16th Annual meeting of the European Association of Archaeologists. Den Haag, Netherlands. Tóth Zsuszsanna, Bone, Antler And Tusk Tools of the Early Neolithic Körös Culture, in Anders A., Siklósi Zs. (eds.), Central/South-East European Transect, volume III: The Körös Culture in Eastern Hungary, BAR 2334, Oxford, p. 171–178. Twiss Katheryn C., Russell Nerissa, Taking the Bull by the Horns: Ideology, Masculinity, and Cattle Horns at Çatalhöyük (Turkey), in Paléorient 35(2), p. 19–32. Vitezović Selena, Koštana industrija u starijem i srednjem neolitu centralnog Balkana, PhD thesis, Belgrade University (mms.). Vitezović Selena, Oh, dear! Deer as Material Culture in the Iron Gates Mesolithic (Eastern Serbia), Poster presented at Deer and people conference, Lincolnshire, UK, 8–11. sept. 2011. Vitezović Selena, The White Beauty – Starčevo Culture Jewellery, in DP XXXIX, p. 215–226. Витезовић Селена, Коштани пројектили са локалитета Старчево–Град (Osseous projectiles from the site Starčevo–Grad), in Glasnik SAD 2, p. 233–246. Vuković Jasna, The Blagotin Amulets and Their Place in the Early Neolithic of the Central Balkans, in Glasnik SAD 21, p. 27–44. Whittle A., Bartosiewicz L., Borić D., Pettit P., Richards M., In the Beginning: New Radiocarbon Dates for the Early Neolithic in Northern Serbia and South-East Hungary, in Antaeus 25, p. 63–117. Willis R. (ed.), Signifying Animals: Human Meaning in the Natural World, Routledge, London and New York. The Mask Illusion from the Late Copper Age Site at Balatonőszöd Tünde Horváth Freelancer archaeologist, Budapest, HUNGARY tundehorvath4@gmail.com „Jaj, mily sekély a mélység és mily mély a sekélység és mily tömör a hígság és mily komoly a vígság. Tudjuk mi rég, mily könnyű mit mondanak nehéznek, és mily nehéz a könnyű, mit a medvék lenéznek. Ó szent bohóc-üresség, szíven a hetyke festék, hogy a sebet nevessék, mikor vérző-heges még ó hős, kit a halál-arc rémétől elföd egy víg álarc, ó jó zene a hörgő kínokra egy kalandor csörgő, mely zsongít, úgy csitít el, tréfázva mímel, s a jajra csap a legszebb rímmel.” (Kosztolányi Dezső: Esti Kornél éneke, részlet)1 Keywords: Magic, Mask, Illusion, Perception, Late Copper Age Abstract: This paper offers a discussion of a phenomenon, or, better said, of an illusion when perception consistently and predictably differs from physical reality owing to the unique human anatomical capabilities (visual and cerebral image formation). The so-called mask illusions, created by mask1 1 like faces hung on a wall whose eyes follow you, are regular exhibits in modern waxworks and in the enchanted castles of amusement parks. I shall explore whether there was a conceivable situation in the Baden world of the Late Copper Age, in which the Balatonőszöd mask was displayed to create an illusion of this kind, inspiring fear in the uninitiated, suggesting that it had been used for magical purposes. Playacting is a recurring motif in the interpretation of Dezső Kosztolányi’s literary works. Kosztolányi was regarded as a poseur by his contemporaries and he went to great lengths to confirm and reinforce this impression among his peers. One oft-encountered, potential outcome of playacting in real life is that it freezes, petrifies and transforms the Ego into a lifeless mask. The problem of masks first appeared in Kosztolányi’s works in 1916, apropos of a real-life event: an actor, József Kürti, went mad on the stage during a performance. Kosztolányi wrote a feuilleton about the event for Hét (November 12, 1916), in which he expounded his views on playacting, describing Kürti’s descent into madness as the clash between role and reality: “Reality, that ancestral enemy of playacting, intruded on the stage, where everything’s an illusion.” Representations, Signs and Symbols, 2014 / p. 25–42 26 / Tünde Horváth INTRODUCTION Conforming to the theme of the conference (“Religion and Magic”), my article will offer one possible reconstruction of how the clay mask brought to light at Balatonőszöd was used, rather than presenting an overview of the religious beliefs of Late Copper Age cultures. Archaeology is not an exact science and, very often, the analytical results of the archaeometric measurements of samples from artefacts and the site itself can be fitted into contradictory interpretative models. The range of diverse interpretations is even greater when addressing abstract concepts such as religious beliefs and customs. It seems to me that a consideration of all the possible dimensions and one-time functions of an unusual and perhaps unique artefact is a much more fruitful approach than to restrict the interpretation of a currently unparalleled artefact to a single, exclusive interpretative framework. This paper offers a discussion of a phenomenon, or, better said, of an illusion when perception consistently and predictably differs from physical reality owing to the unique human anatomical capabilities (visual and cerebral image formation). The so-called mask illusions, created by mask-like faces hung on a wall whose eyes follow you, are regular exhibits in modern waxworks and in the enchanted castles of amusement parks. I shall explore whether there was a conceivable situation in the Baden world of the Late Copper Age, in which the Balatonőszöd mask was displayed to create an illusion of this kind, inspiring fear in the uninitiated, suggesting that it had been used for magical purposes. COGNITIVE ARCHAEOLOGY Cognitive archaeology, the study of the ancient mind and of what ancient societies thought as expressed through material remains, is one of the newest fields of modern archaeology and perhaps one of the most ambitious among archaeological research directions. This approach has proven most fruitful in the study of symbols. A fairly recent and not yet widely applied approach is the study of perception. While the anatomy of the human sensory organs and the biological process of coding the information conveyed by the sensory organs have not changed since the evolution of Homo sapiens, it has been significantly modified culturally and socially in human societies, both on the individual and on the community level. This internal transformation was accompanied by as well as influenced and precipitated by the constant changes in the external environment. It is hardly mere chance that archaeological research on changes in perception started off in this direction2. During perception, we create concepts, which are then categorised and form the building blocks of thought3. We tend to treat most objects not as unique artefacts, but as parts of a concept or a class. Categorisation is the process of assigning an object to a concept. Concepts enable the prediction of information that is not readily perceived and they also enable us to move beyond directly perceived information. Thus, for example, the concept of “apple” includes most properties that characterise an apple: it is a fruit growing on trees, it is edible, it is round, it has a distinctive colour, etc. We can also deduce properties that are not immediately visible (e.g. apples have pips). The properties associated with a concept can be divided into two sets: one set is made up of the concept’s prototypes that describe the concept’s best examples. The prototype is what springs to mind when we think of a concept. In addition to the prototype properties, critical properties also refer to a concept: this forms the core of the concept. Concepts similar to “bird” are termed fuzzy concepts: most human concepts referring to nature fall into this category. They are characterised by a lack of true definition and the categorisation of these concepts relies heavily on prototypes. The concept of a “bird” usually brings to mind a small flying creature rather than a hen or an ostrich, even though these too are part of the concept. However, most people need some prompting to realise the latter through the specification of the critical qualities. 2 3 BIMAL KRISHNA 2011; DAVIS 1984; FONTIJU ET AL 2013; FISH 2009; MAVRIDIS, TAE JENSEN 2013; SEMPLE 2013; SCARRE 2002; van HEIJGEN 2013. ATKINSON & HILGARD’S 2005, p. 353–376. The Mask Illusion from the Late Copper Age Site at Balatonőszöd / 27 1m Fig. 1. The features of the mask at Balatonőszöd and its environment. 28 / Tünde Horváth “Red” is similarly a fuzzy concept, although it has obvious prototype properties. In our Western civilisation, the meaning of this concept is unambiguous. Is this also the case in other cultures? The Dani of New Guinea use two basic terms, black and white, for describing colours, even though their perception of colours is as diverse as, say, of an Englishman. The prototypes of colour concepts are thus universal. This is also true of societies, which do not have a word for “red”: during various experiments, they chose the same shades from a colour palette as the Western researchers conducting the experiment. Thus, our concept of the ideal red is consistent even if our language does not have a word for red and its shades. The experiments have shown that the prototypes relating to the concepts of animals and trees (plants) are similarly universal. Descriptions of these concepts are primarily perceptual (what do they look like?) and only functional secondarily (what are they good for?). Functional categorisation has proven to be more important for the description of artefacts created by man. We may assume that perceptual processing dominated in the categorisation of the association between human taxonomy, recognition/identification (face recognition) and faces/masks because it largely involved phenomena created by nature or very similar ones. Still, perception and the concepts created can differ widely in different societies. The reason for the divergences is explicitly culture-specific. For example, Nigel Barley examined the classification of animals among the Dowayo4. Partly due to geographic determinants, in Dowayo society, the leopard heads the animal realm, and as the “king” of all animals, it is symbolically identified with certain prominent social roles. The word for leopard (naamjo) also appears in the name of other felids: lions, rare creatures in Dowayoland, are termed “old female leopards”, while smaller felids such as civet cats and servals are called the “sons of the leopard”. While assembling his dictionary, Barley tried to learn the names of various animal species by showing his informants postcards portraying the animals in question because descriptions proved fruitless owing to his imperfect knowledge of the language. He found that the Dowayo did not notice the differences between the lions and leopards appearing on the postcards – the reason for this being not the lack of a differentiation between the two species (it was obvious that they did draw a distinction), but the inability to make identifications from photographs. They were simply unable to perceive the differences between the two-dimensional “signs” on the photos. The same task poses no difficulties for a Westerner: we are able to recognise and identify anything and anyone from a photo, whatever the angle, the light conditions and the lenses. If, however, this visual artistic tradition is absent from a particular society, this capability will simply not evolve. The clash of two civilisation traditions can be very instructive: today, every Dowayo is issued an identity card conforming to the European or Western tradition. The ID cards of the Dowayo usually feature the photo of the same person who was once photographed. Similarly to the Dowayo, African officials cannot recognise or “read” photographs, and therefore do not attach any great importance to them. BALATONŐSZÖD: THE FIND CIRCUMSTANCES During 2001–2002, an archaeological excavation was conducted at the Balatonőszöd–Temetőidűlő site along the M7 Motorway, the largest settlement of the Boleráz–Baden cultures (together as Baden complex) in Europe. The soil-mark of an amorphous feature, Pit 1072, first became visible after the removal of the overlying cultural deposit in Section 50/12. It initially appeared to be a usual feature regarding both its form and its finds (Fig. 1). However, we noticed the soil-mark of a separate rectangular feature (Pit 1096) in its western part, which in addition to the customary household pottery and animal bones, yielded a clay mask modelled in the shape of a human face, an unparalleled find in the Baden culture. The mask became visible immediately after cultural deposit 925 was stripped away. The broken mask lay with the face downward on the top of Pit 1096, a feature dug into Pit 1072. 4 BARLEY 2006, p. 109–110. The Mask Illusion from the Late Copper Age Site at Balatonőszöd / 29 In a study published in 2004, I proposed four possible interpretations based on our current knowledge of how masks were utilised, for how the Baden community at Balatonőszöd may have used the mask, and for what purpose it had been made5: (1) a use during initiation rites, symbolic burials and in ceremonial areas; (2) part of the ritual paraphernalia used during the presentation of sacrifices; (3) a foundation deposit or a sacrifice presented during the construction of a sanctuary; (4) a funerary mask in a symbolic burial. I did not reject the possibility that the four proposed interpretations perhaps overlapped to some extent, knowing that the function of ritual paraphernalia can change during their use-life. In fact, the four interpretations were regarded as possible phases in the mask’s use-life. Pit 1036, containing animal sacrifices, and the associated firing places and ash-pits forming a ceremonial area were uncovered in the adjacent section, suggesting a linkage with the mask owing to their proximity. The radiocarbon dates confirm that the two features had been established at roughly the same time: the date for Pits 1072–1096 was 4360 ´45 BP, the one for Pit 1036 was 4390 ´60 BP6. Three Pfahlbau-type buildings, perhaps buildings used also for ceremonial purposes, were uncovered in the same section in which the mask had come to light7 alongside a female figurine with painted and incised decoration from Pit 10888. The other examined sections too yielded some notable finds and features: Pit 1036 and the associated ceremonial area, Pit 1497 containing animal sacrifices, Pit 981 in which a human sacrifice was uncovered and Pit 743 with an anthropomorphic suspension amphora, while an Ossarn-type cup, pedestal led goblets and the fragments of a house model depicting a Pfahlbau-type building were recovered from the overlying cultural deposit9 (Fig. 2). Fig. 2. Pile dwelling phenomena at Balatonőszöd: ground-plan of a house and its reconstruction; plastered and painted clay fragments from the building (wall, roof, corner, floor); house-model fragments depicted pile dwellings. 5 6 7 8 9 HORVÁTH 2004. HORVÁTH 2010. HORVÁTH ET AL 2007. HORVÁTH 2010a. HORVÁTH 2010b. 30 / Tünde Horváth 5 cm Fig. 3. The original find: Mask fragment from the Pits 1072–1096. The Mask Illusion from the Late Copper Age Site at Balatonőszöd / 31 The proximity of the buildings led to the idea that the mask could perhaps be interpreted as part of the ritual costume(s) stored in the ceremonial buildings, or as a foundation deposit or a sacrifice. At the same time, the dynamic and bloody sacrifices, and the ritual vessels and other artefacts used during the presentation of the offerings that can perhaps be associated with the mask suggested a ceremony made up of continuously performed and possibly related rituals. The clay mask broke into two and only one-half survived; however, the complete mask could not be reconstructed by simply mirroring the surviving part because smaller parts are lacking in the centre. It seems likely that the mask itself had several life-phases when it was used, and that it served different purposes while still intact and once it was broken. The breaking of the mask into two pieces may have been aimed at stripping the mask of its mana, its power, a practice observed in the case of other ritual artefacts too (desacralisation); assuming that its breakage was not accidental, it is possible that the mask’s other half came into the possession of an individual not living at Balatonőszöd and that it symbolised some sort of agreement between the two owners, perhaps some sort of alliance, that could be proven by fitting together the two halves (personal identity tokens) (Fig. 3). MASK-RECONSTRUCTIONS Despite the broken condition of the mask, we wanted to see the face modelled with an almost portrait-like precision compared to other prehistoric finds as a restored whole, even if only virtually. We attached a great importance to the reconstruction because we hoped that it would provide further, perhaps decisive clues for the artefact’s function (Fig. 4). The traditional conservation and restoration procedures, as well as the reconstruction in drawing and using image softwares made by mirroring based on the principle of simple symmetry revealed that the mask had not been symmetrically modelled. The mirroring of the surviving left side resulted in a distorted image even after the removal of the overlapping parts, suggesting that the mask had been intentionally modelled asymmetrically, conforming to the principle of portrait realism that the human visage is irregular, even though the strive for symmetry is obvious both in biological processes and in aesthetic appearance. The mask fragment was scanned using a 3D digitiser. We edited the scanned image (correcting the scanning deficiencies). The digital mask was mirrored and we removed the superfluous parts from the original mask fragment. We then printed the image of the virtual half-mask thus gained and the original half-mask with a colour printer. We joined the mirrored half-masks with plastiline and added/restored the missing parts. The form of the face is determined by the relation between its height and breadth: the face on the mask can be described as an essentially round, wide and low form. The depiction of the cheekbones under the eyes with appliqué ribs suggests that the portrayed individual had prominent ones. The most distinctively modelled element of the mask is the nose, which is one of the most important facial features of an individual and is, moreover, an important taxonomic trait. In side-view, the nose can be seen to be prominent and straight, a trait typical for Europids. The period’s dominant element was the narrow-faced, leptodolichocranic (Mediterranean) type, which represented the “average” Baden individual. However, the male face portrayed on the Balatonőszöd mask seems to echo the traits of the broad-faced, eurymorphic anthropological type. This eurymorphic type, probably an Alpine element owing to its gracility, is represented by a single burial at the site (the female from Burial 31 in Pit 1277); while it also shares certain similarities with Ötzi, the Iceman, the face modelled on the mask is of a different type (Fig. 5). It would appear that the mask of the Baden culture found at Balatonőszöd portrayed a rare, underrepresented type in the culture’s population. This alien, Europid type can be associated with Alpine and, even more, with steppean populations (Pit-Grave/Yamnaya Kurgan and, perhaps, Tripolye– Usatovo) in the light of the anthropological, chronological and archaeological record10. 10 HORVÁTH 2010c. 32 / Tünde Horváth Fig. 4. Several reconstructions of the half fragmented find: drawing combined with photo; 3D-digitaliser; anthropomorphical type (modern robust eurymorphic, Steppean). The Mask Illusion from the Late Copper Age Site at Balatonőszöd / 33 Fig. 5. Common anthropomorphical type (eurymorphic, gracile, Alpine) of the Baden Age from Balatonőszöd and its close ancient parallel: Ötzi, the Iceman. 34 / Tünde Horváth PERCEPTUAL CONSTANCIES When offering a reconstruction based on the assumption that the Balatonőszöd mask had been placed in a sanctuary for ritual and, perhaps, for magical purposes, we are capitalising on a biological process that can be produced by all the sensory organs: the so-called constancies of the sensory modalities. Constancies do not evolve by chance: they are the mechanisms whereby the basic elements and traits of the world around us are perceived as being constant even if the information received by our sensory organs changes drastically. Constancies also create a series of illusions, which can best be illustrated by examining the circumstances under which they do not function. The most typical constancies of the visual system are colour, lightness, shape and size constancy11. Even though the redness of a red paper differs in natural sunlight and artificial light, we will “see” the same red colour because the visual system of our brain corrects the differences between the light waves. In the case of the lightness constancy, we shall perceive a black shirt as having the same blackness in sunlight and in the shade for the same reasons. If, however, the shirt is placed in front of a non-transparent black background and we peek at it through a peephole, we shall only see the light reflected from the shirt, but not its environment, and the black shirt will appear as white. In this case, our visual system is no longer capable of correction. In the case of shape and size constancies, the retinal image of an object undergoes a series of transformations, but the perceived shape remains the same. Sitting in a room, an opening door is gradually transformed from a regular oblong shape into a trapeze, but we continue to “see” an oblong shape. Likewise, the size of various objects is perceived to be constant, irrespective of their distance. Cinematographers regularly make use of these constancies for simple visual tricks. The different beings – hobbits, humans, dwarves and elves – appearing in the Lord of the Rings were all played by actors of similar height. In the scenes where they appear together, these constancies were used to produce simple visual effects. A closer look at a scene apparently showing a single-file march reveals that the small hobbits and dwarves are not in line with the humans, but form a separate line at some distance, creating an illusion as if beings of different height were marching in a single file. The camera obscura, one of the simplest projection systems, likewise exploits these sensory modalities: it was an important device used by painters such as Canaletto and Vermeer when creating large paintings made up of many details, helping them to get their perspectives, distances and focuses right. The principle of size constancy, based on tricks employing the effects of the Ames room, was used in the scenes in which Gandalf appears in the hobbit den: the room and its interior are planned in a manner as to trick human perception. Because the room is not rectangular, it creates the optical illusion that objects of identical size appear to be incredibly different or, conversely, it projects identical images of objects having different sizes. Because we can only look inside the room through a peephole, the room assumed to be rectangular prevents us from correctly applying the size-distance invariance principle and thus the size-distance constancy fails: the child holding the balloon is in fact taller than the girl pushing against the ceiling. In the case of binocular vision, each eye sees objects from a slightly different angle, enabling us to perceive their relative distance, their distance relative to each other and their dimensionality; retinal disparity generates depth in the sequence of perception, providing information for stereoscopic depth perception. In the case of the Ames room, however, we cannot speak of binocular vision because the viewer peeps into the room with one eye only. In the case of monocular vision, size constancy is not active, and thus if the retinal image of an object changes depending on distance, the object will be perceived as being larger. The viewer is tricked because the difference between the visual angles is not caused by differences in distance (Fig. 6). The viewer looking into an Ames room makes use of the principle of size and distance invariance during perception, meaning that perceived size is a product of retinal size and perceived distance. These optical illusions could have been utilised in a prehistoric sanctuary/house/building designed 11 ATKINSON & HILGARD’S 2005, Chapter 5. The Mask Illusion from the Late Copper Age Site at Balatonőszöd / 35 Fig. 6. Optical illusions. 36 / Tünde Horváth for experiencing the mystery of the transcendent if its ground plan was not a regular rectangle (as noted on several Circum-Alpine lakeside settlements, for example at Arbon Bleiche 3, and on sites where wooden house doors were found, as, for example, at Wetzikon–Robenhausen12, if its interior and interior furnishings were dark, and if initiates could only peek into it with one eye through a small hole. FACE AND MASK ILLUSIONS The hollow-face illusion is one of the most dramatic and robust illusions we have ever come across. A three-dimensional hollow face mask held a few feet away will appear to be convex (turned “out” towards the viewer) no matter which side you look at. While the movie depicts a computergenerated model, the effect works just as well with a real physical mask13. Scientists have attempted to explain the illusion for centuries, but there is still much we do not know about how it works. Our visual system can use tools like binocular disparity and motion parallax to judge distance, but these techniques do not seem to work with the hollow mask until we are extremely close to it: for many people, nearer than three feet. The effect is diminished if the mask is turned upside-down, but it does not disappear; nearly everyone still sees the illusion. The effect is not completely due to the direction of lighting either. While the visual system tends to assume light is coming from overhead, hollow masks lit from below still appear convex. Others have suggested that the illusion arises because we “know” that we are seeing a face, and that knowledge trumps other visual cues that suggest it is not convex like a real face would be. Specifically relevant to the hollow-face illusion, we expect 3D objects, especially faces, to be convex on the surface; that is, to bulge outward. Shadow on a face gives depth cues. A 2D view of the shadowing of an outwardly bulging object illuminated from above is identical to an inwardly bulging object illuminated from below. We generally expect lighting to be from above, and we always expect faces to bulge outwards. In the image below, the light source has been moved around. In both, it looks as if the light is coming from top left, but that is not the case. Even knowing the facts does not override the illusion. – Illusion Part 1: When we view the mask from above, we expect to see Albert Einstein’s forehead. This is what we see in the “normal” view; it ’is not what we see when the mask protrudes away. When we view from below, we expect to see the nose from below. Again, this is what is seen in the normal view, not what is seen when the mask is pointed away. At first, the illusion appears magical. Replacing the magic with descriptions of processing in eye and brain gives insights into visual perception. – Another way to illustrate how our eyes and brains opportunistically infer 3D from 2D information is to examine an egg carton. In the overhead photos, the shading gives a rough sense of depth. The egg forms seem to bulge away from you when the light is from the top, but bulge towards you when from the bottom. But the 3D effect is much weaker than for the face. Perception of the visual world is a mix of sensory data and opportunistic guesswork. Since we do not have direct sensory data of depth and distance, visual perceptions of depth and distance rely on short-cuts. Visual illusions reveal the nature of these brilliant-but-sometimes-faulty guesses. Why does the face appear to be protruding towards you, even when protruding the other way? If you walk around a room and watch the stationary object/mask, the head turns14! Two types of information are available from a view of the hollow face: contour information and depth information. We derive contour information from the sharp transitions in lightness on the image, something like a cartoon. Contour gives us an outline of the face that is roughly similar to when 12 13 14 see LEUZINGER 2000, Abb. 12; LICHTER 2010, p. 108, 342, Cat. 202. http:// www.youtube.com/watch?v=iR9WVhiaIeY Max-Planck-Institut für biologische Kybernetik in Tübingen, with kind permission by H. Bülthoff. http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=2K39Q9zvQoE. The Mask Illusion from the Late Copper Age Site at Balatonőszöd / 37 the face is pointing either direction. This is pure 2D. Depth information comes from gradual shifts in shading. In normal situations, shading comes from the shadows cast by light rays coming from a source, reflecting off of a surface and entering an eye. Since the 3D contour of the surface determines the pattern, we unconsciously (and brilliantly!) infer surface contour from shading patterns. This is tricky, and is best thought of by considering contours. First, let us consider the two Einstein mask images when we are directly in front of the mask. For each, the nose is midway between the two sides, appropriate for a frontal view. Now imagine slowly moving to the right, so you are viewing a mask from a 45° angle. For the mask pointing out (a normal face), the nose will be closer to the far side of the face. This is what you expect if you move and the face is still: you will be viewing the left cheek of the mask. Although the view of the mask is changing, it is consistent: you moving and the mask standing still. Your perception correctly interprets the mask as stationary. But, for the inverted face, if you move to the right, the nose will move towards the close side of the face. You will be directly in front of the right cheek! Your brain does not interpret this change as consistent with your movement. Although you move and the mask is still, the mask appears to move incrementally to get in this position15. It will appear as if the mask-person is turning his head in your direction, but turning faster than you are moving. This is a tricky concept, but shows that the mystery of the hollow mask is not a mystery. It is an incorrect perception of the world, understandable if you understand the short-cuts used by our visual system. Positive and negative versions of the mask only differ in the position of the assumed light source, and a face is such a strong percept that it overcomes the “history”, which is the only cue that the face is negative16: First, let us realise that information of the 3D world is lost when projected on our 2D retinas. So our perceptual system has to reconstruct this, and while this reconstruction attempts get most things right (relying on prior knowledge of the world – possibly using a Bayesian approach), there are retinal images that can be interpreted in more than one way (e.g. any silhouette). The hollow face is a case in point: if we cannot rely on shadows (and in the computer images above we have, of course, different lighting conditions than in your room), there is nothing that can tell us if the face is really hollow or normal. Second, faces have a special relevance for us; throughout our whole life, we try to “read” faces. There are specialised brain areas for faces (fusiform gyrus), and the disease prosopagnosia, which occurs from lesions, leads to a specific inability to recognise faces. Putting the two facts above together: when both the “hollow” and the “normal” interpretation are equally likely, our sophisticated face processing kicks in and tips the balance toward the “normal” face, since it is trained on such. This obviously does not take history into account, namely the knowledge from the previous rotation angles that the face is hollow. But cognitively, we know that it should be hollow – thus arises this strong and beautiful phenomenon (Fig. 6). FACE PERCEPTION Though the illusion is strong for faces, it does not work well with other objects, or even with upside-down faces. This bias is likely due to the special relationship we humans have with faces. Many neuroscientists believe we have brain regions dedicated to processing faces17, and some brain injuries can leave patients unable to recognize faces, even though their vision and other memories remain intact18. 15 16 17 18 http://whereru.rutgers.edu/videos/91/3D-Face-Optical-Illusion-Rolling-eyes-on-hollow-mask. For a more detailed explanation, see HILL, JOHNSTON 2007. BRUCE, YOUNG 2000. DIMA ET AL 2009. 38 / Tünde Horváth Research findings indicated that the infants perceived the mask as convex when viewing it with one eye and concave when viewing it with two eyes. The results show that 6-month-old infants respond to the hollow-face illusion. The findings suggest that, early in life, the visual system uses the constraint, or assumption, that faces are convex when interpreting visual input. Schizophrenics are not the only ones who see the concave face – people who are drunk or high can also “beat” the illusion. A similar disconnect between what the brain sees and what it expects to see may be occurring during these drug-induced states. If this is true, then the effect should be stronger for more familiar objects, and weaker for less familiar things. As objects became more familiar (and arguably more human-like), people could stand closer and still see the illusion. For both teddy bears and pineapples, the illusion was stronger when they were upright, but for the jello mould, orientation made no difference. The experiment was repeated with a human face, at four different orientations. The upright face had an even stronger effect than the teddy bear, but the illusion was still present when the face was upside-down, and just as strong as the teddy bear19. As more noise was added, making the face look less “real,” viewers were less likely to fall for the illusion, rating it significantly lower on the convexity scale. The illusion persisted longer for colour faces than those rendered in gray-scale, again suggesting that the idea that we are seeing a “real” face makes us more likely to see the face popping out towards us. All this adds up to a fairly convincing argument that our perception of a face as a whole is what causes us to see the mask as convex, like a real face instead of a hollow shell. Our visual system is receiving a variety of different cues to depth of objects, and prioritises them in ways that are usually quite accurate. But illusions such as the hollow face demonstrate that those priorities do not always work. Fortunately, we do not see hollow masks nearly as often as real faces, so for the vast majority of our visual experience, our visual world seems just fine. These anomalies – what we see as illusions – can offer a powerful window into how our visual system actually works. Face perception is the process by which the brain and mind understand and interpret the face, particularly the human face. The face is an important site for the identification of others and conveys significant social information. Probably because of the importance of its role in social interaction, psychological processes involved in face perception are known to be present from birth, to be complex, and to involve large and widely distributed areas in the brain. These parts of the brain can be damaged to cause a specific impairment in understanding faces known as prosopagnosia20. Facial perception has well identified neuroanatomical correlates in the brain. Most scientists agree that during the perception of faces, major activations occur in the extrastriate areas bilaterally, particularly in the fusiform gyri and in the inferior temporal gyri. Face perception is a process involving a variety of different factors: – Age: By two months of age, face perception has developed so specific areas of the brain are known to be activated by viewing faces21. – Biological sex: The male subjects used a right, while the females used a left hemisphere neural activation system in the processing of faces and facial affect. Moreover, in facial perception there was no association to estimated intelligence, suggesting that face recognition performance in women is unrelated to several basic cognitive processes. Gender-related differences may suggest a role for sex hormones. In females, there may be variability for psychological functions related to differences in hormonal levels during different phases of the menstrual cycle. For facial perception, men used a category-specific process-mapping system for right cognitive style, but women used same for the left. Men tend to recognise fewer faces of women than women do, whereas there are no sex differences with regard to male faces22. 19 20 21 22 YELLOTT, KAIWI 1979. KANWISHER ET AL 1997. NELSON 2001. EVERHART ET AL 2001; HAUSMANN 2005; HERLITZ, NJEMANZE 2007; VOYER ET AL 1995; YONKER 1995. The Mask Illusion from the Late Copper Age Site at Balatonőszöd / 39 – Racial affiliation23: Differences in own-versus other-race face recognition and perceptual discrimination have been shown across a series of studies. This phenomenon is often referred to as the own-race effect, cross-race face effect, other-race effect, or own race bias. This correlation is at least partly an artefact of the fact that African American subjects, who performed equally well on faces of both races, almost always responded with the highest possible self-rating of amount of interaction with White people, whereas their White counterparts both demonstrated another-race effect and reported less other-race interaction. Further research points to the importance of other-race experience in own-versus other-race face processing. In a series of studies showed the relationship between amount and type of other-race contact and the ability to perceptually differentiate other-race faces. Participants with greater other-race experience were consistently more accurate at discriminating between other-race faces than were participants with less other-race experience. – Health and state of consciousness24: prosopagnosia when damaged (particularly when damage occurs on both sides). This evidence has led to a particular interest in this area and it is sometimes referred to as the “fusiform face area” for that reason. It has already been mentioned in the foregoing that schizophrenics and people who are drunk or high on drugs remain unaffected. Fig. 7. The backside of the idealised total find from Balatonőszöd: a typical hollow face mask. http://www.apa.org/releases/facerecog.html, http://web.uvic.ca/~slindsay/publications/1991 LindJackChristian.pdf Other-Race Face Perception.html; http://www.globalemotion.com Global Emotion. 24 http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/entrez/query.fcgi?cmd=Retrieve&db=pubmed&dopt=Abstract&list_uids= 9151747. 23 40 / Tünde Horváth CONTEXTUALISATION FOR THE BALATONŐSZÖD SITE Returning now to Balatonőszöd and the events of ca. five thousand years ago, we should consider the following options: – All members of the Baden population of Balatonőszöd were able to perceive the mask illusion in a normal state of consciousness. – In its original form, the mask may have stimulated this effect if hung on a wall or set on a podium in one of the Pfahlbau-type buildings at the site, and it may also have created the illusion of following the viewer with its eyes, a trick used in waxworks, given that the mask’s interior was concave (Fig. 7). – If the building’s interior was dark and viewers could only peek inside in a monocular mode, precluding the perception of correct distance and size proportions, the illusion could be enhanced further. These simple effects could have been known to any prehistoric community through simple observations; the priests of Mesopotamian and Egyptian temples worked with illusions of this type using a more deliberate and “scientific” approach. – The fact that the Baden mask portrayed the typical face of another culture, of the Pit-Grave/ Yamnaya population, rather than one the Balatonőszöd Baden community would have been accustomed to seeing, probably intensified the illusion for the viewers. Also, there was ample opportunity to play with the cumulative effects of biological sex, age and various constancies (such as sound).25 – The reaction to the visual experience must have been elementary: it was not only unexplainable, but also magical and awe- or fear-inspiring, if this was the ultimately desired effect. SUMMARY The goal of this paper was to set anatomical properties probably known to prehistoric communities in a new perspective and to propose possible modes of how they had been exploited. The real issue is not whether we can prove, employing archaeological methods, that the Balatonőszöd mask had been used in this way. We can’t; but then, neither can we wholly reject an interpretation along these lines. The main purpose of this exercise was to draw attention to a potential new avenue of research by examining the domain of illusory sensory perceptions created by illusions and how these may have been incorporated into the spiritual realm, and to demonstrate, step-by-step, one mode of how the mask could have been used. 25 There are constancies in every sensory modality, even if in some cases, this constancy is impaired for some reason. In the case of hearing, for example, if the frequency of the sounds is doubled, the ears and the cerebral process of hearing compensate this effect, and we hear the same melody. When the frequency of two clear sounds is so close to each other that there is a significant overlap in the displacement amplitude curves of the basilar membrane, they lie in the same critical band. The critical zones can be correlated with the frequency conversion ability of the cochlea, and they play an important role in perception: if the ear simultaneously perceives several sounds and these are all within a critical band, their intensity adds up, but we do not perceive them as separate sounds. The critical bands form the basis of the Bark scale (named after Heinrich Barkhausen) proposed by Ebehard Zwicker in 1961. The Bark scale ranges from 1 to 24 and corresponds to the first 24 critical bands of hearing between 20 and 15,500 Hz. The critical bands and the pitch scales conforming to the tonotopic organisation of the cochlea play an important role in the description of human speech perception processes because in contrast to the frequency and semi-tone based scales, they express the fact that the sensitivity of human hearing is frequency based. Every critical band corresponds to a data collection unit on the basilar membrane. Roughly 24 critical bands span the auditory frequency range and the regions of the basilar membrane. One critical band is ca. 1.3 mm long and contains roughly 1300 neurons. Musically, a third octave equals four semi-tones or a major third. Band widths can vary widely according to the type of experiment. We now know that cave paintings, for example, were adjusted to the form of the cave walls and that they show a correlation with cave locations where the human voice best resonated (MAVRIDIS, TAE JENSEN 2013). The Mask Illusion from the Late Copper Age Site at Balatonőszöd / 41 Bibliography ATKINSON & HILGARD’S Smith E. E., Nolen-Hoeksema S., Fredrikson B. L., Loftus G. F. (eds.), ATKINSON & 2005 HILGARD’S INTRODUCTION TO PSYCHOLOGY 2005 – Pszichológia. 3. átdolgozott kiadás, Budapest. BARLEY 2006 Barley N., Egy zöldfülű antropológus kalandjai. Feljegyzések a sárkunyhóból (The Innocent Anthropologist. Notes from a Mud Hut), Budapest. BIMAL KRISHNA 2011 Bimal Krishna M., An Essay on Classical Indian Theories of Knowledge, Oxford. BRUCE, YOUNG 2000 Bruce V., Young A., In the Eye of the Beholder: The Science of Face Perception, Oxford. DAVIS 1984 Davis W., Representation and knowledge in the prehistoric rock art of Africa, in AAR 1982:2, p.7–35. DIMA ET AL 2009 Dima D., Roiser J. P., Dietrich D. E., Bonnemann C., Lanfermann H., Emrich H. M., Dillo W., Understanding why patients with schizophrenia do not perceive the hollow-mask illusion using dynamic causal modelling, in Neuroimage 46, 1180–118610.1016/j.neuroimage.2009.03.033. EVERHART ET AL 2001 Everhart D. E., Shucard J. L., Quatrin T., Shucard D. W., Sex-related differences in event-related potentials, face recognition, and facial affect processing in prepubertal children, in JNP 15, p. 329–431. FISH 2009 Fish W., Perception, Hallucination and Illusion, Oxford. FONTIJU ET AL 2013 Fontiju D., Louwen A., van der Vaart S., Wentink K., Beyond Barrows. Current research on the structuration and perception of the Prehistoric Landscape through Monuments, Oxford. HAUSMANN 2005 Hausmann M., Hemisphere asymmetry in spatial attention across the menstrual cycle, in Neuropsychologia 43, p. 1559–1567. HERLITZ, YONKER 2002 Herlitz A., Yonker J. E., Sex differences in episodic memory: The influence of intelligence, in CENP 24, p. 107–114. HILL, JOHNSTON 2007 Hill H., Johnston A., The hollow-face illusion: Object-specific knowledge, general assumptions or properties of the stimulus?, in Perception 36, 2, p. 199–223. HORVÁTH 2004 Horváth Tünde, A new human representation from the Baden Culture: Mask from Balatonőszöd, in ActaArchHung 55, p. 179–237. HORVÁTH 2010 Horváth Tünde, Transcendent phenomena in the Late Copper Age Boleráz/Baden settlement uncovered at Balatonőszöd–Temetői dűlő: human and animal “depositions”. http://www.jungsteinSITE.de, 1st of September, 2010. HORVÁTH 2010a Horváth Tünde, Manifestationen des Transzendenten in der Badener Siedlung von Balatonőszöd– Temetői Dűlő – Kultgegenstände, in PZ 85, p. 79–119. HORVÁTH 2010b Horváth Tünde, Manifestation des Transzendenten in der Badener Siedlung von Balatonőszöd–Temetői dűlő – Zeremoniengefässe, in ActaArchHung 61, p. 1–48. HORVÁTH 2010c Horváth Tünde, Europäische Maskentradition am Beispiel eines spätkupferzeitlichen Fundes, in H. Meller and R. Maraszek (eds), Masken der Vorzeit in Europa (I). Internationale Tagung vom 20. bis 22. November 2009 in Halle (Saale). Tagungen des Landesmuseums für Vorgeschichte Halle (Saale) 4, p. 109–127. HORVÁTH ET AL 2007 Horváth Tünde, Gherdán K., Herbich K.,Vasáros Zs., Häuser der Badener Kultur am Fundort Balatonőszöd–Temetői dűlő, in ActaArchHung 58, p. 43–105. KANWISHER ET AL 1997 Kanwisher N. G., McDermott J., Chun M. M., The fusiform face area: a module in human extrastriate cortex specialized for face perception, in JNS 17, 11, p. 4302–4311. LEUZINGER 2000 Leuzinger U., Die jungsteinzeitliche Seeufersiedlung Arbon Bleiche 3. Befunde, in Archäologie im Thurgau 9, Frauenfeld. LICHTER 2010 Lichter C., Jungsteinzeit im Umbruch: Die “Michelsberger Kultur” und Mitteleuropa vor 6000 Jahren, Karlsruhe. MAVRIDIS, TAE JENSEN Mavridis F., Tae Jensen J. (eds.), Stable Places and Changing Perceptions: Cave Archaeology in 2013 Greece, BAR 2558, Oxford. NELSON 2001 Nelson C. A., The development and neural bases of face recognition, in ICH 10, 1–2, p. 3–18. NJEMANZE 2007 Njemanze P. C., Cerebral lateralisation for facial processing: Gender-related cognitive styles determined Fourier analysis of mean cerebral blood flow in the middle cerebral arteries, in Laterality 12, p. 31–49. SCARRE 2002 Scarre C. (ed.), Monuments and Landscape in Atlantic Europe. Perceptions and Society during the Neolithic and Early Bronze Age, London-New York. SEMPLE 2013 Semple S., Perceptions of the Prehistoric in Anglo-Saxon England. Religion, Ritual, and Rulership in the Landscape, Oxford. VOYER ET AL 1995 Voyer D., Voyer S., Bryden M. P., Magnitude of sex differences in spatial abilities: A meta-analysis and consideration of critical variables, in PB 117, p. 250–270. YELLOTT, KAIWI 1979 Yellott J. I., Kaiwi J. L., Depth inversion despite stereopsis: The appearance of random-dot stereograms on surfaces seen in reverse perspective, in Perception 8, p. 135–142. Symbolic Red Deer Antler Artefacts in the Wietenberg Culture Area. Zoomorphic Plate Discovered at Şoimeni, Harghita County Corneliu Beldiman Dan-Lucian Buzea Dimitrie Cantemir Christian University, Faculty of History, Bucharest, ROMANIA belcor@gmail.com National Museum of the Eastern Carpathians, Sfântu Gheorghe, ROMANIA buzealuci@yahoo.com Diana-Maria Sztancs Björn Briewig Dimitrie Cantemir Christian University, Faculty of History, Bucharest,ROMANIA beldiana22@yahoo.com Freelancer archaeologist, Berlin, GERMANY bjoerndebrie@yahoo.de Keywords: microscopy, osseous materials industry, red deer antler plate, symbolism, Transylvania, Wietenberg culture. Abstract: Microscopy of Prehistoric symbolic artefacts. Wietenberg zoomorphic antler plate discovered at Şoimeni, Harghita County. The article presents the data related to the Wietenberg culture in the site as well those issued from the microscopic analysis of an very special and unique artefact belonging to Wietenberg culture discovered at Şoimeni – “Dâmbul Cetăţii”, Harghita County. It is an entire zoomorphic plate (red deer protome?) made of a fragment of red deer antler. The artefact was recovered during the 2013 excavation campaign. The study was done using a unitary methodology (Beldiman 2007) which takes into account all quantifiable data of the artefact. The piece was extensive examined using an optical microscope (x10 – x40) and a digital one (x10 – x400); photos taken (general views, detailed views, and microscopic views) were added to the previous image database. The study aims to reconstruct the manufacturing chain of this unique artefact and to highlight the possible usewear traces in order to state some hypotheses regarding its functionality. For this type of approach, the use of microscopic analysis is essential and can lead to unique conclusions. THE ARCHAEOLOGICAL SITE The prehistoric settlement of Şoimeni is placed at 8 km Northeast of Miercurea-Ciuc and at 1–1.5 km northeast of Şoimeni village (Csíkcsomortán), Păuleni-Ciuc comm., Harghita County, in the area called Dâmbul Cetăţii (Várdomb)1. The Dâmbul Cetăţii archaeological site is located in the western area of Ciuc Depression at eastern slopes of the Ciuc Mountains, on a natural promontory which is sheltered by the higher hills that surround it. The altitude of the place is 846 m. The site is placed at about 6 km East of the nowadays Olt River and about 7 km Southwest of the Ghimeş Pass and the spring of the Trotuş River. Vlăhiţa Pass is also nearby and it connects (through the Harghita Mountains) Ciuc Depression with the Târnava Mare River Valley, in the centre of Transylvania (Pl. I/1). 1 A version of this study has been accepted in July, 2014 for the summary of Apulum 51, 2014 (In honorem Horia Ciugudean). Representations, Signs and Symbols, 2014 / p. 43–80 44 / Corneliu Beldiman, Dan-Lucian Buzea, Diana-Maria Sztancs, Björn Briewig The importance of settlement derives from its placement in a strategic area which controlled one of the roads that connects Moldova and Transylvania regions. At South, the settlement is naturally bordered by the steep and deep slope (about 70°–80°) of the Remetea River Valley, one of the Olt River tributary (in the riverbed, the elevation is 810 m). A smaller stream flows at the North of the settlement, in its close proximity; it is a tributary of the Remetea River. Access to settlement from the West is possible only by a narrow hill side, which has a width of about 15 m. In this area of the site, the traces of three trenches and two earthen walls can be seen. They represent traces of the old Prehistoric fortification of the settlement. Nowadays, it can be seen that the settlement is surrounded by a high earthen wall which has the shape of a “horseshoe”. There are also traces of a ditch which nowadays is covered with earth. The elements of a double system of fortification (wall doubled by fortification ditches) were used in order to assure a maximum protection of the inhabitants of this prehistoric fortification built of earth, stone and wood (Pl. I/2). Initially, on the place where the settlement was established there was a natural promontory. It had an oval shape and it was three meters tall. This place offered good defence conditions, due to the fact that the access in the settlement was easily controlled. The settlement has an oval shape with a maximum length of 90 m (East-West) and a width of 60 m (North-South). The plateau of the mould on which the site is placed presents a slight slope to the South. Therefore, the north side and especially the South wall are strongly flattened. The North side of the wall slipped inwards so that the inner slope of the wall is so smooth that transition from the wall to the inner part is barely noticeable (except for its eastern sector). Although, the slope of the wall is strongly accentuated from the outside (about 80o). The southern wall slipped outwards, on the slope of the Remetea River valley and consequently, on the South side of the settlement, the wall is barely noticeable. In the east – south-eastern part, between the wall and the ditch, a quasi-circular terrace is intercalated. Its dimensions are 14 × 20 meters and its high is about 1 m. Until now, the archaeological excavations at Dâmbu Cetăţii did not confirm that this terrace was specially designed in Prehistoric times for building houses. The settlement is both natural and anthropic fortified. In the western, northern and eastern areas, the settlement is fortified with a wall and a “horseshoe”-shaped ditch2. The earthen wall which fortified the settlement during the Bronze Age practically restricted the habitable area of the site. Thus, the living space of approximately 5,400 square meters (60 × 90 m) used during Cucuteni-Ariuşd culture (V–IV millennia BC), it got to about 2,200 square meters living area (32 × 70 m) during Costişa-Ciomortan culture and, later, during Wietenberg culture. The area on which the settlement is placed belonged from an administrative point of view to Păuleni-Ciuc comm. and Şoimeni village. Due to the fact that Şoimeni village (Csíkcsomortán) is closer to the archaeological site, since from the first excavations, Zoltán Székely used the Hungarian denomination of the village, but with a Romanian spelling Ciomortan instead of Csomortán (Csíkcsomortán)3. HISTORY OF THE RESEARCH The Prehistoric fortified settlement of Şoimeni was first mentioned in the archaeological literature during the second half of the 19th century. With that occasion, the first topographical and technical descriptions were provided. The name of the place frequently appeared as Cetate/Dealul Cetăţii/ Movila (Vár/Várdomb/Várhegy)4. 2 3 4 SZÉKELY 1971; SZÉKELY 1988; SZÉKELY 1997; CAVRUC 1999, p. 14–41; CAVRUC 2005, p. 81–123; BUZEA 2012a; BUZEA 2012b; WHITLOW ET AL 2013 – with previous bibliography. SZÉKELY 1971; SZÉKELY 1988 – with previous bibliography. CAVRUC 1999, p. 14–41; CAVRUC 2005, p. 81–123; BUZEA 2012a; BUZEA 2012b; WHITLOW ET AL 2013 – with previous bibliography. Symbolic Red Deer Antler Artefacts in the Wietenberg Culture Area. Zoomorphic Plate Discovered at Şoimeni, Harghita County / 45 Balázs Orbán mentioned important information about the settlement in his classical work dedicated to the land inhabited by the Székely communities5. During the Interwar period, Al. Ferenczi provided the first scientific description of the site. Using the field information, geographical position of the site (Dâmbul Cetăţii) etc., and the site was included in the catalogue of the Dacian fortresses from Transylvania. It was considered that the fortress was part of the defensive system of Dacian fortifications from Ciuc Depression6. Shortly after that mention, Márton Roska wrote about the ceramic fragments dated from the Bronze Age discovered there7. The first extensive excavations were carried out by the Székely Museum of Ciuc from Miercurea-Ciuc, together with the National Székely Museum of Sfântu Gheorghe, being coordinated by Zoltán Székely. During the three archaeological campaigns carried out in 1956, 1960 and 1967, five sections/trenches (S. I–V) and three square surfaces (C. A-C) were excavated. The dug surface was about 160 square meters. The excavations led to the following conclusions: the Aeneolithic Ariuşd (Cucuteni-Ariuşd) communities inhabited the place for the first time; they organised the territory for the first huts to be built there. During the Final Aeneolithic, the Coţofeni communities established there and during the Bronze Age, the Ciomortan and Wietenberg ones lived at Şoimeni – Dâmbul Cetăţii. The earthen wall which surrounds the settlements and which was strengthen with palisade was made by a community which followed to the Ariuşd one and lived during the Bronze Age. From an archaeological point of view, this fact is proven by the black soil which was used in order to build the wall, earth which had been taken out from the Ariuşd layer and which contained Ariuşd potsherds (painted ceramics specific for the Aeneolitic period), as well as traces of the pillars which were dug in this layer. The layer corresponding to the Bronze Age also overlaps the inner side of the earthen wall. The most important result of these researches was the discovery of a cultural aspect which was unknown until then in Transylvania. This new cultural aspect was introduced in the specialised literature like Ciomortan culture (starting from the Hungarian name of Şoimeni village: Csikcsomortán in Romanian official administrative variant at that time) and this was chronologically dated from the Middle Bronze Age8. During 1967–1999 the archaeological site from Dâmbul Cetăţii was not extensively approached. The archaeological discoveries done by Zoltán Székely were considered long time as benchmarks for all the archaeological papers which deal with the Prehistoric communities from the current territory of Romania because they introduced a new archaeological culture in this field: Ciomortan culture which was considered as specific for the Middle Bronze Age in Ciuc Depression. Actually many aspects related to the settlement of Dâmbu Cetăţii remained unsolved due to the low extent of the research carried out by Zoltán Székely – only 3% of the surface of the settlement was excavated – and due to the summary and selective publication of the results of these archaeological excavations. Thus, the layers from Aeneolithic up to Final Aeneolithic were barely approached. The chronological connection between Ciomortan and Wietenberg cultures was not clearly defined: if there were two different layers or there was a single one. Without having a well-defined layer, the existence of two levels dated from the Bronze Age was assumed and consequently, the Wietenberg layer was considered posterior to the Ciomortan one9. Another problem is the way in which Ciomortan culture is represented. This is because of the selective publication of the ceramics – the fine pottery decorated with shaded triangles or filled with stitches have been considered since then emblematic for this culture. The published illustration gave the impression of important similarities between the ceramics specific for Costişa culture which is characteristic for Central eastern region of Romania (the regions 5 6 7 8 9 ORBÁN 1869, p. 22. FERENCZI 1938, p. 290–296. ROSKA 1942, p. 59. SZÉKELY 1971; SZÉKELY 1988 – with previous bibliography. CAVRUC 1999; CAVRUC 2005 – with previous bibliography. 46 / Corneliu Beldiman, Dan-Lucian Buzea, Diana-Maria Sztancs, Björn Briewig of Moldova, on the opposite side of the Eastern Carpathians). Thus, some researchers admitted that Ciomortan culture is an aspect of Costişa culture10. After 1990 when the settlement from Dâmbul Cetăţii started to be poached by the treasure hunters, the researchers became again interested in the situation of this very important site. Fortunately, a part of the archaeological materials which were discovered during the unauthorised excavations got into the patrimony of the Eastern Carpathians National Museum of Sfântu Gheorghe, Covasna County. The ceramic was analysed by Valerii Kavruk, expert in Prehistoric archaeology. The statistical analysis took into account the clay composition and the ornamentation of the pots. According to these, the materials were dated from the Middle Bronze Age, more precisely to Costişa-Ciomortan and Wietenberg cultures (the 3rd – the 2nd millennia BC). These were documented in the area of Ciuc Depression for this Prehistoric stage11. 1999–2013 ARCHAEOLOGICAL RESEARCH. WIETENBERG CULTURE The researches begun in 1999 consisted in the excavation of some large surfaces divided in squares of 2 × 2 m with the purpose of obtaining clearer stratigraphic registrations. During the first archaeological campaigns squares of 4 × 4 m were dug in various areas of the site (Pl. I/2). Wietenberg culture (the name after German toponym for Dealul Turcului –Turk’s Hill which is placed near Sighişoara, Mureş County) originates in the centre of nowadays Transylvania. Starting from that area, it spread in the South-East and East of Transylvania. It is dated from 1900–1800/1500 BC. The settlements of Wietenberg communities were placed in high areas such as: hills or high terraces close to the rivers; some of these were fortified (Racu and Şoimeni, Harghita County; Racoş, Braşov County), while others were open sites (Feldioara, Braşov County; Reci, Covasna County). The frequent ritual complexes and cremation necropolises are characteristic for this culture12. Metallurgy was one of the fields in which Wietenberg population excelled. The archaeological researches brought to light various deposits of bronze weapons and tools, of votive axes, fragments of gold jewelleries (for example: Ţufalău, Covasna County). The large quantity of weapons (daggers, axes, arrowheads, spear heads) discovered in deposits as well as within the settlements and necropolises proves the warrior characteristic of these communities. Targeting to take the control of the most important strategic areas from the Eastern Carpathians, the Wietenberg communities got in south-eastern Transylvania where they occupied the previous Costişa settlement from Şoimeni – Dâmbul Cetăţii. Whether they defeated and drove out those who previously had lived within the fortification (Costişa culture communities), or they reached the area after the previous group had left, these people reorganized the space of the settlement; they build huts on the inner slope of the former earthen and stone wall. The remains of the Wietenberg culture discovered at Şoimeni – Dâmbul Cetăţii are in large quantity. These are dated from the early period of the culture which probably may be characteristic for the period in which these had come in the Ciuc area. In this stage of the research, the dating of the culture here is about 1800–1600 BC. The most important traces of Wietenberg community were discovered on the inner part of the wall, in the eastern and north-eastern part of the settlement. The Wietenberg community repaired the old fortifications of the settlement from Dâmbul Cetăţii (built during Costişa-Ciomortan phase) and built several huts among five of them with similar elements of constructions were identified and researched until now (Huts 7–10, 32). We can notice also that four ritual complexes and several pits were excavated there (Pl. II/1–2; Pl. III/1–3). 10 11 12 CAVRUC 1999; CAVRUC 2005; MUNTEANU 2010 – with previous bibliography. CAVRUC 1999, p. 14–41; CAVRUC 2005, p. 81–123; BUZEA 2012a; BUZEA 2012b; WHITLOW ET AL 2013 – with previous bibliography. HOREDT 1960, p. 106–137; BOROFFKA 1994; CIUGUDEAN 1996; CAVRUC 2005; MUNTEANU 2010, p. 213–218. Symbolic Red Deer Antler Artefacts in the Wietenberg Culture Area. Zoomorphic Plate Discovered at Şoimeni, Harghita County / 47 The huts dated from Wietenberg culture were placed on the inner side of the wall, the distance between them being of 0.4-0.6 m. Due to the small depth at which these were found (between 0.3 and 0.6 m from the surface of the actual ground), the huts were surprisingly well preserved. Initially, during excavation, large areas with unworked stones were discovered above the huts. After removing the stones, the traces of fallen walls were revealed. These corresponded to the rectangular perimeters of the huts. The huts appeared in the shape of agglomerations of burnt daub with traces of poles and wattle, but also with flat sides. After the inventory of the huts was researched and removed, it has been noticed that these were slightly deepened in the slope of the wave and they had about 3 × 4 m. At the floor level, every household had circular or oval earthen hearths (one, two and three hearths in each hut) and pits pillars arranged mainly at the housing ends. All these observations allowed us to reconstruct the plan of huts and building sequences in a quite accurate manner. The place where the huts were supposed to be built was initially flattened by excavating in the wall slope up to 0.30 m depth. Fixing the pillars was the next stage. Consequently, the walls made of pillars and wattles were fixed of these. The wooden structure was covered with clay, well-mixed with water, sand and chaff. It is hard to say how the roofs of these huts were made. Given the fact that over the rubble of the walls there were agglomerations of stones, we may assume that the roofs were made of organic materials such as reeds or straw and they were supported on transversal wooden bars. The huts were warmed by hearths; as the ethnographic studies suggest, the floors and the walls might have been covered with hides or woollen carpets. The archaeological material discovered in these huts is very rich. Whole or broken clay pots as well as numerous potsherds, tools made of stone, bone, antler, shell or bronze were discovered under the rubble of the walls. Several ritual and funerary complexes could be dated also from the Wietenberg culture13. The hut 32 was discovered in 2007 in S. I and partially excavated until 2013. It is oriented towards North-West/South-East; its dimensions are of about 4.5 × 3 m. It was discovered in the old humus layer, which had a thickness of 0.2 m, at a depth of about 0.3 to 0.8 m from the actual ground. The hut was built on the flatted wall made of clay, earth and stones which fortified the settlement during the Early Bronze Age. Large quantities of stones of various shapes and dimensions were discovered at the superior side of the hut. Its perimeter was underlined by these stones and several potsherds. In 2007, the hut was excavated on a surface of 4 × 1 m, at a depth of 0.5 m. The side of the hut from the top of the wall was dug in the mantle of the earthen wall. The upper part contains a mixture of stones with several potsherds and daub. A hearth was discovered at the depth of 0.8 m. The hut was preserved on this level. During 2012 campaign, a hearth was discovered (Hearth no. 1) at floor level, on the western part of the hut. Its daub was well-finished and it is preserved on a surface of about 0.4 × 0.6 m. The hearth was probably circular and the burnt part was about 0.13 m thick14. Excavations carried out in 2013 revealed the fact that hut no. 32 is larger than it was previously supposed: the length of his wall is 6 m and it is oriented North-West – South-East while the short sides are about 4 m. Four pillar pits were discovered at the ancient ground level; they were part of the infrastructure of the complex (Pl. II/2; Pl. III/1–3)15. A fragment of a burnt beam made of wood, very well-preserved which was discovered on the floor of the burnt hut offered a C14 date from 1830–1680 BC16. 13 14 15 16 CAVRUC, ROTEA 2000, p. 155–171; COMŞA 2000, p. 173–176; CAVRUC, BUZEA 2002; KAVRUK ET AL 2008; KAVRUK ET AL 2012. BUZEA 2012a; BUZEA 2012b – with previous bibliography. KAVRUK ET AL 2014. WHITLOW ET AL 2013, p. 38. 48 / Corneliu Beldiman, Dan-Lucian Buzea, Diana-Maria Sztancs, Björn Briewig OSSEOUS MATERIALS INDUSTRY AT ŞOIMENI – DÂMBUL CETĂŢII. GENERAL OVERVIEW The archaeological excavations carried out during 1999–2013 campaigns in the Prehistoric site from Şoimeni – Dâmbul Cetăţii, Harghita County (code PCD) offered the opportunity of recovering an assemblage of artefacts made of osseous materials belonging to Cucuteni-Ariuşd, Jigodin, CostişaCiomortan and Wietenberg cultures. It was recovered from the three Aeneolithic layers as well as from the ones dated from the Bronze Age, both from complexes (pits, huts) and from archaeological layers. The assemblage contains the largest repertory of artefacts dated from Cucuteni-Ariuşd culture from Transylvania and the single repertory of artefacts dated from Wietenberg culture which were analysed according to the current exhaustive methodology of the domain17. Data regarding the artefacts dated from Cucuteni-Ariuşd (discoveries from 1999–2010) were presented for the first time in a study which was published in 201018. The assemblage that we have studied until now comprises 108 artefacts19. All of them are preserved in the collections of the Eastern Carpathians National Museum of Sfântu Gheorghe, Covasna County. Their status of conservation is good and very good. This fact allowed us to quantify in optimal conditions all the aspects required by the complex study of the pieces. Our approach supposed a systematic examination of all artefacts using an optical microscope (x10 – x40) and a digital microscope (x10 – x400)20. The osseous materials artefacts recovered from Şoimeni – Dâmbul Cetăţii site during 1999–2013 archaeological campaigns comprise 19 pieces dated from the Bronze Age. Among these a piece belong to Jigodin culture, a piece is dated from Costişa culture and 17 from Wietenberg culture. Most of the artefacts are bone awls made of long bones of large and medium-sized herbivores. Within the artefacts dated from Wietenberg culture, we should underline the preference for long awls made of fragments of large herbivore bones and the use of red deer antler in order to manufacture perforated oblique points (in specialized literature traditionally known as mattocks, axes, adzes). Another important piece is a fragment of a (probably) circular red deer plate, intentionally and intensively burnt in order to obtain a compact black metallic aspect and which was engraved with geometrical ornamentation. It could be connected with some kind of solar symbolism which was very frequent at this cultural and chronological level21. The typological analysis of the osseous materials industry from Şoimeni – Dâmbul Cetăţii allowed us to add new types of objects for Wietenberg culture. The symbolic pieces should be mentioned here: the Dentalium beads, the (probably) circular red deer antler plate and the zoomorphic plate made of red deer antler. The two last ones have never been identified before within the discoveries of osseous materials artefacts from the site or from any other Wietenberg sites. Despite its relatively small quantity of pieces, the osseous materials artefacts assemblage from Şoimeni – Dâmbul Cetăţii offers new benchmarks from a typological, palaeo-technological, cultural and chronological point of view. These allow the complex and extensive approach of the manifestations of civilisation and culture of the communities that lived during the Aeneolithic and the Bronze Age times in Transylvania22. 17 18 19 20 21 22 BUZEA, LAZAROVICI 2005 – with previous bibliography; BELDIMAN, SZTANCS 2012a; BELDIMAN, SZTANCS 2012b. SZTANCS, BELDIMAN 2010a. SZTANCS, BELDIMAN 2010a; SZTANCS, BELDIMAN 2010b; SZTANCS, BELDIMAN 2011a; BELDIMAN ET AL 2010; BELDIMAN ET AL2012a; BELDIMAN ET AL 2013a; BELDIMAN, SZTANCS 2012a; BELDIMAN, SZTANCS 2012b; BELDIMAN, SZTANCS 2013; BELDIMAN, SZTANCS 2014. BELDIMAN 2007; BELDIMAN ET AL 2012a – with previous bibliography. SZTANCS, BELDIMAN 2012d; BELDIMAN, SZTANCS 2013; BELDIMAN, SZTANCS 2014. BELDIMAN, SZTANCS 2013; BELDIMAN, SZTANCS 2014. Symbolic Red Deer Antler Artefacts in the Wietenberg Culture Area. Zoomorphic Plate Discovered at Şoimeni, Harghita County / 49 ZOOMORPHIC RED DEER ANTLER PLATE During 2013 archaeological campaign a unique piece was discovered within the inventory of hut 32. It is a zoomorphic plate made of red deer antler which is preserved in very good conditions of conservation. The piece has the following features: provisory code in general catalogue of the osseous material artefacts assemblage: PCD/IV 3–2013; collection preservation: Eastern Carpathians National Museum of Sfântu Gheorghe; inv. no. 18294; context: 2013 S. I Square L/1 Complex / Hut 32; dating: Wietenberg culture, the IInd phase, cca. 1830–1680 BC23. This is a massive zoomorphic plate (protome) made of red deer antler (compact tissue). The piece is entirely preserved and has a very good status of conservation (Pl. IV–IX). The raw material is a fragment of a red deer beam taken out from the basis of the crown, preserving the bases of the two crown tines and a fragment of beam (Pl. XXI). The general shape as a three-cusped artefact is determined by the raw material which was used, with a concave-convex curvature in section – the superior side is concave, the lower one, convex; it has an inferior, vertical part and two superior, oblique, less wide parts. The last two of them are quite similar in terms of shape and dimensions – convex ends, convex planes. By transforming the raw material, the manufacturer wanted to obtain an object which was symmetrical in a vertical plane. This symmetry is mostly due to the morphology of raw material which was especially chosen for this purpose. The general aspect of the piece suggests apparently an unfinished zoomorphic plate, without any details or ornamentation. But it is clearly not a blank for an undefined piece. There are no traces to sustain the hypothesis of fixing with fibres. The plate/protome probably represents a stylized red deer head made of red deer antler as a symbolic substitute for a symbolic animal. The symbolic value of raw material is essential as well as the morphology of the object. The creative, imaginative intervention of the manufacturer is obvious: the fragment of antler was extracted corresponding from a morphological point of view to the symbolic purpose. The piece partially preserves the anatomical morphology of the raw material. The superior side is anatomically concave and the lower side is convex, instead of its technical transformation. The texture of the superior side presents the unchanged anatomic curvature, the anatomical aspect being partially preserved. On the superior side there are discontinuous concretions, tight, brown, of sandy texture (cemented sediment) (Pl. V, IX). The inferior side mostly preserves the spongy tissue (thick of 0.3–10 mm) which was shaped by chopping. The ends are convex and the sections of the elongated parts and of the ends are flat-convex; the surfaces are faceted by applying the technique of chopping using a metal tool with a fine, wellsharpened blade (probably a bronze axe) (Pl. VI, IX). The ends preserve short, overlapped planes of chopping; the edges also preserve long, overlapped planes of chopping on both sides (Pl. VII–VIII). The conventions of description are the following: superior side, inferior side, proximal end; proximal part; medial part; distal part_1; distal part_2, distal end_1, distal end_2, right edge, left edge, left edge/distal end_1, right edge/distal end_2 – see also abbreviation list (Pl. X). The dimensions of the artefact are (in mm) (Pl. XXIII/1): L tot 126.23; L EP – base PD_1 and PD_2 96.48; width max 134.67; EP 43.91/12.04; PP 50.66/12.76; PM 57.46/10.87; PD 82.50/9.83; PD_1 (left): L 64.31; base 44.14/11.18; PM 33.09/12.89; PD 31.57/13.35; ED 29.84/14.13; PD_2 (right): L 61.63; base 45.08/10.98; PM 35.36/11.69; PD 31.75/12.83; ED 28.41/13.66; L chopping planes EP/FS 3–4.20; L chopping planes ED/FS (ED_1 şi ED_2) 4.5–9.10; L chopping planes ED/FI 10–14; L chopping planes PD/FI (edge) 18–2224. 23 24 In-field documentation and the photographs taken during the archaeological research were done by Dan Lucian Buzea and Björn Briewig. The photographs of the artefacts were taken by Corneliu Beldiman; the drawings belong to Eva Délczeg from Eastern Carpathians National Museum of Sfântu Gheorghe. BELDIMAN ET AL 2013a; BELDIMAN, SZTANCS 2014. 50 / Corneliu Beldiman, Dan-Lucian Buzea, Diana-Maria Sztancs, Björn Briewig The extensive microscopic study of the surfaces (Pl. XI–XX) allowed us to observe the following: 1. there are series of fine, parallel striations produced by the fine, well-sharpened metallic blade of the tool used for this purpose (probably a bronze axe) (Pl. VII/1–2, 4; Pl. XI–XVII); 2. there are specific traces of stopping the blade in its active movement in contact with the surface of the piece; these traces allow us to identify the direction in which the chopping procedure was applied (Pl. XII, XVIII–XX, XXIII/2); 3. in certain sectors of the piece surface, the chopping planes are overlapped; these allow certain observations and conclusions regarding the sequence of application the shaping procedures: A chopping the sides, B chopping the edges, B chopping the ends (Pl. XXII–XXIII/2); 4. there are superficial traces of bluntness and polish on the superior side, edges of the piece and on both sides of the ends; these traces are well-marked, especially on the edges inferior side (Pl. XVIII–XIX); they probably resulted by handling the piece; there are no traces produced by fixing the piece on a support, but this hypothesis is not excluded25. The presence of bluntness traces may indicate the usage of the piece and consequently, we may advance the hypothesis of a finite shape and not an intermediary one, or a blank as the apparently unfinished shape may suggest. The débitage targeted the extraction of a beam segment and the proximal segments of the crown tines (Pl. XXII/1–2). The shaping offered the final aspect of sides edges and ends (Pl. XXII/3–9). This procedure may have continued by shaping the superior side, the edges and the ends by abrasion and scraping. Due to these procedures, the anatomic surfaces and the chopping facets were removed. Consequently, the uniform convex aspect resulted26. The device of fixing could have used perforations which had had the role of retaining the thread. This stage of manufacture was not applied, the piece preserving the aspect of chopping. All the procedures were done by well-applied chopping. The manufacturer presented strong ability for these operations, a sense of symmetry and a routine in this domain which probably had been trained through wood processing. The archaeological pieces made of red deer antler illustrate the manner of chopping which was also currently applied for wood. Because the wood artefacts are not preserved, this fact represents a scientific added value for this kind of organic objects. The morphology of chopping traces (Pl. V–XX) indicated the application of the techniques on a wet raw material; it might have been soaked especially for facilitating the technical procedures. The débitage was done by direct percussion/chopping and direct percussion/splitting with the purpose of extracting a beam segment and the proximal segments of the crown tines. The splitting for extracting the compact tissue followed. The sequences of raw material processing were (Pl. XXII–XXIII): 1. detaching the crown tines by chopping the circumference on about 5 cm of base and fracture (Pl. XXII/1); 2. extracting the beam segment with the crown tines by chopping applied on the beam circumference at a distance of 7 cm at the base of the crown and fracture (Pl. XXII/2); 3. splitting the beam segment (Pl. XXII/3); 4. extracting the beam fragment (Pl. XXII/3); 5. shaping the sides by chopping applied from the distal end to the proximal one (Pl. XXII/4–5; Pl. XXIII/2); 6. shaping the edges by bidirectional chopping, from the distal end to the proximal one and from the proximal end to the distal one; at the distal part, between the two elongated parts, on the inferior side, the chopping was applied bidirectional: ED_2 → ED_1 on the right edge of ED_1 and ED_1 → ED_2 on the left edge of ED_2; 7. shaping the edges on both sides by chopping in two directions: ED → EP at EP and EP → ED at ED_1 and ED_2 (Pl. XXII/6–9; Pl. XXIII/2). The plate could have been fixed on a mobile support (object made of metal, wood, leather, textile etc.) or on a wall, pillar etc. It also could have been used as a workable object27. 25 26 27 Microphotographs of the piece were taken by Corneliu Beldiman. This type of details of shaping/finishing are also preserved on the fragment of plate made from a red deer antler which was also discovered at Dâmbul Cetăţii and dated from Wietenberg culture – see BELDIMAN ET AL 2012b, p. 104, 248, pl. 34; BELDIMAN ET AL 2013a. BELDIMAN, SZTANCS 2014. Symbolic Red Deer Antler Artefacts in the Wietenberg Culture Area. Zoomorphic Plate Discovered at Şoimeni, Harghita County / 51 The dating of the hut also assures the indirect dating of the analysed piece. It is dated from 1830–1680 BC, being the first piece made of osseous materials belonging to Wietenberg culture which was precisely dated and among the rare Prehistoric pieces of osseous materials from Romania28. ANALOGIES So long, no analogies were identified for this piece; it seems to be a unique one. Animal with a symbolic value which has documented since the early Prehistory, the red deer generated myths and various representations over time, as the manifestations of material culture such as artefacts of common use (tools, weapons) or symbolic ones (perforated residual canines, other adornments, decorated non-utilitarian artefacts etc.). They are presented in Romania since the Upper Paleolithic (27–25 millennia BP)29. During all Prehistoric or ancient cultures, the red deer symbolism existed in a way or another. This species supplied food and very appreciated raw materials such as: hides, sinews, bones, antlers, teeth. From a magical and symbolic point of view, it was perceived as a symbol of life, authority, virility, rebirth etc.30 Pieces with a powerful symbolism and magic, the red deer teeth (the residual canines, especially), are important hunting trophies appreciated till nowadays31. Various symbolic artefacts are made of red deer antler. These are frequently decorated with geometrical ornamentation. Pendants, bracelets, various plates, sleeves, axes etc. are only some of the pieces made of red deer antler32. Two other rare artefacts made of red deer antler were discovered at Şoimeni – Dâmbul Cetăţii: a unique idol made of red deer antler dated from Cucuteni-Ariuşd culture33 and a fragment of a red deer plate (probably a circular one); his intense metallic black colour was obtained through a controlled burning process; it has an ornamentation done by excision and engraving; it is dated from Wietenberg culture34. Within the Bronze Age cultures, there are symbolic representations of the animals such as zoomorphic protomes made of clay. In a recently published work a detailed approach of the symbolism related to animals can be found. It also takes into account the red deer within Wietenberg culture35. As analogies for red deer antler plate/protome from Şoimeni – Dâmbul Cetăţii, we may mention the artefacts made of clay (figurines and protomes) discovered at Reghin and Jabeniţa, Mureş County dated from Wietenberg culture, the IIIrd phase36. Other protomes made of clay representing herbivores 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 WHITLOW ET A. 2013, p. 38. BELDIMAN 2004a; BELDIMAN 2004b; BELDIMAN 2007 – with previous bibliography; BELDIMAN, SZTANCS 2005; BELDIMAN, SZTANCS 2006; BELDIMAN, SZTANCS 2008; BELDIMAN, SZTANCS 2009; BELDIMAN, SZTANCS 2012a; SZTANCS 2011; SZTANCS ET AL 2009; SZTANCS ET AL 2010; SZTANCS, BELDIMAN 2005; SZTANCS, BELDIMAN 2011b. MOLDOVAN 2009 – with previous bibliography. BELDIMAN 2004a; BELDIMAN 2004b; BELDIMAN 2007; BELDIMAN 2012a – with previous bibliography. BELDIMAN 2000; BELDIMAN 2002; BELDIMAN 2007 – with previous bibliography; BELDIMAN ET AL 2010; BELDIMAN, SZTANCS 2004; BELDIMAN, SZTANCS 2014; BELDIMAN ET AL 2012c, p. 59, 202, pl. 129; ALDEA 1973; DUMITRESCU 1974; CHIDIOŞAN 1980; RIŞCUŢA 1995; ANDRIŢOIU, RUSTOIU 1997; POPA, ŞTEFU 2009; POPA, SIMINA 2004; LASCU, GHEORGHIU 2009; CIUTĂ, CIUTĂ 2013; POPESCU 2013 – with previous bibliography. For the antler artefacts in Second Iron Age in Romania see: BELDIMAN 2011; BELDIMAN 2012b; BELDIMAN ET AL 2012d; BELDIMAN ET AL 2012e; BELDIMAN ET AL 2013b; BELDIMAN ET AL 2013c; BELDIMAN ET AL 2013d; BELDIMAN ET AL 2014; FERENCZ, BELDIMAN 2012– with previous bibliography. BELDIMAN ET AL 2010; BELDIMAN ET AL. 2012a; SZTANCS 2011; SZTANCS ET AL. 2009; SZTANCS ET AL 2010; SZTANCS, BELDIMAN 2010b. BELDIMAN ET AL 2012b, p. 104, 248, pl. 34. MOLDOVAN 2009 – with previous bibliography. MOLDOVAN 2009, p. 295–299. 52 / Corneliu Beldiman, Dan-Lucian Buzea, Diana-Maria Sztancs, Björn Briewig and birds dated from the Bronze and Iron Ages were discovered at Sighişoara – Wietenberg, Lechinţa de Mureş, Mureş County; Şimleu Silvaniei, Derşida, Rîpa, Sălaj County etc.37 CONCLUSION The archaeological excavations carried out during 1999–2013 campaigns in the Prehistoric site from Şoimeni – Dâmbul Cetăţii offered the opportunity of recovering an assemblage of artefacts made of osseous materials belonging to Cucuteni-Ariuşd, Jigodin, Costişa-Ciomortan and Wietenberg cultures. The studied assemblage comprises 108 artefacts. All of them are preserved in the collections of the Eastern Carpathians National Museum of Sfântu Gheorghe, Covasna County. Among these 17 pieces are dated from Wietenberg culture. Most of the artefacts are bone awls made of long bones of large and medium-sized herbivores. There were quantify in optimal conditions all the aspects required by the complex study of the pieces. The approach supposed a systematic examination of all artefacts in optical microscopy. The typological analysis of the osseous materials industry from Şoimeni – Dâmbul Cetăţii allowed us to add new types of objects for Wietenberg culture. The symbolic pieces should be mentioned here: the Dentalium beads, the (probably) circular red deer antler plate and the zoomorphic plate made of red deer antler. The two last ones have never been identified before within the discoveries of osseous materials artefacts from the site or from any other Wietenberg sites. A unique zoomorphic plate/protome was discovered within the inventory of hut 32 during 2013 archaeological campaign. This is a massive three-cusped artefact, a plate (protome) made of red deer antler (compact tissue). The piece is entirely preserved and has a very good status of conservation. The vertical symmetry is mostly due to the morphology of raw material which was especially chosen for this purpose. By transforming the raw material, the manufacturer wanted to obtain an object which was symmetrical in a vertical plane. The creative, imaginative intervention of the manufacturer is obvious: the fragment of antler was extracted corresponding from a morphological point of view to the symbolic purpose. The extensive microscopic study of the surfaces allowed us to notice the traces of manufacture and wear and to propose the sequences of shaping. All the procedures were done by well-applied chopping. The manufacturer presented strong ability for these operations, a sense of symmetry and a routine in this domain. The Wietenberg osseous materials artefacts assemblage from Şoimeni – Dâmbul Cetăţii offers new benchmarks from a typological, palaeo-technological, cultural and chronological point of view. These allow the complex and extensive approach of the manifestations of civilisation and culture of the communities that lived during the Bronze Age times in Transylvania38. ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS The contribution of Dan Lucian Buzea to this work was possible with the financial support of European Social Fund, Operational Programme Human Resources Development 2007–2013, Priority no. 1 “Education and training in support for growth and development of the knowledge society”, Key Area of Intervention 1.5 “Doctoral and post-doctoral research support” Title: “MINERVA – Cooperation for elite career in PhD and post doctoral research”, ID POSDRU 159/1.5/S/137832. 37 38 DUMITRESCU 1974; CHIDIOŞAN 1980; BOROFFKA 1994; ANDRIŢOIU, RUSTOIU 1997; MOLDOVAN 2009, p. 295–299 – with previous bibliography. English version by Diana-Maria Sztancs. Symbolic Red Deer Antler Artefacts in the Wietenberg Culture Area. Zoomorphic Plate Discovered at Şoimeni, Harghita County / 53 Bibliography ALDEA 1973 Aldea I. Al., Un sceptru de os din aşezarea Wietenberg de la Lancrăm, jud. Alba, in Apulum 11, p. 25–35. ANDRIŢOIU, RUSTOIU 1997 Andriţoiu I., Rustoiu A., Sighişoara-Wietenberg. Descoperirile preistorice şi aşezarea dacică, Bibliotheca Thracologica 23, Bucureşti. BELDIMAN 2000 Beldiman C., Obiecte de podoabă neolitice timpurii din materii dure animale descoperite pe teritoriul României: brăţări din corn de cerb, in BMGiurgiu 5–7, p. 31–45. BELDIMAN 2002 Beldiman C., Vârfuri de săgeţi din materii dure animale descoperite în aşezarea culturii Noua de la Zoltan, jud. Covasna, in Angustia 7, p. 115–152. BELDIMAN 2004a Beldiman C., Parures paléolithiques et épipaléolithiques de Roumanie (25000–10000 BP): typologie et technologie, in Dujardin V. (éd.), Table Ronde sur le Paléolithique supérieur récent. Industrie osseuse et parures du Solutréen au Magdalénien en Europe, Angoulême (Charente, France), 28–30 mars 2003, Mémoires de la Société Préhistorique Française 39, Paris, p. 39–71. BELDIMAN 2004b Beldiman C., Parures préhistoriques de Roumanie: dents percées paléolithiques et épipaléolithiques (25000–10000 BP), in Memoria Antiquitatis 23, p. 69–102. BELDIMAN 2007 Beldiman C., Industria materiilor dure animale în preistoria României. Resurse naturale, comunităţi umane şi tehnologie din paleoliticul superior până în neoliticul timpuriu, in Asociaţia Română de Arheologie, Studii de Preistorie – Supplementum 2, Bucureşti. BELDIMAN 2011 Beldiman C., The Dacian red deer antler sleeve discovered at Unip, Timiş County, in AUVT 14, 1, p. 73–84. BELDIMAN 2012a Beldiman C., Prehistoric artefacts of animal skeletal materials from Romania. Studies and articles, Lambert Academic Publishing, Saarbrücken. BELDIMAN 2012b Beldiman C., Artefacte din materii dure animale descoperite la Ardeu-“Cetăţuie”/The Dacian osseous materials artefacts discovered at Ardeu-“Cetăţuie”, in Ferencz, Beldiman 2012, p. 50–53, 204–207. BELDIMAN ET AL 2010 Beldiman C., Sztancs Diana-Maria, Buzea D.-L., Date recente privind plastica antropomorfă eneolitică din materii dure animale aparţinând culturii Cucuteni-Ariuşd, in Chirica V., Bodi G. (ed.), Arta antropomorfă feminină în preistoria spaţiului carpato-nistrean, Volum dedicat memoriei prof. dr. doc. Ilie Borziac, Bibliotheca Archaeologica Iassiensis 23, Iaşi, p. 221–256. BELDIMAN ET AL 2012a Beldiman C., Sztancs Diana-Maria, Buzea D.-L., Animale, tehnologie şi artefacte preistorice din materii dure animale descoperite la Păuleni-Ciuc, jud. Harghita. Catalog/Prehistoric osseous materials artefacts discovered at Păuleni-Ciuc, Harghita County. Catalogue/Állatok, technológiá és állati eredetű nyersanyagból készült tárgyak Csikpálfavi (Hargita Megye) lelőhelyról. Katalógus, Sfântu Gheorghe. BELDIMAN ET AL 2012b Beldiman C., Sztancs Diana-Maria, Buzea D.-L., Catalogul artefactelor din materii dure animale descoperite în aşezarea de la Păuleni-Ciuc -“Dâmbul Cetăţii”, jud. Harghita. Cultura Wietenberg, in Beldiman et al 2012a, p. 103–108. BELDIMAN ET AL 2012c Beldiman C., Sztancs Diana-Maria, Ilie C., Artefacte din materii dure animale în colecţia Muzeului de Istorie Galaţi. Eneolitic. Catalog / Osseous materials artefacts in the collection of History Museum of Galaţi. Aeneolithic. Catalogue, traducere în limba engleză: Diana-Maria Sztancs şi Andreea-Daniela Hompoth. Cluj-Napoca. BELDIMAN ET AL 2012d Beldiman C., Sztancs Diana-Maria, Ferencz I. V., Catalogul artefactelor de os şi corn/Catalogue of bone and antler artefacts, in Ferencz, Beldiman 2012, p. 73–108, 226–259. BELDIMAN ET AL 2012e Beldiman C., Bărbat I. A., Sztancs Diana-Maria, Bone and antler artefacts dated from Early Neolithic discovered recently in South-Western Transylvania, Romania, in AUVT 14, 1, p. 43–57. BELDIMAN ET AL 2013a Beldiman C., Buzea D.-L., Sztancs Diana-Maria, Briewig B., Descoperiri de artefacte preistorice din materii dure animale în aşezarea de la Şoimeni – “Dâmbul Cetăţii” com. Păuleni-Ciuc, jud. Harghita. Campania 2013, in Angustia 17 – in print. BELDIMAN ET AL 2013b Beldiman C., Sztancs Diana-Maria, Ilie C., Aeneolithic osseous materials artefacts discovered in Southern Moldova. The DanubiOs Project, in AUVT 15, 2, p. 7–28. BELDIMAN ET AL 2013c Beldiman C., Ferencz I. V., Sztancs Diana-Maria, Dacian osseous materials industry. Case study: the artefacts from Hillfort of Ardeu, Hunedoara County, in Stavilă A., Micle D., Cîntar A., Floca C., Forţiu S. (eds.), ArheoVest, Nr. I: In Memoriam Liviu Măruia, Interdisciplinaritate în Arheologie şi Istorie, Timişoara, 7 decembrie 2013, vol. II, Szeged, p. 744–772. 54 / Corneliu Beldiman, Dan-Lucian Buzea, Diana-Maria Sztancs, Björn Briewig BELDIMAN ET AL 2013d Beldiman C., Ferencz I. 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SZÉKELY 1997 Székely Z., Perioada timpurie şi începutul celei mijlocii a epocii bronzului în sud-estul Transilvaniei, Bibliotheca Thracologica 21, Bucureşti. SZTANCS 2011 Sztancs Diana-Maria, Industria materiilor dure animale în neo-eneoliticul din Transilvania. Repertoriu, tipologie, studiu paleotehnologic, date privind paleoeconomia, baze de date, PhD thesis, Universitatea “Lucian Blaga”, Sibiu (unpublished). SZTANCS ET AL 2009 Sztancs Diana-Maria, Beldiman C., Buzea D.-L., Contribuţii la cunoaşterea plasticii antropomorfe preistorice din materii dure animale în Transilvania: idolul din corn de cerb descoperit în aşezarea eneolitică de la Păuleni-Ciuc, jud. Harghita, in Corviniana 13, p. 359–375. 56 / Corneliu Beldiman, Dan-Lucian Buzea, Diana-Maria Sztancs, Björn Briewig SZTANCS ET AL 2010 Sztancs Diana-Maria, Beldiman C., Buzea D.-L., Fiches typologiques de l’industrie osseuse de Roumanie. I. Préhistoire. 1. Idole/pendeloque/amulette anthropomorphe énéolithique en bois de cerf de Păuleni-Ciuc, dép. de Harghita, in ActaTS 9, p. 121–150. SZTANCS, BELDIMAN 2005 Sztancs Diana-Maria, Beldiman C., L’industrie des matières dures animales dans le site appartenant à la culture Cucuteni de Mărgineni, dép. de Bacău, Roumanie, in Dumitroaia Gh., Chapman J., Weller O., Preoteasa C., Munteanu Roxana, Nicola D., Monah D. (éds.), Cucuteni. 120 ans de recherches. Le temps du bilan, Piatra Neamţ, p. 285–292. SZTANCS, BELDIMAN 2010a Sztancs Diana-Maria, Beldiman C., Şoimeni-Ciomortan, com. Păuleni-Ciuc, jud. Harghita. Industria materiilor dure animale aparţinând culturii Cucuteni-Ariuşd. Consideraţii asupra repertoriului tipologic, in CCA. Campania 2009, Suceava, p. 184–186. SZTANCS, BELDIMAN 2010b Sztancs Diana-Maria, Beldiman C., Date asupra industriei materiilor dure animale aparţinând culturii Cucuteni-Ariuşd descoperită în aşezarea de la Păuleni-Ciuc – “Dâmbul Cetăţii”, jud. Harghita, in Angustia 14, p. 141–164. SZTANCS, BELDIMAN 2011a Sztancs Diana-Maria, Beldiman C., Şoimeni-Ciomortan, com. Păuleni-Ciuc, jud. Harghita. Industria materiilor dure animale aparţinând culturilor Cucuteni-Ariuşd şi Wietenberg, in CCA. Campania 2010, Sibiu, p. 132–134. SZTANCS, BELDIMAN 2011b Sztancs Diana-Maria, Beldiman C., Artefacte din materii dure animale aparţinând culturii AriuşdCucuteni în colecţia Muzeului Naţional Secuiesc, in ActaS, p. 127–167. WHITLOW ET AL 2013 Whitlow R., Kavruk V., Buzea D.-L., Briewig B., Radiocarbon data from the Cucuteni-Ariuşd levels at Păuleni-Ciuc (Ciomortan) – “Dâmbul Cetăţii”, Harghita County, in ActaTS 12, p. 37–64. Abbreviation list C. – square surface Comm. – commune ED_1 – distal end_1 ED_2 – distal end_2 EP – proximal end FI – inferior side FS – superior side Inv. no. – inventory number L – length L tot – total length Max – maximum MD – right edge MD/PD_2 – right edge/distal part_2 MS – left edge MS/ PD_1 – left edge/distal part_1 PCD – Şoimeni/Păuleni-Ciuc PD_1 – distal part_1 PD_2 – distal part_2 PM – medial part PP – proximal part S. – Section (Trench) Symbolic Red Deer Antler Artefacts in the Wietenberg Culture Area. Zoomorphic Plate Discovered at Şoimeni, Harghita County / 57 1 2 Pl. I. Şoimeni – Dâmbul Cetăţii. 1. Location of the site. 2. The site – general view from West. 58 / Corneliu Beldiman, Dan-Lucian Buzea, Diana-Maria Sztancs, Björn Briewig 1 2 Pl. II. Şoimeni – Dâmbul Cetăţii. Wietenberg Culture. 1. Plan of excavations (1999–2013). Location of Bronze Age complexes (Hut 32 and Complex 51/Pit 324). 2. Hut 32, aspects of 2013 excavations, North view. Symbolic Red Deer Antler Artefacts in the Wietenberg Culture Area. Zoomorphic Plate Discovered at Şoimeni, Harghita County / 59 1 2 3 Pl. III. Şoimeni – Dâmbul Cetăţii. Wietenberg Culture. Complex 51/Pit 324. Aspects of 2013 excavations. 1. Plan no. 8. 2. Section. 3. North profile. 60 / Corneliu Beldiman, Dan-Lucian Buzea, Diana-Maria Sztancs, Björn Briewig 1 2 Pl. IV. Şoimeni – Dâmbul Cetăţii. Wietenberg Culture. 1–3. Zoomorphic antler plate – general view. 3 2 3 3 cm 1 cm 4 5 Pl. V. Şoimeni – Dâmbul Cetăţii. Wietenberg Culture. 1–3. Zoomorphic antler plate – details. 1. Distal part 1. 2. Distal part 2. 3, 5. Proximal part and proximal end. 4. Mesial and distal part. Symbolic Red Deer Antler Artefacts in the Wietenberg Culture Area. Zoomorphic Plate Discovered at Şoimeni, Harghita County / 61 1 2 3 5 4 6 Pl. VI. Şoimeni – Dâmbul Cetăţii. Wietenberg Culture. 1–3. Zoomorphic antler plate – details. 1. Distal part 1/Superior side. 2. Distal part 2/Superior side. 3. Distal part 1/Lower side. 4. Distal part 2/Lower side. 5. Proximal and mesial part/Superior side. 6. Distal part/Lower side. 62 / Corneliu Beldiman, Dan-Lucian Buzea, Diana-Maria Sztancs, Björn Briewig 1 3 2 4 5 Pl. VII. Şoimeni – Dâmbul Cetăţii. Wietenberg Culture. 1–3. Zoomorphic antler plate – details. Traces of shaping (chopping). 1. Distal end 1. 2. Distal end 2. 3. Distal part/Superior side. 4. Proximal end. 5. Proximal and mesial part/left edge. 6. Distal part/Lower side. Symbolic Red Deer Antler Artefacts in the Wietenberg Culture Area. Zoomorphic Plate Discovered at Şoimeni, Harghita County / 63 1 64 / Corneliu Beldiman, Dan-Lucian Buzea, Diana-Maria Sztancs, Björn Briewig 1 2 3 Pl. VIII. Şoimeni – Dâmbul Cetăţii. Wietenberg Culture. 1–3. Zoomorphic antler plate – details. Traces of shaping (chopping of edges). 1. Right edge/Distal part 2. 2–3. Left edge/distal part 1. 4. Distal part. 4 Symbolic Red Deer Antler Artefacts in the Wietenberg Culture Area. Zoomorphic Plate Discovered at Şoimeni, Harghita County / 65 3 cm Pl. IX. Şoimeni – Dâmbul Cetăţii. Wietenberg Culture. 1–3. Zoomorphic antler plate – drawing. 66 / Corneliu Beldiman, Dan-Lucian Buzea, Diana-Maria Sztancs, Björn Briewig Pl. X. Şoimeni – Dâmbul Cetăţii. Wietenberg Culture. Zoomorphic antler plate – terminology of description. Symbolic Red Deer Antler Artefacts in the Wietenberg Culture Area. Zoomorphic Plate Discovered at Şoimeni, Harghita County / 67 1 2 3 4 3 mm Pl. XI. Şoimeni – Dâmbul Cetăţii. Wietenberg Culture. Zoomorphic antler plate – microphotographs. 1–4. Proximal end. 68 / Corneliu Beldiman, Dan-Lucian Buzea, Diana-Maria Sztancs, Björn Briewig 1 2 3 4 1 mm Pl. XII. Şoimeni – Dâmbul Cetăţii. Wietenberg Culture. Zoomorphic antler plate – microphotographs. 1–4. Distal end 1/Superior side. Symbolic Red Deer Antler Artefacts in the Wietenberg Culture Area. Zoomorphic Plate Discovered at Şoimeni, Harghita County / 69 1 2 3 4 3 mm Pl. XIII. Şoimeni – Dâmbul Cetăţii. Wietenberg Culture. Zoomorphic antler plate – microphotographs. 1–3. Distal end 1/Superior side. 4. Proximal end/Lower side. 70 / Corneliu Beldiman, Dan-Lucian Buzea, Diana-Maria Sztancs, Björn Briewig 1 2 3 4 1 mm Pl. XIV. Şoimeni – Dâmbul Cetăţii. Wietenberg Culture. Zoomorphic antler plate – microphotographs. 1–2. Distal end 1/Superior side. 3–4. Distal end 2/Superior side. Symbolic Red Deer Antler Artefacts in the Wietenberg Culture Area. Zoomorphic Plate Discovered at Şoimeni, Harghita County / 71 1 2 3 4 1 mm Pl. XV. Şoimeni – Dâmbul Cetăţii. Wietenberg Culture. Zoomorphic antler plate – microphotographs. 1–4. Distal end 2/Superior side. 72 / Corneliu Beldiman, Dan-Lucian Buzea, Diana-Maria Sztancs, Björn Briewig 1 2 3 4 1 mm Pl. XVI. Şoimeni – Dâmbul Cetăţii. Wietenberg Culture. Zoomorphic antler plate – microphotographs. 1–4. Distal end 1/Superior side. Symbolic Red Deer Antler Artefacts in the Wietenberg Culture Area. Zoomorphic Plate Discovered at Şoimeni, Harghita County / 73 1 2 3 4 1 mm Pl. XVII. Şoimeni – Dâmbul Cetăţii. Wietenberg Culture. Zoomorphic antler plate – microphotographs. 1–3. Distal end 2/Superior side. 4. Distal end 2/Lower side. 74 / Corneliu Beldiman, Dan-Lucian Buzea, Diana-Maria Sztancs, Björn Briewig 1 2 3 4 1 mm Pl. XVIII. Şoimeni – Dâmbul Cetăţii. Wietenberg Culture. Zoomorphic antler plate – microphotographs. Traces of shaping (chopping) on superior side. 1–2. Distal part 2. 3–4. Mesial part. Symbolic Red Deer Antler Artefacts in the Wietenberg Culture Area. Zoomorphic Plate Discovered at Şoimeni, Harghita County / 75 1 2 3 4 3 mm Pl. XIX. Şoimeni – Dâmbul Cetăţii. Wietenberg Culture. Zoomorphic antler plate – microphotographs. Traces of shaping (chopping) on edges. 1. Distal part 2/Left edge. 2. Mesial part/Left edge. 3–4. Mesial part/Left edge. 76 / Corneliu Beldiman, Dan-Lucian Buzea, Diana-Maria Sztancs, Björn Briewig 1 2 3 4 1 mm Pl. XX. Şoimeni – Dâmbul Cetăţii. Wietenberg Culture. Zoomorphic antler plate – microphotographs. Traces of shaping (chopping) on edges/mesial part. 1. Left edge. 2–4. Distal part. Symbolic Red Deer Antler Artefacts in the Wietenberg Culture Area. Zoomorphic Plate Discovered at Şoimeni, Harghita County / 77 Pl. XXI. Şoimeni – Dâmbul Cetăţii. Wietenberg Culture. Zoomorphic antler plate. Origin of raw material. Red deer antler, right beam. Photo after http://www.telegraph.co.uk/ earth/ earthpicturegalleries/ 8059147/ Locking-antlers-red-deer-stags-during-the-annual-autumn-rutting-season-in-Britain.html. 78 / Corneliu Beldiman, Dan-Lucian Buzea, Diana-Maria Sztancs, Björn Briewig 1 2 3 4 6 7 5 8 9 Pl. XXII. Şoimeni – Dâmbul Cetăţii. Wietenberg Culture. Zoomorphic antler plate – stages of the manufacturing chain, hypothetic reconstitution. 1. Detaching of crown tines. 2. Detaching of a beam segment. 3. Splitting a segment of beam. 4. Shaping by chopping on the superior side (compact tissue). 5. Shaping by chopping on the lower side (spongy tissue). 6. Chopping of edges. 7–8. Chopping of ends. 9. Final stage. Symbolic Red Deer Antler Artefacts in the Wietenberg Culture Area. Zoomorphic Plate Discovered at Şoimeni, Harghita County / 79 1 2 Pl. XXIII. Şoimeni – Dâmbul Cetăţii. Wietenberg Culture. Zoomorphic antler plate. 1. Dimensional parameters (see Dimensions). 2. Shaping of superior and lower sides – orientation of motions, hypothetic reconstitution. Representation and Symbol Reflected by Two Bronze Age Artefacts from Uroi – SIghETI (Hunedoara County) Antoniu Marc Ioana Barbu Museum of Dacian and Roman Civilisation, Museum of Dacian and Roman Civilisation, Deva, ROMANIA b_iona@yahoo.com Deva, ROMANIA seiciperis_74@yahoo.com Cristina Bodó Marius Barbu Museum of Dacian and Roman Civilisation, Deva, ROMANIA emesbod@yahoo.com Museum of Dacian and Roman Civilisation, Deva, ROMANIA mariusbarbu0216@yahoo.com Keywords: Uroi – Sigheti, bird-shaped vessel, boat-shaped wagon model, Bronze Age, Wietenberg Culture. Abstract: The Uroi – Sigheti archaeological site is located on the right bank of the Mureş River. It was unearthed within the preventive archaeological researches of the area affected by the A1 motorway construction. There were discovered complexes dated in several periods, the most numerous being from the Bronze Age. We present two ceramic artefacts: a fragmented birdshaped vessel and a fragmentary boat-shaped wagon model, discovered in the Wietenberg settlement from the site mentioned above. We discuss their significance and also the decorative elements of their incised ornaments. In our theoretical debate, we shall take into consideration the larger frame of the European Bronze Age symbolism. The Uroi village is situated in Hunedoara County, on the right bank of Mureş River, near Simeria, to which it belongs administratively. In the eastern border of the village is Uroi Hill, a complex archaeological site, with rich discoveries, since the Paleolithic era, until the Roman period1. The preventive excavation of the Uroi – Sigheti site (Pl. I) was conducted in the year 2011, and it was required for the archaeological discharge of the area affected by the construction of “The Bypass Deva – Orăştie, motorway standard, Hunedoara County”. The site is located between the kilometres 20+280 – 20+512, on the highway route, in the floodable Mureş meadow. The archaeological research undertaken at Uroi – Sigheti led to the discovery of 230 complexes belonging to the Bronze Age, the Iron Age, the Middle Ages and the contemporary era2. The richest in discoveries was proved to be the Bronze Age settlement, which extends beyond both limits of the motorway route. In the area delimited by the archaeological diagnosis3, there were investigated 124 features – dwellings and pits with different destinations, with a rich archaeological material, consisting of pottery shards, whole vessels, clay pieces, bone and antler objects, stone objects, animal bones, river shells (Unio), some being perforated, most of them belonging to Wietenberg Culture. 1 2 3 BĂEŞTEAN ET AL 2014, p. 77–78 and the bibliography. BODÓ ET AL 2012, p. 293–294. DAMIAN ET AL 2012, p. 279. Representations, Signs and Symbols, 2014 / p. 81–92 82 / Antoniu Marc, Ioana Barbu, Cristina Bodó, Marius Barbu In this paper we will present two pieces found in this site, pottery products of the above mentioned culture, which share many features, suggesting their use in a particular framework, related to some spiritual activity. It is about a bird-shaped vessel and a miniature boat-shaped wagon model. The first piece, the bird-shaped vessel (Pl. II) was presented in detail in an article published last year4, but given the nature of the discussion in this paper, we will resume its description. The shape of the vessel reproduces the silhouette of a water bird, the rear of which is the mouth of the vessel, its ventral side representing the bottom. The bird’s head is stylized and on the back side of the body there is a band handle, centred. The whole body of the bird is decorated by incision and inlay technique. The rim is bounded by a continuous line and on the outside they are parallel lines, arranged perpendicular to the previous one. The following is a portion without decoration, then a narrow band, filled with hatchings. On the body of the vessel, the decor is divided into registers placed along the piece, following symmetry toward its centre line. The registers begin from the mentioned band and meet at the head. On the back there are three registers, delineated by simple lines, consisting of a chain of rhombus, the triangular spaces between them being filled with hatchings. The middle register covers also the handle, and the segment between it and the band at the start is defined of the other two, by one band filled with oblique small lines. On one side is a register consisting of three linked spiral bands, and two on the other. On the side with three spirals, their ends are filled with slashes. Towards the head there is one, respective three oblique bands filled with dashes. On the pot belly, central, is another register, like those on the back, differing from them by its larger size and by the fact that one of the triangles is filled with parallel lines. The side registers and the ventral one are separated from each other by a simple band. At the head, on the sides, in length, there are two, respectively three bands filled with slashes. In this area in particular, they are still traces of inlay, made with a white paste. In the central area of the belly of the vessel, the supporting surface shows obvious abrasion (Pl. II, down right). The vessel was found fragmented, in an oval pit (the Cx 143 feature), with the dimensions of 1.60×1.34 m in diameter and 0.45 m in depth. In its filling5 there were other fragmented vessels, whole and fragments of others and some from an oven-vessel. The second piece, the boat-shaped miniature wagon (Pl. III) is preserved fragmentary – the front half, with a raised termination, broken in ancient times and it presents some exfoliation. The wagon chassis is flat, elliptical-shaped, elongated. The walls are strongly arched inwardly, with a bevelled edge and the front is curved. Under the chassis are attached two protuberances. These, together with the chassis, have been punched in order to insert the axle. It was made of fine paste, with sand in its composition. Burning is good; the colour is dark gray to black (the right side). The inner surface remained unfinished. The exterior has been well smoothed, being covered with incised decoration consisting of spiral and triangular motifs. Thus, on the front and the sides have been performed three spirals consisting of three parallel strips, the middle one being filled with hatchings. In the spaces left between the spirals and the top decorated surface, were drawn triangles with curvilinear sides, which were also filled with hatchings. The same goes with the bevelled edge of the wagon. These hatches are filled with a white paste. The spirals are linked in this case also, their orientation being from left to right or, looking from above, in a clockwise direction. The piece was found in the Cx 218 feature, a house with a rich inventory, located in the southern part of the investigated area. The dwelling had an irregular shape, with the dimensions of 4.80 × 2.80 m, inside which they were found: fragmentary pots and shards, two wagon model wheels, a stick-end, antler pieces, a fragmentary grinder, large pieces from a hearth, shells, five of them perforated, animal bones. One of the wheels, kept entire (Pl. IV/1) is decorated on one side by incision, two circular bands, filled with a series of elongated points, one around the hub, the other on the edge; they are also interconnected by eight lanes, straight, radial and grouped two by two, so that, as a whole, the decor 4 5 MARC ET AL 2013, p. 121. MARC ET AL 2013, p. 120–122. Representation and Symbol Reflected by Two Bronze Age Artefacts from Uroi – Sigheti / 83 embodies a cross inscribed in a circle. However, the radial bands suggest a wheel with spokes. While this wheel was not found with the wagon model and couldn’t yet be assigned to it for sure, it is certain that at the time of its manufacture, it was provided with four wheels. The ceramics of this complex is totally fragmented, but many vessels can be rebuilt. The semifine and fine categories of ceramic are predominant and, as shapes, the most numerous are bowls, some with four lobes, bowls and cups. Most of them are decorated with incised motifs: lines consisting of elongated stitches, bands filled with such stitches or parallel lines or crossed, hatched triangles, spirals of parallel lines or bands, oblique grooves, some powerful profiled. On some pieces, the decorative motifs – triangles, strips – are filled with simultaneous stitches. Based on the ceramics they were associated with, the two pieces fit at the limit between the phases II and III of Wietenberg Culture, therefore during its full development and manifestation. For the bird-shaped vessel, an analogy might be found in the miniature pot from Oarţa de Sus – Ghiile Botii6, but with significant differences in aspect. It is supported on a small pedestal under the belly of the vessel and it looks like would have had a head opposite the mouth, but broken in ancient times. We didn’t find other close analogies within the Wietenberg Culture, nor in the area of the contemporary cultures, neighbouring or more distant. For that period, however, we find many representations of the bird, in ceramics, in various forms. One of them is the askos type vessels with ornitomorphic aspect – having origins in previous ages, being the simplified representation, sometimes even abstract, of some birds7. In the case of these pots, present in the pottery of Wietenberg culture8 but also in other contemporary cultures (Hatvan9, Füzesabony – Otomani10, Mureş11), unlike the one shown by us, the mouth is in the front part of the body, where the head should have been rendered. Another type are those curved body containers – some with covers – or bowls, often supported on a short pedestal or small legs, having a protoma as head of bird, the overall picture of these vessels rendering suggestive ornitomorphic silhouettes12. A number of rattles in the form of birds has been made in clay13. These two categories are present, especially in the Incrusted Pottery Cultures from the Middle Danube14. The boat-shape wagon has approximate analogies with the wagon model from Ciceu-Corabia15 (Pl. IV/4). The fragment from Derşida (Pl. IV/2), considered, by the author of the discovery, as part of a box-vessel16 was reinterpreted as the front of a boat-shape wagon model with zoomorphic protoma17. These issues led us to believe that our piece also had such a protoma. Considering the profile and also its ornamentation, in the same manner with the bird vessel, the protoma represented, most likely, a bird’s head, more or less stylized, as same as the two bird heads discovered at Sighişoara – Wietenberg18 (Pl. IV/3). With only the front of the model, we can only imagine how it looked entirely, 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 KACSÓ 1987, p. 63, fig. 24/3; KACSÓ 2004, pl. XLVIII/6, p. 202. NIŢU 1972, p. 27; KOVÁCS 1972, p. 8; ANDRIŢOIU, RUSTOIU 1997, p. 42, 186, fig. 16/7, 8; GUBA, SZEVERÉNYI 2007, p. 83. HOREDT, SERAPHIN 1971, p. 59, fig. 36/1–2; CHIDIOŞAN 1980, p. 45, pl. 33/17; ANDRIŢOIU, RUSTOIU 1997, p. 22–23, p. 184, fig. 14/6. KOVÁCS 1972, p. 9, fig. 1/1–4, p. 11. KOVÁCS 1972, p. 11, 20–21; BADER 1978, p. 49,180, pl. XXIX/8–10. ROSKA 1942, p. 224, fig. 270; KOVÁCS 1972, p. 12. KOVÁCS 1972, p. 8, 9, fig. 1/5–10, 3, 4; DUMITRESCU 1974, p. 356–358, fig. 398/2–4, 401, 403; SOROCEANU 1991, p. 83, fig. 22/8; ŞANDOR-CHICIDEANU 2003, p. 80–81, pl. 6/3, 110/4, 123/15, 195/P5-P8; GUBA, SZEVERÉNYI 2007, p. 84–85. KOVÁCS 1972, p. 8, 19–21; DUMITRESCU 1974, p. 355, fig. 399, 400; ŞANDOR-CHICIDEANU 2003, p. 120–121, pl. 191/4, 195/Z; GUBA, SZEVERÉNYI 2007, p. 75–83. KOVÁCS 1972, p. 18, 21; ŞANDOR-CHICIDEANU 2003, p. 80–81, 120–121; KAPURAN, BULATOVIĆ 2013, p. 23. BOROFFKA 1994, p. 168, pl. 59/5; SCHUSTER 1996, p. 118; POPESCU 2006, p. 117, 124. CHIDIOŞAN 1980, p. 47, pl. 25/9. BOROFFKA 1994, p. 167–168; SCHUSTER 1996, p. 118; POPESCU 2006, p. 117, 125. HOREDT, SERAPHIN 1971, p. 73, fig. 58/17; BOROFFKA 1994, p. 178, fig. 134, 6–7; ANDRIŢOIU, RUSTOIU 1997, p. 30, fig. 16/7, 9. 84 / Antoniu Marc, Ioana Barbu, Cristina Bodó, Marius Barbu but it must have been, overall, a symmetrical piece (Pl. IV/6). It would appear, in a different way, also in the form of a bird (Pl. IV/5). One can easily notice that the ways in which the bird is represented in the Bronze Age pottery know a wide variety. At the same time, they reflect the intention of the artisans of that epoch to reproduce, sometimes as faithfully, the silhouette of water birds, either by the distinctive rendering of the beak or by the body shape and neck, accompanied by decorative elements associated with water symbols (zigzagged lines, spirals)19. For the Carpathian Basin, most of the pieces in question reproduce water birds. A first explanation could be that these artefacts came from sites located near the major rivers in the region and their tributaries20, valleys which, on the one hand, provided an important food source (directly by the aquatic fauna and indirectly by the facility to ensure the water needs of the community) and, on the other hand, they constituted the birds’ habitat most of the year and who have inspired, certainly, the local ceramists. Another explanation is offered by the mythical and symbolic load of these beings, reflected in the choice of decorative motifs with which their replicas in clay were covered. In the ancient European mythology and beliefs, the birds have played an important role, from the image of the Neolithic Bird Goddess21, to birds associated with the sun worship from the Bronze and Iron Ages22. The symbolism of water birds (the duck, the swan, the goose) includes multiple meanings. As migratory birds, they are associated with the renewal of nature23. Due to their ability to fly, they were considered binding agents between heaven and earth, between the earthly and the divine, this world and the world beyond24. Having mostly positive connotations, they had the power to reveal hidden secrets for mankind that could be unveiled by watching their flight25. The birds represented also the human soul that left the body, after death26. Water birds have played a particularly important role, because they had both the ability to fly and to swim and thus represented the link between water and air, between water and sky, also being associated with the movement of the sun on the sky27. For the Carpathian Basin, the existence of birds, as part of a religious cult can be observed throughout the Bronze Age, continuing even during the next period28. The association of ornitomorphic representations with the illustration of water and solar symbols, not only in pottery, but also on the products of bronze, is indicative for some elements of the imaginary of those times. As shown in discoveries from the Late Bronze Age in northern Europe, the Sun was imagined as travelling through the sky in a chariot drawn by horses29, and in those from the centre of Europe, the Sun is moving in a boat drawn by birds30. We see, therefore, in the same broader mythological context, the Sun, the means of transportation and the animal that moves him. Returning to the pieces that are the subject of this contribution – the bird-shaped vessel and the boat-shaped wagon model, it was said that they come from different contexts. Between them there is however a connection, indicating a glimpse of the imaginary framework for the settlement from Uroi. The common elements of the two artefacts, in addition to the bird form, are the elements that compose their decor. In both cases, the sides are covered with double spirals with twinned heads. The other elements that compose the decor are the triangles. In the case of the wagon, they occupy the space left uncovered by the spiralled bands, their sides being arched. On the bird vessel, the dorsal and 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 KOVÁCS 1972, p. 9, fig. 1/7, p. 17, fig. 3; GUBA, SZEVERÉNYI 2007, p. 75, 77, fig. 1; KAPURAN, BULATOVIĆ 2013, p. 23. GUBA, SZEVERÉNYI 2007, fig. 6–8. GIMBUTAS 1989, p. 83–87. VULPE 2010, p. 372. EVSEEV 2007, p. 229. CHEVALIER, GHEERBRANT 1995, vol. 2, p. 98, vol. 3, p. 24–25; CLÉBERT 1995, p. 211; EVSEEV 2007, p. 445. CHEVALIER, GHEERBRANT 1995, vol. 3, p. 22; BIEDERMANN 2002, vol. II, p. 310–311. CHEVALIER, GHEERBRANT 1995, vol. 3, p. 26; EVSEEV 2007, p. 445; RØDSRUD 2012, p. 47. RØDSRUD 2012, p. 47. KOVÁCS 1972, p. 21; GUBA, SZEVERÉNYI 2007, p. 85 sqq; GOGÂLTAN 2012, p. 22, 24. GUBA, SZEVERÉNYI 2007, p. 88. GUBA, SZEVERÉNYI 2007, p. 89. Representation and Symbol Reflected by Two Bronze Age Artefacts from Uroi – Sigheti / 85 ventral registers are covered by triangles with the peak at each other and united, the spaces between them forming rhombus. The chained spirals are oriented, on both sides, towards the tail of the bird, represented by the mouth of the vessel. The symbol thus shown, of water in motion, indicates the move on the water gloss, arguing once again that the vessel embodies a water bird. We believe that this association of decorative elements is not arbitrary, nor their choice to decorate the two pieces. We are dealing with symbolic representations, from the form of the artefacts itself, to the decorative elements. The spiral represents the generation of life and the evolution. The double spiral with the twinned heads represents evolution and involution, life and death, the movement into eternity, also being a symbol of fecundity31. The spiral is also associated with the solar symbolism and the water32. The triangle has dual meaning, depending on its position. Pointing up symbolizes the ray of sunshine, the fire and the male principle. With the top down, symbolizes the water and the female principle. Represented one towards the other, joined by one of the peaks, symbolizes the fecundity principle in the animal world, the male – female pair, but also in the vegetable life, the sun heats, the water feeds33. The rhombus is also a feminine symbol and one of the fecundity and fertility too. Rendered in elongated shapes, it signifies the contacts and the exchanges between heaven and earth34. It seems natural to attach these symbolic representations to the pieces described, several symbols being related to the same two primary entities – The Sun and The Water and referring to the fundamental aspects of life – fecundity, fertility and the movement. Even more interesting is the boat-shaped wagon model, having also the shape of a bird, a piece proving the merging of the symbols before mentioned, with symbols associated to the earth: the chariot, moving on land. The same association is observed on the specimen from Ciceu-Corabia: it was modelled in the shape of a boat and on the sides a horse was rendered stylized, by incision. The two pieces reproduced the idea of displacement on land and water. The first, however, having as well ornitomorphic features, is linked also to flight. Therefore, we can look at it as being a vehicle of a deity from the pantheon of that time, travelling between earth and sky35 – an Uranian deity, which would appear in the later mythological writings under the name of Zeus or Apollo36. If we assume that the decorated wheel described above belonged to this wagon, we have also an obvious solar symbol. The wheel carries an ambivalent symbolic nature, embodying terrestrial mobility and the day star, celestial mobility (a series of wheels of the period in question were decorated with symbolic solar motives: straight or curved strips, triangles, radial arranged and spirals37). Also symbolizes the regeneration, renewal38. Thus she joins the spiral and the bird, as significance. The interpretation of the two artefacts, which make the object of the present paper, from the symbolic point of view, is facilitated by the symbols summed by each of them. The vessel and the wagon model are two objects that reflect the importance of sun worship in the community from Uroi – Sigheti. They were meant to remind the inhabitants of the ancient settlement about the existence of the deity that they worshiped and with who they could communicate. It is difficult to argue how and where these objects were kept. For the vessel, the original context remains unknown. Being recovered from a pit, beside other fragmented pots39, we may assume that it was used in a ceremony related to the above mentioned cult. Most likely it was used to share the liquid used in the ritual (water, alcohol), for drinking or liba31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 CHEVALIER, GHEERBRANT 1995, vol. 3, p. 250, 252. BIEDERMANN 2002, vol. II, p. 415–416; EVSEEV 2007, p. 567. CHEVALIER, GHEERBRANT 1995, vol. 3, p. 383; BIEDERMANN 2002, vol. II, p. 462; EVSEEV 2007, p. 614. CHEVALIER, GHEERBRANT 1995, vol. 3, p. 170; EVSEEV 2007, p. 520. SCHUSTER 1996, p. 122. BONDÁR 2012, p. 99; EVSEEV 2007, p. 518; GOGÂLTAN 2012, p. 24. SCHUSTER 1996, pl. 4, 8. CHEVALIER, GHEERBRANT 1995, vol. 3, p. 163; BIEDERMANN 2002, vol. II, p. 366; EVSEEV 2007, p. 518–519. MARC ET AL 2013, p. 121–122. 86 / Antoniu Marc, Ioana Barbu, Cristina Bodó, Marius Barbu tions40. The noticeable abrasion on the support area indicate the often use of the recipient. Also, we cannot overlook its use in a funeral ceremony41. Maybe even this supposed, at the end, breaking and burying of the vessels used in the ritual. The wagon, being found in a house, was probably sitting on a piece of furniture, in plain view, to be used in family rituals connected also with the worship of the Sun. Of course, it could also be related to the memory of those who died from that house. The hearse, the bird, the water are symbolic elements that play an important role in the beliefs concerning the journey of the soul of the dead, to the world beyond42. We do not exclude its use as candle or for burning some aromatic herbs43, but the preserved fragment does not provide any clue in this regard. For now, we cannot say more about the framework in which these artefacts were used, being limited in our assessments by the partiality of the archaeological research of this site. We have, however, in them the evidence of advanced spiritual thinking, which shows a fascinating mythological universe, barely surprised by the later writers of antiquity. ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS This research was financed by the project “Minerva – Cooperation for the elite career in the doctoral and postdoctoral research”, contract code: POSDRU/159/1.5/S/137832, project cofinanced from the European Social Fund by the Sectoral Operational Programme Human Resources Development 2007–2013. Bibliography ANDRIŢOIU 1992 Andriţoiu I., Civilizaţia tracilor din sud-vestul Transilvaniei în epoca bronzului, Bucureşti. ANDRIŢOIU, RUSTOIU 1997 Andriţoiu I., Rustoiu A., Sighişoara – Wietenberg. Descoperirile preistorice şi aşezarea dacică, Bucureşti. BADER 1978 Bader T., Epoca bronzului în nord-vestul României. Cultura pretracică şi tracică, Bucureşti, 1978. BĂEŞTEAN ET AL 2013 Băeştean G., Pavel R., Barbu Ioana, Barbu Mihaela, Barbu M., Marc A., Bălos Angelica, Rapoltu Mare, com. Rapoltu Mare, Uroi, oraş Simeria, jud. Hunedoara, punct Măgura Uroiului, in CCA. Campania 2012, Craiova, p. 112–113. BIEDERMANN 2002 Biedermann H., Dicţionar de simboluri, vol. I–II, Bucureşti. BODÓ ET AL 2012 Bodó Cristina, Barbu Ioana Lucia, Barbu M. Gh., Codrea I-C., Ion Mihaela Maria, Marc A., Ţuţuianu C. D., Uroi, oraş Simeria, jud. Hunedoara (Varianta de ocolire Deva – Orăştie), punct: Sigheti, km. 20+280 – 2+512, in CCA. Campania 2011, Târgu Mureş, p. 293–294. BONDÁR 2012 Bondár Mária, Prehistoric Wagon Models in the Carpathian Basin (3500–1500 BC), Budapest. BOROFFKA 1994 Boroffka N., Die Wietenberg-Kultur. Ein Beitrag zur Erforschung der Bronzezeit in Südosteuropa, Bonn. CHEVALIER, GHEERBRANT Chevalier J., Gheerbrant A., Dicţionar de simboluri, vol. 1–3, Bucureşti. 1995 CHIDIOŞAN 1980 Chidioşan N., Contribuţii la istoria tracilor din nord-vestul României. Aşezarea Wietenberg de la Derşida, Oradea. CLÉBERT 1995 Clébert J.-P., Bestiar fabulos, Bucureşti, 1995. DAMIAN ET AL 2012 Damian P., Bocan I., Neagu Cătălina, Paraschiv-Grigore E. M., Vasile M., Vleja D., Ene E.-S., Paraschiv-Grigore Ioana, Bălos Angelica, Varianta de ocolire Deva – Orăştie, km. 0+000 – 32+500, jud. Hunedoara, in CCA. Campania 2011, Târgu Mureş, p. 278–279. DUMITRESCU 1974 Dumitrescu V., Arta preistorică în România, Bucureşti. EVSEEV 2007 Evseev I., Enciclopedia simbolurilor religioase şi arhetipurilor culturale, Timişoara. GIMBUTAS 1989 Gimbutas Marija, Civilizaţie şi cultură, Bucureşti. GOGÂLTAN 2012 Gogâltan F., Ritual aspects of the Bronze Age Tell-Settlements in the Carpathian Basin. A methodological approach, in EphNap XXII, p. 7–56. 40 41 42 43 MARC ET AL 2013, p. 128. RØDSRUD 2012, p. 47–48. POPESCU 2006, p. 122, note 32. SCHUSTER 1996, p. 122; POPESCU 2006, p. 121. Representation and Symbol Reflected by Two Bronze Age Artefacts from Uroi – Sigheti / 87 GUBA, SZEVERÉNYI 2007 Guba Szilvia, Szeverényi V., Bronze Age Bird Representations from the Carpathian Basin, in CAHung, p. 75–110. HOREDT, SERAPHIN 1971 Horedt K., Seraphin C., Die Präistorische Ansiedlung auf dem Wietenberg bei SighişoaraSchässburg, Bonn. KACSÓ 1987 Kacsó C., Beiträge zur Kentnis des Verbreitungsgebietes und der Chronologie der Suciu de Sus-Kultur, in Dacia N.S. XXXI, 1–2, p. 51–75. KACSÓ 2004 Kacsó C., Mărturii arheologice, Baia Mare. KAPURAN, BULATOVIĆ 2013 Kapuran A., Bulatović A., Bird Images on Serbian Bronze Age Ceramics, in Rezi B., Németh Rita E., Bercki S. (eds.), Bronze Age Craft and Craftsmen in the Carpathian Basin, Târgu Mureş, p. 23–31. KOVÁCS 1972 Kovács T., Askoi, Bird-Shaped Vessels, Bird-Shaped Rattles in Bronze Age Hungary, in FoliaArch XXIII, p. 7–28. MARC ET AL 2013 Marc A., Bodó Cristina, Barbu Ioana, Barbu Mihaela, Barbu M., Codrea I., Ţuţuianu C., Un vas în formă de pasăre descoperit în aşezarea de epoca bronzului de la Uroi – Sigheti, or. Simeria, jud. Hunedoara / Un vase en forme d’oiseau decouvert dans l’etablissement de l’age du bronze Uroi – Sigheti, ville de Simeria, dep. de Hunedoara, in Istros XIX, p. 119–151. NIŢU 1972 Niţu A., Reprezentările zoomorfe plastice pe ceramica neo-eneolitică carpato-dunăreană, in ArhMold VII, p. 9–96. ROSKA 1942 Roska M., Erdély régészeti repertóriuma I. Öskor. Thesaurus Antiquitatum Transsilvanicarum, Tom I. Praehistorica, Kolozsvár. RØDSRUD 2012 Rødsrud C. L., What Can a Little Bird Tell if All Good Things Come in Trees? Triple Cups and Bird-shaped Pottery as Representations of Ritualized Feasting Goods, in Berge R., Jasinski M. E., Sognnes Kalle (eds.), N-TAG TEN. Proceedings of the 10th Nordic TAG Conference at Stiklestad, Norway 2009, BAR 2399, Oxford, p. 41–52. POPESCU 2006 Popescu Anca-Diana, Un fragment de car miniatural din lut de la Rugineşti (jud. Vrancea), in SCIVA 57, 1–4, p. 113–128. SCHUSTER 1996 Schuster C., Despre cărucioarele din lut ars din Epoca Bronzului de pe teritoriul României, in TD XVII, 1–2, p. 117–137. SOROCEANU 1991 Soroceanu T., Studien zur Mureş-Kultur, Buch am Erlbach, 1991. ŞANDOR-CHICIDEANU Şandor-Chicideanu Monica, Cultura Žuto Brdo – Gârla Mare. Contribuţii la cunoaşterea epocii 2003 bronzului la Dunărea Mijlocie şi Inferioară, Cluj-Napoca. VULPE 2010 Vulpe A., Structuri sociale şi credinţe religioase în epoca bronzului şi prima epocă a fierului, in Petrescu-Dâmboviţa M., Vulpe A. (coord.), Istoria Românilor, vol. I. Moştenirea timpurilor îndepărtate, Bucureşti, p. 351–376. 88 / Antoniu Marc, Ioana Barbu, Cristina Bodó, Marius Barbu Pl. I. Map, satellite view and aerial photo of the placement of the Uroi – Sigheti site and details with the Bronze Age features in the excavation perimeter. Representation and Symbol Reflected by Two Bronze Age Artefacts from Uroi – Sigheti / 89 Pl. II. The bird-shape vessel from the pit Cx 143 and detail with the abrasion of the standing area (down-right). 90 / Antoniu Marc, Ioana Barbu, Cristina Bodó, Marius Barbu Pl. III. The boat-shaped wagon model from the dwelling Cx 218. Representation and Symbol Reflected by Two Bronze Age Artefacts from Uroi – Sigheti / 91 1 2 3 4 5 6 Pl. IV. 1. The wagon wheel from the dwelling Cx 218 from Uroi. 2–3. Birds protoma from Derşida and Sighişoara. 4. Boat-shaped wagon model from Ciceu-Corabia (after BOROFFKA 1994). 5. A proposal for reconstructing. 6. A hypothetical replica of the boat-shaped wagon model. Bronze Age Artefacts Made of Perforated Shells Discovered in a Ritual Complex from Transylvania Corneliu Beldiman Marius Barbu «Dimitrie Cantemir» Christian University, Faculty of History, Bucharest, ROMANIA belcor@gmail.com Museum of Dacian and Roman Civilisation, Deva, ROMANIA barbumarius0216@yahoo.com Diana-Maria Sztancs Mihaela Maria Barbu «Dimitrie Cantemir» Christian University, Faculty of History, Bucharest, ROMANIA beldiana22@yahoo.com Museum of Dacian and Roman Civilisation, Deva, ROMANIA mishu_maria@yahoo.com Keywords: adornment, Bronze Age, osseous materials artefacts, perforated shells, prehistoric technology, ritual pit, Romania, Transylvania, Unio sp., Wietenberg culture. Abstract: The archaeological site of Uroi – Sigheti, Hunedoara County is placed on the Mureş Valley, 100 meters far of the river, in its floodplain area (Km 20+280 – 20+512). The research team included: Bodó Cristina – scientific leader, Ioana Lucia Barbu, Marius Gheorghe Barbu, Ionuţ-Cosmin Codrea, Mihaela Maria Ion (Barbu), Antoniu Marc, Costin Daniel Ţuţuianu from the Museum of Dacian and Roman Civilisation, Deva. In 2011, 230 de complexes were excavated. These were dated from: Bronze Age (Wietenberg culture), the First Iron Age, Early Middle Ages and Contemporary Epoch. The Bronze Age complexes are huts, pits with various destinations, and two graves. The Bronze Age settlement is placed between km 20+290 – 20+450 and it continues to South on the area of Deva – Orăştie Motorway. The Complex 13 (Cx_13) is a pit with depositions whose purpose was probably a ritual one. It is dated from the Bronze Age (Wietenberg culture, phases II–III). Its shape is oval, with a diameter of 2.70 × 2.30 m and depth of 1.10 m. It partially enters in the Northern profile of the surface affected by the construction of the motorway. Starting with the depth of -0.30 m, a thick layer of ash, pigments and pieces of coal appears. The inventory comprises: numerous fragments of clay pots – cups, entire bowl, a miniature vessel, a decorated piece of clay, a fragment of an undetermined clay object, a fragment of a miniature wheel, shells, two chipped pieces of flint (one of them being retouched), a pendant probably made of a dog canine. Representations, Signs and Symbols, 2014 / p. 93–114 The complex comprises 82 freshwater shells (Unio sp.). From these, 38 present each a technical/intentional perforation placed on the area of maximum convexity. The perforations are irregular/oval and were shaped by percussion or pressure applied on both sides. Their diameter is around 5–10 mm. An important issue in the analysis of the complex is related to the signification of the perforated shells in the ritual deposition from the pit. The analysis including microscopic examination and an experimental approach bring arguments to support or to reject several hypotheses: the perforation was done by applying the same technical procedures (by a single person during a single stage); the perforation was done with the purpose of creating a simple device to which the shells could have been hanging on a string. The shells were probably used as adornments as decorative elements. As presumable sequences we could take into account: shells consumption, cleaning, perforation, hanged on a string? They do not preserve use-wear traces. There are some traces of mutual impact between shells, maybe when hanging on a string. The usage of pieces might have been a regular one or a special one within offering ceremonies related to the presence of aquatic environment (the river) with final deposition of the remains in the pit. The ritual might imply the fundamental elements: fire, water, earth, consumption of liquids and foods, various offerings with symbolic valences: ceramic objects (small cart wheel, ritually broken; object decorated by incision), perforated shells (previous consumption; shell used as a symbol?). 94 / Corneliu Beldiman, Marius Barbu, Diana-Maria Sztancs, Mihaela Maria Barbu THE CONTEXT The village Uroi is placed in Hunedoara County, on the right bank of the Mureş River, near Simeria, the town to which it belongs from an administrative point of view. The well-known and emblematic Uroi Hillock is at the border of Uroi village and, partially, on Rapoltu Mare village (Pl. I). The area is well-documented from archaeological point of view due to the discoveries dated from Paleolithic, Neolithic, Aeneolithic/Copper Age, Bronze and Iron Age, Roman period1. The archaeological site from Uroi – Sigheti was discovered in 2011 when the motorway Deva – Orăştie has been built. It was first mentioned within the diagnosis made by the specialists of National Museum of Romanian History from Bucharest. Then it was excavated by a team of archaeologists from the Museum of Dacian and Roman Civilisation of Deva. Research team: Cristina Bodó – scientific responsible, Marius Gheorghe Barbu, Mihaela Maria Ion (Barbu), Ioana Lucia Barbu, IonuţCosmin Codrea, Antoniu Marc, Costin Daniel Ţuţuianu. The site is located at 20+280 – 20+512 km on Deva-Orăştie Motorway, in the Mureş Floodplain, 100 meters far of the river. The Bronze Age settlement is placed between km 20+290 – 20+450 and it continues to South on the area of Deva – Orăştie Motorway. The archaeological excavations carried out at Uroi – Sigheti led to the discovery of 230 complexes dated from the Bronze Age, the First Iron Age, and Early Middle Age. The Bronze Age settlement (Wietenberg culture, phases II–III) proved to be the richest in discoveries. 124 complexes (pits and houses) were excavated. They comprise a rich archaeological inventory: entire pots, potsherds, objects made of clay, bone, antler, and stone, faunal (mammalian) remains, freshwater shells, some of them preserving traces of perforation2. THE COMPLEX 13 (CX_13) It is a pit with depositions whose destination was probably a ritual one. Its shape is oval in plan and conical in profile, with a diameter of 2.70 × 2.30 m and depth of 1.10 m. A part of its diameter still lays in the Northern profile of the surface which was affected by the construction of the motorway. Beneath a light-coloured layer of earth of 30 cm thick and poorer in inventory, a thick layer of ash, pigments and fragments of coal appeared (Pl. II/6). The inventory of the pit comprises: numerous fragments of clay pots – entire bowl, a miniature vessel, cups, a decorated piece of clay, a fragment of an undetermined clay object, a fragment of a miniature wheel, 82 freshwater shells, two chipped pieces of flint (one of them being retouched), and a pendant made of a perforated dog canine (Pl. II/1–5). The inventory is miscellaneous. It was impossible to make a clear distinction of the areas in which certain categories of artefacts could have been placed, thus it is not a special deposit where the pieces were put in a certain order. It seems to be a mixture of artefacts and ash in the area of ritual practice, outside the archaeological complex, collected and thrown in the pit. The pots were ritually broken. The shells do not preserve traces of burning. The entire ashy filling of the pit comprises shells mixed with the rest of inventory. Despite of the large quantity of ash, it seems that it was put in the complex when it was already cold. Consequently, the ceramic inventory does not preserve traces of secondary burning. THE PERFORATED SHELLS From the 82 Unio sp. shells, 44 are unperforated (33 entire and 11 fragmentary, 15 right valve and 23 left valve). Their dimensions are between 42 and 84 mm. The 38 perforated shells present 1 2 A version of this text has been presented as poster at 10th Meeting of Worked Bone Research Group of the International Council of Archaeozoology, Archaeological Institute, National Museum, Belgrade, 25–30 August 2014; BELDIMAN ET AL 2014. see http://wbrg.net/images/10th_wbrg_final_prog_abstracts.pdf, p. 33. BODÓ ET AL 2012; DAMIAN ET AL 2012; BELDIMAN ET AL 2013; BELDIMAN ET AL 2014. Bronze Age Artefacts Made of Perforated Shells Discovered in a Ritual Complex from Transylvania / 95 each a technical/intentional perforation placed preferentially on the area of maximum convexity (umbo). The perforations are irregular/oval or two/three-cusped and were shaped by percussion. The diameter is variable (see Table 1 and Pl. IV–VIII). The perforated shells were selected by Marius Barbu according to the criterion of bilateralism and marked from 1 to 38. Some of them were probably pairs, but this aspect is not important because they resulted probably from the consumption, they were mixed and then perforated and used. 19 of them are right valves, 19 left valves (Table 1). The equal number of right and left valves could indicate the deliberate perforation of 19 pairs of valves in order to use them in a simple arrangement = necklace made of shells or a garland used for hanging something. The pieces were not perforated exactly in the same place, so they did not form a uniform presumable necklace or garland. There are similar situations in other Wietenberg sites and complexes in the area of Middle Mureş Valley not far from Uroi where identical pieces were discovered (Şoimuş – Teleghi3). Their status of preservation is the following: 12 entire pieces and 26 fragmentary (Table 1); some pieces are in a very good status of conservation; others are broken in Prehistory or recently, exfoliated, or preserving traces of corrosion etc. (Pl. IV–VIII). Morphological and dimensional parameters collected and processed for technological expressivity: length, maximum width (at the level of umbo), diameters of perforations, distance between the edge of the perforation and the edge of the shell, orientation of the perforation in comparison with the long axis of the shell (oblique, vertical, horizontal) – see Tables 1–3, Charts 1–3 and Pl. III. The shells have a maximum length of 70.30 mm (USG 28, USG 30), minimum of 31.44 mm (USG 38), maximum width 39.95 mm (USG 25), minimum 28.15 (USG 36). THE PERFORATIONS Status of conservation of perforations is: 33 entire, 5 fragmentary. Most of the perforations have similar diameters, and often the same place at the level of the maximum convexity (umbo) at quite similar distance of the edge; there are also some significant exceptions (Pl. IX–XIII). The perforations have similar parameters, so they were probably made in a single sequence, by a single person with the same tools, using the same procedures – multiple indirect percussion or pressure applied alternatively in several places which after they were joined, formed the perforation, the procedure was applied on both sides on a medium-hard (ground?) background in order not to break the piece. The edges of perforations present micro-flakes on both sides. The tool was probably a lithic one. We should underline the care with which the perforations were done. The experiment that has been recently done (2012) by Marius Barbu on Unio sp. shells collected from the Mureş River revealed that the unilateral perforation produces flakes when the awl gets on the other side of the shell. Another conclusion is that the perforation is easily done when a support such as the ground (which is less hard) is used. The perforations have a slightly oval shape, sometimes with a cusped outline, with their edges in steps. This aspect was produced by indirect percussion applied bilaterally and repeatedly in order to obtain a certain diameter and not a regular shape. The dimensions of perforations are: maximum diameter: 20.60 mm (USG 35); minimum diameter: 6.01 mm (USG 26); medium diameter: 12/7 mm. The distance between edge and perforation is: maximum: 24.39 (USG 26); minimum: 4.43 mm (USG 14); medium: 12 mm (tables 1–2). As concerns the orientation of the perforations in comparison with the long axis of each piece we can observe the existence of several groups: right valve: oblique 12, horizontal 7, vertical 0; left valve: oblique 15, vertical 1, horizontal 3 (see Table 3). 3 BĂRBAT 2012; BĂRBAT 2013a; BĂRBAT 2013b; BELDIMAN 2007; BELDIMAN ET AL 2012; MARC 2012; MARC, BĂRBAT 2013; SCHUSTER ET AL 2012; SZTANCS 2011; SZTANCS ET AL 2013. 96 / Corneliu Beldiman, Marius Barbu, Diana-Maria Sztancs, Mihaela Maria Barbu We should underline the predilection for oblique orientation of the perforations in comparison with the long axis of the shell. It is a simple way of making the perforation – it seems that this aspect did not have a functional signification. In realizing the perforations, there were distinguished certain repeatable or comparable dimensional and placing parameters which indicate the technical intentionality, the technique finality and probably the perforation of the shells by a single person in a single sequence. THE MICROSCOPIC ANALYSIS It highlights the micro-fractures produced at perforating (on both sides), micro-fractures after perforation process, overlapped planes which are flat, unaffected by the bluntness; rarely, the edges of fracture are superficially blunted, polish, due probably to taphonomic causes (Pl. IX–XIII). UTILISATION As presumable sequences we could take into account: shells consumption, cleaning, perforation, hanged on a string? They do not preserve use-wear traces. There are some traces of mutual impact between shells, maybe when hanging on a string. The usage of pieces might have been a regular one or a special one within offering ceremonies related to the presence of aquatic environment (the river) with final deposition of the remains in the pit. The ritual might imply the fundamental elements: fire, water, earth, consumption of liquids and foods, various offerings with symbolic valences: ceramic objects (small cart wheel, ritually broken; object decorated by incision), perforated shells (previous consumption; shell used as a symbol?). CONCLUSION Cx_13 complex – in its inventory there were discovered 19 pairs of shells perforated at the level of umbo with an unclear purpose probably in order to create an ad-hoc hanging device for a ritual related to aquatic context of the river. The symbolic or decorative role is indicated by the chosen of 19 shells of the same type but not compulsory pairs (right/left). They are not adornments like necklaces or pendants sewn on clothes because they do not preserve traces of bluntness and polish at the perforations levels and have not identical perforations. These were done by a single person, in a single manufacture sequence, applying the same technical procedures: multiple indirect percussion/pressure done at the umbo’s level, applied alternatively from the inner and outer side of the shell. An important issue in the analysis of the complex is related to the significance of the perforated shells in the ritual deposition from the pit. The analysis brings arguments to support or to reject some functional hypotheses. Some other further arguments and opinions can enrich this discussion and highlight new frameworks for a better understanding of the situation, in comparison with some similar ones. ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS On this occasion, we express our gratitude to Cristina Bodó, PhD researcher at Museum of Dacian and Roman Civilisation of Deva for offering her kind support in making accessible for study the perforated shells discovered at Uroi – Sigheti4. 4 Photographs without specification have been taken by Corneliu Beldiman. Bronze Age Artefacts Made of Perforated Shells Discovered in a Ritual Complex from Transylvania / 97 Bibliography BĂRBAT 2012 BĂRBAT 2013a BĂRBAT 2013b BELDIMAN 2007 BELDIMAN ET AL 2012 BELDIMAN ET AL 2013 BELDIMAN ET AL 2014 BODÓ ET AL 2012 DAMIAN ET AL 2012 MARC 2012 MARC, BĂRBAT 2013 SCHUSTER ET AL 2012 SZTANCS 2011 SZTANCS ET AL 2013 Bărbat I. A., Descoperiri aparţinând neoliticului timpuriu din colecţiile de arheologie ale Muzeului Devean, in Terra Sebus 4, p. 23–64. Bărbat I. A., Complexul cultural Starčevo-Criş în Bazinul Mureşului Mijlociu, PhD thesis, Universitatea “1 Decembrie 1918”, Alba Iulia (mms.). Bărbat I. 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Artefacte realizate din scoici perforate într-un complex de cult atribuit epocii bronzului din Transilvania (poster), paper presented at Al Doilea Simpozion Naţional al Societăţii Române de Arheometrie, ARCHAEOMET 6, IFIN-HH, Măgurele, Biblioteca Naţională de Fizică, 17 octombrie 2013; http://www.ifin.ro/events/ conferences/arheomet6/img/ProgramFinal Simpozion_ ARCHAE-OMET_ 6.pdf (Program). Beldiman C., Sztancs Diana-Maria, Barbu M.-Gh., Barbu Mihaela Maria, Microscopy of the Prehistoric technology. Bronze Age artefacts made of perforated shells discovered in a ritual complex from Transylvania, paper presented at 10th Meeting of Worked Bone Research Group of the International Council of Archaeozoology, Archaeological Institute, National Museum, Belgrade, 25–30 August 2014 (Poster Session); http://wbrg.net/images/ 10th_wbrg_final_prog_abstracts.pdf, p. 33. Bodó Cristina, Barbu Ioana Lucia, Barbu M. 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P., Dimache M., Irimuş L., Dobrotă S., Vasilescu D., Mandanache T., Prisecaru D., Neagu G., Ştefănescu A., Dumitraşcu E. (sector A), Rişcuţa N. C., Băeştean G., Bărbat I. A., Marc A. T. (sector B). Şoimuş, com. Şoimuş, jud. Hunedoara (Varianta de ocolire Deva-Orăştie), Punct: Şoimuş 1 (Avicola) km 29+750–30+300, in CCA. Campania 2011, Târgu-Mureş, p. 291–292. Sztancs Diana-Maria, Industria materiilor dure animale în neo-eneoliticul din Transilvania. Repertoriu, tipologie, studiu paleotehnologic, date privind paleoeconomia, baze de date, PhD thesis, Universitatea “Lucian Blaga”, Sibiu (mms.). Sztancs Diana-Maria, Beldiman C., Bărbat I. A., Bone and antler artefacts dated from StarčevoCriş culture in Transylvania: Recent discoveries and microscopic analyses, in Stavilă A., Micle D., Cîntar A., Floca C., Forţiu S. (eds.), Arheovest I. In memoriam Liviu Măruia. Interdisciplinaritate în arheologie şi istorie, vol. II, Szeged, p. 773–790. 98 / Corneliu Beldiman, Marius Barbu, Diana-Maria Sztancs, Mihaela Maria Barbu Table 1. Uroi – Sigheti. Cx_13. Wietenberg culture. Perforated shells. General parameters: bilateralism, conservation status, length, width. Code Bilateral USG 1 USG 2 USG 3 USG 4 USG 5 USG 6 USG 7 USG 8 USG 9 USG 10 USG 11 USG 12 USG 13 USG 14 USG 15 USG 16 USG 17 USG 18 USG 19 USG 20 USG 21 USG 22 USG 23 USG 24 USG 25 USG 26 USG 27 USG 28 USG 29 USG 30 USG 31 USG 32 USG 33 USG 34 USG 35 USG 36 USG 37 USG 38 Left Left Left Left Left Left Left Left Left Left Left Left Left Left Left Left Left Left Left Right Right Right Right Right Right Right Right Right Right Right Right Right Right Right Right Right Right Right Conservation piece Entire Fragmentary Entire Entire Fragmentary Fragmentary Fragmentary Entire Entire Entire Entire Fragmentary Fragmentary Fragmentary Fragmentary Fragmentary Entire Fragmentary Fragmentary Entire Entire Fragmentary Fragmentary Fragmentary Fragmentary Fragmentary Fragmentary Fragmentary Fragmentary Entire Entire Fragmentary Fragmentary Fragmentary Fragmentary Fragmentary Fragmentary Fragmentary Conservation perforation Entire Entire Fragmentary Entire Entire Entire Entire Entire Entire Entire Entire Entire Entire Entire Entire Entire Entire Fragmentary Fragmentary Entire Entire Entire Entire Entire Entire Entire Entire Entire Entire Entire Entire Entire Entire Entire Entire Entire Fragmentary Fragmentary Length Width maximum 69.31 38.14 37.99 ? 33.51 35.74 ? 34.99 36.51 35.45 33.14 34.00 33.53 35.66 33.97 34.47 30.21 30.31 ? ? 36.69 38.04 32.93 32.83 37.15 39.95 37.33 36.53 38.07 35.86 37.54 35.02 34.90 32.96 35.01 34.66 28.15 ? ? 59.31 56.82 ? ? ? 67.08 66.27 62.38 61.65 ? ? 62.58 ? 56.78 52.43 ? ? 69.55 70.11 ? 55.06 66.29 ? ? 67.12 70.30 64.15 70.30 59.62 66.68 59.28 ? ? ? ? 31.44 Bronze Age Artefacts Made of Perforated Shells Discovered in a Ritual Complex from Transylvania / 99 Table 2. Uroi – Sigheti. Cx_13. Wietenberg culture. Perforated shells. Specific parameters: diameters of shells and diameters of perforations. Code Bilateral Conservation piece Conservation perforation Diameter perforation maximum Diameter perforation minimum Distance Orientation of perforation perfora-tion – margin (clock position) USG 1 USG 2 USG 3 USG 4 USG 5 USG 6 USG 7 USG 8 USG 9 USG 10 USG 11 USG 12 USG 13 USG 14 USG 15 USG 16 USG 17 USG 18 USG 19 USG 20 USG 21 USG 22 USG 23 USG 24 USG 25 USG 26 USG 27 USG 28 USG 29 Left Left Left Left Left Left Left Left Left Left Entire Fragmentary Entire Entire Fragmentary Fragmentary Fragmentary Entire Entire Entire Entire Entire Fragmentary Entire Entire Entire Entire Entire Entire Entire 11.63 11.22 9.90 7.43 11.82 10.52 9.63 12.85 9.62 11 7.60 7.62 ? 7.04 11.03 9.77 8.69 10.48 5.85 7.91 5.50 8.01 ? 5.81 9.56 11.97 5.14 10.70 8.99 5.85 10–4 10–4 8–2 12–6 8–2 10–4 8–2 9–3 10–4 8–2 Left Entire Entire 9.85 7.41 6.70 10–4 Left Fragmentary Entire 11.87 9.71 11.50 9–3 Left Fragmentary Entire 10.62 7.86 10.37 8–2 Left Fragmentary Entire 11.28 9.70 4.43 10–4 Left Fragmentary Entire 10.04 8.93 9.43 8–2 Left Fragmentary Entire 10.21 6.07 6.46 10–4 Left Entire Entire 9.95 7.72 5.55 9–3 Left Fragmentary Fragmentary 7.84 ? 14.25 8–2 Left Fragmentary Fragmentary ? ? 8.21 10–4 Right Entire Entire 7.49 7.09 6.99 9–3 Right Entire Entire 16.93 11.36 12.99 8–2 Right Fragmentary Entire 10.33 6.24 18.43 8–2 Right Fragmentary Entire 8.69 8.10 11.45 8–2 Right Fragmentary Entire 11.52 8.45 12.77 10–4 Right Fragmentary Entire 12.40 8.09 8.34 8–2 Right Fragmentary Entire 6.01 3.80 24.39 8–2 Right Fragmentary Entire 9.26 6.59 6.86 10–4 Right Fragmentary Entire 12.04 7.32 7.00 8–2 Right Fragmentary Entire 11.12 6.85 7.65 8–2 100 / Corneliu Beldiman, Marius Barbu, Diana-Maria Sztancs, Mihaela Maria Barbu Code Bilateral Conservation piece Conservation perforation Diameter perforation maximum Diameter perforation minimum Distance Orientation of perforation perfora-tion – margin (clock position) USG 30 USG 31 USG 32 USG 33 USG 34 USG 35 USG 36 USG 37 USG 38 Right Entire Entire 9.17 7.05 6.26 8–2 Right Entire Entire 10.49 9.82 7.58 9–3 Right Fragmentary Entire 8.96 8.03 11.03 9–3 Right Fragmentary Entire 9.02 8.75 9.25 9–3 Right Fragmentary Entire 9.79 8.34 8.09 9–3 Right Fragmentary Entire 20.60 14.44 10.75 9–3 Right Fragmentary Entire 11.79 8.76 11.15 10–4 Right Fragmentary Fragmentary 10.01 ? 8.06 8–2 Right Fragmentary Fragmentary ? 4.19 18.25 9–3 Table 3. Uroi – Sigheti. Cx_13. Wietenberg culture. Perforated shells. Specific parameters: orientation of perforations (clock position). Orientation of perforations (clock position) 8–2 9–3 10–4 12–6 Left valves Right valves 7 9 3 7 8 3 1 – Bronze Age Artefacts Made of Perforated Shells Discovered in a Ritual Complex from Transylvania / 101 Length Width 80 70 60 50 40 30 20 10 32,00 33,00 34,00 35,00 36,00 37,00 38,00 33,00 34,00 35,00 36,00 37,00 38,00 33,00 34,00 35,00 36,00 37,00 38,00 31,00 30,00 29,00 28,00 27,00 26,00 25,00 24,00 23,00 22,00 21,00 20,00 32,00 Lenght 19,00 18,00 17,00 16,00 15,00 14,00 13,00 12,00 11,00 9,00 10,00 8,00 7,00 6,00 5,00 4,00 3,00 2,00 1,00 0 Width maximum Chart 1. Uroi – Sigheti. Cx_13. Wietenberg culture. Perforated shells. Dimensions: distribution of values (length and width). Diameter maximum/Diameter minimum 25 20 15 10 5 Diameter maximum 31,00 30,00 29,00 28,00 27,00 26,00 25,00 24,00 23,00 22,00 21,00 20,00 19,00 18,00 17,00 16,00 15,00 14,00 13,00 12,00 11,00 10,00 9,00 8,00 7,00 6,00 5,00 4,00 3,00 2,00 1,00 0 Diameter minimum Chart 2. Uroi – Sigheti. Cx_13. Wietenberg culture. Perforated shells. Dimensions: distribution of values (diameter maximum and diameter minimum). Distance perforation - margin 30 25 20 15 10 5 32,00 31,00 30,00 29,00 28,00 27,00 26,00 25,00 24,00 23,00 22,00 21,00 20,00 19,00 18,00 17,00 16,00 15,00 14,00 13,00 12,00 11,00 10,00 9,00 8,00 7,00 6,00 5,00 4,00 3,00 2,00 1,00 0 Distance perforation - margin Chart 3. Uroi – Sigheti. Cx_13. Wietenberg culture. Perforated shells. Dimensions: distance perforation-edge/margin – distribution of values. 2 Pl. I. Uroi – Sigheti. 1. Uroi Hillock; 2. Location of the archaeological site (https://www.google.ro/maps/place/Uroi,+335906/@ 45.8642906,23.0331481,15z/data=!3m1!4b1!4m2!3m1!1s0x474e8df5c630e9bf:0x9676424c4291fc4a). 102 / Corneliu Beldiman, Marius Barbu, Diana-Maria Sztancs, Mihaela Maria Barbu 1 Bronze Age Artefacts Made of Perforated Shells Discovered in a Ritual Complex from Transylvania / 103 2 1 5 cm 3 4 5 6 Pl. II. Uroi – Sigheti. Cx_13. Wietenberg culture. Artefacts from the inventory: 1, 3–5. Ceramic pots; 2. Perforated dog canine; 6. General view of the ritual pit. Photo taken by Marius Barbu. 104 / Corneliu Beldiman, Marius Barbu, Diana-Maria Sztancs, Mihaela Maria Barbu 1 2 Pl. III. Uroi – Sigheti. Cx_13. Wietenberg culture. Perforated shells. Conventions of description: 1. Dimensions; 2. Orientation of perforations. 3 cm 3 cm Bronze Age Artefacts Made of Perforated Shells Discovered in a Ritual Complex from Transylvania / 105 Pl. IV. Uroi – Sigheti. Cx_13. Wietenberg culture. Perforated shells (USG 1–8). 3 cm 3 cm 106 / Corneliu Beldiman, Marius Barbu, Diana-Maria Sztancs, Mihaela Maria Barbu Pl. V. Uroi – Sigheti. Cx_13. Wietenberg culture. Perforated shells (USG 9–16). 3 cm 3 cm Bronze Age Artefacts Made of Perforated Shells Discovered in a Ritual Complex from Transylvania / 107 Pl. VI. Uroi – Sigheti. Cx_13. Wietenberg culture. Perforated shells (USG 17–24). 3 cm 3 cm 108 / Corneliu Beldiman, Marius Barbu, Diana-Maria Sztancs, Mihaela Maria Barbu Pl. VII. Uroi – Sigheti. Cx_13. Wietenberg culture. Perforated shells (USG 25–32). 3 cm 3 cm Bronze Age Artefacts Made of Perforated Shells Discovered in a Ritual Complex from Transylvania / 109 Pl. VIII. Uroi – Sigheti. Cx_13. Wietenberg culture. Perforated shells (USG 33–38). 110 / Corneliu Beldiman, Marius Barbu, Diana-Maria Sztancs, Mihaela Maria Barbu Pl. IX. Uroi – Sigheti. Cx_13. Wietenberg culture. Perforated shells – details (USG 9). Bronze Age Artefacts Made of Perforated Shells Discovered in a Ritual Complex from Transylvania / 111 Pl. X. Uroi – Sigheti. Cx_13. Wietenberg culture. Perforated shells – details (USG 21). 112 / Corneliu Beldiman, Marius Barbu, Diana-Maria Sztancs, Mihaela Maria Barbu 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 Pl. XI. Uroi – Sigheti. Cx_13. Wietenberg culture. Perforated shells – microphotographs: 1–4. USG 6; 5–8. USG 23. Bronze Age Artefacts Made of Perforated Shells Discovered in a Ritual Complex from Transylvania / 113 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 Pl. XII. Uroi – Sigheti. Cx_13. Wietenberg culture. Perforated shells – microphotographs: 1–4. USG 25; 5–8. USG 27. 2 3 4 Pl. XIII. Uroi – Sigheti. Cx_13. Wietenberg culture. Perforated shells – microphotographs: 1–4. USG 36. 114 / Corneliu Beldiman, Marius Barbu, Diana-Maria Sztancs, Mihaela Maria Barbu 1 Religion and Magic of the Bronze Age Communities between the Carpathian Mountains and the Danube River (the Tei Culture). Some Possible Proves Cristian Schuster Vasile Pârvan Institute of Archaeology – Center of Thracology, Romanian Academy, Bucureşti, ROMANIA cristianschuster@yahoo.com Keywords: Tei culture, Muntenia, cult construction, pits and objects. Abstract: Even if the Tei culture has a rather important distribution area, with almost 250 sites, the possible proofs regarding the spiritual life – religion and magic – are restrained in number, often less expressive and sometimes unconclusives. In the present contribution we attempt their analysis, the discussion of the pro and against arguments, their assignments, and when there are grounds, to consider the larger series of this category of proofs from, other cultural milieus of the Bronze Age, especially those on the territory of Romania. INTRODUCTION The Middle and Late Bronze Age is represented by the Tei vestiges in Muntenia, but also beyond the borders of these regions, sporadically in Southeastern Transylvania (Bârsei Land) and, in the light of the new research, in a more and more consistent manner south of the Danube, in Bulgaria, up to the Stara Planina Mountains. As concerns Muntenia, the presence of the Tei communities had been documented up to now in its Central part, especially in the range of Bucureşti and its surroundings and up to the Vedea river in the West, the Mostiştea Valley in the East and, of course, the Danube in the South and Southern Carpathians in the North1. The surveys, as well as the preventive and systematic excavations had resulted in about 250 sites with Tei vestiges2. These traces had been detected on most of the relief forms within the range of this material culture3, from the meadows and lower terraces of some rivers and up to the piemontal hills4. The majority of the areas with Tei materials certify the existence of some settlements. These had smaller or medium dimensions5, being seldom fortified with ditch and wall (i.e. Popeşti – Nucet, Giurgiu County; Pl. I/A)6. 1 2 3 4 5 6 LEAHU 1966, p. 22- 29; LEAHU 1997; LEAHU 2003, p. 29–41; SCHUSTER 1994; SCHUSTER 1997; SCHUSTER 2005a, p. 119; SCHUSTER 2005b, p. 107–111; SCHUSTER 2012, p. 393–394; SCHUSTER, COMŞA 1998; SCHUSTER, POPA 2007; SCHUSTER, POPA 2010, p. 34–35; GAVRILĂ 2013. LEAHU 1966, p. 17–21, fig. 1–2; LEAHU 2003, p. 17–29, pl. I; SCHUSTER 2005b, p. 85–107, Maps 14–23. SCHUSTER ET AL 2005b, p. 9–14; SCHUSTER 2005c; SCHUSTER 2011; SCHUSTER, POPA 2010, p. 9–16. LEAHU 1966, p. 47–54; SCHUSTER 2005b, p. 111–112. SCHUSTER 2005b, p. 113–114. PALINCAŞ 1996; PALINCAŞ 1997; SCHUSTER 2005b, p. 114; SCHUSTER 2008. Representations, Signs and Symbols, 2014 / p. 115–138 116 / Cristian Schuster If the information regarding the settlements is relatively rich, those connected with the funerary monuments are totally insufficient7. The respective burials, all inhumation ones (for instance those at Chirnogi – Şuviţa lui Ghiţan and Căscioarele – D’aia Parte, both in the Călăraşi County, Sitaru, Ilfov County, Puieni (Giurgiu County), exclusively belong to the middle and late phases of the culture (III and IV). POSSIBLE PROVES OF SOME CULTIC ACTIVITIES Recently, reanalyzing the constructions of the Tei culture8, we have detected an aspect which was also identified by previous attempts9, namely that the large majority of the dwellings, being either above the ground (huts) or pit houses, had small dimensions, reaching an average surface of 8–9 square meters10. Some of the investigated constructions had enabled the conclusion that these were much bigger than those previously mentioned. Thus, at Bucureşti – Văcăreşti (Pl. I/L), the traces of a Tei III construction (noted B5) had been detected, having a rectangular form and covering a surface of 20.50 square meters11. We have to note that eight pole pits, positioned in the shape of the letter “L”12 had been also found, a fact which is very interesting for the Tei constructions which, in their large majority lack the post holes. Also on the territory of Bucureşti, at Băneasa (Pl. I/M), another construction of 22.75 squares meters had been investigated13. Near Bucureşti, at Chitila – Cărămidărie (Ilfov County) (Pl. I/K), the remains of a Tei II dwelling with the surface of about 21 square meters has been studied14. Regarding the functionality of these large dwellings, it could hardly be drawn a conclusion. Yet, it is very probable that they had another destination than the one of a simple dwelling. A more clear proof in this sense was investigated at Mogoşeşti, Giurgiu County (Pl. I/D; II/1). The research carried out in 1989 and 1993 had shown that the above ground dwelling Tei II (noted as Dwelling no. 1)15 measured 14.50 m on the long northeastern side, 14.30 m on the long nouthwestern side, 10.24 m on the short northern side, and 10.46 m on the short Southern side, meaning that it covered a surface of about 149 square meters (Pl. II/2)16. Its dimensions were proven also by the discovery of six pole pits17. Dwelling no. 1 had a solid wooden structure, with supporting stakes, probably, on three rows: two on the sides (supporting the walls), and a central ridge supporting the roof18. The distance 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 LEAHU 1978; LEAHU 2003, p. 123; ŞERBĂNESCU 2001; SCHUSTER 2003, p. 119; SCHUSTER 2005b, p. 121–132; SCHUSTER ET AL 2005a; MOTZOI-CHICIDEANU 2011, p. 411–444. SCHUSTER, TUŢULESCU 2013, p. 143–160. LEAHU 1966, p. 54–58; LEAHU 2003, p. 64–67; SCHUSTER, POPA 2000, p. 23–32; SCHUSTER 2005b, p. 114–117. SCHUSTER, TUŢULESCU 2013, p. 148. LEAHU 2003, p. 66, goes with the dimensions up to 11/12 square meters. Most likely, the functionality of such dwellings was that of a habitation place. Perhaps, at Mogoşeşti and Mironeşti – La Panait, one exception would be the Dwelling no. 4 used as a “shed” (SCHUSTER, POPA 2000, p. 23–24), and Dwelling no. 1, used as “stone craftsman workshop” (SCHUSTER, POPA 2008, p. 27, pl. IV/L1. With dimensions of about 6.20 × 3.30 m, see ŢICO 1981, p. 250. With a diameter of 0.10 m and deepened with 0.20-0.40 m from the ancient level. The estimated dimensions were 6.50 × 3.50 m: ROSETTI 1932, p. 11–12. BORONEANŢ 1981, p. 201: speaks about dimensions of 5.00 × 4.20 m. The complex had also contained a hearth, being considered by its finder as being a portable one (BORONEANŢ 1981, p. 197). LEAHU 2003, p. 68: is reluctant to the term of “construction” that we used, yet, avoiding to advance another hypothesis. SCHUSTER, POPA 2000, p. 27. Three on the southwestern side, with the following diameters: Postpit no. 1 of the Southwestern corner = 0.11m, Postpit no. 2 = 0.13 m, Postpit no. 3 = 0.15 m; two on the northeastern side, with the diameters of Postpit no. 4 of the northeastern corner = 0.13 m, Postpit no. 5 = 0.12 m; one in the central part of the complex: Postpit no. 6 = 0.18 m. The distance between Postpit no. 1 and Postpit no. 2 was 2.04 m, between Postpit no. 2 and Postpit no. 3 it was 7.62 m, and between Postpit no. 4 and Postpit no. 5 it reached 2.32 m. Cf. SCHUSTER, POPA 2000, p. 27. SCHUSTER, POPA 2000, p. 28. Religion and Magic of the Bronze Age Communities between the Carpathian Mountains and the Danube River (the Tei Culture) / 117 between the stakes, as it could be observed during the excavations, measured 2.00 m in average19. How all parts of the wooden structure had been connected it is difficult for us to describe. It is a fact that a net of twigs had been woven between the lateral poles, which were later, covered with clay, mixed with straw20. Only one fragment of wattle and daub had traces of a white matter, so that. We don’t know if the walls were whitewashed or painted. The roof, obviously double pitched, was made of reed and other water plants, as shown by the ash layer uniformly spread on the entire perimeter of the building. It is possible that the roof had some “holes” in it to evacuate the smoke produced by the three hearths which were discovered inside the dwelling. Except the mentioned three hearths (nos. 1–3), arranged in a triangle, in the center of the complex, two in the area of the long sides and the third, making the tip of the triangle, located near the Eastern side, as interior fittings of the house several patches of battered clay from intensive walking could be noticed, especially around the hearths. But we have to stress here that those patches were not part of the floor. The hearths (Pl. II/2), of a slightly oval shape (Hearth no. 1 = maximal diameter 1.03 m; Hearth no. 2 = maximal diameter 1.24 m; Hearth no. 3 = maximal diameter 1.34 m)21 had been set directly on the ancient soil, being made of a fine clay, mixed with pebbles and, in the case of Hearth no. 3, with coarse ceramic fragments. All three fire installations had been intensely used, a proof in this sense being the thick layer of burning to red (between 8 and 15 cm) as well as the reconstructions. Their upper part, slightly concave towards its center, was painted with a grey color. Near the hearths, besides the ash, there were complete and fragmentary recipients, other different objects, animal bones. In the first published excavation report, we had mentioned that “we can advance the hypothesis of a space dedicated to the cult, maybe to men’s or warriors’ gatherings”22. Our supposition was based upon the special type of construction23, its possible compartments, the inner fittings (the three hearths), as well as the inventory discovered there. The fire that destroyed the dwelling made the roof (constructed of reed and other water plants) to collapse towards the inner part of the complex, creating an impressive layer of ashes (0.15 m thick). The walls also collapsed towards the interior, over this layer. Around the hearths, the quantity of ashes was larger than in other parts of the house, reaching 0.24 m near the Hearth no. 3. This perimeters of ashes contained splinters of burned wood and also pieces of small animal bones. The inventory of the dwelling discovered beneath the ash layer was quite rich in pottery, most of it being represented by small vessels (Pl. III and Pl. V), burned clay objects (Pl. VI/1–2), metal (Pl. VI/3–6), bone and horn items. Among receptacles, we could mention the cups, mugs, drinking vessels, bowls, and small dishes, some of them being undecorated. Few others were ornamented in the technique of successive stitches (German Stichkannaltechnik), and had been recovered especially from the proximity of the walls and hearths24. Their dispersion make us suppose that they had been placed upon some stands situated near the hearths or walls or had been hanged in a certain manner upon the latter walls. These vessel types had been discovered in most of the Tei II phase sites (and not only)25, but never in such a large number (101 pieces). Most receptacles from the construction at Mogoşeşti had been used for drinking; therefore the hypothesis of some ritual libations cannot be excluded. 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 SCHUSTER, POPA 2010, p. 41. Given the conformation of some wattle and daub pieces, we can estimate the thickness of the walls at approximately 0.10/0.18 m (SCHUSTER, POPA 2010, p. 41). SCHUSTER, POPA 2000, p. 36, fig. 11. SCHUSTER, POPA 1995, p. 148. Some of the pieces of wattle and daub had considerable sizes (up to 0.25 m in diameter) with traces of twigs and poles (with sizes up 0.17 m in diameter). SCHUSTER, POPA 2000, p. 27, 49–55, fig. 23–40, 42–44, 51, 56–57, 67/6–9, 68/4–7, 69/1–4, 70; SCHUSTER, POPA 2010, pl. XXIX–XXXIX, XLI/3; SCHUSTER, POPA, BARBU 2012, pl. XXVIII, XLI, LXXXIX. LEAHU 1966, fig. 10/4–6, 8–13, 15–21, 20, 21/1–5, 22–24; LEAHU 1992, pl. II, III/2, 4–5, IV/16–21, V/1–5, VI/3–5, VII/15–26, IX/16–17, XV/15–17; LEAHU 2003, pl. XXXI/4–21, XXXII–XXV. 118 / Cristian Schuster We mentioned the possible compartments of the construction. In our opinion there were two “chambers”, the first of them being destined to the three hearths, while the second one, of smaller dimensions, had another destination. Why do we suppose that? Because south of the Hearths no. 1 and 2, near the Western wall, it was discovered a very interesting object. This was a pulley wheel (diameter = 5.1 cm, thickness = 0.5 cm), modeled from a good quality paste, possibly being of a polished black color, with a disk-shaped body pierced by a central perforation and its entire circumference of the margin being deepened (Pl. VI/2)26. On its groove – margin can be recognized traces of wear, of polishing, due to a possible belt27, suggesting that this was part of a device for raising something. This something might have been a “curtain” that parted the construction into those two chambers. Other arguments regarding the dwelling compartimentation are the artifacts discovered in the smaller “chamber”. We refer here to two representations of the human leg made in burnt clay. The first item (Pl. VII/2), which was preserved in one piece is in fact a little boot from the right leg (height = 7 cm; the length of the sole = 9 cm; the width of the sole = 4.7 cm; the maximal height of the sole = 1.9 cm; the thickness of the ankle = 4.9 cm)28. It represents the ankle and the sole of the human foot. The upper half of the ankle is empty on the inside, with thin walls (of a maximal thickness = 0.6 cm), a circular section at the ankle and plan-convex sole. It was decorated at the exterior with successive stitches forming geometric shapes. The inner walls of the empty boot bear traces of wear, a fact which might suggest that inside it could be introduced objects made of organic matter (wood?), possible parts of a statuette that was wearing clay footwear? A second representation of the human foot, also the right one, is a very interesting item29, which, most probably, comes from an anthropomorphic statuette (Pl. VII/3). In his turn, Valeriu Leahu believes that this fragment was part of a leg-shaped recipient30. The foot and part of the ankle had been preserved (maximal height = 3.9 cm; length of the sole = 6 cm; maximal thickness = 3.4 cm). The foot was decorated with successive stitches nets. Under different occasions, while discussing the issue of these two objects from Mogoşeşti31, I have shown that from the Middle and Late Bronze Age part-pieces of anthropomorphic figurines had been found in several sites. I had mentioned the finds from Braneţ (Glina culture), the Dwelling no. 19 from Vârteşcoiu, those from Bordeşti Mândrişca, Bogdăneşti, Cernăteşti and Cândeşti (Monteoru IC4 – IC3 – IC2 culture), Pecica (Mureş culture), Derşida and Târnăveni (both belonging to the Wietenberg culture), Socodor and Girişu de Sus (Otomani culture), Ghidici – Balta Ţarova, Cârna – Ostrovogania and Ostrovu Mare (Gârla Mare culture32), Suplacu de Barcău (Igriţa group), Bărboasa (Noua I culture).The conclusion that I could draw at that time is still valid even today33: “the objects from Mogoşeşti have analogies in contemporary, neighboring milieus, and also possible “roots” in the previous cultural manifestations from the same area. What is certain is that we do not know who generated the appearance of the items from Mogoşeşti. Could it be that the Tei culture was influenced by the Wietenberg pottery makers?”. The presence of these two anthropomorphic objects that we had discovered in what we assumed to have been a distinct ‚chamber” in Dwelling no. 1 from Mogoşeşti, gives us the opportunity to advance as a working hypothesis the idea that, this space might have been possibly destined to the gods. There 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 SCHUSTER, POPA 2000, p. 68, fig. 20/2, 67/5; LEAHU 2003, p. 120–121, pl. LXI/5. LEAHU 2003, p. 121, knowing the piece just from the literature, contested that “there were persevered traces left by the movement of a cord”. SCHUSTER, POPA 2000, p. 70, fig. 19/1, 67/5; SCHUSTER, POPA 2010, p. 103–104, pl. LVI/3; SCHUSTER 2000, p. 262, pl. I/1; SCHUSTER 2007, p. 53, pl. 33/1; LEAHU 2003, p. 120–121, pl. LXI/5. SCHUSTER, POPA 2000, p. 70, fig. 19/2; SCHUSTER, POPA 2010, p. 103, pl. LVI/4; SCHUSTER 2000, p. 262, pl. I/2; SCHUSTER 2007, p. 53, pl. 33/2; LEAHU 2003, p. 119, pl. LX/1. LEAHU 2003, p. 119. SCHUSTER, POPA 2000, p. 70–71, with lit.; SCHUSTER, POPA 2010, p. 104–108; SCHUSTER 2000. ŞANDOR-CHICIDEANU 2003, p. 128, pl. 38/6. SCHUSTER, POPA 2010, p. 108. Valeriu Leahu does not agree with this hypothesis (LEAHU 2003, p. 119). Religion and Magic of the Bronze Age Communities between the Carpathian Mountains and the Danube River (the Tei Culture) / 119 might have been preserved the burnt clay statuettes and other objects made of organic matter, but “taking the benefit” of stands (boots) made of clay. Interesting discoveries had been also done in the chamber with the three hearths. Thus, from near the Hearth no. 1 it was recovered a fragment of a case coming from a miniature wagon (Pl. VII/1)´. An interesting aspect is that the wagon was modeled in the shape of a boat with a button at each end (maximal height = 3.9 cm; maximal length preserved = 6.6 cm), using a good clay. A miniature wheel from another wagon had been found in the ash layer neat the Eastern wall of the construction (Pl. VI/1). As I already mentioned and insisted upon that in other occasions34, from Dwelling no. 1 several metal objects could be recovered. We refer here to a bronze knife made by casting and then polished by beating, which has a decoration composed of a parallel line flanked by a row of semicircles (Pl. VI/3) placed on both sides of the blade, under the triangle section nervure35. Until now, this knife seems to be unique in the Tei culture. Further on, two sewing needles (one made of copper, the second being made neither of copper, nor of bronze), made of narrowed wire (Pl. VI/4)36, a complete bronze chisel37, a “ring” made of a bronze needle with spiral shape foot “Hülsenkopf”-type with an intentionally removed or accidentally broken head (Pl. VI/5)38, and an oval-shaped silver ring, made of a wire with endings (Pl. VI/6)39. Among the objects made of bone we could notice the fragments of two deer antler axes40, found near the Hearth no. 3, needles, a “tube” for keeping the needles, a dorn and a possible whistle (found near the Hearth no. 1)41. This latter object is a rarity in the Romanian Bronze42. Very probable being in connection with the up mentioned construction was the presence of a “Clay platform” (cca 4.10 square meters large), slightly convex, of rectangular shape (2.33 × 1.75 m), with an uneven thickness of approximately 0.05 m, and a maximum quota of 0.88 m in the central area, which has been discovered in front of the Northeastern side of the Dwelling no. 1, with 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 SCHUSTER 1996a, p. 103, fig. 2/1; SCHUSTER, POPA 2000, p. 68; SCHUSTER, POPA 2010, p. 108, pl. LV/10; LEAHU 2003, pl. LXI/6. SCHUSTER 1992; SCHUSTER 2011b; SCHUSTER, POPA 2010, p. 85–91. Its dimensions are: length of 13.3 cm, maximal width of 1.4 cm, and maximal back width of 0.3 cm. The metallographic analyses undertaken showed that the composition of the knife was: Cu 89%, Sn 10%, Zn 0.5%, As 0.2% and traces of Pb. SCHUSTER 1992, p. 81, fig. 1/1a – b; SCHUSTER 2007, p. 47, pl. 36/9; SCHUSTER 2011b; SCHUSTER, POPA 2000, p. 74–75, fig. 22/7; SCHUSTER, POPA 2010, p. 85, pl. LXXI/2; LEAHU 2003, p. 80, pl. XII/9. With a length of 10.9 cm, respectively of 8.5 cm. The first of the needles had the following composition Cu 99.5%, As 0.1%, and Ni9 0.1%; the second, Cu 98.2% (SCHUSTER 1992, p. 83, fig. 1/3a-b; SCHUSTER 2007, p. 47; SCHUSTER 2011b; SCHUSTER, POPA, p. 76, fig. 22/3; SCHUSTER, POPA 2010, p. 87, pl. LXXI/1). They are made in the same technique as the other items discovered in the Tei area: Bucureşti – Fundenii Doamnei, Dealul Piscului, Bucureştii Noi, Băneasa and Lunca Bârzeşti (LEAHU 1966, p. 76; LEAHU 1988, p. 228; LEAHU 2003, p. 83, 144; SANDU 1992, p. 170, pl. XV/8; SCHUSTER 2007, p. 47). It is not very well preserved. Its body (length 3.5 cm, maximum width 0.5 cm, maximum thickness 0.4 cm) was polished, and one of its extremities was cut and made wider, the other one is sharp and narrower (SCHUSTER 1992, p. 82, fig. 1/2; SCHUSTER 2007, p. 47; SCHUSTER 2011b; SCHUSTER, POPA 2000, p. 75; SCHUSTER, POPA 2010, p. 86, pl. LXXIII/1). Metallographic analyses showed its composition: Cu 94%, Sn 3%, Zn 0.5%, traces of Ni and As. Tei chisels were also discovered at Popeşti – Nucet, Frăteşti, Otopeni, Bucureşti – Bucureştii Noi, Str. Ziduri între Vii, Băneasa, “Giuleşti Sârbi and Lunca Bârzeşti, and in Bulgaria at Emen (LEAHU 1966, p. 76, pl. III/3–4; LEAHU 1988, p. 228, fig. 1/12; LEAHU 2003, p. 82, pl. XII/11–12; SCHUSTER 2007, p. 47). SCHUSTER 1992, p. 83, fig. 1/6; SCHUSTER 2007, p. 49, pl. 37/5; SCHUSTER 2011b; SCHUSTER, POPA 2000, p. 76–77, fig. 22/5; LEAHU 2003, p. 100, pl. XX/13. The diameter of the earring is 0.10 cm (SCHUSTER 1992, p. 83, fig. 1/8; SCHUSTER 2007, p. 49, fig. 37/2; SCHUSTER 2001b; SCHUSTER, POPA 2000, p. 78, fig. 22/2; SCHUSTER, POPA 2010, p. 91, pl. LXXV/1–2). The metallographic analyses showed that the adornment was made of Ag 93.83%, Cu 5.93% and Fe 0.10%. Regarding the resulted percentages, this item is similar to silver pieces discovered in the Early Bronze Age necropolis from Zimnicea (SCHUSTER, POPA 2010, p. 91, pl. LXXV/3–6). SCHUSTER, POPA 2000, p. 63, fig. 17/1; SCHUSTER, POPA 2010, p. 82, pl. LVIII/3–4, LXIII/5–6. Similar artifacts had been recovered from Mironeşti – La Panait and Coastă and Bucureşti – Tei (SCHUSTER, POPA 2008, p. 26, 28). SCHUSTER, POPA 2000, p. 60–63, fig. 14/2–3, 17/1–4; SCHUSTER, POPA 2010, pl. LXIII. Concerning the whistle, see SCHUSTER, POPA 2003. 120 / Cristian Schuster hearths on each of its four corners (Pl. II/2)”43. “The Platform” was identified in Trench no. 13, north of the Pit no. 4 and Dwelling no. 4 and east of the Dwelling no. 1. Several repairments could be observed, mostly performed on the Western side. The orientation of the “Platform” was North-NorthwestSouth-Southeast. It was built directly on the ground. Important piles of animal bones and few pottery fragments had been found on its entire surface, but mostly near the hearths. Many of the bones were burned. They were not found in anatomic connection. The material the “Platform” was made of was good quality clay with rare impurities, mostly consisting in pebbles and minuscule pottery fragments. The hearths identified at the corners of the platform44, of an oval shape (Hearth no 4) in the NorthWestern corner = maximal diameter 0.76 m; Hearth no. 5 in the North-East corner = maximal diameter 0.64 m; Hearth no. 6 in the South-Western corner = maximal diameter 0.68 m; Hearth no. 7 in the South-Eastern corner = maximal diameter 0.72 m), all traced at the depth of 0.0.40/0.42 m, had been identified directly on the ancient soil, being made of clay mixed with pebbles, rare ceramic fragments, straw and chaff. Their burning was rather intense, the grey crust having a thickness of about 0.13/0. 18 m and all four hearths had few reconstructions. Without further details, we should mention that in other cultural milieus of the Romanian Bronze Age some constructions of considerable dimensions had been detected. Also on the Argeş river, but not at Mogoşeşti, but upstream from this site, in the fortified settlement from Popeşti – Nucet, in “Trench Σ”, in the Zimnicea-Plovdiv layer, according to Nona Palincaş45, it was detected a construction of about 25.5 square meters, under which three oak beams had been discovered. In the Verbicioara I milieu, at Locusteni46, it was investigated a construction of 18.92 square meters, with squared shape and rounded corners. In the Balta Sărată milieu from Banat the big constructions are also present, an example in this sense being the Dwelling no. 1 from Valea Timişului47. Also, in the range of the Monteoru Culture, big dwellings had been also discovered. At Tercheşti, in the Monteoru IIa settlement, two large dwellings had been investigated (of 18.8 square meters; and 22.05 square meters respectively)48. Some of the adobe fragments of the constructions had a carefully done polishing and sometimes were decorated with a relieved belt applied on the inner side of the walls. In the same site, but this time in a sequence belonging to the Monteoru IC2 phase, two big dwellings had been analyzed (of 14.8 square meters; and 19.35 square meters respectively)49. Of these, Dwelling no. 8 had a floor made of a pebble layer, above which a thin layer of yellow clay mixed wish ashes had been set. A series of big dwellings had been also discovered in Transylvania, in the settlements of the Wietenberg Culture50: Corneşti – Podeiul Mic (oval; 72 square meters; with two storage pits and four hearths), Cugir – Cetate (rounded; 18.7 square meters; polepit for the stake used for sustaining the roof), Derşida (first level = 23.46 square meters; level 4 = 25.74 square meters). Notable as dimensions were also some dwellings of the Otomani Culture51: Carei – Bobald (26.4 square meters), Sălacea (rectangular; 48.5 square meters; with three chambers, in the second being the remains of a suspended altar and in the third two fixed altars), in the eponymous site (rectangular; 625 square meters). Besides the clearly proved functionality of the dwelling from Sălacea, the one of a sanctuary with two construction phases (during the last one with the lateral walls ornamented outwards with freezes and reliefed geometrical motifs), for the rest we don’t know anything about the destination of most big constructions. 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 DIETRICH 2010. SCHUSTER, POPA 2000, p. 38–39, fig. 5/7; SCHUSTER, POPA 2010, p. 101–102, pl. XX/2; SCHUSTER 2005, 117, pl. 21. SCHUSTER, POPA 2000, p. 36, fig. 7. PALINCAŞ 1997, p. 175. POPILIAN, NICA, TĂTULEA 1980, p. 255. GUMĂ, GUMĂ 1977, p. 49; GUMĂ, SĂCĂRIN 1983, p. 160. FLORESCU, CONSTANTINESCU 1967, p. 297. FLORESCU, CONSTANTINESCU 1967, p. 292, 294–296. BOROFFKA 1994, p. 101, fig. 11. Religion and Magic of the Bronze Age Communities between the Carpathian Mountains and the Danube River (the Tei Culture) / 121 Among the possible proofs about a religious or magical practice in the Tei milieu we could also consider another type of complexes, namely the ritual pits52. Unfortunately, they are in small number and partly irrelevant. Thus, for instance, an assembly of ten pits (deepenings) had been also documented in the Tei I site from Brăteşti – Bungetu (Pl. I/R), Dâmboviţa County. About the meaning of these pits it could hardly be given a firm interpretation53. Yet, it is not excluded that they could have been involved in a ritual activity54. Valeriu Leahu considered that to the category of ritual pits should be also assigned those Tei III 55 pits discovered at Bucureşti – Căţelu Nou (Pl. I/N), inside which, after the ritual clearing of the zone, the community of this phase had gathered and deposited the remains of the previous Tei settlement, namely those of the phase I (fragmentary ceramics, adobe pieces, animal bones). In fact, the wall pieces were present in all the Tei sites, simple, without ornaments, or with a coarse appearance. We have seen above that in the Otomani milieu, like in the case of the sanctuary from Sălacea, “the walls” had been more carefully done and even ornamented. The same procedure had been attested also for the Wietenberg milieu where, in a pit from Geoagiu de Sus, some adobe fragments (or even maybe fragments of a portable hearth) had been detected, bearing geometric ornaments (concentric spirals and triangles)56. Also in the Tei site from Bucureşti – Căţelu Nou, another pit with 12 cups had been identified. Even if this was approached by Leahu as an expression of the care of the community for keeping objects and provisions57, the same as we did in other circumstances, we take the liberty of presuming that we are most probably facing a ritual practice, of vessels deposition, specific also to other manifestations of the Romanian Bronze Age (e.g. Wietenberg, Otomani, Suciu de Sus). Also about the deposition of some complete receptacles, namely of two cups, but also of fragments from other vessels of the same type or from bowls, dishes, fruit stands, globular vessels, as well as pieces of a portable-oven, female anthropomorphic figurines (a complete one and three fragmentary ones) (Pl. X/1) had been found at Căscioarele – Valea Coşarului (Pl. I/P), Călăraşi County58. In the opinion of the authors, the Tei I pit59, with the mentioned inventory, was a ritual one, given that “all the objects were relatively grouped, at the same depth, only in the Western side of the pit, while in the Eastern one the inventory was missing, excepting four anthropomorphic figurines which had been found there (Pl. X/4–6). Two complete cups, fragments from numerous vessels, in their large majority coming from the rim, maybe illustrating a certain selection, but also the remains of a vessel-oven had been found” (Pl. X/2)60. It is remarkable that the presence of some small dimensions recipients could be also detected in the Dwelling no. 1 from Mogoşeşti, as well as in the ritual pits from Bucureşti – Căţelu Nou, Brăteşti – Bungetu and Căscioarele – Valea Coşarului. In this context, we should point out that cups or their fragments had been also discovered in the burials from Căscioarele – D’aia Parte, Chirnogi – Şuviţa lui Ghiţan, Puieni and Sitaru61. Therefore, we could advance the hypothesis that the small libation vessels had been used in the cultic activities, being also connected with the funerary rite and ritual. In the range of the Tei Culture, in most of the cases, a series of hoards and deposits of items made of metal had been discovered by hazard. Unfortunately, about the context of their discovery 52 53 54 55 56 57 58 59 60 61 BADER 1978, p. 38. About pits in general, see LEAHU 1996, p. 58–59; LEAHU 2003, p. 67–68; SCHUSTER, POPA 2000, p. 32–36; SCHUSTER, POPA 2008, p. 25; SCHUSTER, POPA 2009, p. 58; SCHUSTER, POPA 2010, p. 47–48; SCHUSTER 2007, p. 118–119; SCHUSTER 2012, p. 397; GAVRILĂ 2013, p. 157. LEAHU 2003, p. 68. SCHUSTER 2005b, p. 119. LEAHU 1966, p. 59. CIUGUDEAN 1999, p. 116, fig. 13–14. LEAHU 1966, p. 59. SÎRBU, DAMIAN 1992. In our opinion, the ceramics discovered in this complex proofs that it belonged to the Tei III phase. SCHUSTER, COMŞA 1997, fig. 2; ŞERBĂNESCU, BĂLTEANU 1998, pl. III–V; ŞERBĂNESCU 2001, pl. 3–4, 5/b; LEAHU 2003, pl. LXII, LXIII/1–6; SCHUSTER 2005b, pl. 24. 122 / Cristian Schuster there is just scarce information and this is also ambiguous62. The best known is the hoard discovered/ recovered in 1954 at Perşinari, Dâmboviţa County (Pl. I/S)63. This is part of the category of objects which were marks of social distinction, and was composed of four fragmentary axes made of silver (Pl. IX/4–5)64, a short sword made of gold65 and twelve blades of hallebarde made of gold66 (Pl. VIII/3). The hoard had been deposited at the time of the Tei III phase67. The gold used for making the items from Perşinari, in the opinion of Alexandru Vulpe was a local one68, coming from the gold bearing sands of the Dâmboviţa River. According to Valeriu Leahu also to the “heritage of the Tei Culture” could be also certainly assigned another hoard discovered in the Argeş County (Pl. IX/1–3)69. This one comprised twelve lock rings, out of which three were decorated on both sides with short incised lines, arranged obliquely in line, on the margins, or in incised circles also forming a raw, but also seven beads, which were very probably part of a necklace70. Considering that the 15th century BCE is the accepted datation, we can admit that the hoard should be placed in the same Tei III phase71. In 1958, at Mihăileşti – Tufa (Pl. I/O), Giurgiu County, it was discovered by hazard a deposit/ treasure consisting of two hatchets, one made of bronze, the other one of copper72, and two gold earrings73. Most probable the deposit/hoard had belonged to an early phase of the mentioned culture74. 62 63 64 65 66 67 68 69 70 71 72 73 74 In the category of the objects discovered in the range of the Tei culture it might be also included, for instance, the hoard from Turnu Măgurele (cylinders, tubes, a cylindrical cuff, a lock ring, rings, all made of gold, a cylinder made of electron) only that the data about the archaeological context of the find are uncertain, and in the opinion of the specialists, this might rather belong to the Bronze Age, cf. BURDA 1979, p. 66, fig. 46–47; LEAHU D 1994, p. 120, fig. 17.1–5. LEAHU D 1995;VULPE 1996; VULPE 1997, with lit.; LEAHU 2003, p. 92–95; SÎRBU, SCHUSTER 1999 . In fact, there are two types, a hammer-axe (either with cylindrical neck or the one shaped as a reel) and an axe with double elongated neck. VULPE 1997, p. 269–270, fig. 8–9, pl. 4/2–7; LEAHU 2003, p. 92–93, pl. XXI/1–2. Missing the point and the handle (the length 28.8 cm, the width of the sword-knot 12 cm, the maximal width of the blade 9.6 cm, weight 1401.50 gr.), with bivalve casting, of elongated-triangular shape, with median groove, the sword-knot of the handle in the shape of the “omega” letter, see VULPE 1997, p. 266–267, fig. 2–3, pl. I; LEAHU 2003, p. 93–94, pl. XIX/3. According to Alexandru Vulpe, the blade of the sword comes from a hallebarde, thus showing connections rather with the Central-Western European space than with cf. VULPE 1997, p. 271–272. Out of which eleven items, all of them with a double median nervure, are complete, while the 12th was fragmentary. They had a length which varied between 18.7 and 23.6 cm. VULPE 1997, p. 267–269, fig. 4–7, pl. 2–3, 4/1; LEAHU 2003, p. 94–95, pl. XIX/4–5. VULPE 1997, p. 276–277; LEAHU 2003, p. 95. Alexandru Vulpe draws the attention upon another interesting aspect, namely the association between two metals, which doesn’t seem to be a hazard (see the discussion at VULPE 2001, p. 354–355). VULPE 1997, p. 277. LEAHU 2003, p. 101. The dimensions of the lock rings varied: their height between 2.5–3.5 cm, and their weight between 5–12.80 gr. All the items are being worked of a wire with triangular cross-section. The beads are of bi-truncated type, with equal parts, with a circular channel, undecorated. The bigger one has the height of 1.6 cm, maximal diameter of 2.2 cm and a weight of 36.40 g. The remaining six, make pairs of two, with a gradually descending size (a height between 0.6 cm and 1.2 cm, a maximal diameter between 1 cm and 1.6 cm and the weight between 3.25 and 13.40 gr.). LEAHU D 1992, p. 112, pl. I; LEAHU 2003, p. 101, pl. XXI. LEAHU D 1992, p. 113. The bronze hatchet was cast in a bivalve mold, had a transversal shaft hole and a wide blade with hexagonal crosssection and a curved cutting edge (length of 14.5 cm, blade height of 5.30 cm). The second axe, made of copper, had a transversal shaft hole and a cylindrical extension of the neck (length of 11.40 cm, neck diameter of 2 cm). VULPE 1959, p. 265–266, fig. 1/1–2, 2/1–2; VULPE 1970, p. 33–34, 63–64, no. 277, pl. 5/71; VULPE 1997, p. 273; LEAHU 1966, p. 74, with footnote no. 1; LEAHU 1988, p. 226, fig. 2/1; LEAHU 2003, p. 81, 88, pl. XIII/1, XVIII/1; SCHUSTER, POPA 2010, p. 83, pl. LXVI/2–3; BĂJENARU 2014, p. 83. The circular earrings, with unclosed ends (with a diameter of 3.2 cm, respectively of 2.5 cm and a maximal thickness of the wire of 0.06 cm), are being made of a thin wire, gradually thinned towards its endings. VULPE 1959, p. 267, fig. 3/1–2; LEAHU 2003, p. 101, pl. XX/11; SCHUSTER, POPA 2010, p. 83, 91, pl. LXXIV/5–7.; BĂJENARU 2014, p. 83 We must underline yet the fact that rescue archaeological investigations, made in 1987, did not reveal any Tei I type discoveries, but Tei III. SCHUSTER, POPA 2010, p. 83. Religion and Magic of the Bronze Age Communities between the Carpathian Mountains and the Danube River (the Tei Culture) / 123 A number of 15 celts (Pl. VIII/1–2)75, from among which 13 were in one piece, composed a deposit found at Oinacu (Pl. I/G), also in the Giurgiu County76. Their height varied between 8.40 cm and 11.20 cm. All of them belong to the Eastern Transylvanian type celt. The last item, the 15th one, is less high (6.20 cm) but can also be included in the above mentioned category. Most likely, the deposit can be attributed to the Tei V phase77. In 2003, Valeriu Leahu had published two celts of Oinacu type, discovered at Pietroşani, Teleorman County, probably belonging to the same Tei V phase78. They were probably part of a bigger deposit, a fact confirmed in the article of Ion Pătraşcu which was published one year later79. There are mentioned 14 items, found in the South-Eastern part of the locality, in the recent riverbed of the Vedea River. Pătraşcu, who had published just one celt, namely the second one from Leahu80, considering that the others had been lost, had shown that the riverbed was changed compared with the Bronze Age, so that we cannot discuss about a deposit “hidden” in the water. Another possible deposit was discovered at Izvoarele (Pl. I/F), Giurgiu County. This one had been assigned to a Tei III settlement81. To this find three celts and a dagger had belonged. The first celt, with a height of 8.50 cm and a blade width of 3.40 cm was included in the Oinacu series; the second one, with analogies which can be found South of the Danube (Altamir; Sokol mold; Bulgaria), has handle, slim body, with shaped nervure, a height of 11.10 cm and a width of 5.50 cm; the third one, with an arched blade and a small body (height of 7.20 cm and width of the blade of. 4.60 cm), has analogies in Dolni Lukovit (Bulgaria)82. Regarding the dagger83, its hilt was semi-oval, lenticular in section with three riveting holes. It also had a triangular extended blade with a double median nervure, and a length of 16.20 cm, a maximal width of 4 cm and maximal thickness of 0.30 cm. In the series of the Tei late phases deposits could be also included the one discovered in Bulgaria, in the Emen Cave (Tărnovo District). This comprised a hammer-axe84, two chisels (a bigger and a smaller one)85, a piercer (?)86, a fragment of saw87 as well as a fragmentary dagger-knife88, all of them made of bronze and two appliqués, one made of silver and one of electrum89, but also a golden lock ring90. In the opinion of Valeriu Leahu other deposits found South of the Danube – Dicevo, Vărbitsa, Gorsko Kosovo, Suvorovo – should not be excluded from the above mentioned type of discoveries, 75 76 77 78 79 80 81 82 83 84 85 86 87 88 89 90 MARINESCU-BÎLCU 1963; MARINESCU-BÎLCU 1966; LEAHU 1966, p. 74–76, fig. 10; LEAHU 1988, p. 226, fig. 2/7–8; LEAHU 2003, p. 143–144, pl. XLIV/12–13; PETRESCU-DÎMBOVIŢA 1977, p. 79, pl. 94–95; MORINTZ 1978, p. 174; SCHUSTER 2007, p. 47; SCHUSTER, POPA 2010, p. 83–84, pl. LXVII/2–3, LXVIII/5. Apparently their number was higher, a proof in this respect being two fragmentary items which can be found in the Giurgiu “Teohari Antonescu” County Museum’s collection, cf. SCHUSTER, POPA 2010, p. 83. LEAHU 2003, p. 144. LEAHU 2003, 144, pl. LXVI. The dimensions of those two objects are: height 10.9 cm, exterior diameter of the mouth 3.9 cm, width of the blade 3.9 cm, respectively the height of 10.5 cm, exterior diameter of the mouth 3.4 cm, width of the blade 3.4 cm PĂTRAŞCU 2004, p. 27–31. PĂTRAŞCU 2004, p. 27, fig. 1/2: maximal height about 10 cm, width 3.6 cm, length of the cutting edge 3.6 cm, maximal thickness´2.9 cm. SCHUSTER, POPA 2000, p. 143; LEAHU 2003, p. 79; SCHUSTER 2005b, p. 96. LEAHU 1988, p. 226, fig. 2/2, 4–5; LEAHU 2003, p. 81, pl. XIII/2, 5–6; SCHUSTER 2007, p. 47; SCHUSTER, POPA 2010, p. 84, pl. LXIX/1–3. ŞERBĂNESCU, TROHANI 1975, p. 531, fig. 3/1; LEAHU 1988, p. 231–232, fig. 3/3; LEAHU 2003, p. 91, pl. XVIII/7; SCHUSTER, POPA 2010, p. 89, pl. LXXII/5. LEAHU 1988, p. 229, fig. 3/2; LEAHU 2003, p. 88, pl. XVIII/4. LEAHU 2003, p. 82: the first, with a length of 16.5 cm, a width of the blade 8.80 cm and a maximal thickness of 0.70 cm; the second one with a length of 11.5 cm, a width of the blade 2.40 cm and a maximal thickness of 0.40 cm. LEAHU 2003, p. 83: with a length of 10.10 cm and a diameter of the tube of 0.21 cm. LEAHU 2003, p. 83: preserved length of 11.30 cm, maximal width of 3.3 cm and a thickness of 0.1 cm. LEAHU 2003, p. 92: with preserved length of 16.90 cm, maximal width of 3.40 cm and maximal thickness of 0.40 cm. LEAHU 2003, p. 100–101; the first one with a length of 13.40 cm, maximal width of 1.8 cm and thickness of 0.10 cm; the second one with a length of 12.50 cm, maximal width of 1.4 cm and thickness of 0.10 cm. LEAHU 2003, p. 101: with an exterior diameter of 1.70 cm and maximal thickness of the wire of 0.30 cm. 124 / Cristian Schuster especially because they were found within the range of the Tei Culture and they could be also assigned to this cultural manifestation91. In the up mentioned lines, we have also discussed about a series of artifacts made of burnt clay, which, most probably were part of the items with a cultic role. While describing the inventory of the Dwelling no. 1 from Mogoşeşti and the one of the pit from Căscioarele, we have insisted upon the anthropomorphic idols. We should remind here that such figurines92, resembling those from Căscioarele, with a sketched version of the human body, with its characteristic attributes, which are the body, the head, the upper and lower limbs and, more rarely, the sex (prominences rendering the breasts of a woman or the penis of a man, as well as deepenings in the pubic region) had been also discovered in the constructions (dwellings) from Bucureşti – Băneasa (Tei III; five items) (Pl. I/M, X/5), and Bucureşti – Tei (two items) (Pl. I/H, X/3), Grădiştea (two items) (Pl. I/C, X/1a–b, 2 a–b) and Novaci (five complete items and six fragmentary ones (Pl. I/B, X/4, 6)93, all being sites of the Tei IV phase, the last two being situated in the Giurgiu County. Discussing about the functionality of this Tei type of figurine, but also of the other resembling ones from the Wietenberg milieu, Oliver Dietrich considered that, without excluding their equivalence, they had been done mostly for serving as cultic objects than as toys94. For the Tei milieu this conclusion is also supported by the place of their discovery, especially the ritual pit from Căscioarele, but also the constructions (dwellings) from Bucureşti – Băneasa and Bucureşti – Tei95. It is also hard to believe that other burnt clay objects, like the zoomorphic figurines, the miniature chariots and their wheels, certain disks/”spindle whorls”, little axes or clubs could have been toys. We saw that a chariot fragment and a wheel had been discovered in Dwelling no. 1 from Mogoşeşti. Another wagon, with rectangular case, was found at Bucureşti – Tei96 and wheels, with socket on both sides and another one with only one socked, at Bucureşti – Giuleşti Sârbi (Pl. I/I), Tei (Pl. I/H), Militari-Câmpul Boja (Pl. J), Chitila – Cărămidărie (Pl. I/K), Tânganu – Autostradă (Pl. I/Q), Greci (Pl. I/T), Mogoşeşti (Dwelling no. 3), Grădiştea – Valea Verzişorului (Pl. I/C)97. The zoomorphic figurines are rare in the Tei milieu98. Such items had been discovered in the Dwelling no. 1 from Mogoşeşti (dog – wolf – fox?), at Mironeşti – Coastă (Pl. I/E), Novaci and Bucureşti – Militari – Câmpul Boja. A miniature axe had been recovered from the site at Bucureşti – Căţelu Nou99, a club from Novaci100. Objects which had been discovered at Căscioarele – Valea Coadelor, Bucureşti – Giuleşti Sârbi and Mogoşeşti (Dwelling no. 3) and considered to have been “flat/disk-shaped spindle whorls”, but had a very narrow pierced hole could have hardy had such a functionality101. As a conclusion, we could say that the data, information and artifacts that enable us to discuss about the religion and magic of the Tei Culture communities are relatively small in number and sometimes unconclusive too. Bearing in mind this idea, Valeriu Leahu, the best specialist in this culture, entitled a chapter of his book published in 2003 “(Heterogeneous elements of spiritual culture”102. In this cautious manner we had also expressed ourselves in our contributions103. The present paper had tried to expose in a synthetic manner the current stage of the knowledge of this fervent issue104. LEAHU 2003, p. 83, footnote 72; SCHUSTER, POPA 2010, p. 92. SCHUSTER 2007, p. 52–53. 93 BERCIU 1956, p. 500, fig. 8, 9/6–7; LEAHU 1966, p. 126–128, fig. 41/1–4. 94 DIETRICH 2011, p. 87–106. 95 We avoided considering these dwellings as cultic complexes. Yet, it is not excluded that they might have played such a role in certain moments of the life of the dwelling’s inhabitants. 96 SCHUSTER 1996b, p. 118; SCHUSTER 2007, p. 52. 97 SCHUSTER 2007, p. 51 with lit., pl. 35/5; SCHUSTER, POPA 2010, p. 108. 98 SCHUSTER 2007, p. 53 with lit., pl. 35/5; SCHUSTER, POPA 2010, p. 108. 99 LEAHU 2003, p. 119; SCHUSTER 2007, p. 53. 100 VULPE, BUŞILĂ-VESELOVSCHI 1967, p. 99, fig. 14/7. 101 SCHUSTER, POPA 2000, p. 64, fig. 21/2, 67/4; SCHUSTER, POPA 2010, pl. LIII/1; SCHUSTER 2007, fig. 34/2, 35/4. 102 LEAHU 2003, p. 137–140. 103 SCHUSTER, POPA 2000, p. 119–124; SCHUSTER, POPA 2010, p. 99–109. 104 It is not excluded that certain elements used for the decoration of the pottery might have had cultic attributes (spirals, 91 92 Religion and Magic of the Bronze Age Communities between the Carpathian Mountains and the Danube River (the Tei Culture) / 125 Bibliography BERCIU 1956 BĂJENARU 2013 Berciu D., Cercetări şi descoperiri arheologice în regiunea Bucureşti, in MCA II, p. 493–562. Băjenaru R., Identităţi culturale, structuri de putere şi conflict militar în nordul Peninsului Balcanice în mileniile IV–III a. Chr., Bucureşti. BĂJENARU 2014 Băjenaru R., Sfârşitul bronzului timpuriu în regiunea dintre Carpaţi şi Dunăre, Cluj-Napoca. BOROFFKA 1994 Boroffka N.G., Die Wietenber-Kultur. Ein Beitrag zur Erforschung der Bronzezeit in Südosteuropa, Universitätsforschungen zur Prähistorischen Archäologie, Band 19, Bonn. BORONEANŢ 1981 Boroneanţ V., Cercetările arheologice privind cultura Tei de la Chitila-Cărămidărie, in CA Bucureşti III, p. 195–225. CIUGUDEAN 1999 Ciugudean H., Betrachtungen zum Ende der Wietenberg-Kultur, in Boroffka N., Soroceanu T. (eds.), Transilvanica. Archäologische Untersuchungen zur Älteren Geschichte des südöstlichen Mitteleuropa. Gedenkschrift für Kurt Horedt, Internationale Archäologie. Studia honoraria – Band 7, Rahden/Westf., p. 107–131. DIETRICH 2010 Dietrich O., Eine Knochenpfeife der Noua-Kultur aus Rotbav-La Pârâuţ?, in Marisia XXX, p. 41–44. DIETRICH 2011 Dietrich O., Kinderspielzeug oder Kultobjekte? Überlegungen zu anthropomorphen Figurinen, in Berecki S., Németh R.E., Rezi B. (eds.), Bronze Age Rites and Rituals in the Carpathian Basin. Proceedings of the International Colloquium from Târgu Mureş, 8–10 October 2010, Târgu Mureş, p. 87–106. GAVRILĂ 2013 Gavrilă E., Tei culture settlements in Bucharest and Ilfov County, in Schuster C., Cîrstina O., Cosac M., Murătoreanu G. (eds.), The Thracians and their Neighbors in the Bronze and Iron Ages. Volume I, Settlements, Fortresses, Artifacts. Proceedings of the 12th International Congress of Thracology, Târgovişte, 10th–14th September 2013, Târgovişte, p. 153–167. GUMĂ, GUMĂ 1977 Gumă M., Gumă N., Săpăturile de salvare de la Valea Timişului (Judeţul Caraş-Severin), in Banatica IV, p. 69–104. GUMĂ, SĂCĂRIN 1983 Gumă M., Săcărin C., Şantierul arheologic Valea Timişului-Rovină, in MCA XVII, p. 159–160. LEAHU 1966 Leahu V., Cultura Tei, Bucureşti. LEAHU 1978 Leahu V., Cu privire la ritul funerar practicat de purtătorii culturii Tei, in CCDJ III–IV, p. 49–51. LEAHU 1988 Leahu V., Obiecte de metal şi mărturii ale practicării metalurgiei în aria culturii Tei, in SCIVA 39, 1, p. 223–241. LEAHU 1992 Leahu V., Date şi consideraţii noi cu privire la periodizarea evoluţiei culturii Tei, in CA IX, p. 62–72. LEAHU 1997 Leahu V., Cultura Tei în sud-estul Transilvaniei, in Angustia II, p. 123–129. LEAHU 2003 Leahu V., Cultura Tei. Grupul cultural Fundenii Doamnei. Probleme ale epocii bronzului în Muntenia, Bibliotheca Thracologica XXXVIII, Bucureşti. LEAHU D 1992 Leahu D., Tezaurul de aur din epoca bronzului descoperit pe teritoriul judeţului Argeş, in CA IX, p. 111–113. LEAHU D 1994 Leahu D., Der Hortfund von Turnu Măgurele, in Maier-Arendt W., Marinescu L. (eds.), Goldhelm, Schwert und Silberschätze, Frankfurt am Main, p. 120. LEAHU D 1995 Leahu D., Tezaurul de la Perşinari/The treasures from Perşinari, in Stoica C., Rotea M., Boroffka N. (eds.), Comori ale epocii bronzului din România/Treasures of the Bronze Age in Romania, Bucureşti, p. 111–112, 122–123. MARINESCU-BÎLCU 1963 Marinescu-Bîlcu S., Klad bronzovyh izdelij v Ojnake, in Dacia N.S. VII, p. 517–526. MARINESCU-BÎLCU 1966 Marinescu-Bîlcu S., Asupra unui depozit de bronzuri de la Oinac, in RM III, 4, p. 349–352. MORINTZ 1978 Morintz S., Contribuţii arheologice la istoria tracilorv timpurii. I. Epoca bronzului în spaţiul carpatobalcanic, Bucureşti. MOTZOI-CHICIDEANU 2011 Motzoi-Chicideanu I., Obiceiuri funerare în epoca bronzului la Dunărea Mijlocie şi Inferioară, Vol. I & II, Bucureşti. PĂTRAŞCU 2004 Pătraşcu I., Depozitul de celturi de la Pietroşani (jud. Teleorman), in Argessis 13, p. 27–31. PETRESCU-DÎMBOVIŢA Petrescu-Dîmboviţa M., Depozitele de bronz din România, Bucureşti. 1977 POPILIAN, NICA, TĂTULEA Popilian Gh., Nica M., Tătulea C., Raport asupra săpăturilor cercetărilor arheologice de la Locusteni, 1980 jud. Dolj, in MCA XIV, Tulcea, p. 254–260. waves, circles etc.), as it was proved for other manifestations of the Bronze Age in Romania, but their analysis will be the subject of a subsequent contribution. 126 / Cristian Schuster ROSETTI 1932 SANDU 1992 SCHUSTER 1992 SCHUSTER 1994 SCHUSTER 1996a SCHUSTER 1996b SCHUSTER 1997 SCHUSTER 2000 SCHUSTER 2005a SCHUSTER 2005b SCHUSTER 2005c SCHUSTER 2007 SCHUSTER 2008 SCHUSTER 2011a SCHUSTER 2011b SCHUSTER 2012 SCHUSTER, COMŞA 1998 SCHUSTER, POPA 1995 SCHUSTER, POPA 2000 SCHUSTER, POPA 2003 SCHUSTER, POPA 2007 SCHUSTER, POPA 2008 SCHUSTER, POPA 2010 SCHUSTER ET AL 2005a SCHUSTER ET AL 2005b SÎRBU, DAMIAN 1992 SÎRBU, SCHUSTER 1999 Rosetti, D.V., Câteva aşezări şi locuinţe preistorice din preajma Bucureştilor. Asupra tehnicei, tipologiei şi cronologiei lor, in Urbanismul IX, p. 96–102, 174–175. Sandu V., Cercetări arheologice în zona Lunca-Bîrzeşti, in CABucureşti IV, p. 163–195. Schuster C., Piese de metal recent descoperite aparţinând culturii Tei, in SCIVA 43, 1, p. 81–83. Schuster C., Aria de răspândire a culturii Tei, in AnB S.N. III, p. 171–178. Schuster C., Consideraţii cu privire la unele vetre de foc din Bronzul timpuriu şi mijlociu din Muntenia, in ITSR 3, p. 101–107. Schuster C., Despre cărucioarele din lut ars din Epoca bronzului de pe teritoriul României, in TD XVII, 1–2, p. 117–137. Schuster C., Cultura Tei şi sud-estul Transilvaniei, in Angustia II, p. 131–135. Schuster C., Despre reprezentări în lut ars ale piciorului uman din Bronzul românesc, in AnB S.N. VII–VIII (1999–2000), p. 261–278 . Schuster C., Zur Ostgrenze der Verbreitungsgebiete der bronzezeitlichen Glina- und Tei-Kulturen, in Ialomiţa IV (2003–2004), p. 115–121. Schuster C., Die Tei-Kultur, in Schuster C., Crăciunescu G., Fântâneanu C., Zur Bronzezeit in Südrumänien. Drei Kulturen: Glina, Tei und Verbicioara, Bd. I, Târgovişte, p. 85–132. Schuster C., Consideraţii privind habitatul în Bronzul Timpuriu între Carpaţii Meridionali şi Dunăre. Cultura Glina, in Drobeta XIII, p. 7–15. Schuster C., Die Tei-Kultur, in Schuster C., Crăciunescu G., Fântâneanu C., Zur Bronzezeit in Südrumänien. Drei Kulturen: Glina, Tei und Verbicioara, Bd. II, Târgovişte, p. 39–74. Schuster C., Erwägungen zu den befestigten bronzezeitlichen Siedlungen an der Unteren Donau (Südrumänien), in StPreist 4 (2007), p. 179–187. Schuster C., Landscape and Demographic Dynamics in Southern Romanian Bronze Age, in Mills S. and Mirea P. (eds.), The Lower Danube in Prehistory: Landscape Changes and Human Interactions. Proceedings of The International Conference, Alexandria, 3–5 November 2010, Publicaţiile Muzeului Judeţean Teleorman III, p. 133–143. Schuster C., Gedanken zu einigen bronzezeitlichen Tei-Metallobjekte aus dem Bezirk Giurgiu, Rumänien, in AUVT XIII, 1, p. 55–62. Schuster C., Epoca bronzului pe teritoriul Municipiului Bucureşti şi în judeţul Ilfov. Stadiul cercetărilor, in CABucureşti VIII (2009), p. 393–429. Schuster C., Comşa A., Die Tei-Kultur und der Südosten Siebenbürgens, in FVL 40, 1–2, p. 107–116. Schuster C., Popa T., Raport preliminar privind săpăturile de la Mogoşeşti, judeţul Giurgiu, in CAANT I, p.147–156. Schuster C., Popa T., Mogoşeşti. Studiu monografic, Bibliotheca Musei Giurgiuvensis I, Giurgiu. Schuster C., Popa T., Erwägungen zu Klang und Ton in der Bronzezeit (I). Die Knochenflöte von Mogoşeşti, Bezirk Giurgiu, in AUVT IV–V (2002–2003), p. 60–66. Schuster C., Popa T., Contribuţie la repertoriul arheologic al judeţului Giurgiu. I. Cultura Tei, in BMGiurgiu IX–XII/9, p. 155–160. Schuster C., Popa T., Mironeşti. I. Locuri, cercetări arheologice, monumente şi personaje istorice, Bibliotheca Musei Giurgiuvensis III, Giurgiu. Schuster C., Popa T., Fingerprints of the Past in the Giurgiu County. The Bronze Age, Bibliotheca Musei Giurgiuvensis V, Giurgiu. Schuster C., Comşa A., Semuc C., Zu den Grabsitten der Tei-Kultur, in Pontica XXXVII– XXXVIII, p. 59–71. Schuster C., Fântâneanu C., Crăciunescu G., Einführung. A. Einige Worte zur Umwelt an der Unteren Donau, in Schuster C., Crăciunescu G., Fântâneanu C., Zur Bronzezeit in Südrumänien. Drei Kulturen: Glina, Tei und Verbicioara, Bd. I, Târgovişte, p. 9–14. Sîrbu V., Damian P., O aşezare de la începutul culturii Tei descoperită la Căscioarele, judeţul Călăraşi, in Istros VI, p. 11–16. Sîrbu V., Schuster C., Mykenische Importe und Einflüsse im Donau-Karpaten-Schwarzmeerraum. Ein Überblick, in H PERIFEREIA TOU MUKHNAÏKOY KOSMOU. A¢ DIEQNES DIEPISTHMONIKO SUMPOSIO LAMIA 1994, LAMIA, Lamia, p. 35–46. Religion and Magic of the Bronze Age Communities between the Carpathian Mountains and the Danube River (the Tei Culture) / 127 SOROCEANU 2012 ŞERBĂNESCU 2001 ŞERBĂNESCU, TROHANI 1975 ŢICO 1981 VULPE 1997 VULPE 1997 VULPE 2001 VULPE, VESELOVSCHIBUŞILĂ 1967 Soroceanu T., Die Kupfer – und Bronzedepots der frühen und mittleren Bronzezeit in Rumänien/ Depozitele de obiecte din cupru şi bronz din România. Epoca timpurie şi mijlocie a bronzului, ClujNapoca – Bistriţa. Şerbănescu D., Contribuţii la cunoaşterea ritului şi ritualului funerar practicat de purtătorii civilizaţiei Tei, in CCDJ XVI–XVII, p. 234–242. Şerbănescu D., Trohani G., Obiecte de cupru şi bronz descoperite în judeţul Ilfov, in SCIVA 26, 4, p. 529–539. Ţico, C., Contribuţii arheologice la cunoaşterea complexului arhitectonic Văcăreşti, in CABucureşti III, p. 240–255. Vulpe A., Deponierungen, Opferstätten und Symbolgut im Karpatengebiet, in Archäologische Forschungen zum Kulturgeschehen in der jüngeren Bronzezeit und frühen Eisenzeit Alteuropas, Regensburger Beiträge zur Prähistorischen Archäologie II, p. 517–534. Vulpe A., Tezaurul de la Perşinari. O nouă prezentare, in CCDJ XV, p. 265–301. Vulpe A., Structuri sociale şi credinţe religioase în epoca bronzului şi în prima epocă a fierului, in Petrescu-Dîmboviţa M., Vulpe A. (eds.), Istoria Românilor. Vol. I. Moştenirea timpurilor îndepărtate, Bucureşti, p. 353–377. Vulpe A., Veselovschi-Buşilă V., Date noi privind periodizarea culturii Tei şi cunoaşterea culturii Basarabi (Săpăturile de la Novaci, 1961), in SCIV 18, 1, p. 83–112. 128 / Cristian Schuster Pl. I. Some of the Tei locations in Romania mentioned in the paper: A = Popeşti, B = Novaci, C = Grădiştea, D = Mogoşeşti, E = Mironeşti, F = Izvoarele, G = Oinacu, H = Bucureşti-“Tei”, I = Bucureşti-“Giuleşti Sârbi”, J = Bucureşti-“Militari Câmpul Boja”, K = Chitila, L = Bucureşti-“Văcăreşti”, M = Bucureşti“Băneasa”, N = Bucureşti-“Căţelu Nou”, O = Mihăileşti, P = Căscioarele, Q = Tânganu, R = Brăteşti-Bungetu, S = Perşinari, T = Greci. Religion and Magic of the Bronze Age Communities between the Carpathian Mountains and the Danube River (the Tei Culture) / 129 1 2 Pl. II. Mogoşeşti. 1. Location of the site. 2. Dwelling no. 1 and the Clay Platform (after SCHUSTER, POPA 2000). 130 / Cristian Schuster 1 2 3 4 5 6 Pl. III. Mogoşeşti. Cups from the Dwelling no. 1. Various scales. Photo Gheorghe Chelmec. Religion and Magic of the Bronze Age Communities between the Carpathian Mountains and the Danube River (the Tei Culture) / 131 1 2 3 Pl. IV. Mogoşeşti. Cups from Dwelling no. 1. Various scales. Photo Gheorghe Chelmec. 132 / Cristian Schuster 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 Pl. V. Mogoşeşti. Pottery from Dwelling no. 1. Various scales. Photo Gheorghe Chelmec. Religion and Magic of the Bronze Age Communities between the Carpathian Mountains and the Danube River (the Tei Culture) / 133 1 2 3 4 5 6 Pl. VI. Mogoşeşti – Objects from Dwelling no. 1. 1. Miniatural clay wagon wheel. 2. Clay. 3. Bronze knife. 4. Bronz needels. 5. Bronze ring. 6. Silver earring. Various scales. Photo Gheorghe Chelmec. 134 / Cristian Schuster 1 2 3 Pl. VII. Mogoşeşti. Clay artifacts from the Dwelling no. 1 (after SCHUSTER, POPA 2000). Various scales. Religion and Magic of the Bronze Age Communities between the Carpathian Mountains and the Danube River (the Tei Culture) / 135 1 2 3 Pl. VIII. 1–2. Socketed axes from Oinacu (after SCHUSTER, POPA 2010; PETRESCU-DÎMBOVIŢA 1977). 3. Golden hallebardes and the sword from Perşinari (after LEAHU D 1995). Various scales. Photo 1 Gheorghe Chelmec. 136 / Cristian Schuster 1 2 3 4 5 Pl. IX. 1–3. The gold treasure from Argeş County (after LEAHU 1992). 4–6. Silver axes from Perşinari (after VULPE 1997). Various scales. 6 Religion and Magic of the Bronze Age Communities between the Carpathian Mountains and the Danube River (the Tei Culture) / 137 1 0 5 cm 2 3 5 Pl. X. Căscioarele – Valea Coşarului. 1. Plan of the pit ( oven-vessel, ceramic, idols, stones). 2. Cups. 3–6. Antropomorphic idols (after SÎRBU, DAMIAN 1992). Various scales. 4 6 138 / Cristian Schuster 1a b 2a 3 b 4 5 6 Pl. XI. Clay anthropomorphic idols. 1–2. Grădiştea. 3. Bucureşti – Tei. 4, 6. Novaci. 5. Bucureşti – Băneasa (after BERCIU 1956; LEAHU 1966; VULPE, VESELOVSCHI-BUŞILĂ 1967). Various scales. Cultic Discoveries from Late Bronze Age Settlement from Şoimuş – TELEghI (Hunedoara County) Nicolae Cătălin Rişcuţa Antoniu Tudor Marc Museum of Dacian and Roman Civilisation, Deva, ROMANIA criscuta@yahoo.com Museum of Dacian and Roman Civilisation, Deva, ROMANIA seiciperis_74@yahoo.com Keywords: shamanism, divination, psychotropic substances, pyraunoi, Bronze Age Abstract: The preventive archaeological research fulfilled on the Deva – Orăştie highway route, led us to discover a large settlement dating in Late Bronze Age. Some of the investigated features from this site contain ceramic and bone artefacts, which could have cultic role. Among these, there are animal bones such as vertebras and phalanges, some of them processed and with intense using traces. They are associated with fragmentary decorated hearths and portable stoves (pyraunoi). There are also such vessels decorated with anthropomorphic plastic applications. We consider that these artefacts had utility in rituals of some cult and also being used, probably, in shamanic practices. INTRODUCTION The archaeological research performed on the highway route Deva – Orăştie in 2011 led to the discovery of a settlement belonging to the Bronze Age, on the terrace of the Mureş River, at Şoimuş – Teleghi (Hunedoara County)1. In the following lines, we are going to describe and analyse the contents of three complexes discovered at Şoimuş (C 31, C 42 and C 300), trying also an interpretation of the findings recovered from these complexes. Chronologically, these three complexes belong to the Late Bronze Age. In this case, a cultural framing is more difficult to establish considering that the mixture aspect to which the discoveries belong to has not been sufficiently defined yet2. The complexes investigated contain a large quantity of pottery and bone remains. Besides the numerous pottery fragments and unprocessed bones that can be considered as domestic waste, in these three complexes some artefacts which are not related to household activities were discovered. These artefacts are anthropomorphic vessels with plastic applications and symbolic representations, fixed or portable decorated hearths, and processed bones (Pl. I). DESCRIPTION OF THE COMPLEXES AND THE ARCHAEOLOGICAL MATERIALS Complex C 31 is an archaeological deposit which consists of in situ broken pottery, fragments of portable decorated hearths and some processed animal bones (Fig. 1). Regarding the ceramic forms, 1 2 The research team was composed by Nicolae Cătălin Rişcuţa, Antoniu Tudor Marc and Ioan Alexandru Bărbat. A preliminary report was published, cf. SCHUSTER ET AL 2012. Cristian I. Popa and Radu Totoianu believe that this cultural mixture, conventionally named as “Deva – Româneşti type discoveries”, includes elements of Balta Sărată, Igriţa and Cruceni-Belegiš groups and the tumuli tombs culture, see POPA, TOTOIANU 2010, p. 226. As far as we are concerned, we believe that important specifications on this cultural horizon will be made only after the full processing of the numerous archaeological materials from Şoimuş – Teleghi. Representations, Signs and Symbols, 2014 / p. 139–170 140 / Nicolae Cătălin Rişcuţa, Antoniu Tudor Marc discovered whether entirely or in restorable condition, we mention the bag type pots, belonging to the common wares category, with the following characteristics: high profile, with a large mouth and narrow bottom, decorated under the edge with an alveolar belt interrupted by elongated alveolar protuberances, disposed symmetrically (Pl. II). Also, two bowls belonging to the semi-fine decorated ware category were found. The first one (Pl. III/b) has a large opening, with a slightly flaring rim, the shoulder is thickened, with a handle attached to it. The decoration on the body of the vessel consists of a continuous hatched band, arranged in the form of a meander composed of broken lines. The shoulder is marked with oblique impressions. The second bowl (Pl. III/d) has a slightly profiled bottom, the opening is wide and the flat edge is slightly thickened outwards. A barely outlined ridge, decorated in the same manner as the edge with oblique impressions, is placed on the body of the vessel. Also from the ceramic inventory, we notice a small fine cup (Pl. III/c) with a globular body, slightly levelled, a rounded bottom, a well-distinguished neck, a tall and slightly tapered body, and with the edge marked outwards. The belt handle is of crescent form and uplifted. The body presents flat grooves, arranged vertically. In addition, we mention several shards from a strainer (Pl. III/e) whose upper part is curved inwards. Nevertheless, we notice some fragments from the rim of some vessels whose form suggests the existence of lobes. Fig. 1. Feature C 31: general view and detail with pottery and decorated hearth fragments. One of the most interesting ceramic items is an installation composed of a large pot, to which a firing chamber was attached in the lower part (Pl. III/a). This type of installation has been called “portable hearth” or “kiln-vessel” in the literature or it has often been designated by the Greek term pyraunos3. However, in case of the item found in C 31, the firing chamber is missing, an element which used to be connected to the body of the vessel at about 2/3 of its height, the joining point being marked by an in-relief alveolar belt. Traces of two symmetrically disposed handles, suitable for transporting the installation, and marks of some large holes, which may have facilitated the air circulation through the firing chamber, are also visible. An interesting fact is that, after the pot was completed, an additional layer of clay was applied unevenly on its bottom. We can only assume that this final application is an attempt to strengthen the base for resisting the high temperatures inside the firing chamber. Alongside the vessels, parts of a decorated hearth were also discovered (Pl. VIII/a). It was excessively fragmented because of the poor firing. From the data gathered, it seems that this item has been shaped as a curved edges star. Both the top and the edges of the hearth were carefully faced, and several wide parallel channels, following outwards the contour of the item, were traced on its surface; 3 ROMSAUER 2003, p. 15. Regarding the terminology see also FISCHL ET AL 2001, p. 125 sqq., n. 1; ROMSAUER 2003, p. 15 sqq. Terms designating this installation, respectively this portable hearth or vessel-kiln are not accurate, in our opinion, as they do not depict any constructive or functional features of the installation in question. More appropriate is the name of cauldron, term preferred also by P. Patay (cf. FISCHL ET AL 2001, p. 125, n. 1), designating a container for heating and boiling liquids. Cultic Discoveries from Late Bronze Age Settlement from Şoimuş – Teleghi / 141 they were arranged at the interior in the form of concentric circles that mark the centre of the hearth. Other fragments are smooth, which suggests that the central area of the hearth was undecorated. In addition to pottery, three small lithic tools – an fragmentary obsidian blade and a flint point (Pl. III/f) and a polished flat stone (Pl. VI/h), and many animal bones were discovered. Four phalanges draw the attention, two of them being processed (Pl. VII/a, b). The phalanges were smoothed through abrasion on one side until it became a flat surface. All the four items present burnish traces and of blunting, due to heavy use. In this context, we mention a perforated fish vertebra (Pl. VII/e), processed also by smoothing the edges, retaining traces of burnish and blunting. Furthermore, three suines or ovicaprines vertebrae in anatomical position were found (Pl. VII/g), of which two had on one face fine cutting and impact traces, disposed transversally, isolated or grouped, made probably with a sharp metal blade. The anatomical parts represent food remains, bearing the marks of skinning and fleshing operations. Fig. 2. Feature C 42: general view and detail with river boulders, pottery and fragmented grinder on the bottom of the pit. The complex C 42 was discovered in the proximity of the C 31 deposit. It is a bell-shaped pit with a gray filling, “padded” with river boulders in the western part of its base (Fig. 2). From the rich ceramic inventory we mention a bowl with a wide opening and a handle placed on the shoulder (Pl. IV/a). The decoration is represented by a continuous register of motifs, disposed on the body, consisting of two parallel lines, in-between which broken meanders motifs are incised. Moreover, the bottom is also decorated and divided into four parts, each one bearing incised ornaments in the form of broken spirals. Other few fragments become from another bowl, wich has a particular ornament, consisting in pointed down arrows (Pl. V/c). Among the discovered ceramic materials, there were numerous fragments from two pyraunos type vessels, which are however difficult to restore (Pl. IV/b, c). Furthermore, we mention the perforated wall from a strainer-vessel or an incense burner (Pl. IV/e), as well as a fragment of a small perforated lid (Pl. IV/d). Decorated and undecorated fragments from a faced hearth were also found in complex C 42 (Pl. VIII/b). The decoration consists of narrow parallel grooves. From the numerous bone fragments recovered, we mention two phalanges, processed by abrasion and retaining traces of burnish and blunting (Pl. VII/i, j), identical to those items found in C 31, a small pointed tool (Pl. VII/k), an unprocessed deer horn (Pl. VII/l), and many Unio clam shells, of which three were perforated in the vicinity of their protuberance. Three small stone pieces (a polished one and two flint blades) (Pl. IV/f) and a fragmentary grinder completed the inventory of the pit. One of the most interesting discoveries is the complex C 300. It is a bell-shaped pit, similar to C 42 (Fig. 3). Numerous pottery and bone fragments were found in its filling, while fragments of large vessels were discovered on its bottom. After the restoration process, a pyraunos type installation was completed (Pl. VI/a). This piece is part of the semi-fine ceramic category, its surface being carefully smoothed. It has a reddish colour, with numerous dark spots resulted from secondary firing. The 142 / Nicolae Cătălin Rişcuţa, Antoniu Tudor Marc installation consists of a large tapered vessel, with two vertical belt-shaped handles and a turned-out alveolar rim. At approximately two thirds of the vessel’s height, under the handles, a firing chamber is attached, the contact point between the two parts being marked by an alveolar in-relief belt. The firing chamber has two openings, a larger one in front, for the fire supply and a smaller one on the opposite side. Below the connection area, six large circular holes were designated to ensure, as well as the posterior opening, the draught necessary for the combustion. The edges of these openings were thickened on the outside. Fig. 3. Feature C 300: general view with the fragments of one of the pyraunos type vessel and the large bowl, on the bottom of the pit. From the second pyraunos found in C 300 only the firing chamber was preserved (Pl. VI/b). This item, with a grey colour, made from a tempered paste with large grain sand, seems to be almost identical to the other one, the only difference being that the handles are attached to the firing chamber and not to the vessel as in the first case. A large size deep-bowl was also found in the inventory of complex C 300 (Pl. VI/d). The deepbowl, preserved only in half, has a large opening, tapered shape and the edge is slightly incurved. The vessel used to have four vertical wide belt-shaped handles, arranged symmetrically on the maximum diameter of the vessel. From the upper point of the handles begins a mild ridge that marks the circumference of the vessel. Other decorative elements are missing. Another vessel, found in the same context, is a medium-sized pot with a bellied body, cylindrical neck and flared rim (Pl. VI/c). On the maximum diameter of the vessel, four protuberances were performed by pushing the wall of the pot from the inside to the outside, which gives a rectangular aspect to the container if viewed from above. On the contact area between the body and the neck of the vessel, two small belt-shaped handles were placed. Even though the lower half of the vessel is undecorated, the upper part has many ornaments. The four protuberances, displayed symmetrically on the maximum diameter of the vessel, are surrounded by two rows of arches consisting of two or three incised and burnished lines. In the space left between the groups of arches, a double sign was performed in the same manner, resembling the letter M. A special vessel, unfortunately in a fragmentary condition, is a double cup or a cellar-pot (Pl. VI/e). It was made of a fine paste, with a blackish colour, and a well burnished surface. It was composed of two cup-shaped recipients, with an elongated S-shape profile, and the rim slightly incurved. The containers were joined by a short band in the area of the maximum diameter, having above it a common raised handle. We have also to mention other fragmentary vessels and several fragments of lobed rim recipients, found in the filling of this pit. Cultic Discoveries from Late Bronze Age Settlement from Şoimuş – Teleghi / 143 THE TYPOLOGICAL-FUNCTIONAL ANALYSIS AND THE ANALOGIES OF THE ARCHAEOLOGICAL MATERIAL From the ceramic objects found, some require a detailed analysis. The most interesting are the pyraunos type findings. This kind of installation, joining the container with the firing chamber, is documented in the Carpathian Basin since the Early Bronze Age, but it knows a quantitative increase and a variety of versions only during the Middle and Late Bronze Age. This type of pottery is widespread both in the Carpathian Basin and also in the Balkan and the Aegean area4. In terms of construction, the pyraunos type installations represent an important innovation in the pottery produced in the Bronze Age. In general, it is considered that the pyraunos type pieces had a domestic utility, being used especially for cooking5. The assembly consisting of the firing chamber and the vessel itself combines several important functions. Thus, the existence of a firing chamber allows a better maintenance of the combustion, lower fuel consumption and the directing of heat towards the bottom and sides of the vessel. The air circulation is provided not only by the rear opening of the installation, but also by a variable number of circular openings situated on the combination point of the two component elements of the assembly. Thus, cooking becomes more economical and faster6. The possibility of attaching the container to the firing place enables the movement and placement of the whole installation as needed. Throughout the Romanian territory, the pyraunos type items are known mainly for the Middle and Late Bronze Age horizon in Transylvania, respectively in the archaeological cultures Wietenberg, Ottomani, Suciu de Sus and the Cehăluţ group, while in the South and the south-western part the cultures Tei, Verbicioara, late Vatina, Dubovac – Žuto Brdo – Gârla Mare – Cârna, Cruceni – Belegiš and Mureş are attested7. In terms of typology, the pieces discovered at Şoimuş are classified in the type 2 of “portable hearths”, respectively “portable hearths with embedded vessel”8, or in the type A, subtype A1, respectively pyraunoi with embedded vessel, a large firing chamber and a few holes to ensure the ventilation9. A special attention must be given to the decorated hearths, as they represent, without any doubt, the expression of cultic manifestations. The hearths decorated with geometric motifs by grooving or incising are not numerous among the discoveries belonging to the Bronze Age in the Transylvanian area. The best known discovery is the hearth uncovered in the eponym site of the Wietenberg culture at Sighişoara (Mureş County), the installation being affected by the ulterior interventions10. Situated at a small distance from this, another similar, but entirely preserved hearth was found. The fire installations were situated on the highest place, in the centre of the Bronze Age settlement. Both hearths had a round shape and were decorated with incised spiral motifs, displayed in a concentric circular pattern. Some other fragments of hearths were discovered in the archaeological layer and in pits, few of them being also decorated with imprinted motifs performed by grooving or incising11. In the Wietenberg layer from Hunedoara – Grădina Castelului (Hunedoara County), another decorated hearth affected by ulterior interventions was noticed12. Also at Biharea – Grădina CAP – Baraj (Bihor County), decorated fragments with grooved and alveolar patterns resulted from a hearth highly affected during the ancient times were found in the settlement belonging to the Late Bronze Age. Besides these fragments, a bird-shaped protoma was found here. On the surface of the hearth, a white substance was spread as a thin pellicle13. 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 FISCHL ET AL 2001; ROMSAUER 2003. FISCHL ET AL 2001, p. 126; ROMSAUER 2003, p. 73 sqq. See in this aspect FISCHL ET AL 2001, p. 128. FISCHL ET AL 2001, p. 129; SCHUSTER ET AL 2001, p. 46 sqq.; ROMSAUER 2003, p. 122 sqq. FISCHL ET AL 2001, p. 126. ROMSAUER 2003, p. 27, Obr. 3. For previous classification proposals see also ROMSAUER 2003, p. 20 sqq. HOREDT, SERAPHIN 1971, p. 69 sqq., fig. 59–60; ANDRIŢOIU, RUSTOIU 1997, p. 16 sqq. HOREDT, SERAPHIN 1971, p. 69 sqq., fig. 55/9–13. ANDRIŢOIU, RUSTOIU 1997, p. 44, n. 11, p. 59 sqq., n. 242. DUMITRAŞCU 1983, p. 110, fig. 1–4; DUMITRAŞCU 1992, p. 195 sqq., fig. 2, 3. 144 / Nicolae Cătălin Rişcuţa, Antoniu Tudor Marc Except for the situations mentioned before, in which decorated hearths were discovered in situ, in other situations the decorated hearths were deposited with other materials in pits, their content and the association of the artefacts leading to their interpretation as special character complexes. Thus, at Albeşti – Valea Şapartocului (Mureş County), in the settlement belonging to the Wietenberg culture, phase III, in one of the pits with ritual deposits, along with fragmentary, but restorable vessels, and a fragment of an incense burner, several fragments from a hearth decorated with incised lines were found14, similar to the fragments provided by pit C 42 from Şoimuş. In a similar pit from Giurtelecu Şimleului – Coasta lui Damian (Sălaj County), fragments from a hearth decorated by grooving and of hearth plaster were found together with fragmentary vessels, such as incense burners, and clay, stone, bone and glass artefacts15. Also in a ritual pit, discovered at Geoagiu de Sus (Alba County), belonging to the phase IV of the Wietenberg culture, several fragments of burned clay coating, decorated with grooved motifs and three bird-shaped protomas were discovered alongside fragmentary, but restorable vessels16. Similar to the hearth found at Biharea, the items from Geoagiu de Sus were covered with a white substance. The back of the fragments from Geoagiu de Sus was smoothened just like the hearth found in the deposit C 31 from Şoimuş, which led to the hypothesis that the fragments might be part of a portable hearth or an ornamental frieze17. Decorated coating fragments, some of them with the imprinted traces of the rods from the structure of walls, and others covered with a white substance are met not only in the Wietenberg settlement from Sighişoara, but also among the debris of the temple in the Otomani settlement from Sălacea (Bihor County)18. Regarding the large sized vessels discovered in these three complexes, they could have been used only for the preparation or storage of food. The pots from C 31 have a very thick bottom in relation to their height, which gives them a precarious stability. They could have been used only by leaning them against a fixed structure or by burying them in the ground. Containers of this type could have been used for the storage of solid products, such as cereals, or for the preparation and storage of liquids. The cellar-pot from C 300 is an exceptional find, analogies being found in the ceramic repertoire belonging to the Late Bronze Age and Early Hallstatt cultures in south-western Romania. In the area of the Gârla Mare culture, this type of vessel has several variants, most of them being discovered in tombs19. Such a vessel was found in a tomb from Ghidici – Balta Ţarova in the area of Vârtop cultural group20, and another one in a tumulus with ritual deposits from Vârtop; apparently this was associated with a pyraunos vessel21, a similar assemblage of vessels being reported in the deposit from Konopiště, in Serbia, dating from the same period22. The fragment of a perforated vessel found in pit C 42 has analogies in the discoveries from the settlements belonging to Wietenberg23, Otomani24 and Suciu de Sus25 cultures. We consider that this might be in fact an incense burner and not a strainer, because the holes in the recipient’s wall were made also at the base of the neck, in the upper part, an area that could not have been useful for separating the liquid from impurities. In the same context, a fragmentary flat lid, with one perforation, was discovered. More lids of this type have been discovered during the excavations performed at Şoimuş, 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 BALTAG, BOROFFKA 1996, p. 380 sqq., fig. 10/2. BEJINARIU 2005, p. 367, pl. 12/1. CIUGUDEAN 1997, p. 73, fig. 10–12. BALTAG, BOROFFKA 1996, p. 390; CIUGUDEAN 1997, p. 73 sqq., fig. 10–12; ANDRIŢOIU, RUSTOIU 1997, p. 44, n. 8. It should be noted that the protomas from Geoagiu de Sus are very similar to those from Biharea. HOREDT, SERAPHIN 1971, p. 70, fig. 55/1–5, 56/9–19; ORDENTLICH 1972, p. 71 sqq., fig. 5, 6; CHIDIOŞAN, ORDENTLICH 1975, p. 21, fig. 2, pl. 1, 2. ŞANDOR-CHICIDEANU 2003, p. 83 sqq. LAZĂR 2005, p. 91, pl. XIII/11. LAZĂR 2005, p. 113, pl. XXX/4. LAZĂR 2011, p. 49 sqq., pl. 29/5. CHIDIOŞAN 1980, p. 44, pl. 24/3; BOROFFKA 1994, p. 165 sqq., pl. 12/3, 82/3. BADER 1978, p. 48, pl. XXIX/3, 4. BADER 1978, p. 72, pl. LIII/7. Cultic Discoveries from Late Bronze Age Settlement from Şoimuş – Teleghi / 145 but they also appear in other Bronze Age sites from the Transylvanian area, having two, four or even more holes26. Such a lid could have had one purpose only, namely to allow the ascending of the smoke, steam or fermentation gases out of the recipient. From the archaeological materials discovered in the three complexes, the processed and unprocessed bones draw the attention, namely the four phalanges and the fish vertebra, all worked by abrasion. Polished phalanges are not frequent finds at this cultural and chronological horizon. The knucklebones (astragalus) were the most used bones due to their particular shape. They were used equally in their natural or processed form, placed in funerary contexts as game pieces for divination or amulets27. Researchers consider that in the Near East the use of knucklebones as game pieces begins in the Early Bronze Age and their use for cultic purposes started in the Middle Bronze Age28. However, evidences of use and collection of knucklebones are much older, if we consider the findings from the Mesolithic, Neolithic and Chalcolithic periods29. The scantly size of knucklebones used to facilitate the handling and their slightly prismatic compact form enabled the positioning on one side, so that the game pieces, such as dices, could receive a value for each “side”. A game with four pieces of this kind offers up to 35 different combinations30. Sometimes, in order to increase the stability of the parts, these were processed through abrasion operations on one or more sides31. Due to prolonged use or storage in leather bags, pieces have often acquired lustre. One significant proof for the use of knucklebones for cultic purposes is the discovery of 22.000 pieces of this type in the antique city of Delphi. They were interpreted as amulets and offerings to divinity32. The phalanges, metacarpals and metatarsals were also used, but not as much as the knucklebones. Nevertheless, there are cases in which processed phalanges were found, which suggest that they were also used in cultic purposes. Sometimes, the phalanges are met, along with knucklebones, in the deposits related to founding rituals. Frequently, polished phalanges were assimilated to the prismatic idols discovered in the late Chalcolithic site from Lîga (Bulgaria). Being included in the non-utilitarian bone pieces, the phalanges, the knucklebones and the metapodials were associated with magical practices33. Concerning the processed fish vertebrae, they are not numerous archaeological finds, as well. The fish vertebrae or animal teeth were frequently used in the Bronze Age as apotropaic amulets. Such pieces were kept often in a small leather bag34. In some cases, they appeared in funerary contexts or have been interpreted as game pieces, in connection with supernatural beliefs, and used in divination purposes35. 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 BOROFFKA 1994, p. 166; BEJINARIU 2001, p. 29, pl. IV/2. GILMOUR 1997; HOLMGREN 2004; ZIDAROV 2005; DANDOY 2006; TAHBERER 2012; De GROSSI MAZORIN, MINNITI 2013; for the Near East, see also SASSON 2007; AFFANI 2008. De GROSSI MAZORIN, MINNITI 2013, p. 372. GILMOUR 1997, p. 169 sqq.; HOLMGREN 2004, p. 213 sqq.; see also ZIDAROV 2005, p. 128 sqq. In the Romanian space, numerous deposits of knucklebones or just individual parts were discovered. One of the most recent discoveries was made in the Copper Age (Chalcolithic) settlement from Poduri – Dealul Ghindaru (Bacău County). The deposit contains 25 pieces of knucklebones, many being polished or bearing traces of ochre and copper. The deposit was put in connection with a foundation ritual, serving to bring luck to the new housing, acc. BEJENARU, MONAH, BODI 2010. GILMOUR 1997, p. 171 sqq.; KOERPER, WITHNEY-DESAUTELS 1999, p. 74; HOLMGREN 2004, p. 212 sqq.; LEVTOV, McGEOUGH 2007, p. 95; AFFANI 2008, p. 83 sqq.; De GROSSI MAZORIN, MINNITI 2013, p. 371 sqq. GILMOUR 1997, p. 169 sqq.; ZIDAROV 2005, p. 128; LEV-TOV, McGEOUGH 2007, p. 95; SASSON 2007, p. 177; AFFANI 2008, p. 81 sqq.; De GROSSI MAZORIN, MINNITI 2013, p. 371 sqq. De GROSSI MAZORIN, MINNITI 2009, p. 330; De GROSSI MAZORIN, MINNITI 2013, p. 372. ZIDAROV 2005, p. 128 sqq. The use of phalanges as figurines or anthropomorphic idols dates as back as the Upper Palaeolithic, cf. CALDWELL 2009. HARDING 2000, p. 321. De GROSSI MAZORIN, MINNITI 2009, p. 325, 329, Fig. 9; KOERPER ET AL 2009, p. 68. 146 / Nicolae Cătălin Rişcuţa, Antoniu Tudor Marc REPRESENTATIONS, SIGNS AND SYMBOLS ON THE POTTERY DISCOVERED AT ŞOIMUŞ, AND THEIR MEANING In our analysis, the decorative elements, the representations, the signs and symbols found on ceramics have a particular significance. In the world of the living, the spiral sign means generation and evolution. A double spiral with twin heads represents evolution and involution, life and death, the movement in eternity, being also a symbol of fertility36. The spiral is associated with both solar and water symbolism37. The meander is a decorative motif derived from the spiral pattern, the curved lines becoming segments of rectangular lines. On the other hand, it renders the image of the labyrinth which is a symbol of initiation and transformation, of spiritual pursuit and of mysteries, but also having solar connotations38. The most interesting representations are those on the pyraunos type installations discovered in the complex C 300. The first installation discovered was provided with two small sized holes, close to each other, in the wall of the firing chamber, situated above the charging opening. Two plastic semicircular applications, under the shape of in relief alveolar belts, were disposed in arcade above the two perforations; they join in the middle area, lowering through the holes until they reach the charging area. The fire supply opening, the two perforations and the plastic application confer an anthropomorphic aspect to the installation. They illustrate elements of human physiognomy, the eyes, the eyebrows and the nose, while the supply opening would represent the mouth of a person. The second piece has the same anthropomorphic features, eyes, eyebrows and nose, noting that the applications illustrating anatomical elements are simple, not alveolar. Also, regarding the physiognomy of the character, it should be mentioned that the two arcades that represent the “eyebrows” are not extended in the form of the nose in the middle area towards the “mouth”, but they stop at the level of the “eyes”. Taken as a whole, these artistic representations illustrate a grotesque character. Extremely interesting and in the same time important in the context of our discussion is the vessel with bellied body, decorated with groups of arcades, among which a double M sign is displayed. Astronomically, the signs W and M correspond to the constellation Cassiopeia. This is a northern, circumpolar constellation, composed of five very bright stars in the shape of W. Due to the rotation of the Earth around its axis, the constellation appears in the form of W in the evening and in the form of M in the morning. Similarly, as a result of the rotation of the Earth around the Sun, for six months the constellation has the shape of W on the sky, and for the other six months the shape of M. The two signs represent symbols, namely the female symbol (W) and the male sign (M)39. The signs M, W and V or various combinations of them appear in the Middle East since the Neolithic Age. In the Romanian Neolithic, the double M sign appears both on the vessel known under the names “The Screaming Man” or “The Mourner” from Parţa (Timiş County), as well as on a lid with the representation of a human face from Bucovăţ (Timiş County), only to name just two of such numerous discoveries40. The objects marked with these signs are related to shamanic practices and the vessels on which these signs appear in a figurative manner are designed for preserving sacred liquids. Regarding the vessels, in the moment of pouring the liquids, the M sign becomes the W sign. This transformation, depicting Cassiopeia’s travel from night to daylight and from winter to summer, is considered to be in connection with death and rebirth. Analysing both the shape and the decoration of the vessel discovered at Şoimuş, we might think that its lower half, undecorated, represents the primordial waters, the underworld, the abyss, 36 37 38 39 40 CHEVALIER, GHEERBRANDT 1995, vol. 3, p. 250 sqq. BIEDERMANN 2002, vol. II, p. 415 sqq.; EVSEEV 2007, p. 567. CHEVALIER, GHEERBRANDT 1995, vol. 2, p. 191 sqq.; BIEDERMANN 2002, vol. I, p. 214 sqq.; EVSEEV 2007, p. 304. LAZAROVICI 2002, p. 173. LAZAROVICI 2002, p. 177, fig. 7–8; CALZOLARI, GORI 2005. Cultic Discoveries from Late Bronze Age Settlement from Şoimuş – Teleghi / 147 in accordance to the interpretation given by A. Durman to the pottery of the Vučedol culture41. In this key, the upper part, decorated, would represent the celestial world, marked by arcades, symbolizing the celestial vault on which the Cassiopeia constellation shines, depicted by the double M sign. SHORT EXCURSUS ON SHAMANISM We do not propose in this context to expose and analyze the historical evolution of shamanism, but only to point out some aspects, documented in the vast literature dedicated to this magical-religious phenomenon, that we consider to be significant in our attempt to give an interpretation, from this perspective, to the archaeological materials from Şoimuş. 1. The definition of shamanism In its modern sense, the shamanism is a religious phenomenon specific to Siberia and Central Asia, but similar manifestations can be noticed on all continents42. Most of the researchers consider shamanism as a universal religious expression, whose roots can be detected in the archaic communities of hunters-gatherers43. According to Roger Walsh, “Shamanism may be humankind’s earliest and longest-lasting healing, psychotherapeutic, and religious tradition”44, and Piers Vitebski remarks that “Shamanism is probably the world’s oldest form of religion. It is a name generally given to many hundreds, perhaps thousands, of religions around the world”45. Mircea Eliade, the author of one of the fundamental studies on shamanism, issued one of the most simple, but comprehensive definition of shamanism, considering that this is essentially, an archaic technique of ecstasy, and the shaman is “the great master of ecstasy”, position which allows him access to areas inaccessible to others46. 2. The shamanic trance The shaman is “the specialist of a trance” during which the soul separates from the body and travels between worlds, taking contact with the spirits47. In all cultures, shamans are endowed with the ability to “fly”48. The difference between a common member of the community and the shaman of that community is precisely the ecstatic experience49. During the initiation, but also later, in the search for the ecstatic trance, the shamans are subjects or initiate various rituals and tests that sometimes reach the amputation of body parts, using various methods and series of incitements, such as abstinence, fasting, vigil, isolation, meditation, pain generation, hyperventilation, dancing on a rhythmic background sound or ingestion of psychotropic substances50. One edifying example in this matter is the shamanic initiation in some communities in 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 DURMAN 2001, p. 216 sqq. ELIADE 1961, p. 153; 1997, p. 20; WINKELMAN 1986a; 2010, p. 165; WALSH 1989, p. 6. WINKELMAN 1986a, p. 17 sqq.; WINKELMAN 2002, p. 1875; WINKELMAN 2009a, p. 206 sqq.; WINKELMAN 2010, p. 165. WALSH 1994, p. 7; see also WALSH 1989, p. 10. VITEBSKY 1995, p. 55. ELIADE 1997, p. 14 sqq. For a synthesis of Eliade’s conception on shamanism, see WINKELMAN 2010, p. 160 sqq. Referring to the use of ecstatic trance in performing specific rituals, R. Walsh defines shamanism “as a family of traditions whose practitioners focus on voluntarily entering altered states of consciousness in which they experience themselves or their spirit(s) travelling to other realms at will and interacting with other entities to serve their community”, cf. WALSH 1989, p. 5; WALSH 1989a, p. 34; WALSH 1994, p. 9. ELIADE 1997, p. 21 sqq.; see WALSH 1989, p. 4; WALSH 1989a, p. 34; WINKELMAN 2002, p. 1875 sqq.; 2009, p. 251; DuBOIS 2009, p. 142 sqq. ELIADE 1997, p. 142; WINKELMAN 2007a, p. 156 sqq. ELIADE 1997, p. 113. ELIADE 1997, p. 74; WALSH 1989, p. 7 sq.; 1989a, p. 36 sq.; 1994, p. 17 sq. For the effects of these restrictions and 148 / Nicolae Cătălin Rişcuţa, Antoniu Tudor Marc Central and South America, where candidates spend several days and nights in solitary confinement, practicing exhausting dances and ingesting tobacco in various ways, until intoxication51. The Anglo-Saxon terminology includes the ecstatic trance in the comprehensive phrase “altered states of consciousness” (ASC)52. In contrast to the shamanic trance, the ASC induction methods are more numerous and diverse53. The main features of ASC are: alterations in thinking, disturbed time sense, loss of control, change in emotional expression, body-image change, perceptual distortions, change in meaning or significance, sense of the ineffable, feelings of rejuvenation, and hypersuggestibility54. In fact, by practicing rituals, the shaman can achieve the magical-religious ecstasy, respectively a specific form of the ecstatic trance (ASC) called Shamanic States of Consciousness (SSC), that allows the communication with the spirits55. 3. The attributions of the shaman Eliade prefers the term “specialist of sacred” instead of “shaman” because it depicts better its multiple functions within the community56. In his view, the main attribute of the shaman is that of emissary between “worlds”, the communication with the world of spirits; this attribution is fulfilled by using the magic flight, that allows him to ascent to heaven or descent to the netherworld. He is an intercessor between the group he represents and the “spirits”, sending information in both directions57. Furthermore, the shaman is a healer (medicine-man), acting both as diagnostician and therapist. He is also a forecaster, practicing divination rituals for the community. The shaman acts as a psychopomp, leading the souls of the dead to the underworld. He brings good fortune upon the loved ones and misfortune upon enemies. The shaman is the one who performs ritual sacrifices in religious ceremonies58. Later, other researchers added a number of nuances to the initial characteristics59. Lewis-Williams shows that within hunters-gatherers communities shamanism is defined by ten main characteristics, while shaman holds several features essential for the community. According to him, the main attributions of shaman are: the contact with the world of spirits, healing the diseases, mastering the life and activity of animals and the ability to change the weather60. Recently, Winkelman defines both the fundamental characteristics of shamanism61 and those specific to the healing activity of shamans62. 51 52 53 54 55 56 57 58 59 60 61 62 stimuli on the body and the human brain see WINKELMAN 1986, p. 178 sqq. See also, WINKELMAN 1986a, p. 17 sqq.; WINKELMAN 2002, p. 1876 sqq.; WINKELMAN 2002a, p. 72 sqq.; WINKELMAN 2004, p. 208; WINKELMAN 2009, p. 251; WINKELMAN 2011, p. 169 sqq; WINKELMAN 2013, p. 48; LEWIS-WILLIAMS 1997, p. 324; DuBOIS 2009, p. 41, 204 sqq.; VanPOOL 2009, p. 180; THOMASON 2010, p. 2 sqq. Cf. ELIADE 1997, p. 131 sqq.; see also p. 65. Ecstasy can be achieved also through the use of other plants such as bay laurel, acc. ELIADE 1997, p. 133, n. 26. See LUDWIG 1969; WINKELMAN 2002, p. 1874 sqq. LUDWIG 1969, p. 10 sqq.; PRICE-WILLIAMS, HUGHES 1994, p. 6 sqq. LUDWIG 1969, p. 13 sqq.; PRICE-WILLIAMS, HUGHES 1994, p. 2. HARNER 1980, p. 26 sqq. As Christine VanPool remarks, “SSC is distinct from ASC in that SSC is considered a supernatural encounter within its cultural framework. All SSC are based on ASC, but not all ASC are SSC.”, acc. VanPOOL 2009, p. 180. ELIADE 1961, p. 153. ELIADE 1997, p. 190, 234; WALSH 1994, p. 9; WITZEL 2011, p. 2. ELIADE 1997, p. 10 sqq.; see also HARNER 1980, p. 55 sqq.; PRICE-WILLIAMS, HUGHES 1994, p. 4; WINKELMAN 2004, p. 195; KUZNETSOVA 2007, p. 4; DuBOIS 2009, p. 108–109; VanPOOL 2009, p. 180; WITZEL 2011, p. 2. See WINKELMAN 2011, p. 161. LEWIS-WILLIAMS 1997, p. 323. According to Winkelman, the shaman is “a charismatic group leader who is generally a male, with female shamans restricted to non-reproductive periods; professional training involving a vision quest interaction with the spirit world; deliberate alteration of consciousness during both training and practice; an initiatory death and rebirth experience; an experience known as the soul journey or soul flight; communal ritual activities involving chanting, music, drumming, and dancing; a primary source of power involving control of animal spirits; a belief in their ability to transform into animals; professional abilities involving healing, diagnosis, divination, and assistance in hunting; theories of illness involving soul loss, magical intrusion of objects, and attacks by spirits and shamans; and a belief in their ability to do harm through sorcery”, cf. WINKELMAN 2011, p. 162. The healing powers of the shaman imply “… induction of ASC in training and professional activities; providing Cultic Discoveries from Late Bronze Age Settlement from Şoimuş – Teleghi / 149 4. The shamanic rituals Summarizing the writings of Eliade concerning the place and role of shamanic rituals inside the community life, M. Winkelman shows that “Shamanic ritual and the associated beliefs involved the society’s most important cosmological, spiritual, religious, social, and healing activities, providing the context for establishing the relationship of the individual to the group and bringing the spirits into the community”63. In order to perform the rituals, some procedures that involve fasting and sexual abstinence must be fulfilled. The rhythm sustained by drumming or using other percussion instruments, singing, music and dancing represent key elements in divination or healing rituals, acting strongly upon the emotional state of the participants64. During the ritual the shaman sings, shouts and dances frantically for hours, accompanied by drums and rattles, these actions depicting the struggle of both the shaman and the good spirits against the evil spirits. Finally, he collapses exhaustedly and remains still, a sign that his soul has separated from his body and has flown in the world of spirits. After a while, the shaman regains his soul, he comes back to life and communicates to the people around him the consequences of his struggle and the path to follow in achieving the collective goals65. Studies on shamanism effectuated in nowadays Asian traditional communities have highlighted the complexity of the rituals, based not only on verbal, but also on non-verbal communication. The latter includes voice communication (drumming, playing the instruments, reciting of texts with a certain intensity and rhythm, imitation of animal sounds or silent communication), motion communication (facial expressions, gestures, attitudes, touching etc.) or communication through offerings (smells produced by fumigation, libation and tasting)66. 5. The magic of fire Shamanic rituals are unfolding by the light of fire, around the hearth, mastering the fire being one of the shaman’s “special skills”67. The account of a Yakut shamanic session describes the members of community gathered in a yurt, in the evening, while the shaman, sitting in the centre, gazes at the hearth’s fire68. In such situations, the entire community is being impelled to watch the fire, under the influence of psychotropic plants, in order to make contact with the spirits69. The intense gazing at a vivid fire can cause suggestive images, just as a nearly extinguished fire creates spirit resembling shadows70. The altars and the fire hearths have a particular significance. These represent the central point around which the ritual is taking place, on which both the shaman and the audience are concentrating their attention. Offerings to the gods are placed on such hearths and altars, or sometimes aromatic and hallucinogenic plants are burned71. 63 64 65 66 67 68 69 70 71 divination, diagnosis, and healing; use of rituals to interact with spirits; removal of detrimental effects of spirits (spirit aggression and possession); curing illness caused by human agents (e.g., witches and sorcerers)”, acc. WINKELMAN 2013, p. 57. WINKELMAN 2013, p. 48; see also WINKELMAN 2002, p. 1880 sq. Regarding the importance of the rituals on social integration in the community, see also WINKELMAN 2013a, p. 90 sqq. WINKELMAN 2002, p. 1878 sq.; WINKELMAN 2007a, p. 153 sqq.; WINKELMAN 2009, p. 257 sqq.; WINKELMAN 2011, p. 167 sqq. For more details on shamanic sessions in traditional Asian societies, see ELIADE 1997, p. 184 sqq. See also WINKELMAN 2002, p. 1876; WINKELMAN 2011, p. 160. BIRTALAN 2011, p. 38 sqq.; regarding the non-verbal communication see also CARDEÑA, COUSINS 2010, p. 317 sqq. ELIADE 1997, p. 21 sqq.; WINKELMAN 2009, p. 250; DuBOIS 2009, p. 143 sqq. ELIADE 1997, p. 218. DuBOIS 2009, p. 225 sqq. Gazing at the fire is one of the most used methods in achieving ecstatic trance, acc. THOMASON 2010, p. 6. SHERRATT 1997a, p. 409 sqq. In the shamanic initiations of the Buryats, animals were slaughtered and their meat 150 / Nicolae Cătălin Rişcuţa, Antoniu Tudor Marc The image of cauldrons or pots over the fire is often present in the shamanic visions. Quoting A. A. Popov, Eliade relates a story about a Samoan shaman who claimed that the evil spirits he encountered during his underworld journey snatched his heart and threw it in a hot pot72. Another story, told by the same Popov, presents the initiation of a Yakut shaman who had to go through a series of tests involving the dismemberment and the boiling of the candidate in a cauldron73. Basically, the act of boiling is synonymous with death, rebirth and regeneration74. 6. Divination Clairvoyance is one of the main attributes of the shaman, and divination represents, as Barbara Tedlock defines it, “… a way of exploring the unknown in order to elicit answers to questions beyond the range of ordinary human understanding”75. The practice of divination is often made under conditions of ecstatic trance, after ingestion of psychotropic substances76. The bones, especially knucklebones, were heavily used in Antiquity for the practice of divina77 tion . Although there aren’t certain proofs for using the knucklebones as divination items (astragalomanteia) in prehistory, the evidences for their later use suggest that perhaps they were used in this purpose since ancient times78. In practice, the shaman or the priest throws the pieces, and the future can be interpreted based on their position79. 7. The shaman’s costume and accessories In the absence of relevant historical sources we can only presume that the shaman’s equipment was made respecting the same features as those mentioned for the shamanic costumes in the etnographic sources from the beginning of the last century. They mention costumes made of cloths and furs, adorned with horns, bones, feathers, ribbons and metal rings80. The African witch-doctors 72 73 74 75 76 77 78 79 80 was brought as offerings to the gods; pieces of meat were thrown in the air and fire and the remaining meat was used for the ritual feast, acc. ELIADE 1997, p. 124. For the altar use within Asian communities see DuBOIS 2009, p. 261. ELIADE 1997, p. 51. ELIADE 1997, p. 53 sqq. “Then I went through an opening in another rock. A naked man was sitting there fanning the fire with bellows. Above the fire hung an enormous cauldron as big as half the earth. When he saw me the naked man brought out a pair of tongs the size of a tent and took hold of me. He took my head and cut it off, and then sliced my body into little pieces and put them in the cauldron. There he boiled my body for three years. Then he placed me on an anvil and struck my head with a hammer and dipped it into ice-cold water to temper it. He took the big cauldron my body had been boiled in off the fire and poured its contents into another container. Now all my muscles had been separated from the bones. Here I am now, I’m talking to you in an ordinary state of mind and I can’t say how many pieces there are in my body. But we shamans have several extra bones and muscles. I turned out to have three such parts, two muscles and one bone. When all my bones had been separated from my flesh, the blacksmith said to me, “Your marrow has turned into a river,” and inside the hut I really did see a river with my bones floating on it. “Look, there are your bones floating away!” said the blacksmith, and started to pull them out of the water with his tongs. When all my bones had been pulled out on to the shore the blacksmith put them together, they became covered with flesh and my body took on its previous appearance. The only thing that was still left unattached was my head. It just looked like a bare skull. The blacksmith covered my skull with flesh and joined it on to my torso. I took on my previous human form. Before he let me go the blacksmith pulled out my eyes and put in new ones. He pierced my ears with his iron finger and told me, “You will be able to hear and understand the speech of plants.” After this I found myself on a mountain and soon woke up in my own tent. Near me sat my worried father and mother”, acc. VITEBSKY 1995, p. 60. ELIADE 1997, p. 76; regarding death and rebirth see also WALSH 1994, p. 22 sqq.; WINKELMAN 2007, p. 160 sqq.; WITZEL 2011, p. 7. TEDLOCK 2001, p. 189. TEDLOCK 2001, p. 189. De GROSSI MAZZORIN, MINNITI 2013, p. 372. GILMOUR 1997, p. 173. De GROSSI MAZORIN, MINNITI 2009, p. 331. For the Romans, the prediction of future was practiced by haruspices by examining the entrails and bones of slaughtered animals, see DuBOIS 2009, p. 39. Interpretation of images engraved in stone from the Bronze Age in the Siberian area indicates similarities with Cultic Discoveries from Late Bronze Age Settlement from Şoimuş – Teleghi / 151 and wizards’ outfit includes wild animal skins, fangs and bones81. The cap adorned with horns is an essential part of the shamanic costume (Fig. 4), some shamans saying that they have no power unless wearing this accessory82. Wearing the costume and the accessories gives the shaman the ability to travel between worlds83. Fig. 4. Witsen’s Shaman – The oldest modern representation (1692) of a Siberian shaman wearing a cap adorned with large stag horns, cf. http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Nicolaes_Witsen#mediaviewer/File:Witsen%27s_Shaman.JPG The drum is the main musical instrument of the shaman’s equipment, serving him to achieve ecstasy. Shamanic initiation begins with learning how to play the drum, without which a shaman can not see the spirits84. This helps not only the shaman to enter the trance, but also motivates the community to participate at the ritual, sustains the song and rhythm for those who attend85. Nevertheless, the drum is not just a musical instrument, but also the shaman’s mean of transportation or vehicle for his journey to heaven, or it serves him to keep the spirits captive inside86. Unfortunately, due to the fact that they were made of organic materials, traces of these ancient tools were not preserved. Along with the costume, the objects considered to be sacred (instruments, amulets, fetishes) have an important role during rituals. They formed the shaman’s kit used in healing rituals or divination practices, clearvoyance and foretelling representing the main attributions of the shaman87. Inside each shaman’s kit, the sacraments are represented by bones, leather parts, claws, animal teeth, pebbles, quartz crystals or shells88. Amulets, bone fragments and teeth may be related to the sha- 81 82 83 84 85 86 87 88 recent shamanic costumes, see DuBOIS 2009, p. 41. For the complexity and symbolism of the shamanic costume see ELIADE 1997, p. 43, 146 sqq.; DuBOIS 2009, p. 240 sqq. ELIADE 1997, p. 174. ELIADE 1997, p. 154. ELIADE 1997, p. 105; STUTLEY 2003, p. 39. ELIADE 1997, p. 50, 104 sqq.; HARNER 1980, p. 64 sqq.; WALSH 1989a, p. 39. On the effect on the primates’ brain of the drum’s percussion see WINKELMAN 2013a, p. 88 sqq. STUTLEY 2003, p. 41; WINKELMAN 2009, p. 257 sqq. ELIADE 1997, p. 137, 166 sqq.; HARNER 1980, p. 65; STUTLEY 2003, p. 39 sqq.; KUZNETSOVA 2007, p. 3; VanPOOL 2009, p. 183. In other cases, the role of the vehicle for the travel between worlds is taken by a bench, which symbolises a horse with wings, acc. STUTLEY 2003, p. 31; DuBOIS 2009, p. 56. ELIADE 1997, p. 179. VanPOOL 2009, p. 182 sqq. 152 / Nicolae Cătălin Rişcuţa, Antoniu Tudor Marc man’s drum accessories89. The North and South American shamans’ kits include small pouches of rock crystals, stones and other magical items90. Bones are found frequently as tools and accessories in shamanic ceremonies. In the traditional societies of hunters and gatherers, the bone is the very source of life, fact illustrated by the shamanic costume as well91. In the Eskimo communities, the shaman must know and name all the bones in his body92. Bones and teeth may become spirits themselves or with their help one can get in touch with the spirits93. During the initiation of a Papuan shaman, he received a bone he could call the spirits with94. Finally, in many traditional Asian communities, animal bones, especially the shoulder blades, hooves or bones that are part of the foot, were used to practice divination or they were used as amulets95, and the Kalmyk people used teeth to cure some diseases96. The ritual, the costume, the mask, the drum, the shamanic kit, the altars and the fire hearths, all the equipment used in magical ceremonies, are designed not only to help the shaman to establish the connection with the spirits, but also to suggest the audience the complexity and the importance of the ceremony, to involve the community in the shamanic ritual, strengthening its cohesion97. 8. Psychotropic stimulants used for obtaining an ecstatic trance Usually, reaching the trance state is a process achieved by ingesting psychotropic substances resulted after boiling plants or mushrooms. The psychedelic or hallucinogenic effect can be obtained not only by the ingestion of potions, but also by the ingestion of parts of such plants (root, stem, leaves, flowers) or mushrooms. The same effect is obtained by inhailing the smoke resulted from smoking or burning the leaves or seeds of plants98. In the Euro-Asian area the most popular psychotropic plants used to obtain ecstasy seem to have been the poppy (Papaver somniferum) and the hemp (Cannabis sativa)99, but other plants, especially those derived from the solanaceae family, such as stramony (Datura, especially Datura stramonium), henbane (Hyoscyamus niger), mandrake (Mandragora officinarum) and belladonna (Atropa belladonna), were used for the same purposes100. Among fungi, the best known and used was fly agaric (Amanita muscaria)101. The utilization of these plants could produce ecstatic manifestations of different intensity and ways of expression, depending on the amount of psychoactive substances consumed and the environment in which they were ingested102. DuBOIS 2009, p. 253. ELIADE 1997, p. 174; PEARSON 2002, p. 142 sqq. 91 ELIADE 1997, p. 73, 157 sqq. 92 ELIADE 1997, p. 72. 93 ELIADE 1997, p. 110; DuBOIS 2009, p. 52. 94 ELIADE 1997, p. 67. 95 ELIADE 1997, p. 162 sqq.; STUTLEY 2003, p. 83 sqq.; BIRTALAN 2003, p. 48, 51. In contemporary traditional societies from East, animal bones are still used in ritual ceremonies for the purposes of bringing luck and ward off bad luck and evil spirits. The bones are also used during ceremonies related to birth, marriage, death, New Year’s Eve or some rituals of fire, acc. BIRTALAN 2003, p. 37. 96 BIRTALAN 2003, p. 56. 97 DuBOIS 2009, p. 239 sqq. 98 SHERRATT 1997a, p. 406 sqq. For numerous information on the name, use, preparation, chemical components and the effects of ingesting various plants and psychotropic fungi, see SCHULTES ET AL 2001, p. 66 sqq. 99 SHERRATT 1997a, p. 407. 100 SCHULTES ET AL 2001. For a comprehensive study, with a table of archaeological evidence on the use of psychotropic plants in prehistory in the Euro-Asian area, see MERLIN 2003. 101 WALSH 1989a, p. 37; SCHULTES ET AL 2001, p. 34; DuBOIS 2009, p. 218 sqq. 102 MERLIN 2003, p. 297; Michael Winkelman, referring to their effects, calls these plants “psychointegrators” (from psyche, meaning soul, spirit and mind). The primary role of psychointegrator substances is to produce altered states of consciousness (ASC) and to establish trance as the ground state used in rites of initiation and passage, magicalreligious practices, healing and divination, performed within the community, see WINKELMAN 1996, p. 10 sqq.; 2001, p. 219 sqq.; 2007, p. 7 sqq. For divination and medical use of psychedelic substances see WINKELMAN 2007a, p. 150 sqq. 89 90 Cultic Discoveries from Late Bronze Age Settlement from Şoimuş – Teleghi / 153 The hallucinogenic properties of poppy seem to have been known in the European area since Neolithic, as demonstrated by the archaeological finds from La Marmotta (Lake Bracciano) site near Rome103. Knowledge of poppy and its properties in Late Bronze Age in the south-eastern part of Europe is demonstrated by the two miniature vessels which resemble a poppy capsule, discovered at Vršac – At (Serbia), in a magic related context104. It is believed that the use of hemp for fibre production has been known for 10.000 years. In addition to its textile qualities, people have discovered its medicinal properties and its use for magical purposes105. The ecstatic trance could be obtained by inhaling the smoke of hemp seeds, a method that seems to be known by the ancient Iranians, who were also using some species of fungi for this purpose106. Herodotus narrates that during funeral rites, the Scythians used to inhale the smoke from cannabis seeds or other psychotropic plants, after these were previously thrown on scorching stones107, a custom confirmed by the archaeological finds in the Altai Mountains108. Later on, Strabon mentions some members of a Thracian group, “those who walk through smoke”, a possible reference to an ecstatic trance achieved through burning psychotropic plants109. Due to its potential of generating euphoria and ecstasy, alcohol was one of the most used stimulants through history, being employed in cultic ceremonies as well110. According to Andrew Sherratt, the diffusion of alcohol towards the Near East, Central Europe and Eastern Europe occurs at the end of Chalcolithic, fact proven by the increased production of drinking vessels111. Sherratt considers that the first alcoholic beverages produced in Europe, at the end of the Bronze Age, were beer and mead112. In nowadays traditional societies, a state similar to a trance is achieved using the same methods. Thus, the South American populations consume ayahuasca, a sacred drink known from the ancient times, obtained by boiling the stem and the bark of a vine (Banisteriopsis caapi) with other plants113. Reaching ecstasy by fungi poisoning is widespread within the Siberian populations. Ostiak shamans ingest three or seven mushrooms in order to perform the magic ritual114. At the beginning of the second millennium of the Christian era, to the traditional potions used in obtaining the ecstatic trance drugs are added, such as hashish or opium115. In modern times, other substances such as alcohol, tobacco or opium substitute the role of entheogens in obtaining ecstasy116. MERLIN 2003, p. 302; for other discoveries proving the use of opiates since Neolithic, see SHERRATT 1997, p. 390; 1997a, p. 407 sq. 104 RAŠAJSKI 1975, p. 55 sqq., Cл. 4–5; ROMSAUER 2003, p. 137, Tab. XX/4, 6. 105 WINKELMAN 1996, p. 18; SCHULTES ET AL 2001, p. 92 sqq.; MERLIN 2003, p. 311. 106 ELIADE 1997, p. 367. 107 “After the burial the Scythians cleanse themselves as follows: they anoint and wash their heads and, for their bodies, set up three poles leaning together to a point and cover these over with wool mats; then, in the space so enclosed to the best of their ability, they make a pit in the center beneath the poles and the mats and throw red-hot stones into it. They have hemp growing in their country, very like flax, except that the hemp is much thicker and taller. ... The Scythians then take the seed of this hemp and, crawling in under the mats, throw it on the red-hot stones, where it smoulders and sends forth such fumes that no Greek vapor-bath could surpass it. The Scythians howl in their joy at the vapor-bath. This serves them instead of bathing, for they never wash their bodies with water.”, cf. HERODOTUS, 4, 73–75; see also ELIADE 1997, p. 362; SHERRATT 1997, p. 398; 1997a, p. 406; SCHULTES, EVANS, RÄTSCH 2001, p. 94 sq; MERLIN 2003, p. 313; DuBOIS 2009, p. 34 sqq. 108 SCHULTES ET AL 2001, p. 95; MERLIN 2003, p. 313; KUZNETSOVA 2007, p. 2. 109 STRABON, Geography, 7.3.3., cff. ELIADE 1997, p. 358. 110 SHERRATT 1997, p. 389 sqq.; 1997a, p. 422; DIETLER 2006, p. 232 sqq. 111 SHERRATT 1997, p. 376 sqq. 112 SHERRATT 1997, p. 393 sqq.; see also DIETLER 2006, p. 233. 113 SCHULTES ET AL 2001, p. 124 sqq.; WINKELMAN 2005, p. 210; McKENNA 2007; DuBOIS 2009, p. 227 sqq. 114 ELIADE 1997, p. 201 sqq.; STUTLEY 2003, p. 30. 115 ELIADE 1997, p. 368, n. 61, 381. 116 DuBOIS 2009, p. 231 sqq. 103 154 / Nicolae Cătălin Rişcuţa, Antoniu Tudor Marc ARTISTIC REPRESENTATIONS, ARCHAEOLOGICAL FINDS, LITERARY SOURCES AND ETHNOGRAPHIC ANALOGIES ON THE EXISTENCE OF PREHISTORIC SHAMANISM If the analysis of historical sources shows that the main defined characteristics have been achieved by an archaic community, then shamanism, as a religious phenomenon, could be extended in time and space to the Upper Palaeolithic from Western Europe117. M. Winkelman believes that the shamanism stayed behind the explosive cultural evolution of humanity that took place 40.000 years ago118. In fact, some scholars believe that the Palaeolithic rock art has a shamanic component119. Moreover, the “Bird-Headed Man”, one of the parietal images from Lascaux and numerous composite beings with anthropomorphous and zoomorphous features depicted in caves is considered a representation of a shamanic trance120. One of the most interesting discoveries concerning shamanism is a 12.000 years old tomb belonging to the Natufian culture, discovered at Hilazon Tachtit (Israel)121. The tomb belonged to an approximately 45 years old woman, whose remains shows traces of some skeletal disorders. The funeral inventory has consisted of more than 50 tortoise shells, two marten skulls, bones from a golden eagle wing, some caudal vertebrae of a wisent, the pelvis bones of a leopard, and bones from the leg of a wild boar. Along with the skeleton, foot bones of another human were found. Based on the bone observations and also on the archaeological inventory, the tomb has been assigned to a shaman woman. Noteworthy is that the golden eagle feathers are illustrated on the Altaic shamans’ costume122, and that divination using a head or a human leg is still attested in the modern period123. Another archaeological discovery in connection with magical practices is the tomb of shaman woman, discovered at Bad-Dürrenberg (Germany). The tomb was dated in the Mesolithic (first half of the 7th millennium BC) and it contained a rich archaeological inventory: flint blades, two bone pins, a antler hoe, a polished stone axe, several ornamental plates of boar tusks, two bones of a crane, one bone of a beaver and of red deer, 16 red deer incisors, two roe deer antlers from the same skull, shell fragments from several swamp turtles, fragments from 120 freshwater shells, and 31 small flint blades, found inside a tube made from a crane bone. Similar to the shaman woman discovered at Hilazon Tachtit, the skeleton discovered at Bad-Dürrenberg shows traces of a deformity, situation considered favourable for achieving the ecstatic trance124. In South-Eastern Europe, one of the most interesting findings that can be connected with shamanic practices come from Vršac – At (Serbia) and were discovered in an archaeological complex considered to be a cenotaph, dated at the end of the Bronze Age. Among the ceramic items found there was a miniature pyraunos (13.4 cm), provided on the upper part, on both sides of the handles, with two circular perforations, close to each other and separated by an edge, suggesting a human physiognomy (Fig. 5/a). Among the other miniature vessels associated in this complex, one can distinguish two cups considered urns, with a narrowed neck, and a flaring laced rim125. These two 117 118 119 120 121 122 123 124 125 LEWIS-WILLIAMS 1997, p. 324 sqq. WINKELMAN 2002a; WINKELMAN 2004, p. 196; WINKELMAN 2009a, p. 205; WINKELMAN 2011, p. 163. Numerous scholars consider that the evidence of shamanism practices date back to tens of thousands years ago, acc. DuBOIS 2009, p. 33, 44. LEWIS-WILLIAMS 1997, p. 325 sqq; WINKELMAN 2002a, p. 71 sqq.; WINKELMAN 2011, p. 163; WINKELMAN 2013a, p. 79; see also DÍAZ-ANDREU 2001, p. 117 sqq.; PEARSON 2002, p. 115 sqq. “Many aspects of Upper Paleolithic art document that caves were used for shamanism and illustrate the ability to project introspective images on the surface. Furthermore, elements of cave art reflect the structure of the mind derived from internal feelings, dreams, memories, visions or altered states of consciousness”, acc. PŮTOVÁ 2013, p. 244. See ELIADE 1997, p. 438, 458 sq; DÍAZ-ANDREU 2001, p. 119; PŮTOVÁ 2013, p. 243 sqq. GROSMAN ET AL 2008, p. 17.665 sqq. ELIADE 1997, p. 155. ELIADE 1997, p. 241, n. 48. HANSEN 2010, p. 20 sqq. RAŠAJSKI 1975, p. 55 sqq., Cл. 1, 4–5; ROMSAUER 2003, p. 137, Tab. XX/1, 4, 6. Cultic Discoveries from Late Bronze Age Settlement from Şoimuş – Teleghi / 155 pieces striking resemble the poppy capsules (Papaver somniferum) (Fig. 5/b, c), from which opium is extracted126. There was also an ornamental cup (Fig. 5/d), whose decoration on the neck, a double zigzagged incision, resembles the M shaped decoration on the vessel found at Şoimuş127. b a d e c f Fig. 5. Pottery discovered at Vršac – At (Serbia), in a magic related context: miniature pyraunos (a), two miniature vessels resembling with poppy capsules (b, c) and decorated cup (d) (after ROMSAUER 2003, pl. XX). In the Transylvanian area, the first elements that could be connected with the practice of shamanism are some archaeological pieces discovered in the inventory of an Early Neolithic dwelling from Limba – Bordane (Alba County). Among these finds, a decorated deer antler object draws the attention, being interpreted as a “sceptre” and/or a percussion instrument of the shamanic drum128. The “sceptre” discovered at Limba is not the only prehistoric artefact considered a percussion instrument used in shamanistic ceremonies. Researcher Nikos Chausidis believes that the so-called stone “sceptres” in the form of horse heads, found in the North and East of the Black Sea, are in fact not just symbols of power, but also percussion instruments of the Indo-European shamans from the 3rd millennium BC. Also, in his opinion, the shamanic journey between worlds apparently was preserved on an ethnographic level at the Balkan populations, Indo-European descendants, in the form of some dances with mythical roots129. In this regard, it is worth mentioning that the Buryats and the Tungusic people used to carve a horse head at the end of the shamanic rod130. A number of scholars believe that the discovery and use of psychotropic plants for communicating with the ancestors dates from Palaeolithic131. The most famous decoction used to achieve a trance in antiquity is mentioned in the literary sources. Thus, a magical drink called soma is recorded in the notorious Indian writing Rig Veda (dated between 1.700 and 1.100 BC)132. According to specialists, 126 127 128 129 130 131 132 Vessels in the form of the poppy capsule are attested in Greece, in the Mycenaean Age (cca. 1.600–1.100 B.C.), acc. MERLIN 2003, p. 297, 303, Fig. 2. RAŠAJSKI 1975, p. 58, Cл. 6; ROMSAUER 2003, p. 137, Tab. XX/5. CIUTĂ, CIUTĂ 2013. CHAUSIDIS 2009, p. 68 sqq. ELIADE 1997, p. 149 sqq.; the representation of the horse can be put in relation to its psychopomp role played in the shamanic ceremonies, acc. DuBOIS 2009, p. 41. MERLIN 2003, p. 296. According to M. Winkelman, the use of psychedelic substances is as old as shamanism, these being the main ingredients employed in the shamanic rituals of healing and divination, acc. WINKELMAN 2007a, p. 143 sqq. WALSH 1989a, p. 36; SHERRATT 1997a, p. 406 sqq.; SCHULTES ET AL 2001, p. 82 sqq.; DuBOIS 2009, p. 34, 219 sqq. 156 / Nicolae Cătălin Rişcuţa, Antoniu Tudor Marc this elixir was obtained by boiling the mushroom Amanita muscaria or the plants from the ephedraceae family133. Soma seems to have a pendant in the Mesopotamian area, where the Zoroastrian writing Avesta (approximately dated around 1.000 BC) contains references to a magic potion called haoma134. The two names seem to denominate the drink made from the same plant, credited with magical features and supernatural powers135. In the Carpathian Basin, the first clear evidence of inhaling the cannabis smoke dates from the Early Bronze Age. In one of the tombs attributed to Jamnaja culture from Gurbăneşti (Călăraşi County), an incense burner containing burned hemp seeds was discovered136. INTERPRETATION IN THE MAGICAL-RELIGIOUS CONTEXT OF THE ARCHAEOLOGICAL FINDS FROM ŞOIMUŞ Representations or artefacts discovered during archaeological research seldom allow the possibility to establish connections with religious beliefs or practices137. In the absence of visual or narrative sources, spiritual life of the archaic communities is difficult to be reconstructed138. Some artefacts discovered in archaeological context, such as bones or stones, processed or unprocessed, whose utility cannot always be specified, could be in fact, elements of the costume and the equipment used during cultic ceremonies, but these objects are not always interpreted in this way by archaeologists139. However, in some cases, the pieces uncovered suggest, based on their inner characteristics and on the association in an archaeological context, that they have been part of the inventory used in magicalreligious ceremonies. Thus, based on the analysis of the archaeological materials found in the three complexes from Şoimuş – Teleghi, we can presume that these were ritual deposits of artefacts used in ritual ceremonies with a magical-religious role, respectively within certain shamanic practices. Regarding complex C 300, this has not contained objects that can be considered domestic waste, the ritual nature of the deposit being indisputable. The pyraunos type installations with plastic applications or the vessel decorated with celestial signs are not common ceramic recipients. We believe that they have served in magical-religious ceremonies and they were ritually placed in the pit C 300. Complexes C 31 and C 42 have a similar material content, respectively pottery, hearths fragments, bones. Excepting the decorated fire hearths, all the items could be considered objects of common use, but they could also have a magical-ritual connotation in the context in which they were discovered at Şoimuş. Withal, inside both complexes fragments of decorated fire hearths were found, their magicalreligious destination being already been mentioned above. Some fragments of decorated hearths were broken in situ or were ritually deposited in pits, along with pottery and other objects, indicating 133 134 135 136 137 138 139 SCHULTES ET AL 2001, p. 82 sqq.; MERLIN 2003, p. 300 sq.; DuBOIS 2009, p. 35 sqq. DuBOIS 2009, p. 35. MERLIN 2003, p. 301. ROSETTI 1959, p. 800 sqq.; ECSEDY 1979, p. 45; SHERRATT 1997a, p. 408; see also MERLIN 2003, p. 313. Clear evidences of practicing any form of religion in prehistory, generally assimilated to shamanism, are scarce and their interpretation raises many methodological problems acc. DuBOIS 2009, p. 40 sqq.; for theoretical approach see BARETT 1991, p. 1 sqq.; RENFREW 1994, p. 47 sqq.; PEARSON 2002. Unfortunately, only archaeology can provide support for the perpetuation through time of several cultural models, as Kristiansen and Larsson remark: “This is regrettable: only archaeology can provide historical evidence of the persistence of long-term traditions in social institutions and cosmology”, acc. KRISTIANSEN, LARSSON 2005, p. 254. Despite the obstacles generated by the scarcity of historical sources, there are tendencies in the current archaeology based mainly on the prehistoric artistic representations, on the reconstitution of artefacts and practices used in shamanic rituals in the past. As expected, even if it is one of the few theoretical approaches of ancient cultic practices, this type of attempt is not excepted from criticism, acc. DuBOIS 2011, p. 106 sqq.; in the same context see also HARDING 2000, p. 308 sq. For a theoretical approach of ritual discoveries from the tell settlements belonging to the Bronze Age in the Carpathian Basin, see GOGÂLTAN 2012. VanPOOL 2009, p. 182. Cultic Discoveries from Late Bronze Age Settlement from Şoimuş – Teleghi / 157 the fact that after the ritual was completed, the fire support was fragmented and left on site or deposited in pits, along with the offerings. Judging by the function criterion, the pottery discovered could have both an utilitarian or a cultic destination. Pyraunos type pieces are some of the most interesting discoveries. As mentioned before, the two items found in the complex C 300 have plastic applications, suggesting a grotesque human physiognomy. Another possibility is that they represent, in fact, a bird (eagle, aquila, owl), the ornitomorphic symbolism being illustrated on the shamans’ costume in the traditional Asian societies140. These features suggest that the items discovered at Şoimuş could have had a dual role, respectively a practical function, being used in the preparation of some magical potions, and a magical one, by using them as instruments in shamanic ceremonies. Pyraunos type discoveries that can be connected with magical practices are not represented only by the finds from Şoimuş. In our opinion, the deposit from Vršac – At, mentioned above, is not a funerary, but a ritual one. All the pieces found here seem to be part of a ceramic set designed for the preparation and consumption of magic potions. Altars, pyraunos type pieces, and fire hearths may be related to the magic of fire. We can only imagine the impact of this type of system in full function, in a confined space or during nocturnal ceremonies. The focus upon “the fire figure” could stimulate the imagination of the shaman, facilitating the entry into trance for communicating with the spirits. The flames’ dance seen through the eyes and the wide open mouth, marked by the inside fire, as well as the columns of smoke coming through the drain holes, would have created undoubtedly a powerful effect over the audience. However, we believe that is not a coincidence that the ceramic inventory discovered in the ritual deposit C 31 contained, along with a pyraunos vessel and several large pots, bowls, a strainer and a small handled cup. Some fragments from a pyraunos vessel, an incense burner and a perforated lid were also found in complex C 42. In C 300, along with the pyraunoi, a lage sized deep bowl and a decorated vessel with celestial marks were discovered. All these containers are pottery kits which could have been used for obtaining and consumption hallucinogenic beverages, such as soma mentioned in the Vedic texts, or an alcoholic drink, such as beer or mead, already known to Bronze Age communities141. Thus, inside the pyraunos type installations various ingredients used to obtain certain magic potions could have been boiled. The large vessels could have been used for mixing some substances or for the fermentation of beverages, while the strained would have been appropriate for separating the liquid from the impurities. The cup was used for drinking the liquid. In our opinion, the perforated lid could have been used only to allow the evacuation of gases or smoke from the container it covered. Finally, the plant seeds with psychotropic effects could have been burned not only on hearths or altars, hence the incense burner could have been used in magic ceremonies for fumigations. Regarding the pottery, we notice the decoration of bowls, respectively the incised lines in the form of meanders and spirals, ornaments suggesting, in their own turn, a cultic destination. Also, the celestial signs on pottery are not just a matter of fashion. The incision on a vessel of a constellation symbol such as Cassiopeia suggests not only its use within cultic ceremonies, but it can also be related to the astronomical and astrological concerns of the shaman or with his role of emissary between “worlds”142. Nevertheless, the bones of the two complexes can be interpreted differently. Even though most pieces can be considered domestic waste (ribs, vertebrae, phalanges), some of them might have had other purposes, such as tools or game pieces (the processed phalanges), amulets or magical items (the processed and unprocessed phalanges or the fish vertebra), or meat offerings (sheep vertebrae with cutting marks). 140 141 142 ELIADE 1997, p. 155 sqq. SHERRATT 1997, p. 394. Regarding the heaven ascension of the shaman see ELIADE 1997, p. 10. 158 / Nicolae Cătălin Rişcuţa, Antoniu Tudor Marc Concerning unprocessed bone remains with cutting marks, discovered in large quantities, especially in complex C 42, they may represent the remains of ceremonial meals, feasts being known even today in the traditional societies143. Significant is that during these feasts not only large quantities of meat were consumed, but also large quantities of alcohol144. In the case of the processed bones discovered in complexes C 31 and C 42, although we do not exclude the possibility that they were used for other purposes (tools, toys), we believe that they could have been used in shamanic divination ceremonies. In our opinion, the four processed phalanges were polished to create a flat surface, thus facilitating their stability in this position. These could have been used along with other pieces (unprocessed phalanges, fish vertebrae) during magic and divination ceremonies. An argument to sustain these is the strong lustre of items. This type of burnishing could only be achieved by rubbing the piece with a soft, nonabrasive fabric. Shamanic kits are usually stored in bags made of cloth or leather. Therefore, strong lustre can be obtained either by the prolonged contact with such a material, or by repeated hand rubbing, an evidence of frequent and prolonged use of the piece145. From the inventory of complex C 42 an unprocessed deer horn can be noticed. The piece can only be a household waste or raw material kept for processing purposes. However, deer or stag antlers were part of the shaman’s equipment. The shaman’s superior part of the costume, as well as the cap, was often adorned with horn, as suggested by the parietal Palaeolithic shaman representations from Lascaux and Les Trois Frères (France)146, or the finds from the Mesolithic tomb of the shamanwoman from Bad-Dürrenberg (Germany)147. Having in mind all these aspects, we consider that the inventories of the complexes C 31, C 42 and C 300 from the site Şoimuş – Teleghi represent deposits of cultic character. In our opinion, the discussed artefacts constitute the fittings, the props, the accessories and the elements of the equipment used during some shamanic ceremonies. ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS The publication of this material was possible due to the support of several colleagues. We wish to thank dr. Cristian Schuster, the scientific coordinator of the archaeological site Şoimuş – Teleghi in 2011, for the amiability to allowing the study and the publication of the archaeological material. The analysis of the osteological remains was performed by assoc. prof. dr. C. Beldiman, to whom we thank on this occasion. We would like to thank as well dr. Florin Gogâltan and dr. Cristian I. Popa for their pertinent suggestions and for generously making available to us important bibliographical sources. 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Winkelman M., Shamanism in Cross-Cultural Perspective, in International Journal of Transpersonal Studies 31, 2, p. 47–62. Winkelman M., Shamanic Cosmology as an Evolutionary Neurocognitive Epistemology, in International Journal of Transpersonal Studies 32, 1, p. 79–99. Witzel M. E. J., Shamanism in Northern and Southern Eurasia: Their distinctive Methods of Change of Consciousness, in Social Science Information, 50 (1), p. 39–61 (http://nrs.harvard.edu/urn– 3:HUL.InstRepos:8456537). Accessed online July 24, 2014. Zidarov P., Chapter IX. Bone Artefacts, in Merkyte I. (ed.), Lîga: Copper Age Strategies in Bulgaria, in Acta Archaeologica 76, 1, p. 124–131. Cultic Discoveries from Late Bronze Age Settlement from Şoimuş – Teleghi / 163 Pl. I. Site location and general plan with the features C 31, C 42 and C 300. 164 / Nicolae Cătălin Rişcuţa, Antoniu Tudor Marc a b c Pl. II. Bag type (storage) vessels from C 31. Cultic Discoveries from Late Bronze Age Settlement from Şoimuş – Teleghi / 165 a b c d e f Pl. III. Pottery and lithic from C 31: pyraunos (a), bowls (b, d), cup (c), strainer (e), obsidian blade and flint point (f). 166 / Nicolae Cătălin Rişcuţa, Antoniu Tudor Marc a b c d e f Pl. IV. Pottery and lithic from C 42: bowl (a), fragments of two pyraunoi (b, c), perforated lid (d), strainer (e), small polished stone and flint blade (f). Cultic Discoveries from Late Bronze Age Settlement from Şoimuş – Teleghi / 167 a b c Pl. V. Pottery from C 42: kantharos type vessel (a), pot (b), bowl (c). 168 / Nicolae Cătălin Rişcuţa, Antoniu Tudor Marc a 0 5 a b 0 5 d 0 c 5 e 0 2 Pl. VI. Pottery from C 300: pyraunos (a, b), vessel (c), large bowl (d), double cup (e). Cultic Discoveries from Late Bronze Age Settlement from Şoimuş – Teleghi / 169 c b a d f e 0 0 2 h 2 0 2 g 0 5 i k j 0 l 2 Pl. VII. Bone, antler and lithic pieces from C 31 (a-h) and C 42 (i-l). 170 / Nicolae Cătălin Rişcuţa, Antoniu Tudor Marc 0 5 a 0 b 10 0 2 Pl. VIII. Decorated hearth fragments and proposal of reconstruction of the hearth, from C 31 (a) and similar fragments from C 42 (b). Exploring the Fields of Ritual and Symbolism. A Late Bronze Age Discovery from Vlaha, Cluj County* Mihaela Savu Florin Gogâltan Babeş-Bolyai University, Cluj-Napoca, ROMANIA micaela.savu@gmail.com Institute of Archaeology and Art History, Cluj-Napoca, ROMANIA floringogaltan@gmail.com Keywords: clay hands, fragmentation, symbolism, ritual, Late Bronze Age. Abstract: Our paper is based on an archaeological feature consisting of a circular pit excavated in 2004, in a Bronze Age settlement from Vlaha, Cluj County. Among sherds, burnt animal bones, small pieces of charcoal, ashes, and two grinding stones, were two superposed fragmented clay hands, a bronze dagger blade, and a small fragmentary bronze wire. The human hand is a universal symbol to this day, due to various associations based on reasons ranging from the pragmatic to those that have lost their original meaning. Starting from a Bronze Age pit containing two clay hands as remarkable, unique findings, we are exploring the fields of symbolism and ritual as well as the possibilities of the already mentioned archaeological context to be assigned to such a display. INTRODUCTION In September 2004, digging what at first glance looked like a common pit, turned out to be more than expected, as two exquisite artefacts drew everyone’s attention. Two clay hands and the objects surrounding them quickly became the subject of a controversy regarding their interpretation. A symbolic and possibly a ritual association were assumed on the spot and that is why today, ten years after the clay hands were uncovered, we are still trying to see how viable that assumption is. SITE OVERVIEW The name Vlaha – Pad indicates one of the objectives from Vlaha locality, Cluj County, archaeologically investigated between August 2004 and September 2007, in a discharge research imposed by the construction of the Braşov-Borş Motorway1. The site is placed on the first terrace of Finişel river, which has a general altitude of 474–476 m, dominating the surrounding area (Pl. I/1). The stratigraphic overview indicates an uneven distribution of archaeological features on the site’s area, especially those representatives of a Bronze Age settlement. We find it not fortuitously that the habitation seems to have been more intense on the highest spots of the mentioned terrace2. Based on the ceramic and metal discoveries, the prehistoric habitation has been dated to the second and third phases of the Late Bronze Age (Br. D – Ha A1 Central European)3, the Bronze Age settlement being cultur* This work was supported by a grant of the Ministry of National Education, CNCS – UEFISCDI, project number PNII-ID-PCE-2012-4-0020 (Florin Gogâltan). 1 NAGY, GOGÂLTAN 2012, p. 35; GOGÂLTAN, NAGY 2012, p. 105. 2 NAGY, GOGÂLTAN 2012, p. 39. 3 GOGÂLTAN, NAGY 2012, p. 106. Representations, Signs and Symbols, 2014 / p. 171–186 172 / Mihaela Savu, Florin Gogâltan ally attributed to the Wietenberg culture background, sharing also some characteristics of the Noua group, or some influence from the late Suciu de Sus environment and Hajdúbagos/Pişcolt–Cehăluţ4. General data concerning the excavation at the named objective have been offered in several previous papers. Consequently, we will not stress this part in our current discussion5. FEATURE 0010 When research started in 2004, a few problems got in the way, slowing down the excavating process. One of these was caused by the research standards at that time, which would not allow the use of large machinery for digging. All 15 trenches investigated in 2004 were excavated by hand, a fact that we regard today as possibly a chance for the discovery covered in this paper, as manual excavation allowed the artefacts to be found unaffected, and to be documented in place. Feature 0010 consisted of a fairly circular pit that took shape in trench S002, at approximately 38 cm deep from the current soil level. Initially, the outline of the pit described a semicircle ending in the eastern profile of the trench (Pl. I/2; Pl. II/1). Only after the first artefacts were revealed was the decision made to enlarge the trench to the East in order to reveal the feature in its entirety. At its opening, the pit had a diameter between 108–119 cm, with its internal depth going to 48–50 cm (Pl. II/2; Pl. II/5). Towards the bottom, the pit took the shape of a beehive (Pl. II/6). At about 14 cm from delineation, the first objects made their appearance, already suggesting the special character of the pit. They consisted of a limestone plate overlapping two clay representations of human hands, laid one upon the other, all of them concentrated in the north-eastern part of the pit (Pl. II/1; II/5). Around these three artefacts, others were recovered, such as half of a stone pestle, pottery sherds, and cremated animal bones. Small pieces of charcoal, as well as ashes, were also documented. At this point, it was noticed that the two clay hands were fragmented and did not have all their fingers6 where normally expected. They were found approximately 20 cm away, near the south-western margin of the pit (Pl. II/5). Several theories were formulated on the spot, one of which considered intentional fragmentation and disposal according to a certain pattern. Excavating deeper into the pit, three other objects came to light. At about 17 cm, a small fragmentary bronze wire was found, while excavating another 10 cm7 led to the discovery of a bronze dagger blade, which was very well conserved and associated with a ceramic sherd (Pl. II/4). THE ARTEFACTS While we agree that the discovery’s context is very important and should not be neglected, we decided upon granting more space to discussing the two clay hands that are the focus of our study. Subsequently, a full analysis of ceramic and osteological materials could not be extended here. Instead, where necessary, only the relevant data will be included. One hundred and eight ceramic fragments were recovered from the pit, including the sherd associated with the dagger blade. No vessel could be reconstructed, although some of the sherds could have fit together. A broad spectrum of shapes and possible functionalities were represented by this pottery assemblage. Based on the temper used, the ware is mainly semi-fine and fine, with less than a third being coarse ware. 4 5 6 7 STANCIU ET AL 2006, p. 399; STANCIU ET AL 2007, p. 393; GOGÂLTAN ET AL 2008, p. 115; GOGÂLTAN ET AL 2011, p. 166; NAGY 2011, p. 32; NAGY, GOGÂLTAN 2012, p. 40; GOGÂLTAN, NAGY 2012, p. 106. For more details regarding site placement, general cultural and chronological frames, and discoveries, see STANCIU ET AL 2006, p. 399; STANCIU ET AL 2007, p. 393; GOGÂLTAN ET AL 2008, p. 115; GOGÂLTAN ET AL 2011, p. 166; NAGY 2011, p. 32; NAGY, GOGÂLTAN 2012, p. 40; GOGÂLTAN, NAGY 2012, p. 105–106. Given the fact that we are talking about representations of two elements of the human body, we are going to use further on the notions commonly known to describe anatomical parts. However, we chose to write these notions in Italic, in order to avoid confusions. At a depth of 27 cm from delineation. Exploring the Fields of Ritual and Symbolism. A Late Bronze Age Discovery from Vlaha, Cluj County / 173 The bronze dagger blade, 17 cm in length, has the shape of a willow leaf with a flattened section (Pl. IV/1), while the fragmentary bronze wire or needle has a quadrangle shape at one end and a circular one at the other, which could be an indicator for a missing pointed end (Pl. IV/4). One grinding stone, a rather small quadrangular plate made of sedimentary dolomite, was found. Its surface bore only a few traces that could lead to the interpretation of this artefact as a mortar (Pl. IV/6). A pestle was also uncovered. It was made of a granitic rock and must have had an ovoid shape. It was preserved in a fragmentary state, with only half of it being discovered (Pl. IV/5). Apart from the ceramic fragments, bronze, clay and stone objects, the inventory of the 0010 feature also comprised animal bone material. Twelve fragments were found during the excavation of the two clay hands. The bone fragments were analyzed8 and it was established that ten of them were of bovine, swine, and rodent origin, whereas the other two were from a small to medium sized mammal. A detailed analysis of the bone fragments revealed that the bovine bones could have been discarded as the result of meat processing, which suggests that fragments from the cranium were nothing but household waste. Moreover, the pelvis and tibia come from areas with more meat, a fact which also suggests that they could represent food remains. This assumption is sustained by the presence of traces of cutting on the cranial piece and of gnawing on the colax. Another conclusion can be drawn from the osteological elements from Feature 0010. Two recovered swine teeth could possibly have come from an adult male wild boar. The only hypothesis that can be arrived at here, however, is that, within this placement, one would have practiced wild boar hunting. Recovered rodent bones could have come from a common rat which probably died while searching through the provision pits. However, further analysis is needed to precisely determine the genus and species in order to be able to offer more details on the provenance of the teeth. THE CLAY hANDS The artefacts constituting the principal focus of this paper are the two clay hands. In order to be able to identify them more easily, we will describe them separately, working from now on with the terms hand 1 (Fig. 1) and hand 2 (Fig. 2). After a macroscopic analysis of the ceramic material one can easily ascertain that the hands are made of a paste which is not similar to the one the vessels in the feature are made of. While in the case of the ware in Feature 0010 we notice a considerable proportion of semi-fine ware and fine ware, the hands are instead composed of a poorly kneaded paste, with a temper containing some organic material in addition to abbrasive sand. One can also account of differences between the two pieces ranging from dimensions to the technique of treating the surface – details that we will approach through the individual description of the pieces and the resulting conclusions. Hand 1: Clay hand (Fig. 1). Length: 13 cm; length of the thumb (pollex): 16 mm; width of finger area: 5.8 cm; entire width: 6.5 cm; base width: 5.2 cm; thickness: varies from 7 to 13 mm; index thickness: 8 mm; entire weigth: 100 g. Colour on the exterior: grey-brown9 (10YR: 5/2) + light redbrown (5YR: 6/4) + green-grey (10Y: 5/1) + dark green-grey (10Y: 4/1); on the interior: light olivebrown (2.5Y: 5/3) + light red-brown (5YR:6/4). This colour spectrum is proof of an incomplete, superficial oxidyzing burning and of a secondary burning, which is more apparent in the case of hand 2. Hand 1 consists of a paste which was superficially kneaded and composed of clay tempered with abbrasive sand and organic material. The production technique suggests the fingers were made by drawing out material from the flat block of the palm, paying great attention to separating the fingers. Details that could represent nails – small sharp proeminences slightly oriented upwards – are visible. What looks like the thumb is a small prominence positioned almost perpendicularly from 8 9 We take this chance to thank researcher dr. Imola Kelemen, archaeozoologist at the Szekler Museum of Ciuc, for her elaborate bone analysis. For the colour codes we used Munsell Soil Chart, New York, 1994, revised edition. 174 / Mihaela Savu, Florin Gogâltan the direction of the index finger. All the other fingers are broken from the base. At least one of them, the ring finger, might have been fragmented earlier in time and placed in a different part of the pit. The other fingers could have been broken under the pressure of the upper layers, having been made of a coarse fabric that was insufficiently fired and, therefore, more susceptible to under weight. Unfortunatelly, we do not have access to a mass spectrometry analysis that could confirm wether the clay is local or foreign to the area. Fig. 1. Hand 1 – view of both sides. Hand 2: Clay hand (Fig. 2). Length: 13.2 cm: length of index: 19 mm; width of the finger area: 6.6 cm; palm width: 5 cm; thickness: varies between 9 and 12 mm; index thickness: 10 mm; total weigth: 115 g. Colour on the exterior: light red-brown (5YR: 6/4) + brown-grey (2.5Y: 5/2) + brown (7.5YR: 5/3) + very dark brown (10YR: 2/2) + spots of grey (N: 7); on the interior: very dark brown (10YR: 2/2) + black (10 YR: 2/1) + brown-grey (2.5Y: 5/2) + red-brown (5 YR: 5/4). As in the case of hand 1, the variety of colours suggests a partial, superficial burning as well as a secondary burning. This hypothesis is supported by the spots on the exterior, present on the index finger and on the base. Hand 2 is made of a fabric more carefully kneaded than for hand 1. The paste is of a different consistency and the temper only includes abbrasive sand and no organic material. The production technique differs too: the fingers are better separated and their shape suggests they were cut out with an instrument from a flat form also comprising the palm, rather than drawn from the palm as in the previous case. This argument is confirmed by the sharp lateral edges of the fingers. We can observe the same attention focused on delineating the nails. The thumb has the same shape as in the case of hand 1. All the fingers are broken, but not all from the base as in the case of the other hand. Only one of the fingers was placed in another part of the pit which suggests that it could have been broken earlier, and Exploring the Fields of Ritual and Symbolism. A Late Bronze Age Discovery from Vlaha, Cluj County / 175 the rest of the fingers were later fragmented under the weight of the soil. During restoration, the hands were rebuilt following their anatomical shape. Fig. 2. Hand 2 – view of both sides. THE CHRONOLOGICAL AND CULTURAL FRAMES As was mentioned in the site’s general outline, the prehistoric habitation at Vlaha – Pad could be separated in two main chronological sequences: one belonging to the Late Bronze Age and another to the Early Iron Age. The inventory of the 0010 feature could be attributed to the Late Bronze Age, based on the presence of the bronze dagger blade. This particular artefact has significant analogies in the tumuli 2 and 4 from Lăpuş necropolis, situated about 120 km North to our site10 (Pl. IV/2; IV/3). Another reference point for the relative dating of the feature at the very end of the Late Bronze Age is the association of the bronze dagger blade with a distinguishable pottery fragment, presenting a metallic-like lustre and having the outer surface black, while the inner one is red (Pl. II/4). For Central Transylvania there was proposed a cultural synthesis between the local elements, represented by the material culture of the late Wietenberg communities, and elements belonging to a population that arrived from across the Eastern Carpathian Mountains, namely the so called Noua cultural group11. To this we can add some influences from neighbouring communities, archaeologically labelled as Suciu de Sus II and Hajdúbagos/Pişcolt–Cehăluţ. For the 10 11 KACSÓ 2001, p. 234, Abb. 26/2 (M2), 26/2 (M4). On the same site there was recently discovered a cult building dated between 1380–1120 (METZNER-NEBELSICK ET AL 2010, p. 219–233; KACSÓ ET AL 2011, p. 347–351; METZNER-NEBELSICK 2012, p. 67, 70). This was also defined as the Gligoreşti group, after the site placed at the confluence of Mureş and Arieş rivers, where 176 / Mihaela Savu, Florin Gogâltan moment, we will limit our study to attributing the discovery from Vlaha Pad to the Late Bronze Age III – Ha A time sequence, in Central European chronology12, placed after the end of the 12th century BC13. ANALOGIES The task of identifying matching analogies for the two hands was one of the hardest parts of our study, not only because of their unique aspect, but because there are two of them sharing the same archaeological context. However, we tried to gather the objects that constitute or bear human hand representations and have been dated to the same or close chronological frame. A study of an artefact similar to the two clay hands from Vlaha – Pad was published by I. T. Niculiţă14. The artefact was discovered at Hansca – La Matcă (Republic of Moldova) and was interpreted either as a stylized human statuette, or as the representation of a human foot15. However, we find that the object bears a lot in common with the clay hands from Vlaha, having a small prominence as a thumb (pollex), while all the other fingers seem to be broken from the base. The clay object from Hansca – La Matcă was attributed to the early or middle “Hallstatt”16. Another case of human hand representation, somewhat contemporaneous with those analyzed here, comes from the Northern Bronze Age17. Swedish researcher Joakim Goldhahn noted in a series of papers the discovery in Denmark, Sweden and Norway of small human hands incised in stone, all together 2718. Even though the material, the contexts19 and the technique are different, what compelled us to include them as possible analogies to the Vlaha – Pad hands is the position of the opposable finger, making an angle of almost 90 degrees with the other fingers. In almost all the hand depictions from the Northern Bronze Age, four lines are drawn above the fingers. These lines have been interpreted as markers of the four seasons. In addition to this, based on their discovery contexts, different interpretations were given to the meaning the hand could take. Goldhahn shared Marstrander’s view regarding the hand as a universal symbol, a protector against the evil eye20. Scholar Fleming Kaul, who was also concerned with these hand depictions, saw the hand as the mark of a divinity or a superpower, not necessarily individualized21. Another possible analogy to the two clay hands has its origins in the Greek realm, namely in the site from Priniatikos Pyrgos22. We do not have many details regarding the artefact there. We know however that during the excavations led in 2005 a painted clay figurine depicting a human hand was found on the floor of a dwelling23, near one of the walls. The associated pottery sherds placed the hand chronologically in the middle or late Minoan. What can be ascertained is that this artefact is larger than the hands from Vlaha – Pad and its surface was differently treated, being covered with slip, while having the nails incised and painted in a different, darker colour. The significance attributed to this object is unknown to us. 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 detailed researches were conducted. For a general outline, see GOGÂLTAN ET AL 2004, p. 73–74; GOGÂLTAN 2009, p. 119–123. STANCIU ET AL. 2006, p. 399; GOGÂLTAN ET AL 2011, p. 167; GOGÂLTAN, NAGY 2012, p. 106; NAGY, GOGÂLTAN 2012, p. 39. See also DIETRICH 2014, p. 59–70. NICULIŢĂ 1981, fig. 1/2; NICIC 2008, p. 98, fig. 124/6. SÎRBU 1999, p. 155, fig, 7/2; NICIC 2008, p. 98. SÎRBU 1999, p. 157. The hands were dated in the Late Northern Bronze Age (1100–900 BC). For more information, see GOLDHAHN 2010, p. 96. GOLDHAHN 2007; GOLDHAHN 2008, p. 16–36; GOLDHAHN 2010, p. 95–103. With one exception, all these hand representations were found in funerary context. GOLDHAHN 2010, p. 97. KAUL 2004, p. 108. http://www.penn.museum/sites/hayden/excavation.html, last accessed on the 19th of August 2014, at 14:27. Possibly a ceramic or metal workshop. Exploring the Fields of Ritual and Symbolism. A Late Bronze Age Discovery from Vlaha, Cluj County / 177 Artefacts that imply representations of different parts of the human body, so-called limb representations24, are found mainly on peak sanctuaries from prehistoric and Ancient Greece. These objects were included in different rituals and prayers as indicators of the affected part of the body25. As can be seen from these examples, the human hand is a universal symbol to this day, due to various associations ranging from the pragmatic to those that have lost their original meaning. Finding ourselves in the latter situation, with no written source or remote event, it certainly does not make it easier to interpret such a symbol. Thus, one often relies on the material evidence for possible analogies. An object cannot have its own isolated past, having been closely related to those who made it and those who used it. That is why the common knowledge is that an artefact can speak for the people, even if nothing else does. This is usually the path that leads to inferring that an object is the means of a ritual practice and, even more, to categorizing that performance as belonging to the ritual sphere, especially when the artefacts used as proof are unusual or unique and, therefore, proffered as undeniable proof. But, in fact, a past community rarely leaves us evidence about their beliefs hence our interpretations of artefacts as being ritualistic can never be proven. Qualifying an archaeological context as ritual is often viewed as a narrow interpretation meant to be appealing to the reader’s eye, and such an interpretation becomes favoured as a result. Beyond the anatomical aspects regarding the human hand and its functionality, there are additional connotations, according to each culture’s characteristics and value background. It is for this reason that we consider it necessary to also disscus some of the terms that are commonly used by archaeologists and which will always be a subject for controversy as a result of degrees of abstraction. Among these, the term of ritual as well as the attempt to classify a practice or a category of objects as belonging to the sphere of ritual acts need a theoretical frame. While dictionaries are not so specific in delimitting “rite” from “ritual”, most scholars find as a main feature of a ritualic act its recurrence based on certain intrisic and extrinsic rules26. Another approach deals with the social function of ritual, searching for and speculating about its characteristics as a community binder27. Still, the hardest task remains separating the human activities that have an exclusive ritual nature from those who are exclusively mundane. The dificulty comes from them being only ideal types, intertwined when it comes to practice28, which is why we share the view that “ritual practices are in fact a particular manifestation of the values, aims, and rationales that shape practical action”29. Symbols represent a component of ritual action30, being in essence the main component of social interaction. From an anthropological viewpoint, a symbol represents that unit of an event category (objects, person, facts) with an usage capable of producing the same expectations among the members of the same collectivity31. The symbol occurs first, then ignificance is placed on the symbol. Symbolism, on the other hand is thought to be the symbolic practice through which symbols are created, chosen, given signification etc.32. Any social practice is essentially a symbolic practice, with several distinctive features: being a sensible unit, having a habitus, an integrative, a normative and a constructive function33. The significance an archaeologist tries to give to an object has to be linked to the fact that the object belonged at some point to someone and had a certain significance to that respective person34. It is often 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 WARREN 1970, p. 366, 375; PEATFIELD 1994, p. 90. MURPHY 2012, p. 72; LAOIS ET AL 2013, p. 1–6. COLPE 1970, p. 36; BELL 1992, p. 19; INSOLL 2004, p. 152. BRADLEY 1991, p. 209–219; BAUMANN 1992, p. 98. RENFREW 1985, p. 22. BRÜCK 2007, p. 292. RENFREW 1985, p. 24. RENFREW 1985, p. 24; MIHĂILESCU 2009, pp. 26, 30 – the author shares Mauss’ idea that “We are among us in society and among us we expect a result or another; this is the essential form of the community”. MIHĂILESCU 2009, p. 40. MIHĂILESCU 2009, p. 32–38. HODDER, HUTSON 2003, p. 22, 157. 178 / Mihaela Savu, Florin Gogâltan inferred that any study of past societies implies the interaction of the researcher with their symbolic nature35, implying acquiring knowledge about symbolic iconographies, writing, ethnicity, political background of the researched society and so on.36 However, sharing the symbols of a community does not only mean knowing something about that collectivity, but also being someone in that collectivity37, which is why identifying symbolic values turns out to be the most difficult attempt a researcher has to face. It has also been suggested that, in order to identify the real significance of the content beyond the artefacts, an archaeologist should put aside the symbolic functions of those objects38. But, as it turns out, in order to understand, one often relies on the next best solution: interpretation. INTERPRETATION Vlaha – Pad is a Late Bronze Age settlement, almost entirely investigated, inside which a special feature was found. This particular feature included a series of artefacts, already described and mentioned several times, among which were two unique clay hands, preserved in a fragmentary state. We should not forget the bronze dagger blade, especially given the rarity of bronze pieces from the entire settlement and because it was preserved in such a good state. ANALYSIS From a biological perspective, based on the assumption that the two clay hands are faithful representations of actual human hands, we could notice one peculiarity: the thumbs. While those who produced these objects showed considerable attention to detail in representing the accurate anatomical shape of the hand or depicting the nails, the thumbs appear to be rather small excrescences stemming from the side of the two hands. Having this in mind, there is a possibility that the two hands are symbolic representations of a malformation or an amputation case. What inspired us in this sense were the studies conducted in several Paleolithic caves where rock art would often contain traces of hands missing one or more phalanges39. The results of those studies show that there might have been certain conditions that favored a hand missing fingers. Some theories include malformations, diseases caused by climate (very low temperatures leading to frostbite), as well as intentional amputation of some of the fingers40. Intentional folding of some of the fingers could also have occurred. The two clay hands from Vlaha also present a deviation from the anatomical form regarding the thumb, as mentioned. This kind of deformity generated by gene alterations or chromosomal intersections manifests today in different forms such as ectrodactyly41, syndactyly42 or polydactyly43, names that mark the three processes pertaining to the failure of separation, incorrect development, or multiplication of fingers. Each of these cases can lead to one of the fingers being reduced in dimension and having an atypical position, which would consolidate the supposition that this would be the case of representing the hands of an individual with such an abnormality. Regarding the intentional fragmentation or mutilation of the two clay pieces from Vlaha, a possible theory could involve intentional destruction of the artefacts with the purpose of taking them out of use, or, to put it another way, a ritual killing. It is not a new idea and in many cases the explanations stemming from it are plausible. Among the hypotheses are the ones launched by John Chapman44. 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 ROBB 1998, p. 331. ROBB 1998, p. 336. MIHĂILESCU 2009, p. 38. HODDER, HUTSON 2003, p. 165. JANSSENS 1957, p. 318–322; HOOPER 1980, p. 214–216; WILDGOOSE ET AL 1982, p. 205–207. JANSSENS 1957, p. 319. OHDO ET AL 1983, p. 52–57; IANAKIEV 2000, p. 59–66. BRACANTI ET AL 2010, p. 265–273; MALIK 2012, p. 817–824. BIESECKER 2011, p. 931–942. CHAPMAN 2000; see also CHAPMAN, GAYDARSKA 2007. Exploring the Fields of Ritual and Symbolism. A Late Bronze Age Discovery from Vlaha, Cluj County / 179 According to him, some objects are created only with the purpose of being symbolically destroyed. This is reflected in the material of their composition and their production technique. Concretely discussing destroyed anthropomorphic figurines, both Renfrew and Chapman state that the explanation for destroying certain parts of the body in an obvious and repeated manner followed by burying the pieces can be interpreted as ritual killing45. Even though all these might constitute clues for a ritual behaviour, and can be applied to the case of the hands at Vlaha – Pad, other studies have shown that it is not always artefacts to which we attribute exclusive ritual connotation, nor are they specifically created for this purpose46. The idea of artefacts (such as the clay figurines) being toys has been often voiced47. Some studies also revealed that it often happens to be the children those who create the clay objects. These studies use evidence related to the fingerprints48. Moreover, there are plenty of reasons for which an object is easily destroyed, one of them being that of an underdeveloped modelling technique. For most of the fingers and part of one palm from Vlaha it is almost certain that they were broken under the weight of the dirt and the limestone plate covering them. The breakages look rather new, although there was dirt in the breaks. While we were analyzing the clay hands as they were reconstructed, it was quite hard to realize it, but when breaking them again and trying to recreate the positioning found in context we could observe that all the fragments were laying on a lower level than the rest of the clay hands. This indicates that if the clay objects would have been fragmented before their deposition on a flat level, as they were found, they would not have appeared to be connected, but rather departed from one another and with a lot more dirt in between (Fig. 3). Fig. 3. Clay hands – positioning remake. 45 46 47 48 CHAPMAN 2000, p. 67, 227. A recent discussion concerning the purpose of clay figurines in Tei and Wietenberg cultures can be found at DIETRICH 2011, p. 87–106. The author stresses a ritual purpose for the figurines, while their fragmentation is similar, in his opinion, to the Neolithic practices (DIETRICH 2011, p. 97). DIETRICH 2011, p. 87–106. KAMP ET AL 1999, p. 309–315 – the authors’ experiment shows that while the adults in the communities they studied where the ones producing the ceramic ware, children were responsible for making the animal figurines (KAMP ET AL 1999, p. 314); MORAN 2007, p. 18. 180 / Mihaela Savu, Florin Gogâltan Also, if we think about the quality of the paste used in producing the hands, we might have to agree that its poor quality, along with that of the firing, favored the existing breaks. Associated in the feature, there are also other objects preserved in a fragmentary state, such as the ceramic material, the osteological fragments, which, as we mentioned, turned out to bear traces of cutting, the bronze wire or needle and half of an ovoid, granite pestle. We stress the importance of the latter since the presence of grinding stones and their ritual killing has often been viewed in such objects ending up broken49. Let us not forget that the archaeo-zoological research revealed that among the cremated bones there appeared those of a rodent that probably died in the pit. There is a slight chance that the two fingers that were no longer found in connection with the hands were moved inside the pit by this small mammal. There is no direct manner in which such an assumption can be proven that can be proven, and the auricular of hand 2 does seem to have been broken in the past, although we cannot specify how far back. Moreover, the hands bear traces of secondary burning, which might have taken place inside the pit. This could be seen as an indicator of some sort of ritual killing or purification. All things considered, the possibility for the clay hands to have been intentionally fragmented has not yet been ruled out, although more data is needed to sustain such a theory. CONCLUSIONS We followed by now several paths. Some of them referred to the feature, while others viewed mainly the clay hands and their particularities, out of which we tried to obtain a global conclusion. We mostly tried to detach ourselves from the discovery’s enthusiasm, and analyze the objects from more different angles, rather than just to attribute it a ritual meaning. We limit ourselves for now to stressing the importance of the discovery, in its uniqueness, for the Late Bronze Age in central Transylvania. However, we intend to further subject Feature 0010 to a range of tests that could help to better understanding its intentionality. Bibliography BELL 1992 BIESECKER 2011 BRACANTI ET AL 2010 BRADLEY 1991 BRÜCK 2007 CHAPMAN 2000 CHAPMAN, GAYDARSKA 2007 COLPE 1970 BAUMANN 1992 DIETRICH 2014 49 Bell C., Ritual Theory, Ritual Practice, Oxford. Biesecker Leslie G., Polydactyly: How many disorders and how many genes: 2010 update, in DevelopDyn 240, 5, p. 931–942. Bracanti F., Fortugno P., Dallapiccola B., Mutations in PVR4, Encoding Cell Adhesion Molecule Nectin–4, Cause Ectodermal Dysplasia-Syndactyly Syndrome, in AJHG 87, 2, p. 265–273. Bradley R., Ritual, Time and History, in WorldA 23, 2: Chronologies, Oct., 209–219. Brück Joana, Ritual and Rationality. Some Problems of Interpretation in European Archaeology, in Insoll T. (ed.), The Archeology of Identities, London, New-York, p. 281–307. Chapman J., Fragmentation in Archaeology: People, Places and Broken Objects in the Prehistory of South Eastern Europe, London. Chapman J., Gaydarska B., Parts and Wholes. Fragmentation in Prehistoric Context, Oxford. Colpe C., Theoretische Möglichkeiten zur Identifizierung von Heiligtümern und Interpretation von Opfern in ur- und parahistorischen Epochen, in Jankuhn H. (Hrsg.), Vorgeschichtliche Heiligtümer und Opferplätze in Mittel- und Nordeuropa. Bericht über ein Symposium in Reinhausen bei Göttingen in der Zeit vom 14. bis. 16. Oktober 1968, Göttingen, p. 18–39. Baumann G., Ritual implicates ’Others’: rereading Durkheim in plural society, in De Coppet D. (ed.), Understanding Rituals, London, New York. Dietrich Laura, Datele radiocarbon din aşezarea aparţinând epocii bronzului de la Rotbav (jud. Braşov, România), in SCIVA 65, 1–2, p. 59–70. MAKKAY 1978, p. 13–36. Exploring the Fields of Ritual and Symbolism. A Late Bronze Age Discovery from Vlaha, Cluj County / 181 DIETRICH 2011 GOGÂLTAN 2009 GOGÂLTAN ET AL 2004 GOGÂLTAN ET AL 2008 GOGÂLTAN ET AL 2011 GOGÂLTAN, NAGY 2012 GOLDHAHN 2007 GOLDHAHN 2008 GOLDHAHN 2010 HODDER, HUTSON 2003 HOOPER 1980 IANAKIEV ET AL 2000 INSOLL 2004 JANSSENS 1957 KACSÓ 2001 KACSÓ ET AL 2011 KAMP ET AL 1999 KAUL 2004 LAOIS ET AL 2013 MAKKAY 1978 MALIK 2012 METZNER-NEBELSICK ET AL 2010 Dietrich O., Kinderspielzeug oder Kultobjekte? Überlegungen zu anthropomorphen Figurinen der Wietenberg- und Tei-Kultur, in Berecki S., Németh E. R., Rezi B. (eds.), Bronze Age Rites and Rituals in the Carpathian Basin. Proceedings of the International Colloquium from Târgu Mureş 8–10 October 2010, Târgu Mureş, p. 87–106. Gogâltan F., A Late Bronze Age dwelling at Iernut–Cătunul Sfântu Gheorghe “Monument”, Mureş district, in Berecki S., Németh E.R., Rezi B. (eds.), Bronze Age Communities in the Carpathian Basin. Proceedings of the International Colloquium from Târgu Mureş, Cluj-Napoca, p. 103–141. Gogâltan F., Aldea I. Al., Ursuţiu A., Raport preliminar asupra investigaţiilor arheologice de la Gligoreşti “Holoame”, com. Luna, jud. Cluj (1994–1996), in Apulum XLI, p. 61–101. Gogâltan F., Apai E., Kelemen I., Leben mit den Toten. Ein Ältereisenzeitliches Grab von Vlaha, Kr. Cluj, in Sîrbu V., Vaida D. L. (eds.), Funerary Practices of the Bronze and Iron Ages in Central and South-Eastern Europe. Proceedings of the 9th International Colloquium of Funerary Archaeology. Bistriţa, Romania May 9th–11th, Cluj-Napoca, p. 109–123. Gogâltan F., Németh R. E., Apai E., Eine rituelle Grube bei Vlaha, Gemeinde Săvădisla (Kreis Cluj), in Berecki S., Németh E. R., Rezi B. (eds.), Bronze Age Rites and Rituals in the Carpathian Basin. Proceedings of the International Colloquium from Târgu Mureş 8–10 October 2010, Târgu Mureş, p. 163–183. Gogâltan F., Nagy J.-G., Profane or ritual? Pit “CX 0375” from Vlaha “Pad” (Săvădisla commune, Cluj County). A discovery of the end of the Early Iron Age from Transylvania, in Berecki S. (ed.), Iron Age Rites and Rituals in the Carpathian Basin. Proceedings of the International Colloquium from Târgu Mureş 7–9 October 2011, Târgu Mureş, p. 105–132. Goldhahn J., Dödens hand – en essä om brons- och hällsmed.Göteborg: Gotarc Serie C, Arkeologiska Skrifter 65. Goldhahn J., Rock art studies in northernmost Europe, 2000–2004, in Bahn P. G., Franklin N., Strecker M. (eds.), Rock Art Studies – News of the World 3, p. 16–36. Goldhahn J., Rock art for the dead and un-dead. Reflections of the significance of hand stones in Late Bronze Age Scandinavia, in Adoranten, p. 95–103. Hodder I., Hutson S., Reading the Past. Current approaches to interpretation in archaeology, 3rd edition, New York. Hooper A., Further Information on the Prehistoric Representations of Human Hand in the Cave of Gargas, in MedH 24, p. 214–216 Ianakiev P., Kilpatrick M. W., Toydjarska I., Basel D., Beighton P., Tsipouras P., Split-hand/ split-foot malformation is caused by mutations in the p63 gene on 3q27, in AJHG 67, 1, p. 59–66. Insoll T., Archaeology, Ritual, Religion, London, New York. Janssens P. A., Medical views on prehistoric representation of human hands, in MedH 1, p. 318–322. Kacsó C., Zur chronologischen und kulturellen Stellung des Hügelgräberfeldes von Lăpuş, in Kacsó C. (ed.), Der nordkarpatischen Raum in der Bronzezeit. Symposium Baia Mare, 7.- 10 Oktober 1998, Baia Mare, p. 231–278. Kacsó C., Metzner-Nebelsick C., Nebelsick L. D., New work at the Late Bronze Age Tumulus Cemetery of Lăpuş in Romania, in Borgna E., Müller Celka S. (eds.), Ancestral Landscapes: Burial Mounds in the Copper and Bronze Ages. (Central and Eastern Europe – Balkans – Adriatic – Aegean, 4th–2nd milennium BC). Proceedings of the International Conference, Udine, May 15th–17th 2008, Lyon, p. 341–354. Kamp Kathryn A., Timmerman N., Lind G., Graybill J., Natowsky I., Discovering Childhood: Using Fingerprints to Find Children in the Archaeological Record, in AmericanAnt 64, no. 2, Apr., p. 309–315. Kaul F., Bronzealderens religion. Studier of den nordiske bronzealders ikonografi, København. Laois K., Tsoucalas G., Karamanou M., Androutsos G., The Medical-Religious Practice of Votive Offerings and the Representation of a Unique Patognomonic One Inside the Asclepieion of Corinth, in JRH, p. 1–6. Makkay J., Mahlstein und das rituale Mahlen in den prähistorischen Opferzeremonien, in ActaArchHung XXX, p. 13–36. Malik S., Syndactyly: phenotypes, genetic and current classification, in EJHG 20, 8, p. 817–824. Metzner-Nebelsick Carola, Kacsó C., Nebelsick L.D., A Bronze Age ritual structure on the edge of the Carpathian Basin, in StCom Satu Mare 26/1, p. 219–233. 182 / Mihaela Savu, Florin Gogâltan METZNER-NEBELSICK 2012 Metzner-Nebelsick Carola, Channelled pottery in Transylvania and beyond – ritual and chronological aspects, in Marta L. (ed.), Die Gáva-Kultur in der Theißebene und Siebenbürgen, Symposium Satu Mare 17–18 Juni 2011, St Com Satu Mare 28, 1, p. 65–82. MIHĂILESCU 2009 Mihăilescu V., Antropologie. Cinci introduceri, 2nd edition, Iaşi. MORAN 2007 Moran Kimberlee Sue, Unintentional artefacst: fingerprinting material culture, in JAFP 1, p. 16–18. MURPHY 2012 Murphy Céline, Minoan Three-Dimensional Anthropomorphic Representations. Problems of Definition, in Creta Antica 13, p. 61–82. NAGY 2011 Nagy J. G., Habitatul în prima epocă a fierului în Bazinul Someşului Mic. Locuirea de la Vlaha-Pad, jud. Cluj, PhD thesis, Iaşi (mms.). NAGY, GOGÂTAN 2012 Nagy J. G., Gogâltan F., Die früheisenzeitliche Siedlung aus Vlaha–Pad, Kreis Cluj. I. Das Siedlungwesen, in Marta L. (ed.), The Gáva Culture in the Tisa Plain and Transylvania. Die GávaKultur in der Theißebene und Siebenbürgen. Symposium Satu Mare 17–18 June/Juni 2011, StCom Satu Mare XXVIII/I, p. 35–64. NICIC 2008 Nicic A., Interferenţe cultural-cronologice în nord-vestul Pontului Euxin la finele mil. II. – începutul mil. I a. Chr., Chişinău. NICULIŢĂ 1981 Никулицз И.Т., Гадьштатское поселение в Ханском микрорайоне, in Архелогические исследования в Молдави, 1974–1975, Кишинев, p. 71–89. OHDO ET AL 1983 Ohdo S., Hirayama K., Terawaki T., Association of ectodermal dysplasia, ectrodactyly, and macular dystrophy: the EEM syndrome, in JMG 20, 1, p. 52–57. PEATFIELD 1994 Peatfield A., The Atsipadhes Korakias Peak Sanctuary Project, in Classic Ireland 1, p. 90–95. RENFREW, 1985 Renfrew C. The Archaeology of Cult. The Sanctuary at Phylakopi (The Brithish School of Archaeology at Athens, supplementary volume no. 18), London. ROBB 1998 Robb J. E., The Archaeology of Symbols, in ARAnthrop 27, p. 329–346. SÎRBU 1999 Sîrbu V., Les Figurines Anthropomorphes du Premier Âge du Fer, Trouvées dans le Territoire Thrace, in TD XX, 1–2, p. 153–179. STANCIU ET AL 2006 Stanciu I., Gogâltan F., Molnár Z., Apai E., Ardeleanu M., Ferencz S., Nagy J. G., Rezi B., Tatár A., Radu Z., Rusu V., Sâvu A., Tanasiciuc D.,Todea M., Vlaha, com. Săvădisla, jud. Cluj. Punct: Pad (Autostrada Borș-Brașov, tronson 2B, km 42+200–45+000). Cod. Sit: 59407.01– 59407.03, in CCA. Campania 2005, p. 398–400. STANCIU ET AL 2007 Stanciu I., Gogâltan F., Apai E., Ardeleanu M., Ferencz S., Sava V., Daroczi T., Dobos A., Komáromi Z., Fodor G., Ardelean F., Marchiș E., Moraru Al., Sucală A., Antal A., Gui M., Zalomi E., Milășan F., Diacu M., Vlaha, com. Săvădisla, jud. Cluj. Punct: Pad (Autostrada Borș– Brașov, tronson 2B, km 42+200–45+000). Cod. Sit: 59407.01–59407.03, in CCA. Campania 2006, p. 393–395. WARREN 1970 Warren C. P. W., Some Aspects of Medicine in the Greek Bronza Age, in Medical History 14, 4, p. 364–377. WILDGOOSE ET AL 1982 Wildgoose M., Hadingham E., Hooper A., The Prehistoric Hand Pictures at Gargas: Attempts at simulation, in MedH 6, p. 205–207. Exploring the Fields of Ritual and Symbolism. A Late Bronze Age Discovery from Vlaha, Cluj County / 183 1 2 Pl. I. Vlaha – Pad. 1. Site location. 2. General excavation plan with the prehistoric features, including Feature 0010. 184 / Mihaela Savu, Florin Gogâltan 1 2 3 4 5 0 6 Pl. II. Vlaha – Pad: Feature 0010. 1. The emergence of the first artefacts. 2. Final photo of the pit. 3- 4. Detail of the artefacts. 5. Ground plan. 6. Profile. 50 cm Exploring the Fields of Ritual and Symbolism. A Late Bronze Age Discovery from Vlaha, Cluj County / 185 0 5 cm 1 0 5 cm 2 Pl. III. Feature 0010 – the clay hands. 1. Hand 1. 2. Hand 2. 186 / Mihaela Savu, Florin Gogâltan 1 3 2 3 cm 0 3 cm 0 3 cm 5 cm 4 0 0 2 cm 0 0 5 cm 5 6 Pl. IV. Archaeological material. 1. Bronze dagger blade. 2. Bronze dagger blade from Lăpuș (after KACSÓ 2001, p. 276, Abb. 26, H4/2). 3. Bronze dagger blade from Lăpuș (after KACSÓ 2001, p. 276, Abb. 26, H2/2). 4. Bronze needle/wire. 5. Ovoid granite pestle. 6. Limestone plate. Representation of a KEfTIU Type Ingot on a Bronze Belt Plate from Transylvania and Its Connections* Cristian Ioan Popa “1 Decembrie 1918” University of Alba Iulia, ROMANIA cristi72popa@yahoo.com Keywords: keftiu ingot/ox-hide ingot, belt plate, Late Bronze Age, Bronze Metallurgy Abstract: The study is concerned with a fragment of a belt plate found in the Guşteriţa II (Transylvania) hoard, and belonging to the Cincu-Suseni series (Ha A1). The artefact, described as a fragment of a bronze plate, was probably applied upon a leather belt, being richly ornate using the ‘au repoussé’ technique; on this plate one can distinguish a Boeotian shield, a cart wheel with six spokes, a keftiu ingot and three (solar?) cart wheels, each with four spokes. The scarcity of such belt plates in Transylvanian bronze and copper hoards, next to other artefacts, points also towards the conclusion that they were items of an unwonted nature; considering also that they are accompanied by sacred symbols and (are rarely mentioned even by Homer, we can argue that they are indeed goods of high prestige (prestige goods). A special attention within this study was given to the presence of a keftiu ingot (an ox-hide ingot), until now a unique find in the Central European iconography. We used as a starting point the previous finds of such items in Transylvania (one from Palatca – a fragment of a miniature ingot) and Central Europe (Oberwilflinge in Germany, Makarska, Kloštar Ivanić in Croatia, Birján, Jászdózsa, Lovasberény and even a mould fragment at Gór in Hungary, proving that these items, of an East-Mediterranean origin, were known and were depicted, among other symbols, on such artefacts, in the local Late Bronze Age. INTRODUCTION The symbols used by the Transylvanian bronze craftsmen towards the end of the Bronze Age were, unfortunately, not studied to their full potential provided by the known discoveries. From a diversity of items found in numerous copper and bronze hoards within the Carpathian arch and chosen as a canvas for various related motifs, these bronze belt plates are, by far, the most spectacular subjects. DESCRIPTION Within this study we focused upon a fragment of a belt plate found among the contents of the Guşteriţa II1 hoard (germ. Hammersdorf, Sibiu County), belonging to the Cincu-Suseni series (Ha A1). The artefact (Fig. 1), a fragmentary bronze plate2, most likely applied upon a leather belt, is richly * This study was accomplished as part of a project financed by the Ministry of Education, CNCS – UEFISCDI, no. PN-II-ID-PCE-2012-4-0020. 1 For the Guşteriţa II hoard, found in 1870 and containing over 800 kg of metal, see RÓMER 1870a, p. 80–83; RÓMER 1870b, p. 12–14; PETRESCU-DÎMBOVIŢA 1977, p. 95–97, pl. 147/8–14, 148–160. 2 PETRESCU-DÎMBOVIŢA 1977, p. 96, pl. 159/1. The fragments from pl.158/19; 159/2 had to be part of the same belt. A century before, Fl. Rómer published the full belt noticing that it was eight times folded (RÓMER 1870a, p. 81, drawing) (see Fig. 1/2). Representations, Signs and Symbols, 2014 / p. 187–214 188 / Cristian Ioan Popa ornate using the au repoussé technique, with geometrical motifs (hatched triangles, arches), together with other depictions that we interpret as being symbolic representations of real artefacts3; sadly, 0 5 cm 1 2 Fig. 1. 1. Fragment of a belt plate from the Guşteriţa II hoard (after PETRESCUDÎMBOVIŢA 1977). 2. Full belt plate published in 1870 (after RÓMER 1870). 1 2 3 4 Fig. 2. Details with the representations found on the Guşteriţa II belt plate. 1. A Boeotian shield. 2. A large cart wheel. 3. A keftiu type ingot and a convex ingot. 4. Smaller cart wheels. 3 The only attempt of presenting and interpreting these motifs seen on the Guşteriţa artefact comes from Emilia Pavel: “The bronze belt from Guşteriţa near Sibiu, most likely belonging to a woman, [...] is decorated with dotted lines, followed by the Mycenaean motif of the ellipsoidal shield, with rounded cuttings on both sides, alternating with series of ‘solar’ wheels with four spokes and a central wheel with six spokes and also zigzag and spiral motifs.” (PAVEL 1990, p. 299). Towards the interpretation of the symbols found on these belt plates from Romania, there is also only one record. I. Emődi, in reference to another belt plate from Şuncuiuş, states that solar wheels were depicted and also “wheels from a death chariot, as mentioned in the ancient mythology” (EMőDI 2004, p. 33). Representation of a Keftiu Type Ingot on a Bronze Belt Plate from Transylvania and Its Connections / 189 these representations have not excited a proper interest from specialists. Thus, in the middle area of the artefact, within an ornate frame we can distinguish, from left to right, a Boeotian shield (Fig. 2/1), a chariot wheel with six spokes (Fig. 2/2) and a keftiu ingot, next to two small concentric circles (Fig. 2/3). The representation is closed by three wheels with four spokes each, all laid out vertically (Fig. 2/4). Our interests is restricted to this particular ingot, which we consider without hesitation a depiction of an actual keftiu ingot, as suggested by the typical shape of a stretched ox hide (therefore the alternative term of “ox-hide ingot”), having an elongated shape, with concave sides and clear corners, marked by three rows of parallel dotted lines; other three vertical lines were created in the same manner (Fig. 2/3). We are not setting out to discuss all the other representations on the Guşteriţa belt plate. The Boeotian type shield symbol is more than obvious and shall be subject of another analysis. As for the chariot wheels, their interpretation is rather problematic. The three wheels, each with four spokes are specific to this area and are part of a series found within the Carpathian Basin only as actual artefacts, while in the Aegean they are found also as symbols in their iconography4. In return, the isolated wheel has similarities, both in the number of spokes (6) for example, with the depictions from the belt plate recovered in the contemporary hoard from Uioara de Sus5 (Fig. 3/2B), or the representations found on the Vač6 situlae, sending us toward other worlds, like Etruria, ancient Illyrian world and that of the Orient7. Another belt plate, just as spectacular in its ornaments, also preserves some of the symbols mentioned above. We are talking about a plate that was found within the Uioara de Sus hoard (Fig. 3/1), on which, using the same technique, six spokes wheels (Fig. 3/2B) were created together also with groups of Boeotian shields (Fig. 3/2C), very similar to those from the Guşteriţa II hoard. In between two concentric circles grouped vertically (five of them were preserved) we have a motif in the shape of an overturned hourglass. This can be interpreted as a symbol for a double “axe”, only that the short sides are not convex; therefore, also taking into account the associations on the Guşteriţa piece, we are probably dealing with a depiction of keftiu ingots (Fig. 3/2A). The Guşteriţa II hoard can be placed among the series of large “smelter hoards”, dated in Hallstatt A1, which combined with other such finds (Guşteriţa, Uioara, Şpălnaca, Aiud) add up to several thousand kilograms of metal. M. Petrescu-Dâmboviţa assigns these hoards to the third Transylvanian group, spread along the middle Mureş valley and characterized by the lack of specialization in manufacturing certain bronze objects and including whole or fragmentary objects of both local and CentralEuropean origin8. Petrescu-Dâmboviţa considers that the belt plates are rather specific to the second group of Transylvanian hoards, from central Transylvania, characterized by the perpetuation of older models, the decrease in the numbers of weapons and harness parts and the emergence of new artefacts, from various regions. Among the latter we have the belt plates decorated using the au repoussé technique, quite frequent in Central and Northern Europe9; in his opinion this indicates that this area functioned as a crossing zone over the Carpathians. The significant explosion in the number of bronze objects in the area is credited to an increase in the extraction of gold, copper and salt in 4 5 6 7 8 9 See BOUZEK 1985, p. 52–53, fig. 20; RUSU 1994, p. 168–169, pl. I/2–3; IX–X. PETRESCU-DÎMBOVIŢA 1977, pl. 255/1. FRELIH 1998, fig. 2, displaying cart wheels with five and six spokes. See, for example, SCHUSTER 2007, p. 23–30, pl. I–III, VI sqq. A cart wheel with eight spokes is depicted on one of the belt plates from the same hoard at Uioara de Sus (PETRESCU-DÎMBOVIŢA 1977, pl. 256/5). Other good analogies for the way in which the spokes are connected to the wheel shaft (obviously depicted on the Guşteriţa belt plate) are found on Transylvanian belt plates from Ha A within Uioara de Sus hoard (PETRESCU-DÎMBOVIŢA 1977, pl. 256/5–6), as well as in Egypt (RUSU 1994, p. 168, pl. XI/1). About Egyptian influences, noticeable in the toreutics of a situla vessel from Vač, see FRELIH 1998, p. 27–29, fig. 12–13. PETRESCU-DÎMBOVIŢA 1977, p. 23. PETRESCU-DÎMBOVIŢA 1977, p. 23. 190 / Cristian Ioan Popa Transylvania, as well as to an increase in exchange relations among neighbouring and even more distant territories10. 0 5 cm 1 2 Fig. 3. 1. Fragment of a bronze belt from the Uioara de Sus hoard (Romania) (after PETRESCU-DÎMBOVIŢA 1977). 2. Details of some representations: keftiu ingots (?) (2.A), cart wheels with six spokes (2.B) and Boeotian shields (2.C) As noted before, the differences between the hoards belonging to these two groups are rather small11, and when referring strictly to belt plates, they are similar and numerous also in the third Transylvanian group. The locations in Romania where hoards have been found are around 20, a majority of them originating from Transylvania, followed by hoards from Maramureş, Banat and Moldova12. KEfTIU INgOTS FROM THE EUROPEAN CONTINENT (ROMANIA, HUNGARY, GERMANY, CROAŢIA, SLOVENIA AND BULGARIA) Before starting we consider that it is necessary to clear some terminology issues. In the Romanian literature we did not have an interest on this subject and, as a consequence, we have no debates on the adequate terminology to be used. Mihai Rotea designates for the ingot fragment from Palatca the term “kretische Barren”13, but also refers to it as “rectangular in shape with curved sides”14. Also H. Ciugudean adopts the term of rectangular ingots15. In a recent work C. Schuster considers that 10 11 12 13 14 15 RUSU 1963, p. 184; PETRESCU-DÎMBOVIŢA 1977, p. 23. PETRESCU-DÎMBOVIŢA 1977, p. 24. For the Bronze Age belt plates found in Romania, see PETRESCU-DÎMBOVIŢA 1977, p. 54, 81–83, 87, 90, 92, 95–96, 101, 103–104, 108–113, 116, 119, 128–129; pl. 32/1–2; 107/9–11; 108/1–6; 114/9; 115/13; 126/27–35; 134/7; 140/19; 147/6–7; 158/18–21; 159/2; 171/ab; 172/abc; 181/1–2; 192/7–13; 202/18–24; 203–204; 213/35; 255/1–5; 256/1–8; 257/1–21; SOROCEANU 1995, Abb. 14/2; KACSÓ 1995, p. 86, 89, Abb. 5/17; 7/43; MOTZOI-CHICIDEANU, IUGA 1995, p. 154, nr. 169, Abb. 7/19; VULPE, CĂPITANU 1995, p. 241, no. 36, Abb. 3; EMőDI 2004, p. 33–34, fig. 1; CIUGUDEAN ET AL 2006, p. 27, 42, no. 289–293, pl. XXXV/1–2, 9, 11; KACSÓ 2010, p. 14; SĂCĂRIN, NEGREI 2013, p. 157, fig. 3; pl. I–II. ROTEA 2001, p. 26. ROTEA 2004, p. 8. CIUGUDEAN 2010, p. 26. Representation of a Keftiu Type Ingot on a Bronze Belt Plate from Transylvania and Its Connections / 191 the terms “ox-hide”, and “Ochsenhautbarren” (Germ.) are not adequate, but enhances the confusion himself by stating that these ingots are of two kinds: “weak ingots” and “bun ingots”16, even if these are totally different types of ingots. The misuse of the term keftiu ingot originates mainly from the fact that, in principle, the Keftiu people mentioned at Rekhmire (Egypt) as carriers of ingots, are actually of a Syrian and Canaanite origin rather than a Cretan one, as believed until not so long ago17. We still do not see an inconvenience in this, to the point that the term of keftiu ingot is associated explicitly to that of Cretan ingot. On the other hand the use of the term “rectangular ingot” is, from the beginning, wrong, as the word describes an object with straight angled sides and under no circumstances an object with the shape of these particular ingots18. As a result we consider appropriate the term keftiu ingot (used by us as well), and not that of ox-hide ingot, a term that refers to its debatable morphology. The existence of keftiu type ingot depictions on artefacts found at considerable distance away from the Aegean raises several questions and demands at the same time several explanations. For the inner European continent, the representations from Guşteriţa and Uioara de Sus, are singular. Given this, can they be considered as the only proofs of knowledge of keftiu ingots in this area? The answer is no. Unfortunately, the Romanian literature reveals little concern on the subject. Not so long ago, in Transylvania, at the site of Palatca – Togu lui Mândruşcă (Cluj County) a fragment of a keftiu ingot was found19. This discovery generated a wave of discussions, some accepting the find as such20, while others were more sceptical21. The ingot fragment from Palatca originates from a Late Bronze Age settlement, and is associated with the workshop of a metal artisan, being found together with another bronze craft tool. Its shape is hard to reconstruct22, but overall M. Rotea states that this is an “ox-hide ingot”23. Later, this ingot is introduced by A. Harding among those of the miniature keftiu type24. The most important Romanian literature contribution, generated by the discussion of this Palatca ingot in the wider context of Mediterranean discoveries, belongs to C. Schuster25. In an optimist tone and considering the lack of systematic analysis and detailed publishing of the great bronze hoards, S. Hansen is not excluding the possibility that several other fragments of keftiu ingots would emerge for Transylvania26. In Central Europe there are several other finds. Of interest is, in the first place, the emergence of four fragments of keftiu type ingots in a hoard dated in the 14th century BC at Oberwilflingen, in South-West Germany. These artefacts, the farthest found from their originating area, were placed, 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 SCHUSTER 2005, p. 192; SCHUSTER, MORINTZ 2006, p. 92. On this subject, G. Bass, almost half a century ago, noticed a preferred association of ingots representations with Syrian populations (BASS 1967, p. 74). The discovery of an ingot manufacturing workshop at Ras Ibn Hani, in Syria (HARDING 2000, p. 218), could provide support to this hypothesis but also does not exclude any others. This denomination is used anyway in describing the type 1 keftiu ingots (BUCHHOLZ 1959, p. 7), but it too is misused. ROTEA 2001, p. 26, Abb. 15; ROTEA 2004, p. 8, fig. 4a; ROTEA 2009, p. 36, fig. 27; ROTEA ET AL 2011a, p. 13, pl. VI.7/1; ROTEA ET AL 2011b, p. 13. HARDING 2000, p. 218; HANSEN 2005, p. 305–306, 308; POPA 2010, p. 334; GIUMLIA-MAIR 2011. SCHUSTER, MORINTZ 2006, p. 93. With greater certainty, H. Ciugudean states that in Romania we do not know of any such ingots (CIUGUDEAN 2010, p. 26). Of this ingot only a fragment is preserved, part of a slightly arched margin. We are making here a small correction on the subject of the scale of the artifact, stated in the published studies as being of 1 m (ROTEA ET AL 2011a, pl. VI.7/1; ROTEA ET AL 2011b, pl. 7/1), and not 1 cm, as it is correct. ROTEA 2001, p. 26, Abb. 15; ROTEA 2004, p. 8, fig. 4a. In a recent article, published in English, the same typological framework placement is aimed for (ROTEA ET AL 2011a, p. 13, pl. VI.7/1), with the observation that the term for this is “ox-hide” and not “oxide”, as it is published, a totally different meaning for this ingot. For the articles published in Romanian the term used is “turtă de bronz de tip ox-hide” (ROTEA ET AL 2011b, p. 14); see also HANSEN 2005, p. 305–306, 308. HARDING 2000, p. 218. SCHUSTER 2009. HANSEN 2005, p. 308; see also CIUGUDEAN 2010, p. 27. 192 / Cristian Ioan Popa considering their preserved corners, in the Bass “type 2”27 (Fig. 9). The authors asked themselves the obvious question of why there are no in-between finds, with the nearest artefact, know at that time, located on the Black Sea coast, in Bulgaria28. Not far away from the Transylvanian territory, in Hungary, we have several discoveries that were interpreted as keftiu ingots. The majority are items among the contents of bronze hoards, and, with no exception, miniatures. Only two of these are representative of the classical shape. One of these keftiu ingots comes from the Birján hoard29 and it can be typed as Bass 1b30 (Fig. 5/2). In the Lovasberény hoard we have a second ingot of the same type, Bass 1b. This artefact retained on the short edges some remnants of the casting process; one side is carefully worked and it is decorated with a parallel line along the edge31 (Fig. 5/4). Several other pieces from Hungary are of different shapes. A flat ingot from Jászdózsa has a shape that can be related to a keftiu ingot, with the exception of two small bumps placed in the middle of their long sides32 (Fig. 5/3). Another possible fragment of a keftiu ingot, this time perforated, and not mentioned as such to this date, comes from the Velem I hoard33 (a possible Bass 3 type) (Fig. 5/5). Not last we have an artefact that is not an ingot, but it was mentioned in the context of these finds; it is a belt hook found in the Szentgáloskér hoard and which, according to A. Mozsolics is of a keftiu ingot shape (“Form eines Keftiubarren”)34 (Fig. 5/1). This artefact raises several problems of interpretation and typological framing. We will only discuss here the typological aspects, as it cannot be assigned to any of the known series. Considering the convex short sides it may belong to the Bass 1a, but the emphasized corners and the deep convex shaped long sides are closer to type Bass 2; it is not excluded that the Szentgáloskér artefact is, in fact a labrys. 1 0 5 cm 2 Fig. 4. A keftiu ingot discovered in the Bronze Age settlement at Palatca (Romania); shape reconstructions (1 – after ROTEA ET AL 2011; 2 – our proposal) Very interesting is the find from Gór – Kápolnadomb, where, in a cult pit attributed to the Urnfield Culture and dated between 1032–928 BC (Ha B2), a stone mould was found, used for casting miniature keftiu ingots (Fig. 6/1). The artefacts that could have been casted here are small, with two perforations, and weighted around 34.5 g. They belong among the Buchholz and Bass “type 3” finds. The 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 PRIMAS, PERNICKA 1998, p. 27–29, 32, 39–43, 59, Abb. 2–7; 12; see also HARDING 2000, p. 218; HANSEN 2005, p. 305–306. PRIMAS, PERNICKA 1998, p. 41. MOZSOLICS 1984, p. 34; MOZSOLICS 1985, p. 98, pl. 62/6. BASS 1967, fig. 55. MOZSOLICS 1984, p. 34; MOZSOLICS 1985, p. 145, pl. 245/10. The ingot shows similarities with a plate bearing a similar decoration, found in the Beremend (Ungaria) hoard (MOZSOLICS 1985, p. 95–96, pl. 252/6). MOZSOLICS 1990, p. 9–10, Abb. 1/6. HAMPEL 1896, pl. CCXL/2. MOZSOLICS 1985, p. 195, pl. 114/6. Representation of a Keftiu Type Ingot on a Bronze Belt Plate from Transylvania and Its Connections / 193 ritual character of the pit (Fig. 6/2) is also given by the practice of human sacrifices, seen by the author of the research in relationship with the need to ascertain a success in the metalworking process35. Of importance is also the petrologic analysis of the mould, indicating as most likely a local source for the raw materials used in its making36. This find from Gór allows G. Ilon to bring into discussion the topic of keftiu type miniature ingots in the Hungarian area. We also notice their belonging to the hoard series B Vb Kurd and B Vc Gyermely37. We do not believe that the mentioned artefact from the Palotabozsok hoard, included in the same category38, has any connection with the subject of our discussion39. 1 2 0 5 cm (1-4) 4 3 5 Fig. 5. 1. A belt hook from Szentgáloskér. 2–4. Keftiu type ingots found in Hungary, at Birján (2), Jászdózsa (3), Lovasberény (4). 5. A possible keftiu type ingot from the Velem I bronze hoard (1–2, 4 – after MOZSOLICS 1985; 3– after MOZSOLICS 1990; 5 – after HAMPEL 1896) Several other discoveries originate from Croatia, where we have two keftiu type ingots, these too of miniature sizes, between 6–7 cm. One of the ingots was found on the Dalmatian coast, at Makarska and belongs to Bass “type 2a”40 (Fig. 7/1). The second one originates from Kloštar Ivanić, from a hoard belonging to Hallstatt A2 period and of the Buchholz/Bass “type 1b”41 (Fig. 7/2). We have to notice the resemblance of this ingot with the one from Lovasberény, in Hungary (Fig. 5/4). Another artefact, found in the island of Pag, is treated as uncertain due to the lack of contextual data42. 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 ILON 1992, p. 244, 252–253, 256, fig. 5; 6/2; ILON 2001, p. 245, Abb. 2; ILON 2011, p. 121–122, 126, 259, no. 15, fig. 63. Its dimension are of 5.45 × 4.3 × 3.3 cm. BIRÓ 1995, p. 51, 53, fig. 8–9. ILON 1992, p. 253. ILON 1992, p. 253. MOZSOLICS 1985, p. 167, pl. 71/1 (the author describes the artefact as a sickle handle fragment). PAROVIĆ-PEŠIKAN 1985, p. 27, pl. II/5; FORENBAHER 1995, p. 272, fig. 2/1. PAROVIĆ-PEŠIKAN 1985, p. 27, pl. II/4; FORENBAHER 1995, p. 272–273, fig. 2/2. PAROVIĆ-PEŠIKAN 1985, p. 27, map 2, no. 2. 194 / Cristian Ioan Popa 1 0 1m 2 Fig. 6. Gór-Kápolnadomb (Hungary). 1. A stone mould used to cast miniature keftiu type ingots. 2. The cult pit in which it was found (after ILON 1992; BIRÓ 1995) 1 1 0 2 2 5 cm Fig. 7. Miniature keftiu type ingots found in Croatia. 1. Makarska. 2. Kloštar Ivanić (after FORENBAHER 1995) 3 4 Fig. 8. Keftiu ingots found in Bulgaria. 1–2. Černozem. 3. Kape Kalliacra. 4. Čherkovo (1–2 – after SCHUSTER 2009; 3–4 – after HILLER 1991) From Bulgaria we have several other examples, some displaying typical signs of Cretan influence, like those found at Černozem (Fig. 8/1–2), Kape Kalliacra43 (Fig. 8/3), Čherkovo (Fig. 8/4), Yabalkovo, Kameno/Pobit-kamak and Kirilovo-Bjalata; these artefacts are referencing a trading path first initiated on a sea route and then on land. The association of the Kape Kalliacra and Čherkovo ingots with several stone anchors44 reveals the existence of some harbours on the Bulgarian coast at the time of the Bronze Age. In the insular and the continental Greece we have a few keftiu type ingot fragments, from Aegina, Agia Irini, Agia Triada (Fig. 16/1), Emporio, Teba, Tiryns and possibly Athens. From Micenae we have the only complete artefact (Fig. 16/4), next to other fragments recovered from two bronze hoards45. 43 44 45 LAZAROV 1984, p. 67; POROGEANOV 1984, p. 70–71; OPPERMANN 1988, p. 58 (and drawing); HILLER 1991, p. 209–210; SCHUSTER 2005, p. 192; KAISER 2013, p. 29, Table 11. The ingot found at Kape Kalliacra weighted 1,455 kg and contained only 43% copper, the rest being other metals like: 32% gold, 18% silver, and also nickel (POROGEANOV 1984, p. 70–71). KAISER 2013, p. 2529, Table 11. HARDING 1984, p. 49, fig. 8–9; KAISER 2013, p. 25, Table 7. Representation of a Keftiu Type Ingot on a Bronze Belt Plate from Transylvania and Its Connections / 195 2 1 3 4 5b 5a 6 7 Fig. 9. Fragments of keftiu type ingots from the Oberwilflingen (Germania) hoard (after PRIMAS, PERNICKA 1998) 196 / Cristian Ioan Popa THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN INNER-CONTINENTAL KEfTIU INgOTS AND THOSE OF THE MEDITERRANEAN SEA As it is noticeable from the presentation of ingots found in Germany, Hungary, Romania, Croatia and Bulgaria, the majority are miniature artefact. Exceptions are the ingot fragments from the Oberwilflingen hoard and some from Bulgaria, where we have a mix of miniature and full-sized artefacts46. 1 0 2 3 3 cm Fig. 10. Miniature keftiu type ingots from Cyprus (Enkomi) (after KAISER 2013) The analogies so far are pointing to similar but less known artefacts from Cyprus (Fig. 10); recently published analysis on these have shown a copper percentage of over 99%47. Miniature ingots were also recovered from the wreck of Ulu Burun, with different shapes: keftiu type, flat – convex and four-leaved clover shaped ingots48 (Fig. 12). Which are the copied models and how did they get known throughout Central Europe? The copper and tin trade is the result of extremely dynamic economic relationships between various societies at the end of the Bronze Age, like those from the eastern Mediterranean49, the Persian Gulf50 or the continental Europe51. The clear signs of this trade are these keftiu type ingots (ox-hide ingots); they are either complete sets destined for an elite (perhaps royal) trade like the ones from the Ulu Burun wreck52 (Fig. 11), followed by those found on the Cape Gelidonya wreck53, or small isolated fragments found in remote parts of the Mediterranean. The keftiu type ingots, similar in shape to a spread out ox’s hide (“ox-hide ingot”)54, found within the Ulu Burun wreck, are between 70–80 cm in length, 0.40 m in width and 6 cm in thickness and weight between 26 and up to 30 kg55. Buchholz has classified for the first time the keftiu type ingots, with three main types (numbered from 1 to 3)56. At a later date the finds from Cape Gelidonya wreck have allowed G. Bass a revision of the Buchholz typology, concluding that the his three types share a common evolution, thus being, yet, not clearly distinguishable from each other (Fig. 13). As a supposition he believes 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 54 55 56 See KAISER 2013, p. 25, Table 7. GIUMLIA-MAIR ET AL 2011, p. 11–18, fig. 2.2. (with the results of the metallurgical analysis). JONES 2007, p. 93, fig. 9A; PULAK 2008, p. 292, fig. 185c-e. KAISER 2013, p. 1. WEEKS 2003, passim. see the synthesis made by MUHLY 1985, p. 276–291. PULAK 2008. BASS 1967. This shape is apparently not one of pure chance; the raised corners of this massive plate are linked to an effort of easing their transportation on animal’s backs, in caravans, or for general handling, some weighting almost 30 kg (see KAISER 2013, p. 13). PULAK 1988, p. 6. BUCHHOLZ 1959, p. 7. Type 1 artefacts resemble a rectangle with arched corners; type 2, most common, is resembling a stretched ox hide and is a rather flat plate that narrows toward the middle while the corners are clearly shaped for holding, very similar to “handles”; type 3 has a rectangular shape, with smaller “handles” in the corners. For a critique on the terminology used by Buchholz and the settling of the term ox-hide ingot, see BASS 1967, p. 69. Representation of a Keftiu Type Ingot on a Bronze Belt Plate from Transylvania and Its Connections / 197 that the ingots belonging to type 1 are slightly older. On the Bronze Age wreck from Ulu Burun, carrying around 10 tons of copper in its hull57, we have two main types of ingots: keftiu type and flat – convex ones. The majority are keftiu ingots, specifically types 2 and 3, with prominent corners and one of the sides of a rough surface while the other was much smoother; several items are bearing incised signs58. The Ulu Burun wreck, dated around 1320´15 BC, has proven the synchronicity of types 1 to 359. Dating the keftiu ingots found in archaeological context reveals an evolution between 16th and 12th Century BC60. This conclusion is also supported by the iconography of those times, in which all of the three types are depicted, sometime between the middle of the 15th century BC to around the year 1200 BC61. In the Bronze Age three types of ingots (of copper and tin) have circulated as part of the metal trade, destined for creating alloys: bar ingots, flat – convex (“bun ingots”) and “keftiu ingots”. All these types are found in the cargo of the Cape Gelidonya wreck62. Metallographic analysis has revealed that the Ulu Burun and Cape Gelidonya wrecks ingots are of almost pure copper63. Recent analysis of lead isotopes from the majority of keftiu ingots from Cyprus and those on the Ulu Burun wreck have shown that the source of the ore is the Apliki deposit (Cyprus). Any differences among them are evident only in their composition, modified in time during the 16th to 13th Century BC64. 0 1m Fig. 11. The Bronze Age wreck of Ulu Burun (Turkey) (in green, keftiu ingots) (after PULAK 2008) 57 58 59 60 61 62 63 64 PULAK 2008, p. 291. PULAK 1988, p. 6; KAISER 2013, p. 15. PULAK 1988, p. 7; KAISER 2013, p. 13–14. HANSEN 2005, p. 305. BASS 1967, p. 52–53, 57–69, fig. 55–61. BASS 1967, p. 52. BASS 1967, p. 62; PULAK 1988, p. 8. JANSEN ET AL 2012, p. 118–121. 198 / Cristian Ioan Popa Fig. 12. Types of copper ingots found on the Bronze Age wreck of Ulu Burun (Turkey). 1–3; 5. Keftiu ingot. 4. A bun ingot. 5. A miniature Keftiu ingot (after PULAK 2008) Fig. 13. Classification of keftiu type ingots (after BASS 1967) 0 1 15 cm 2 Fig. 14. Keftiu ingot of type 1b, made out of copper. 2. Fragment of a tin keftiu type ingot, both from the Ulu Burun wreck. 3. A fragment of a keftiu ingot from the Tekirdağ bronze hoard (Turkey) (1, 2 – after PULAK 1988; 3 – after HANSEN 2005) 3 Representation of a Keftiu Type Ingot on a Bronze Belt Plate from Transylvania and Its Connections / 199 1 2 3 Fig. 15. Keftiu type ingots found on the Sardinia Island, at Serra Ilixi (Italy) (after CHOLTCO 2009) 2 1 4 3 5 Fig. 16. Keftiu ingots found in: 1. Ayia Triada. 2. Antalya. 3. Enkomi. 4. Mycenae. 5–6. Cape Gelidonya (after HARDING 1984) 6 200 / Cristian Ioan Popa There is still an unsettled dispute concerning the copper source from the Sardinia Island ingots (Fig. 15); independent laboratories have noticed isotopes specific to both the Cyprus deposit and that from Sardinia65; in this last case it is possible that metal from a Cyprus-originating ingot was melted together with local metal from Sardinia. Following this thread, a local production, other than that of their importing source (Cyprus) was assumed by Lo Schiavo in the case of an ingot recovered in the waters of France, stating that most likely it was produced in Sardinia66. Metallographic analyses on the bronze artefacts from the Sardinian Nuragic period also show an interesting fact: for the strict use of the community local copper was used while at the same time the copper ingots from Cyprus mines were hoarded, being considered too valuable67. The raw material from which the ingots are crafted is also different compared to those inside the European mainland. The ingot fragment from Palatca, worked from a “white metal”, is made out of only 92.99% Cu, with a large percentage of As, of 3,39%; the latter seems to have been intentionally added, resulting in an alloy common to the North-East Italy and Slovenia, used in the manufacture of women jewelleries68. The keftiu type ingots of the Mediterranean are characterised by a high purity of copper, around 98–99%, similar only to the ingots from the Oberwilflingen hoard, in Germany69. Therefore the Palatca ingot is generating an unusual discussion. Could this artefact illustrate the existence of a wider trade of “white metal”, including the region of Transylvania70? If its shape is indeed that of a keftiu type, the composition of the alloy is specific to other regions than those of the Aegean, like the North-Eastern Italy and Slovenia as mentioned. This conclusion can suggest an intrusion of the keftiu type ingots in Central Europe through trade routes from the eastern coast of the Adriatic, marked by several finds on the way over, in Croatia, Hungary, Transylvania and Germany. Considering this situation, the alternative route from the western coast of the Black Sea is less likely and should be put in second place. This could also explain the notable differences between the Bulgarian artefacts (especially the miniature ones) and those from Central European areas mentioned before. The Bulgarian keftiu ingots, according to recent studies, might have originated from as far as the Caucasus or from within the European continent71, the East-Mediterranean route being left aside to the second place. A similar conclusion is reached by S. Forenbaher when he states that it is not sufficient to have an Aegean prototype for both the Croatian ingots, therefore he is very reserved into claiming a southern link to the Mycenaean world. One argument is the long distance between similar artefacts to the south, admitting that it is imperative to have more representative finds in the Croatian area, to make a correct assumption72. The contents of the Tekirdağ hoard (Turkish Thrace) include artefacts from the Lower Danube, Thrace, Aegean or the Hittite areas, including a keftiu type ingot fragment, thus illustrating a long distance metal trade, between the metallurgical centres of the ancient world73. This hoard is seen by S. Hansen as a connecting element between the Mediterranean finds (especially the cargo of the Ulu Burun and Cape Gelidonya wrecks) and the maritime circulation on the western coast of the Black Sea during the Bronze Age74; this hoard is seen as a point within a transitional area or on the trade and cultural borderline between Anatolia and the Balkans75. Nevertheless, the differences between this world and the bronze hoards of Central Europe are quite significant. 65 66 67 68 69 70 71 72 73 74 75 GALE 2011, p. 215, 219. LO SCHIAVO 2012, p. 32. CHOLTCO 2009, p. 36. GIUMLIA-MAIR 2011, p. 39–45. PRIMAS, PERNICKA 1998, p. 59. GIUMLIA-MAIR 2011, p. 45. SCHUSTER, MORINTZ 2006, p. 93–94. With the exception of two fragments of a red stripes painted vessel, at the site of Debelo Brdo (FORENBAHER 1995, p. 273, fig. 3–4). To these we add the finds from the Central Balkans, with Mycenaean style pottery (PAROVIĆPEŠIKAN 1985, p. 48; PAROVIĆ-PEŠIKAN 1994–1995, p. 24–26; BOLOHAN 2005, p. 167–168, pl. XLI). HANSEN 2005, p. 304, fig. 1. HANSEN 2005, p. 304–305. ATHANASSOV ET AL 2009, p. 25–26. Representation of a Keftiu Type Ingot on a Bronze Belt Plate from Transylvania and Its Connections / 201 The involvement of traders from different areas and populations to this “international” commerce is well illustrated by the inventory recovered from the Ulu Burun wreck. Taking into consideration the sceptre found on the shipwreck, an artefact specific to the western coast of the Black Sea, we can assume that at least one individual aboard the ship originated from the territories in nowadays Romania or Bulgaria76. The problem of dating the artefacts and therefore define the relationship between the Eastern Balkans and the Aegean world is still standing. The nature of contacts between Thrace and the Aegean, stated only based on several artefacts (among them also the keftiu ingots) still has to be settled in the future. We cannot exclude a different utility for these “Minoan” or “Mycenaean” artefacts, outside of their originating area77. During the times of which these ingots were used we know that the maritime traffic was under Mycenaean control78. The Carpathian copper and gold might have been, according to J. Bouzek, essential for the Central and Northern Europe but also for the Mycenaean world79. It is assumed that towards 1400 BC, to the fall of Knossos, the trade with keftiu ingots was controlled by the Mycenaean and the Syrians and later on only by the Syrians, as the iconography of Egypt seems to suggest80. The role played by the Mycenaean traders in the commerce of the Mediterranean is seen as less and less important; for example, in Sardinia, considered a sort of a trade centre for Mycenae, the literature nowadays starts to doubt more and more the presence of a true commercial fleet belonging to these ancient Greeks81. According to some, the broad spread of keftiu type ingots, from Corsica82 and Sardinia83 to Mesopotamia and Egypt and all the way to the Black Sea would suggest the existence of a central authority that exhorted control over the production and commerce of such artefacts84, contributing to the stimulation of societal stratification and the emergence of an elite among the prehistoric societies, like that of the Sardinian Nuragic civilisation85. The existence in Central Europe of several tombs with an inventory of whole or fragmentary ingots (not of keftiu type) seem to suggest the hypothesis of these individuals belonging to a group of elites, especially if a comparison is made to the situation in Egypt86. KEfTIU TYPE INGOTS IN THE ICONOGRAPHY OF THE MEDITERRANEAN BASIN The keftiu type ingots are reflected very well in the Mediterranean art, especially in the Egyptian world87, in clear contrast to a single archaeological find in this area (!)88. From the preserved images we can notice that one of the recurring themes is that of a keftiu ingot being carried on the shoulder by male subjects, often in rows, suggesting the transport of gifts or an exchange (Fig. 17; 18/1–4). Some images can be related to hieroglyphs, for example that in which pharaoh Amenophis the 2nd (around 1447–1420 BC) is depicted on the temple at Karnack. Next to the scene in which the pharaoh is shown shooting an arrow towards a copper ingot, in which there are already six other arrows, we 76 77 78 79 80 81 82 83 84 85 86 87 88 PULAK 2000, p. 264; PULAK 2001, p. 14, 47–49; GESTOSO SINGER 2007, p. 30. For the significance of these artefacts spread in the 14th to 13th century BC, see also HANSEN 2005, p. 37, fig. 2. A similar hypothesis, see KRAUß 2014, p. 121–122. BASS 1967, p. 75. BOUZEK 1985, p. 19, 21. BASS 1967, p. 77. CHOLTCO 2009, p. 35. ZUCCA 2012, p. 211. LO SCHIAVO 2012, p. 16, 18–19, fig. 1 (with over 30 discoveries). PULAK 1988, p. 8; KAISER 2013, p. 16–29, map 1. CHOLTCO 2009, p. iii. HANSEN 2005, p. 308. A very useful corpus for them we owe to G. Bass (BASS 1967, p. 62–69, fig. 62–88). For other representations see KNAPP 1988, p. 145–146. This fragment (also lost since) was discovered in a metal crafting workshop at Quantir. The lack of ingots here is linked to a rigorous system of metal usage (HANSEN 2005, p. 305). 202 / Cristian Ioan Popa have this inscription: “If he shoots [his bow] towards a copper ingot this will be torn as a papyrus”, a clear message from the Egyptian artist (Fig. 18). We do not have such representations after 1200 BC in Egypt. 1 2 3 Fig. 17. Syrian male characters carrying on their shoulders keftiu type ingots as a gift for the Egyptian kings: 1. Tomb 199 from Thebes (1490–1436 BC). 2. The tomb of Huy at Thebes (during Ramses the 3rd, 1192–1160 BC). 3. The tomb of Amenhotep in Thebes (after BASS 1967) 1 2 3 5 4 6 Fig. 18. 1. Depictions of keftiu type ingots from the Egyptian art: the tomb of Useramon at Thebes (15th century BC). 2–3. Tomb of Rekh-mi-rē at Theba (15th century BC). 4. Tomb of Nebamun at Thebes (15th century BC). 5. Tomb of Puyemre at Thebes (15th century BC). 6. Tomb of Huya (14th century BC) (after BASS 1967) Representation of a Keftiu Type Ingot on a Bronze Belt Plate from Transylvania and Its Connections / 203 1 2 3 Fig. 19. 1–2. The bas-relief of pharaoh Amenophis the 2nd at Karnack. 3. A drawing on a cylinder seal of Beth Shan (Palestine) (2 – after BASS 1967; 3 – after MUSSELL 1983) 1 2 Fig. 20. A bronze vessel holder with a depiction of an Asian (?) holding, as offering, a keftiu type ingot (12th Century BC?) (after BASS 1967–1) One of the latest representations, dated sometime in the 12th century BC or even the 11th century BC comes from Cyprus in the form of a bronze vessel holder; on one of the sides a male character is depicted giving as offering a keftiu type ingot (of type 2c according to Bass). This artefact has brought up a lot of discussion over its provenance and the artistic manner in which it was made, some considering it to be a product of Asia (a Hittite or North-Syrian prototype) others of Mycenae (with Babylonian and Egyptian influences)89. From Cyprus we also have several cylinder seals, dated between the 16th and 15th Centuries BC, of a lesser documentary and artistic value due to the schematic state of the representations. All things considered, on some of these artefacts we could identify the image of keftiu ingots90. It is also noticeable the association of this ingots signs with concentric circles (Fig. 21/1–2), an association also seen on the belt plate from the Guşteriţa II hoard. We could state that, in the case of the Transylvanian belt plate (and those from the Aegean) we have a depiction of a flat – convex ingot (a “bun ingot”)91. The ingots are also depicted on clay tablets with Linear B writings from Knossos (Fig. 22). Also, on some amber beads, discovered in Mycenae and Wessex, we have motifs that seem to suggest several keftiu ingots, glued together92. 89 90 91 92 BASS 1967, p. 68–69, fig. 88; HANSEN 2005, p. 305. BASS 1967, p. 68, 74, fig. 86. As follows the image from the belt plate at Guşteriţa would be as follows: a Boeotian shield, two metal ingots, one of flat-convex type and a keftiu ingot (Fig. 23), a cart wheel with six spokes and three solar wheels with four spokes each. BOUZEK 1985, p. 55, fig. 22/1–3, 13–14. 204 / Cristian Ioan Popa 1 2 Fig. 21. 1–2. Cylinder seals from Cyprus (after BASS 1967) 1 4 2 5 7 8 3 6 9 Fig. 22. Clay tablets from Knossos, bearing Linear B writings (after BASS 1967) Fig. 23. Representations of ingots on the belt plate from the Guşteriţa II hoard: 1. A keftiu type ingot. 2. A flat-convex ingot (2) SYMBOLIC VALUE Next to their commercial value, the keftiu type ingots had a remarkable symbolic significance, which leads to the dispersion of their motif on wide areas of the ancient world. In general the miniature ingots of keftiu type are seen as sacred accessories93. Although the cultic character of these artefacts, proposed by A. B. Knapp was questioned, due to the lack of contextual finds to support it, it was not excluded in the end94. In the case of the ancient Egypt we know of the symbolic value of the copper ingots, adequate towards this hypothesis being an inscription from the temple of Karnack (15th century BC), above the Fig. of the pharaoh (“If he shoots [his bow] towards a copper ingot this will be torn as a papyrus”) (Fig. 19/1–2). This iconography we also encounter on a cylinder seal found in Palestine, at Beth Shan, in a temple of Ramses the 3rd95 (Fig. 18/3). Most images from ancient Egypt are depicting the ingots as offerings (Fig. 17; 18/1–4); same value is given in Cyprus where we have also scenes in which keftiu ingots are brought as offerings96 (Fig. 20). The cultic nature of the keftiu ingots is well suggested by the finds in Sardinia, where, out of the 31 discoveries known in 2009, 13 belong to a ritual context. It was also noticed that, unlike in Cyprus, where they are part of a rich iconography, in the island of Sardinia there are no such depictions, even though they clearly have a symbolic nature97. Certainly, the miniature ingots are also linked to some religious expressions; the finding in Cyprus, at Enkomi, of a bronze statuette attached to a keftiu type ingot has stirred an entire debate on whether there was a protective deity (an “Ingot God”), to watch over the production of ingots and 93 94 95 96 97 KNAPP 1988, p. 145. GIUMLIA-MAIR ET AL 2011, p. 15. MUSSELL 1983, p. 67–68, 46, 103, pl. 12, Vga, Beth-Shan 1. BASS 1967, p. 65, fig. 73; HANSEN 2005, p. 305. LO SCHIAVO 2012, p. 21–24, 33. Representation of a Keftiu Type Ingot on a Bronze Belt Plate from Transylvania and Its Connections / 205 their subsequent export98. The transposition in miniature models of certain goods of Aegean origin is not singular, an example being the miniature axes imitating double-axes, found in Serbia99, Ukrain100 and also in Transylvania101. Regarding the naming and interpretation of the shape of such artefacts we should make some remarks. As we stated before, the belt hook from Szentgáloskér was seen as having a keftiu ingot shape102. This artefact is not an ingot, even though it was recognized as such103. Secondly, it is not shaped as a ox-hide/keftiu ingot. The convex side margins are suggesting either a labrys or, by turning it over, an hour-glass. At this point we must raise awareness about the confusions that have been made often, by using an inadequate terminology or by claiming a different interpretation of Aegean symbols that spread north of the Danube. Especially where such symbols are “imported”, they can be easily mixed, like the symbols of ox-hide ingots, labrys (the double axe)104, the Boeotian shield and the hourglass105. A. B. Knapp proposed, for example in Cyprus, a hypothetical model for the belief system existent at the end of the Bronze Age; it is centred on several exotic or symbolic artefacts such as the miniature ingots and the imported pottery vessels with figurative representation of subjects carrying keftiu type ingots106 (Fig. 24). Unfortunately the prehistoric world of Transylvania during the Bronze Age does not allow us to ascertain if this system was viable for this territory. A solution to the issue of the provenance and possible symbolic aspect of the miniature keftiu type ingots in Central Europe can be looked in the discovery of the Hungarian ingot mould, from Gór (Fig. 6A). On one side, the artefact originates from a ritual pit (Fig. 6B)107, so it has an inherent cultic meaning; on the other side it indicates that miniature ingots were locally produced, their shape having plenty of versions compared to their southern originals. Within the context of an ingot depiction on the belt plate from Guşteriţa a question arises: what type of ingot is depicted? Is it a classic keftiu ingot, or a miniature similar to those specific to the Central European territory? Although it may seem pointless to some, we think it is normal to ask what raw materials were used to craft this symbolic ingot shown on that belt plate? The ingot from Palatca is the only one published for Transylvania and it is rather remarkable through its alloy composition, suggesting the existence of a “white metal” trade in this territory108. This discovery forces us to conKNAPP 1988, p. 133–134. PAROVIĆ-PEŠIKAN 1994–1995, p. 9, 25, pl. 3/7–9. 100 KLOCHKO 2012, fig. 7/6–7, 10. 101 PAROVIĆ-PEŠIKAN 1994–1995, p. 9, 25, pl. 3/7–9. This discovery in Transylvania originates in the Ha A hoard of Uioara de Sus (PETRESCU-DÎMBOVIŢA 1977, pl. 217/2). Morphological resemblances for the miniature keftiu type ingots we have also with an antler artefact, found at Stillfried and dating from the Urnfield Culture period (HELLERSCHMID 2006, p. 345, pl. 20/4). These similarities might also be by chance. 102 MOZSOLICS 1985, p. 195. 103 G. Ilon includes this artefact among the keftiu ingots (ILON 1992, p. 253). 104 For the evolution and the presence of this symbol in the Aegean, see GIMBUTAS 1991, p. 272–275, fig. 426–432. For discoveries in continental Europe, and depictions on metal pieces, see BOUZEK 1985, p. 43–44, 217–218, fig. 13/1–5, 7–8, 103. 105 BOUZEK 1985, p. 75, fig. 37. Upon these aspects and connected to some of these symbols there are several studies in the Romanian literature (KACSÓ 1989, p. 87–88). See, for example, the bronze plate found within the Beremend hoard (Hungary), an artefact that A. Mozsolics called “Keftiubarren” (MOZSOLICS 1985, p. 95–96, pl. 252/6), a term accepted also by G. Ilon (ILON 1992, p. 253); its rectangular shape, with a long side slightly concave and decorations (parallel lines along the margins) resembles a lot (especially the decor) with the hour-glass shaped pendants, originating from western Transylvania (for the latter see KACSÓ 1989, p. 79–88, fig. 1–2). Two pendants, from Arpăşel and Oradea (KACSÓ 1989, fig. 1/1; 2/8; KACSÓ 1995, Abb. 3/4, 12), no longer exhibit curved short margins, now closely resembling a keftiu ingot. These artefacts could be contemporary with each other, as they are found in Transylvania during Bz D-Ha A, reaching with extended usage even Ha C (KACSÓ 1989, p. 84–87). 106 KNAPP 1988, p. 149–150, fig. 2. The images are interpreted as a possible reflection of an elite propaganda towards encouraging the production of ingots (KNAPP 1988, p. 156). 107 ILON 1992. 108 GIUMLIA-MAIR 2011, p. 45. 98 99 206 / Cristian Ioan Popa sider the fact that not all of the keftiu type ingots were made out of copper. There is proof among the artefacts recovered from the Ulu Burun wreck (dated around 1300 BC), that among the keftiu type ingot fragments there were some of tin, up to one ton in weight109. Several interpretations of the grey colour in which an ingot carried by a Syrian on his shoulders as a gift to the pharaoh from the tomb frescoes (1500 BC) of Rekhmire (Thebes, Egypt) is depicted, also suggest the existence of tin or silver ingots110. Fig. 24. Hypothetical belief system for the Bronze Age in Cyprus (after KNAPP 1988) It is known fact that Transylvania has rich copper resources; therefore, in order to craft the impressive quantity of bronze items belonging to the Bz D-Ha A period, a large quantity of tin was required for the alloy. As seen at Palatca, “white metal” was demanded for jewelleries. Tin had to be imported over long distances111 and therefore it might have had a symbolic value next to the obvious 109 110 111 PULAK 1988, p. 7, 9, fig. 4; PULAK 2008, p. 292; HANSEN 2005, p. 305. KIESER 2005, p. 163–164. The way in which tin arrived in Transylvania is contradictory and hard to assume, considering that several other sources, like those in Asia, are still debated, with no consensus in sight. See POTTS 1994, p. 193 (with discussions over land and maritime routes for the transportation of tin towards Mesopotamia. For Europe, possible sources of tin were located in Tuscany and Iberia, but there are no proofs of use during the Bronze Age. In Bohemia, the tin ore is only found in granite deposits which meant that it was not exploitable during the Bronze Age (MUHLY 1985, p. 289–290). The sources of tin identified in Croatia and western Serbia (FORENBAHER 1995, p. 271) are also unlikely to have been mined during the Bronze Age; nevertheless they are very often mentioned by the literature (SCHUSTER, MORINTZ 2006, p. 94). The only ancient written records, from the Near East, reveals that tin came from the east. A fragment from a cuneiform writing tablet of the reign of Gudea of Lagaş (22nd Century BC) refers to the existence of a trade in Mesopotamia, of semi-precious stones and tin, from the Meluhha country (cylinder B, column XIV, lines 10–13). At least for the third Millennium BC, the increased number of tin mines from Afghanistan, Uzbekistan and Tajikistan suggests that the tin mines of Central Asia were mined, the metal then reaching Mesopotamia via trade routes (WEEKS 2003, p. 180). The tin ingots from the Ulu Burun wreck were perhaps Representation of a Keftiu Type Ingot on a Bronze Belt Plate from Transylvania and Its Connections / 207 economic one. Remarkable, in the context of discussing tin and its value in Prehistory, is the discovery of several tin foil covered ceramic vessels inside the Mycenaean tomb of Areopagus in Athens, dated around 1350 BC, but also in several other regions of Greece (Argolida, Messenia, Rhodos, Cyprus)112. There are several attempts to interpret the miniature ingots in a “laic” fashion. The finds in Hungary were on occasions interpreted by some specialists as pre-monetary pieces or as parts of a metrological system of weights113; recently the hypothesis of their use as weight was infirmed experimentally114. It is still valid though, for the Central Europe, in the Late Bronze Age, the use of the Aegean shekel to weight gold ring ingots115. CONCLUSIONS C. Schuster ended his study over the Palatca and the continental ingots with three questions116. The first noticed the “curious” appearance of this ingot in Transylvania, a singular find north of the Danube. Towards answering this question we add the existence of such ingots depicted on metal artefact like the Guşteriţa belt plate and possibly, on one of the artefacts from Uioara de Sus. This presence in Transylvania might be explained by the intense metal trade with copper ingots, out-of-use artefacts and finite pieces; this brought the Transylvanian territory in a cosmopolitan world through trade; here an elite representative chose to decorate his belt with symbols of a foreign world that he was familiar with through trade: Boeotian shields, keftiu ingots, East-Mediterranean cart wheels. A second question was concerning with the alloy used in the Palatca ingot, not of copper or rich alloys but of bronze. The metallographic analysis, recently published, revealed a composition of Cu (over 90%) and As, the latter in a high quantity, of 3.39%; the result is the so called “white metal”, very similar in colour to silver. The same analysis places the Transylvanian artefact in connection with those from the NorthEastern Italy and Slovenia117. In the end Schuster also wondered why was it necessary to have an imported ingot, of Cretan type and from the Mediterranean, all the way up in a metal rich territory like Transylvania. This last question reveals at least two aspects: at first the Palatca ingot was a miniature of around 15 cm in length without the corners and the metal quantity was not significant. Secondly, this alloy was only used to create some “white” jewellery. Its presence in a metal craftsman workshop reveals its usage. Considering the cultural context, this discovery is placed at the mixture level of the late Wietenberg elements and the post-Otomani and tumular cultures118, marking for Transylvania the Late Bronze Age I. Of interest is the dating of the ingots found in the continental Europe, together with the Palatca ingot. The earliest finds are those from Germany, at Oberwilflingen, dated around 14th Century BC The latest apparitions are those from Hungary, belonging to the hoard horizon B Vb Kurd and B Vc Gyermely, specific to the Reinecke Ha A period; thus they are contemporary to the Guşteriţa II hoard belt plate, around the year 1100 BC Items of a similar date were found in Croatia and Slovenia. The most recent date belongs to the Gór hoard, dated between 1032 and 928 BC (Ha B2); this is rather surprising since at this time these artefacts were no longer in use and neither were their symbols. This is most likely an indicative of a regionalization, with an evolution quite separate from the southern world and distinct in the types of artefact employed and the symbols that they now carried; they will eventually overcome in time the artefacts of a Southern origin. 112 113 114 115 116 117 118 loaded on the ship most likely in a Syrian port, possibly at Ugarit (PULAK 1988, p. 35); the origin of the ship was most likely Syro-caananite; see synthesized conclusions at (GESTOSO SINGER 2007, p. 22–23). IMMERWAHR 1966, p. 381–384, 386–396, fig. 1–2, pl. 92/b; IMMERWAHR 1971, p. 32. MOZSOLICS 1984, p. 33; ILON 1992, p. 255–256; GOGÂLTAN 2004, p. 48. GIUMLIA-MAIR ET AL 2011, p. 15. CIUGUDEAN 2010. SCHUSTER 2009, p. 194. GIUMLIA-MAIR 2011. M. Rotea chose to use, for these materials, the term “Bădeni III-Deva” type discoveries (ROTEA 1994; ROTEA 1997). 208 / Cristian Ioan Popa Fig. 25. Map showing the distribution of the keftiu type ingots Finally, we can wonder who the bearer of this beautiful bronze plated belt was. Was this predilection for symbols specific to the Aegean and Mediterranean (the Boeotian shield119, the keftiu type ingot, the cart wheels) a sign that he was somehow connected with this territory? It is difficult to appreciate, as he might have also been a tradesman or a warrior; however is rather certain is that it belonged to a member of the elite from the intra-Carpathian society at the end of the Bronze Age. In this belt plate from Guşterita we have a whole story that unfortunately cannot be told because of the state of fragmentation of the artefact and the impossibility to fully read the prehistoric meaning of all these symbols. The relationship between these symbols and various magic and religious beliefs cannot be denied; the reproduction of artefact shapes on the belt plates turned them into symbols, a practice that is characteristic to the Bronze Age. No matter what the answer is, the present data helps us to better understand the continuous tradition of interaction from the Thracians North of the Danube with the population and fashions of the southern world, sometimes through peaceful relationships and other times in conflict. The presence of keftiu type ingots in Transylvania, Germany, Hungary and Croatia shows us that these goods also had a commercial value, next to a symbolic meaning; these artefacts have crossed long ago the “political boundary” from the Late Bronze Age of the East Mediterranean120. Archaeological 119 120 We notice here the existence of several representations of Boeotian shields on another belt plate from within the same hoard (PETRESCU-DÎMBOVIŢA 1977, pl. 159/2). HANSEN 2005, p. 305–306. Representation of a Keftiu Type Ingot on a Bronze Belt Plate from Transylvania and Its Connections / 209 data reveals that these goods have not been travelling in large quantities; sometimes they can even be considered imitations and not authentic Aegean imports. The distribution of these goods was made possible by a network of trade routes connecting the continental areas to the islands down South121. For example, Al. Giumlia-Mair considers the Palatca ingot as an import, originating from Cyprus, brought in Transylvania most likely following the Danube122, even though this affirmation is in contradiction to the conclusions he draw from analyses performed on the alloy. These routes (including the maritime ones) were facilitating not only the entrance of goods destined for the elites (sometimes exclusively) but also new ideas and models from the civilized world, all transposed in various local centres throughout Europe. The metal craftsmen were among the most receptive, rapidly adapting themselves to the demands of the times. The motifs used on decorating various other metal objects, apart from those at Guşteriţa II or Uioara de Sus, belong to a local universe, rather parallel to that of the Aegean123, but whose beauty and richness in symbols often matches the former. Not by chance, Homer praises the newly arrived Thracian king Rhesus at Troy for the beauty of his battle chariot, as only the gods should own... 121 122 123 See, for example, SCHUSTER, MORINTZ 2006, p. 101–104. GIUMLIA-MAIR 2011, p. 41. Stylistically, the decoration on the two plates, using the au repoussé technique, resembles a belt plate from Virginia, in Macedonia (BOUZEK 1985, p. 117, fig. 54/1). 210 / Cristian Ioan Popa Fig. 26. 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The Motifs of a Sword Unearthed in Hajdúböszörmény and Its Analogies in Western Hungary: Csönge Gábor Ilon Hungarian National Museum, Szombathely, HUNGARY ilon.gabor@mnm-nok.gov.hu In memoriam Hermann Müller-Karpe (1925–2013) Keywords: sword, iconography, history of religion(s), Carpathian Basin, Late Bronze Age Abstract: This archaeological report describes the extraordinarily decorated hilt of a sword found in a treasure trove (Ha B1) in Hajdúböszörmény and the motifs of another one discovered in Csönge, Transdanubia. I shall assume that the semiotic message of these edged weapons is as follows: continuum, as being represented by the revolution of the Sun, namely that reappearance from quietus is viable. The symbolized Sun God that is reborn over and over again is the “abettor” of this occurrence. My analysis has verified Ian Colquhoun’s assumption, namely that the hilt of the sword, in conjunction with its symbolism, is customized. This harmonizes with Agnė Čivilytė’s conclusion, id est (i) intact weapon hoards express honour to their owners in lieu of the weapons themselves; and (ii) the weapons did not only reflect the status of their owners but also their owners identified themselves with their weapons. These swords might belong in the group of supernatural and mythical swords. The owners of these swords might have been the members of the domineering class of the society, to say the warrior elite [the “sword-bearing nobility” as has been defined by Lothar Sperber]. Such class might have had its own political but also sacrificial leaders, patriarchal family and clan chiefs, that is leaders within a minor territory (Fig. 1), or the leaders of welldrilled and armed men of the same troop. The network of contacts of the owners of these swords is subject to further investigation. PREFACE The artifacts of the bronze treasure trove unearthed nearby the so-called Csege barrow lying on the Szent György (St. George) grassland located at the state administrational boundary of Hajdúböszörmény (Fig. 1) in May 1858 were as follows: 2 helmets, 3 disc-butted axes (?), 30 swords, and 6 large vessels1. These artifacts are internationally recognized as well. In Svend Hansen’s2 system of hoard models, this eponym cache is the continuation of the Hajdúsámson model in Period Ha B1. It is typical to this model that it reportedly contained undamaged objects, including weapons, and more specifically swords amongst them, which refer to violence. Bearing upon the finding circumstances (Pl. III), it can undoubtedly be categorized into the class of caches3 characterized with objects placed in layers (helmet, another one with six vessels in the 1 2 3 GRAFFENRIED 1860; HAMPEL 1886, Table XXXIII. 2a, Table XXIV. 3, 5, Table LXIV. 1, Table LXV. 1, 3; HAMPEL 1892, p. 49–58; MÜLLER-KARPE 1961, Taf. 40. C; MOZSOLICS 1984; MOZSOLICS 2000, p. 43–47, Taf. 30–35. HANSEN 2005, p. 224–227, Abb. 6–7. SOROCEANU 1995, p. 45, 65; SOROCEANU 2005, Abb. 6/IVc. Representations, Signs and Symbols, 2014 / p. 215–246 216 / Gábor Ilon same row, and underneath them, swords placed side by side in regular order with their points directed conversely4). Rapiers were depicted in such an array on the monumental composition of petroglyph No. 15 of Borno in Northern Italy and on one of the petroglyphs of Val Camonica 6 as well. Of the swords in the hoard, Amália Mozsolics7 was able to distinguish twenty unscathed pieces and one blade fragment. This archaeological report examines only one sword (Pl. VI/2, Pl. VII/2) identical with that published by Graffenried8 . Jozef Paulík9 discusses spirals delineating a horse, and the Sun and bird symbolism10, and furthermore the so-called “bird-sun-boat” depiction (Vogelsonnenbarke / barque solaire aux oiseaux) evolving from the latter as the outcome of the Indo-Europeans’ autochthon intellectual progress toward monotheism11 from the Early Bronze Age of the Carpathian Basin. According to his argument12, these motifs were carried by the Čaka and Gáva tribes (“ancient Dorian” as phrased colloquially) taking part in the migration of the “Sea Peoples” to the territory of the Canaan as well. Having traced back to the Carpathian Basin, this effect (the so-called “Urnfield Migration”) obviously influenced the territory of Italy, of the Mycenaean civilization, but also of the eastern coast of the Levantine Sea13 in many waves in Period LH IIIB – IIIC (13th to 12th centuries). According to Frigyes Kőszegi’s more mindful standpoint14, the impact of the Transdanubian, so-called Vál Culture of the Urnfield period must have expanded at most to the Northern Balkans. Hermann Müller-Karpe15 considers mace, double axe, double plaited spirals, and spirals, etc. to be unequivocally regal and divine symbols in the Near East (Egypt, Canaan and Hittites). Nonetheless, these can be identified on pictographs, funerary stelae, utensils and weapons in Europe in the Bronze Age. Therefore, it may fairly be assumed that these symbols in the European region can partly be connected with the leading social class and partly with deities. The sword of the hoard (Pl. VI/2, Pl. VII/2) is therefore scrutinized in this point of view, concurrently with an aspiration possibly to develop my previous studies16 (Pl. VI/1, Pl. VII/1) and to phrase a new one of the answers considered by Stefan Wirth17 as absent. I might also manage successfully to add something relevant to Tudor Soroceanu’s18 punctilious and excellent data processing. Nevertheless, prior to the perusal of the swords, I shall refer to a situla (Pl. III/3) and its “birdsun-boat” (Vogelsonnenbarke / barque solaire aux oiseaux) depiction19. This is a cosmological depiction that portrays a “boat (ship)-waterfowl-sun” assemblage. Joseph Déchelette20 already analyzed the meaning, the origins and the spatial and chronological distribution of this motif (Egypt, Asia Minor, Crete, Mycenae, Northern Italy, Central Europe, and Scandinavia) until the Celtic and Roman Ages in his study that summarizes this subject. Birds21 are the quintessential escorting figures of the Sun. The cyclic revolution of the Sun connotes the cyclicality of life, and it parallels the other, as has been con4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 GRAFFENRIED 1860, p. 373; HAMPEL 1892, p. 49; MOZSOLICS 1984, p. 81. PRIULI 2002, p. 64: lower left-hand corner. MÜLLER-KARPE 1980, Taf. 265/B/1. MOZSOLICS 1984, Tab. 1 GRAFFENRIED 1860, p. 373. PAULÍK 1999, p. 53–54; PAULÍK 2000, p. 58–59. GUBA, SZEVERÉNYI 2007. PAULÍK 2003, p. 87, Obr. A-C. PAULÍK 2001, p. 71–72. SPROCKHOFF 1962, p. 30–36; HÄNSEL 1981; JUNG 2007b; JUNG 2009, p. 133–134, 136, 147, Fig. 4; JUNG 2009b; JUNG, MEHOFER 2013, p. 184–186. KőSZEGI 1988, p. 76. MÜLLER-KARPE 2006. ILON 1992; ILON 2012. WIRTH 2011, p. 216. SOROCEANU 2011. PATAY 1990, p. 40, Taf. 30. 57. DÉCHELETTE 1909. WIRTH 2010, p. 507. Customized Sacrificial Semiotics? The Motifs of a Sword Unearthed in Hajdúböszörmény and Its Analogies in Western Hungary / 217 cluded by Déchelette22. According to Ernst Sprockhoff’s23 theory, the connection of the Sun + horse originates in the Central European Urnfield Sun and “waterfowl-boat” symbol in the North European lands. According to Jozef Paulík’s24 hypothesis, the depiction, hence the ornamentation of the situla found in Hajdúböszörmény, is the delineation of the ornitho-taurosolar Central European chief deity. Analogies of the situla found in Hajdúböszörmény are, including but not limited to, as follows: Sényő, Nyírlugos, Mezőkövesd, Szentes25, mayhap Mikepércs26, Lučky (Slovakia)27 and Felsőszék (Sîg, Romania)28. As regards remote European areas: Mariesminde (Denmark; Northern Bronze Age, Period IV.)29, Gevelinghausen with human ashes (Germany; Late Urnfield Period)30, Unterglauheim with calcinated human bones in the assemblage of graves (Germany)31, the so-called “Vienna auction situla”32, and Rivoli33. ANALOGIES OF A SWORD FOUND IN CSÖNGE AND OF ITS ORNAMENTATION Oriented toward the west from Hajdúböszörmény, the western region of Hungary, i.e. Transdanubia, concealed another valuable asset. A sword (Pl. VI/1, Pl. VII/1)34 that has been safeguarded in a private collection was come across adjacent to the Leányka (“Lass”) Rivulet on the socalled High Embankment of the Rába River at the administrational boundary of Csönge (Pl. I) in Vas County. Regretfully, whether the sword that “nearly cropped up out of the ground” was found in a perpendicular or inclining position35, as has been portrayed on the pictograph of Lago di Garda or observed in the case of the specimens discovered in Gyopáros36 and the British Islands 37, could neither be identified nor verified despite the suggestion of the above information. At first glance, the sword looks exactly like the “sweet sibling” of the one found in Hajdúböszörmény. This edged weapon belongs in the category of swords with cup-shaped pommels (Schalenknaufschwert) that are the descendants of the swords with disc-shaped pommels (Scheibenknaufschwert). It already appeared synchronologically with the latter ones (in the Middle Urnfield Period)38 that can be adequately exemplified by the cache unearthed in Hajdúböszörmény, where these two types could be found next to each other. The distributional and manufacturing area of this type of sword was North-Eastern Hungary, the mountainous region of Central Slovakia, the Great Hungarian Plain, Transylvania and Transcarpathia. The specimen of Csönge was found subsequent to those uncovered in Óbuda, Keszthely, Szombathely39, on the Ság Hill40, and in Velem41 (Pl. I, Pl. VIII). It was most likely imported from one of the eastern workshops. 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 DÉCHELETTE 1909, p. 94. SPROCKHOFF 1962, p. 51, Abb. 10b. PAULÍK 2003, p. 91, Obr. C/1g. PATAY 1990, Taf. 31–33, 34. 1. V. SZABÓ 2009, Fig. 1. SOROCEANU, LAKÓ 1981, Fig. 12. SOROCEANU, LAKÓ 1981, p. 145, Fig. 2–4. WIRTH 2010, p. 503, Abb. 2. JOCKENHÖVEL 1974b; WIRTH 2010, p. 504, Abb. 3. WIRTH 2010, p. 510, Abb. 9–10. WIRTH 2010, p. 504, Abb. 4. SOROCEANU, LAKÓ 1981, Fig. 12. ILON 1992. Only previous verbal information provided by the owner of the sword, who passed away a few years ago, was available to me. It had been impossible to find the former finders/owners in the beginning of the 1990s already. GAZDAPUSZTAI 1959, p. 13. SOROCEANU 2011, p. 44, 50, Abb. 22. 3, and footnote 74. KEMENCZEI 1991, p. 4–5, 7. KEMENCZEI 1991, p. 50, 55. KEMENCZEI 1991, p. 59, Taf. 58/246. MISKE 1908, Table XXX. 5; KEMENCZEI 1991, p. 60–61, Taf. 59/254. 218 / Gábor Ilon It is conceivable that the sword of Csönge can be associated with a ritual42 rather than an armed conflict, although it has preserved the marks of such conflicts (Pl. VII), and as such it could no longer be part of the profane world. The best analogy to the decoration of the sword of Csönge (Fig. 6. 1, 7. 1) is one of the swords found in Hajdúböszörmény safeguarded in the Graffenried collection43 (Pl. VI/2, Pl. VII/2). According to Kemenczei’s typology, it is variant 4 of Type T44. József Hampel recorded the following in concern to the sword of Hajdúböszörmény: “It is one of the most decorative swords unearthed in Hungary.”45 Hermann Müller-Karpe46 considers the Königsdorf type to be the western export of the eastern circle, which he defines as the “Slovakian and Upper Hungarian” workshop circle, and he categorizes the sword of Hajdúbösözörmény into those of the eastern workshop. According to my previous collection47, I have categorized as many as thirty-nine specimens of such swords adorned with the “sun-boat” decoration delineated with the motif of three concentric circles on their hilts (B/ V. Group: Fig. 2). This is the most preferred ornamentation on the swords of the Urnfield region. The distribution of the group is relatively steady between the Carpathian Basin and Central Germany, but its concentration in the Upper Tisza Region is outstandingly high (nine of the fifteen domestic specimens found on known excavation sites). Dating: Ha B148, Hajdúböszörmény horizon (Mozsolics B VIa), and transition between the middle (mittlere) and early (jüngeren) Urnfield periods49. Anthony Harding50 defined the duration of Ha B1 in one-hundred years. According to Lothar Sperber’s51 periodization, the period between 1085 and 1020 means two and a half generations. To be noted that the triple division of the Ha B period and their durations are problematic52. According to radiocarbon chronology corrected with Swiss dendro-data (Pl. X/3), the series of Western Hungary (available from the western part of Transdanubia: Pl. X/1) and of Transcarpathia (Pl. X/2) can be harmonized though. The question is whether to date the hoard of Hajdúböszörmény and the sword in spotlight and the sword of Csönge that can be connected with the latter on the basis of style criticism to the decades of Ha A2 – B1 (1050–1000) evolving within the long (1050–900) Ha B1 period, or of the “developed” (1000–950) period, or maybe of Ha B2 “decaying” (950–900) period, or optionally of its “declining” Ha B1–2–3 (920–900) period as has been outlined by Rychner. I, in agreement with Tibor Kemenczei’s53 opinion, have dated the Hajdúböszörmény horizon, and so the sword of Csönge, in terms of absolute chronology, to one or two decades around 1000, i.e. the initial half of Ha B1. This can be paralleled capably with radiocarbon data (Pl. X/1) of the settlement of Gór–Kápolnadomb lying cca. 30 air kilometers westward on the other embankment of the Rába River and with those derived from the geoarchaeological borehole sampling in an alder mire at the foot of the Szent Vid Hill of Velem lying cca. 20 km from the foregoing settlement. According to the analysis of the ornamentations on the hilts of swords unearthed on archaeological excavation sites outside Csönge, this type variant (not only the “sun-boat” motif on the hilt / 39 pcs. = B/ V. Group: three concentric circles in the “sun-boat” motif on the hilt/54 have been noticed!) appears with decreasing equivalence according to the order of listing. 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 54 SOROCEANU 2011, p. 68, 70. HAMPEL I. 1886, Table XXIV. 3; MÜLLER-KARPE 1961, p. 37–38, Taf. 96, Karte 5; MOZSOLICS 1984, p. 81, 83, Abb. 2. 3; MOZSOLICS 2000, p. 46, Taf. 31. 4. KEMENCZEI 1991, p. 52–54, Taf. 47. 208, 48. 208. HAMPEL II. 1892, p. 50–51. MÜLLER-KARPE 1961, p. 37–38, Taf. 96, Karte 5. ILON 2012b, p. 172, Taf. II, Liste 4/6. MÜLLER-KARPE 1961, p. 38, Typentabelle; WIRTH 2010, p. 502. KEMENCZEI 1991, p. 5, 53. HARDING 2007, p. 103, footnote 12. SPERBER 1999, Abb. 20. RYCHNER 1995, Abb. 24; METZNER-NEBELSICK 2002, p. 69. KEMENCZEI 1991, p. 5, 53. ILON 2012b. Customized Sacrificial Semiotics? The Motifs of a Sword Unearthed in Hajdúböszörmény and Its Analogies in Western Hungary / 219 Decoration of the specimen found in Csönge (Pl. VI/1, Pl. VII/1): three concentric circles in the “sun-boat” motif55 + multiline undulating line trimming on the hilt (lying S spiral) in three strips + slant hachure in three strips, from top to bottom: inclining toward the right, toward the left and right + the internal embellishment of the cup-shaped pommel: five concentric line groups, and five concentric semi-circles around the pommel + the external embellishment of the cup-shaped pommel: horizontal line group on the bottom. Compared to the sword of Csönge, the adornment of that: – found in Hajdúböszörmény (Pl. VI/2, Pl. VII/2) is as follows: three concentric circles in the “sunboat” motif56 + multiline undulating line trimming on the hilt (lying S spiral) in three strips + hachure inclining toward the right in three strips + the internal embellishment of the cup-shaped pommel: four concentric line groups, and four concentric semi-circles around the pommel + the external embellishment of the cup-shaped pommel: hachured triangle suspended in one strip, horizontal line group on the bottom57. – found in Kaszapuszta58 located between Bihardiószeg (Diosig, Romania) and Pocsaj is as follows: three concentric circles in the “sun-boat” motif59 + multiline undulating line trimming on the hilt (lying S spiral) in three strips + the internal embellishment of the cup-shaped pommel: four concentric line groups, and four concentric semi-circles around the pommel + the external embellishment of the cup-shaped pommel: semi-circles suspended in two strips in the upper section, a strip of hachured triangles below, and a strip of suspending semi-circles. – found on an unknown site in Hungary (Pl. VI/3) is as follows: three concentric circles in the “sun-boat” motif60 + multiline undulating line trimming on the hilt (lying S spiral) in three strips + the internal embellishment of the cup-shaped pommel: four concentric line groups, and five concentric semi-circles around the pommel + the external embellishment of the cup-shaped pommel: semi-circles suspended in two strips in the upper and in one strip in the lower section61. – found in Treasure Hoard No. 1 of Tiszalök (Pl. VI/4) is as follows: three concentric circles in the “sun-boat” motif62 + multiline undulating line trimming on the hilt (lying S spiral) in three strips + the internal embellishment of the cup-shaped pommel: four concentric line groups, and six concentric semi-circles around the pommel + the external embellishment of the cup-shaped pommel: three semi-circles suspended in three strips in the upper section63. – found in Kostolec (there are many settlements in the Czech Republic and Moravia that share the same name, so that I left it out of the list owing to topographical uncertainty) (Pl. VI/5) is as follows: two concentric circles within the “sun-boat” motif64 + multiline undulating line trimming on the hilt (lying S spiral) in three strips + the internal embellishment of the cup-shaped pommel: seven concentric line groups, and four concentric semi-circles around the pommel + the external embellishment of the cup-shaped pommel: zigzag beautification that is composed of batches of lines between the line groups, and a row of semi-circles directly underneath65. – found in Óbuda (stray find)66 is as follows: four concentric circles within the “sun-boat” motif 67 + multiline undulating line trimming on the hilt (lying S spiral) in three strips + the inter55 56 57 58 59 60 61 62 63 64 65 66 67 ILON 2012b, Liste 6, B/V. Group. ILON 2012b, Liste 6, B/V. Group. MÜLLER-KARPE 1961, Taf. 39. 3. BADER 1991, p. 152–153, Taf. 48, 359; KEMENCZEI 1991, p. 47, Taf. 48, 211. ILON 2012b, Liste 6, B/V. Group. ILON 2012b, Liste 6, B/V. Group. MÜLLER-KARPE 1961, Taf. 39. 5. ILON 2012b, Liste 6, B/V. Group. MOZSOLICS 2000, p. 85, Taf. 109. 3. ILON 2012b, Liste 5, B/IV. Group. MÜLLER-KARPE 1961, p. 37, 109, Taf. 38. 3, Typentabelle. KEMENCZEI 1991, p. 50, Taf. 45/199. ILON 2012b, Liste 7, B/VI. Group. 220 / Gábor Ilon nal embellishment of the cup-shaped pommel: deviates as regards its elements + the external embellishment of the cup-shaped pommel: chased double line group underneath a double line group. – found in Keszthely (stray find) (Pl. VI/10)68 is as follows: four concentric circles within the “sunboat” motif 69 + multiline undulating line trimming on the hilt (lying S spiral) in three strips + the internal embellishment of the cup-shaped pommel: deviates as regards its elements, but resembles the most that of the one found in Óbuda + the external embellishment of the cup-shaped pommel: batches of 3–2–2 horizontal lines. – found in Neckenmarkt (Sopronnyék, Burgenland, Austria) (Pl. VI/6)70 is as follows: no “sunboat” motif on the hilt, but multiline undulating line trimming (lying S spiral) in three strips + the internal embellishment of the cup-shaped pommel: three concentric line groups, and four concentric semi-circles around the pommel + the external embellishment of the cup-shaped pommel: a row of horizontally hachured triangles underneath a batch of three lines. – found in Nahořany (Bez. Nové Město nad Metuji, the Czech Republic) (Pl. VI/7)71 is as follows: no “sun-boat” motif on the hilt and the lying S spiral cannot be identified on it + the internal embellishment of the cup-shaped pommel: three concentric line groups, and four concentric semi-circles around the pommel + the external embellishment of the cup-shaped pommel: six chased horizontal lines; and last but not least – the drawing of that found Szombathely (stray find)72 is unknown to me even if it was published. ... and a few other incomplete derivatives could be listed, yet it is disregarded herein. The tendency, I believe, is conspicuous and can be followed; its essence is that each hilt, despite the application of many identical elements of adornment, is unique! Therefore, Ian Colquhoun’s assumption73, namely the hilt of each sword is customized which is reflected by their ornamentation, has been verified again. MOTIFS ON THE HILTS, THEIR HISTORY AND UNDERSTANDING I. The ornamental button in the center of chip-carved concentric circles in the center of large concentric circles in the interior of the cup-shaped pommels of the swords (Fig. 6; 10. 3/2). To be understood as powerful Sun coming up in the morning74, yet the representation of the Pleiades can be conceived as well75. Particular antecedents: 1. There are seven ornamental buttons on the shaft hole horizontal disc-butted axe-adzes of the hoard unearthed in Ópályi76, 2. Concentric circle can be identified between four chip-carved concentric circles in concentric circles on the ball button of the hoard found in Kurd77, 3. Five concentric circles were stamped onto the bottom of the golden vessels found in Biia (Magyarbénye, Romania)78, 68 69 70 71 72 73 74 75 76 77 78 KEMENCZEI 1991, p. 50, Taf. 45/201. ILON 2012b, Liste 7, B/VI. Group. MÜLLER-KARPE 1961, p. 37, 109, Taf. 39. 7. MÜLLER-KARPE 1961, Taf. 38. 10. KEMENCZEI 1991, p. 55. COLQUHOUN 2011, p. 113. MÜLLER-KARPE 2003; MÜLLER-KARPE 2006b; KAUL 2010, Fig. 12/2; SOMMERFELD 2010, p. 544; WIRTH 2010, p. 507. PAULÍK 2003, p. 87–88, Obr. 3; ILON 2014c. MOZSOLICS 1963, Taf. II. 1–2, III. 3. MOZSOLICS 1985, p. 141, Taf. 25. 4. MOZSOLICS 1965–66, p. 48–49, Taf. 12a. Customized Sacrificial Semiotics? The Motifs of a Sword Unearthed in Hajdúböszörmény and Its Analogies in Western Hungary / 221 4. There are seven concentric circles in the tympanum of the diadem of the golden treasure found in Velem (Ha A1/2, Mozsolics BVb/c: transition of the Kurd and Gyermely horizons, i.e. the end of the 12th century) similarly to the center of both globule segment pairs (Pl. IV/6–9)79, 5. Concentric circle ornamented hatchet was found in the hoard of Vajdácska dated to the Kurd horizon (Mozsolics 1985, 201–211, Taf. 206. 20). Concentric circle80 can be recognized on the mould of a socketed axe found on Gór–Kápolnadomb. Such axes were found in Haslau-Regelsbrunn and Stillfried, and as a surviving design, in barrow grave no. 75 in Pécs–Jakabhegy dated to the 8th century81. II. Lying (to say streaming) S spiral loop, serpentine (Schling), serpent (Schlange) motif on the hilts of the swords. To be understood as sunrise, and after that, as well as sunset, and before that (Pl. X/3/1, Pl. X/3/7–8)82. Serpent/snake, in addition to fish83 and boat84, is a significant abettor of the Sun. According to Indo-Germanic myths, the serpent is the attribute of the moon, the lord of the underworld85. Concurrently, this motif is also the representation of a consecrated animal, the horse86 that aids the Sun (Trundholm)87. The S spiral can be associated with a rare natural phenomenon (the so-called Kelvin-Helmholtz instability clouds) that, with a sort of association, can be understood as serpent (wave) for instance, but also as the head of horses riding in a herd88. Vincent van Gogh perpetuated this phenomenon on his painting titled “Starry Night” which confirms that men have observed it from ancient times until today. Particular antecedents: 1. In the pottery manufacture of the cultures of Wietenberg, Ottomány, Füzesabony and Vattina; e.g.: Wietemberg, Pusztaszikszó, Streda and Bodrogom, Hernádkak, Temes-Kubin89, 2. On the bronze objects of hoards found in Apa-Hajdúsámson and of those of the circle90, 3. Fragment of the sculptural decoration found in Ménfőcsanak dated to the Koszider period 91, 4. On the golden globule segments found in Ţafalău (Cófalva)92, 5. Serpent-shaped needles with wavy legs dated to the Bz D period (Pl. X/2)93, 6. On the rectangular plate of the cache found in Lengyeltóti dated to Kurd Period IV.94. III. Vogelsonnenbarken – the depiction of the bronze situla found in Hajdúböszörmény (Pl. III/3 – my collection in respect of the visualization on the hilts of the swords (Pl. V) that might mean the phases of the Pleiades95.) To be understood as around midnight, the night, the “underworld”, no Sun (Pl. X/3/9–10)96. Particular antecedents: 79 80 81 82 83 84 85 86 87 88 89 90 91 92 93 94 95 96 ILON 2014b. ILON 1996, p. 174, Taf. I. 4. KEMENCZEI 2005, p. 38–39. KAUL 2010, Fig. 12/1, 3, 7–8. SPROCKHOFF 1962, Abb. 30–31. KAUL 2010, p. 534, Fig. 13. UENZE 1993. PAULÍK 2000, p. 58. KAUL 2010, p. 522, 528–529, 534, Fig. 9, Fig. 12/3; SOMMERFELD 2010, p. 542–543, Abb. 11. PAULÍK 2000, p. 59, Obr. 10. 1; DIETRICH, DIETRICH 2011, p. 77, Abb. 6. DIETRICH, DIETRICH 2011, 69, Abb. 2. 1a–11a; MÜLLER-KARPE 1980, Taf. 284. A/36–51, 67–68, 70, 292. B/14–15, 293. G/8–9; MOZSOLICS 1965–66, Taf. 11. 1; VLADÁR 1973, p. 317, Abb. 73. 3; the one found during Kálmán Miske’s archaeological excavation safeguarded at the Savaria Múzeum; see Pl. X/1. MÜLLER-KARPE 1980, Taf. 288–289; DAVID 2002. ILON 2014, Abb. 13. MOZSOLICS 1965–66, p. 54–55, Taf. 2. 5, 17. 1–2. PAULÍK 1999, Obr. 5. 4; ILON 2014c. MOZSOLICS 1985, p. 143, Taf. 110. 12. PAULÍK 2003, p. 87–88, Obr. 3. KAUL 2010, Fig. 12/9–10. 222 / Gábor Ilon 1. Bird symbolism that can be identified in the Incrusted Pottery Culture in the Carpathian Basin in the Late Bronze Age97, but also north of the Alps98. 2. The bronze object sized 2.2 cm of the hoard found in Ópályi99 which, in my opinion, was a sewable costume decoration, with the head of a waterfowl, more specifically of an avocet (Recurvirostra avosetta L.), and its eyes might have been made of either amber or glass. 3. The hilt decoration (transition of Bz D–Ha A100) of a knife found in grave no. 6 in Balatonfűzfő (Pl. IV/1); its eyes might have been made of either amber or glass as well. 4. The depiction of a diadem found in Szombathely (Pl. IV/2)101. 5. On the golden globule segment of Grăniceri (Ottlaka, Romania) (Pl/ IV/3)102. 6. In a sacrificial bronze hoard associated with the early phase of the Lausitz (Lusatian or Łuzyca) Culture of Eastern Slovakia; in addition to a bronze, avocet-headed draught-poled pair of wheels, it contained a Vogelsonnenbarken shaped pendant (?) as well103. The latter has ten holes in a size of 1 mm each and is decorated with zigzag motifs. Similar specimens: one made of clay found in a high elevation settlement in Dvorníky–Posádka, Slovakia dating to the Vor-Čaka period104, and in the treasure trove of Marhaň (Bez. Bardejov) dating to 1200–1100 BC, and in the treasure trove of Nádudvar (Hajdú-Bihar County) dating to the earlier Late Bronze Age, and in the treasure trove of Marcinkowice (Kr. Nowy Sacz), South Poland. Podborský believes that the bird is a swan that later became the attribute of the Greek Apollo. It can be noticed, however, that not all of the birds depicted are ducks or swans105. For instance, avocet (Pl. IV/5) can be identified among them based on its typical beak, and such depiction can be distinguished on a preponderance of the hilts of the swords (Pl. V, Pl. VI/1–5) most likely. Birds and fish carry the Sun, luminosity106. The mystery of solar rebirth is portrayed by the Sun travelling on a boat in Egyptian mythology. This portrayal existed in the predynastic period, but it became really widespread during the rule of Pharaoh Akhenaten (the middle of the 14th century), and consequently the Sun worship developed into state religion107. This motif was used widely on exquisite swords with cup-shaped pommels all over the regions of the Urnfield Culture in the early (jüngere) phase of the Urnfield period as has been assumed, similarly to me, by Stefan Wirth108. The sacrificial nature of the treasure trove unearthed in Hajdúböszörmény, i.e. possible reappearance from bereavement (the ashes of a warrior might have been placed into the “sun-boat” decorated vessel in this case?), is confirmed by the multiple “sun-boat” motif that appears on the decorated sword subject to analysis and on the situla as well. OTHER OBSERVATIONS IN RESPECT OF SWORDS UNEARTHED ON THE THREE FINDSPOTS Hajdúböszörmény I did not have the opportunity to hold in hand the sword which has a length of 623 mm and an opening for the installation of a wrist strap next to the ornamental button of the cup (Pl. VII/2)109. In BÓNA 1975, p. 213, Taf. 222. 1–3, Taf. 262. 7; PAULÍK 2000, p. 59, Obr. 6/4–6; GUBA, SZEVERÉNYI 2007. SCHAUER 1988/89. 99 MOZSOLICS 1963, p. 66, Taf. II. 4. 100 ILON 2012. 101 ILON 2002. 102 MOZSOLICS 1965–66, p. 49, Taf. 23. 2. 103 PODBORSKý 2012, p. 206, 208, 211, Abb. 3. 1, 4. 104 PAULÍK 1999, Obr. 1. 105 DÉCHELETTE 1909, p. 94, 106, 111, Fig. 39f; GAZDAPUSZTAI 1959, p. 25; SPROCKHOFF 1962, p. 37, 42; SCHAUER 1988/89, p. 45. 106 SOMMERFELD 2010, p. 546. 107 WIRTH 2010, p. 507, 510; KRISTIANSEN 2010, p. 96, Fig. 6.2. 108 WIRTH 2006b, p. 553. 109 HAMPEL II. 1892, p. 51. 97 98 Customized Sacrificial Semiotics? The Motifs of a Sword Unearthed in Hajdúböszörmény and Its Analogies in Western Hungary / 223 the description of the artifact, Graffenried110 included the following: “[...] An der Spitze sind die Ränder etwas abgeflacht. [...]” This might refer to impairment caused during the deployment of the sword in combat, instead of damage caused during uncovering. Likewise in the case of the older swords in the treasure trove found in Vaja, the damage had not been repaired before secreting the object111. Marianne Mödlinger112 recorded the impairment of the (chipped) blade as the consequence of cutting or slashing during hand-to-hand combat in the case of many weapons. Marks of sword-to-sword combat can be identified on particular specimens of the treasure trove discovered in Hajdúböszörmény; these swords are safeguarded at the Calvinist College in Debrecen (Inv. No. B.1858.1, 3, 5–7)113. Csönge There is an opening for the installation of a wrist strap next to the ornamental button of the cup. Having a length of 710 mm and a weight of 926 g, erroneously implemented restoration after drawing (Pl. VII/1; Pl. VIII/a-c) nearly utterly destroyed the decoration of the hilt of the sword as well as its noble patina. It slightly bends from its lower third section, where the edge is heavily chipped (Pl. VIII/d-e). The dense, line-like, approximately vertical marks of the former hammering applied on the edge (Pl. VIII/e) can be recognized appropriately. Damages caused by sword-to-sword combat (Pl. VIII/d, e below) have remained remarkable in the lower third section as well. Therefore, it was placed into the ground with its traces of use (combat). Velem Baron Kálmán Miske failed to record any information of the finding circumstances of the unrestored edged weapon that has a length of 610 mm and a weight of 963 g (Savaria Museum; Inv. No. 54.512.640.), and he only published a good quality photograph of it114. No decoration can be recognized on the photograph according to his description115. The drawing in Tibor Kemenczei’s116 book was finished on the basis of Miske’s publication. The most recent research and documentation of the sword117 shed light on the followings: (i) both the interior and the exterior of the cup-shaped pommel is ornamented (Pl. IX. a-b); (ii) there is no decoration on the hilt, only four slanting notches engraved below the rivets (Pl. IX. c); (iii) there is no identifiable decoration on the hilt (presumably despite restoration, which uncovered the level underneath the patina, completed on occasion of the permanent exhibition opened in 1982); (iv) a recent, diagonally stretching damage dated to the period of finding can be identified on the blade as displayed by Miske’s photograph (Pl. IX. e); (v) caused during the use of the sword, damages, including deformation due to sword-to-sword (Pl. IX. e) and sword-toother weapon(s) / armour(s) combat (Pl. IX. f), can be distinguished appropriately even today; (vi) the entire surface of the sword is porous that can be the consequence of negligent casting118. By citing analogous specimens found in Hajdúböszörmény safeguarded at the Calvinist College in Debrecen and in the Graffenried Collection of the Hungarian National Museum, Miske119 properly determined the dating of this and of other sword fragments found in Velem. On account of the proportion, section and shape of its cup-shaped pommel and blade, the sword subject to recent anatomization corresponds in age with those unearthed in Csönge and Hajdúböszörmény. I shall assume that, 110 111 112 113 114 115 116 117 118 119 GRAFFENRIED 1860, p. 373. KRISTIANSEN 1999, p. 104–105, Fig. 4–6. MÖDLINGER 2010, p. 122–123, Abb. 11; MÖDLINGER 2011, Fig. 2A-B. I shall thank my archaeologist colleague, Zsigmond Hajdú (Déri Museum, Debrecen) and photographer Róbert Oláh for the aerial photographs suitable for assessment. MISKE 1908, XXX. Table 5. MISKE 1908, p. 36. KEMENCZEI 1991, p. 60–61, Taf. 59/254. I shall thank archaeologist technician András Radics (Szombathely) for the drawings of the artifacts and archaeologist technician Tibor Takács (Szombathely) for the photographs. At this point, I shall thank for the cordial conclusion of goldsmith craftsman and archaeologist technician András Radics. MISKE 1908, p. 36. 224 / Gábor Ilon in consequence of redundant restoration, the authentic adornment of the hilt has been destroyed together with its patina. I believe it to be a grounded hypothesis so much the more because the same thing happened to the sword uncovered in Csönge. Which one of the swords can be interpreted as a status symbol, or a symbolic edged weapon, or a sacrificial (Opfergerät) object, or an object of ritual consecration (Weihe) or, perchance, of a votive nature?120 As regards rites, we shall not forget about “playful” or “ritual dance”121 and/or ritual combat. As regards the latter, according to observations in Papua New Guinea122, only symbolic wounds could be induced most likely, but at the same time, visible marks of impairment have been left on the edged weapons. Injuries have been verified in the case of part of the swords found in the treasure trove of Hajdúböszörmény and in the case of the specimens uncovered in Csönge and Velem. RECAPITULATION The plausible understanding of the meaning of the extraordinarily decorated sword of Hajdúböszörmény and its circle (e.g.: Csönge, Diosig), in my opinion, is as follows: portrayal of the life cycle beginning with birth progressing toward the afterlife and posteriorly toward re-birth, as well as of the transition of the different spheres by the aid of the cyclic revolution of the Sun and/or the Pleiades (Pl. X/3)123. Therefore, the message of the semiotics of the weapon is a continuum, namely that reappearance from bereavement is possible and necessary124, of which “abettor” is the Sun God that is reborn over and over again and is represented by symbols. Id est, in the wake of Jozef Paulík’s extraordinarily diligent data processing referred to hereabove, the concept of the universe of the Urnfield period can be concluded in the case of another type of artifact125, which concept was not at all uniform to the contrary126 and demonstrates diversions in each geographical region. The bird-headed cart-model is a tool of intermediation between real life and cultic sphere127, but these in the Bronze Age are only symbolic and miniaturized. Nonetheless, the actual burial of real carts was to come in the Early Iron Age. The boat of the “boat-bird-sun” assemblage must likewise have held a sacrificial function as has been verified by the well-known processing of the Northern Bronze Age128 and by the depictions of the Western and Central129 and Southern European130 regions. As has been disseminated above, and perhaps as I have successfully managed to prove, the decoration of many types of objects found in the Carpathian Basin and the sword style already presented have verified the same. In other words, a Pan-European belief system dating to the Late Urnfield Period can be specified. It can also be stated that the decorations are not of autotelic nature and were not created for the purpose of their own existence (to say, they are not “token or watchword” = the original meaning of the Greek word “symbolon”), because they connoted powerful and unequivocal meaning for the people of the age. Therefore, swords (found in Hajdúböszörmény and Csönge as well as others alike) decorated with the above described symbols might have belonged in the group of supernatural and mythical swords (e.g.: Attila’s sword or that of Charles the Great)131. Symbols, such as boat and horse, to say “the celestial twins”, however, 120 121 122 123 124 125 126 127 128 129 130 131 MÖDLINGER 2010, p. 123. SOROCEANU 2011, p. 86–91, 100. GUILAINE, ZAMMIT 2005, p. 27–28. KRISTIANSEN, LARSSON 2005, p. 352–356, Fig. 167; KAUL 2003, Abb. 9; KAUL 2010, Fig. 12; PAULÍK 2003, Obr. 3; WIRTH 2010, p. 509. WIRTH 2006b, p. 561. WIRTH 2006b, p. 553. SOROCEANU 2011, p. 43. PODBORSKý 2012, p. 212. SPROCKHOFF 1962; SPROCKHOFF, HÖCKMANN 1979; KAUL 1998; KAUL 2010; UCKELMANN 2010. KOSSACK 1954; KOSSACK 1990; HÄNSEL 2000; WIRTH 2006; WIRTH 2010. KOSSACK 1954; JOCKENHÖVEL 1974; MATTHÄUS 1981; JUNG 2007. IPOLYI 1854/1987, p. 503–510; GAZDAPUSZTAI 1959, p. 17–26, 209–210; JOCKENHÖVEL 2011, p. 11; Customized Sacrificial Semiotics? The Motifs of a Sword Unearthed in Hajdúböszörmény and Its Analogies in Western Hungary / 225 can also be understood in a more profane way, more specifically as the warriors’ “abettors” that aid the braves in battle and on the sea132. The former owner of the treasure trove found in Hajdúböszörmény might have been a member of the ruling class of the society, presumably a member of the warriors’ elite [in reference to Sperber’s definition: the “sword-bearing nobility”133], and mayhap its political and sacrificial leader134, a patriarchal family and/or clan chief135, to say the leader of a minor territory and/or of a band of aptly-drilled armed men136 and a protagonist of all of them most likely. Similar process, which has been recorded in concern to the western province of the Urnfield circle, can be reconstructed in respect of the Carpathian Basin (Pl. I), hence in Transdanubia137. In my opinion, Ian Colquhoun’s138 assumption, namely that the hilt of the sword in conjunction with its decoration which to say is its symbolism is customized139, has been verified to an extensive degree. This harmonizes with Agnė Čivilytė’s140 conclusion, id est (i) intact weapon hoards express honour to their owners in lieu of the weapons themselves; and (ii) the weapons did not only reflect the status of their owners but also their owners identified themselves with their weapons. This train of thoughts can be conveyed logically further on with the observation that, having been customized and connected with the concerned person, such weapons were preferably not left behind on the battle field. (See the battle field of the Tollense Valley, where, in addition to wooden maces, only bronze spearheads and bronze arrowheads were unearthed.141) The sword was taken by the triumphant owner, or, in the case of his demise, by his companions, or, not to be excluded, by the victor. The sword represented and meant its owner in conjunction with his personality and all of his power! The conundrum whether the owners of the swords, which are very closely associated by virtue of their decorations carrying significant meaning, found in Hajdúböszörmény and Csönge were identical person(s) or the member(s) of the corresponding household / kinship / clan / armed troop or league still remains ... As regards the latter case, the sword of Csönge might have been the object of an “act of diplomacy”142, i.e. an endowment” (Pl. I, Pl. II) ... Regretfully, I am not in a position to give a satisfying answer. Finally, allow me to insert hereunder an expressive addition to the riddle of weapons placed in a large number on a single site, to say of the weaponry of an owner holding prominence: […] Therewith Melanthius, the goatherd, climbed up by the clerestory of the hall to the inner chambers of Odysseus, whence he took twelve shields and as many spears, and as many helmets of bronze with thick plumes of horse hair, and he came forth and brought them speedily, and gave them to the wooers: […] (Source: 20; Homer (fl. 850 B.C.). The Odyssey. The Harvard Classics. 1909–14. Book XXII; http://www.bartleby.com/22/22.html) […] Then wise Telemachus answered him: “My father, it is I that have erred herein and none other is to blame, for I left the well-fitted door of the chamber open, and there has been one of them but too quick to spy it. Go now, goodly Eumaeus, and close the door of the chamber, […] (Source: SOROCEANU 2011, p. 53–55. KRISTIANSEN 2010, p. 97. 133 SPERBER 1999. 134 MÜLLER-KARPE 2006, p. 162; KRISTIANSEN 2011, p. 206, 208. 135 SPERBER 1999, p. 637, 642. 136 KRISTIANSEN 2012, p. 382. 137 SPERBER 1999, p. 656. 138 COLQUHOUN 2011, p. 113. 139 MÜLLER-KARPE 2006, p. 162. 140 ČIVILYTė 2009, p. 145. 141 JANTZEN ET AL 2011, p. 422–424, Fig. 2. 1–4, 7, Fig. 5, Fig. 7b. 142 SCHULTZ 2006, p. 223; ILON 2012, p. 175. 132 226 / Gábor Ilon 22; Homer (fl. 850 B.C.). The Odyssey. The Harvard Classics. 1909–14. Book XXII; http://www. bartleby.com/22/22.html) In addition to weaponry (helmets, breast and back plates, shields, swords, spears), symbolism portrayed on particular objects (swords subject to analysis, situla with the “sun-boat” symbol) confirm high rank. The following might provide supplementary data and information concerning, for instance, swords owned by specific warriors (the sizes and shapes of the hilts differ – see the treasure trove of Hajdúböszörmény143 to boot), to say the issue of customized weaponry: for example, grave no 12 unearthed in the Behringersdorfer Forest, in which laid three, or grave no 5. of the same site, in which laid 2 swords according to the documentation144. The conundrum whether the warriors were supplied with weapons from the chief’s private weaponry prior to particular combat actions still remains open. Perhaps, Jesus’s prophecy ([...] or all they that take the sword shall perish with the sword – Matthew 26:52) known from the Gospel of Matthew was fulfilled on the owner of the helmet found in the treasure trove of Hajdúböszörmény, because the injury on it145 alludes to a sword. In this particular case, we might presume a private offering which was performed not only and unconditionally because of the memory of the deceased but because of the propitiation of the “supreme being” of the celestial or earthly world or of the underworld. It is also conceivable that, in connection with the preceding concept, to say assuming the initial stage of a hero cult, the treasure trove is interpreted as the public offering of a specific band of armed men146, for example, on occasion of a victorious war, campaign or battle. In other words, we might, at this point, deal with the instance of a Greek tropaion (= from trophy, memorial of victory), i.e. offering was made by weapons (spolia opima) captured from the defeated foe147. Naturally, either of the above hypotheses is close enough to reality, the course of ceremony must or might have incorporated collective, and in this case perhaps, cooperative148 offering of food and beverage (libatio), of which tools (see the six bronze vessels of the treasure trove) could no longer be the accessories of profane life149. This is why the cache of Hajdúböszörmény contained cauldrons once used for the preparation of food and for eating it from them collectively. In regard to the “sun-boat” motif decorated vessel, it can be assumed that it was used for mixing beverages and/or for drinking beer and/or mead from it collectively, even through reed straws, for instance150. The treasure trove, at the same time, can be understood as the reflection of a dual concept of the universe151, because on Level 1: the swords were placed shifted and pointed conversely; Level 2: contained the objects of war (weapons: swords, helmets) / quietus and peace / life / nourishment. The assemblage of swords and vessels can be distinguished on a scene of the frequently referred situla152 found in grave no. 68. in Bologna–Certosa which portrays marching people that execute offering. EPILOGUE It is important to recognize the narrow vicinity (10 km) of the treasure trove of Hajdúböszörmény to survey, for instance, the proximity of water, if there is a ford on it, or if there are period settlements and their classes and their cemeteries. Why? To seek answer for the question if the cache was secreted 143 144 145 146 147 148 149 150 151 152 MOZSOLICS 1984, Abb. 2. JOCKENHÖVEL 2006, Abb. 21. 2–3. KRISTIANSEN 2002, p. 327, Fig. 6. KRISTIANSEN 1999; KALLA ET AL 2013, p. 30. and footnote 82. SOROCEANU 2011, p. 56, 64–67. KALLA ET AL 2013, footnote 14. and 15. MÜLLER 2002, p. 24–25, 28. WEISGERBER 2005; ÜNAL 2005; STOCKHAMMER 2012, p. 23, 26, Fig. 5–6. SOROCEANU 2011b, p. 278, 281, Taf. 3. SOROCEANU 2011, p. 68, Abb. 12. 2. Customized Sacrificial Semiotics? The Motifs of a Sword Unearthed in Hajdúböszörmény and Its Analogies in Western Hungary / 227 into the ground within a deposition zone or next to a former ferry crossing. This scrutiny might reveal what territory the leader of warriors or the band of warriors (Männerbande) can be connected to153. Was there chiefdom (Häuptlingsstat) nearby?154 The (field) reconnaissance above could assist in evaluating the loci of period actions, their ranges and options in order to anatomize these aspects in view of profane environment and ritual actions155. In a different point of view, it is worth assessing the period weapon hoards in other viewpoints, based on which we might assume that these constituted parts of weaponries or, for sacrificial purposes, privileged parts of them. Nevertheless, a semiotic system that differs from my hypothesis based on the symbolism of the “sun-bird” motif above is also conceivable. (In this report, I have referred to the foregoing only in certain paragraphs.) The presentation of the assemblage of the variegated phases of the Pleiades and the bull-head156 with striking horns constitute the fundamental elements of such system. Nonetheless, these, with no breach of the concept of cyclicity, will lead us to the very same polytheist world of deities. The elaboration of this approach requires another study indeed. ANNEX Regions of authority yielding swords with cup-shaped pommels dating to the early and late Urnfield period in Northern Transdanubia – see Pl. I. I. The vicinity of Óbuda (1 sword, 27 settlements, 11 cemeteries, 1 treasure, 1 cavern) 1. The sword of Óbuda 2–3. Two settlement sites in Dunakeszi157 4. Settlement site in Fót158 5. Cemetery in Veresegyház159 6–8. Settlement site and two cemeteries in Budakalász160 9–10. Two settlement sites in Budakeszi161 11–16. Five settlement sites and grotto in Nagykovácsi162 17–18. Two settlement sites in Pilisborosjenő163 19–22. Four settlement sites in Solymár164 23–25. Settlement site and two cemeteries in Szentendre165 26–28. Two settlement sites and cemetery in Szigetmonostor166 29–31. Budapest I. elevated settlement sites: Gellérthegy, Tabán, Várhegy167 32–41. Budapest III. four settlement sites, cemetery of Békásmegyer and four other cemeteries, bronze treasure trove168 SPERBER 1999, Abb. 16; HARDING 2007, p. 149–169, Fig. 25. JOCKENHÖVEL 2005, p. 125. 155 MÜLLER 2002, p. 32, 33; BALLMER 2010, p. 124–126, 129, Abb. 3–4; KRISTIANSEN 2012, p. 383. 156 PAULÍK 2003, p. 88–89, Obr. 3, Obr. A-C; MÜLLER-KARPE 2006, p. 161–162. 157 MRT 1993, 80, 85, 5/15, 19, findspot. 158 MRT 1993, 97, 8/3, findspot. 159 MRT 1993, 553, 37/11, findspot. 160 MRT 1986, 43, 49, 3/4. and 3/15, findspot. 161 MRT 1986, 56, 58, 4/4, 8, findspot. 162 MRT 1986, 120–122, 124, 12/1, 2, 3, 4, 10, 11, findspot. 163 MRT 1986, 142, 15/3, 4, findspot. 164 MRT 1986, 213–214, 218, 25/2, 3, 4, 7, findspot. 165 MRT 1986, 248, 290, 28/1 and 28/43, findspot. 166 MRT 1986, 297, 299, 29/12, 13, 16, findspot. 167 KőSZEGI 1988, 128. 168 KőSZEGI 1988, 128–129; KALICZ-SCHREIBER ET AL 2010. 153 154 228 / Gábor Ilon II. The vicinity of Keszthely Signs of “X” placed next to the sword found in Keszthely mark only those contemporary settlements numerically, of which areas, to best of our knowledge, confined more than thirty settlements, cemeteries and many bronze caches dating to the Urnfield period. These are as follows: Alsópáhok, Balatonederics, Balatonszentgyörgy, Cserszegtomaj, Gyenesdiás, Hévíz, Lesencetomaj, Rezi, Sármellék, Várvölgy, Vonyarcvashegy, Zalaapáti and Zalavár. However, except the sword of Keszthely, a particular period of the settlement history of Várvölgy–Nagy-Lázhegy, and part of the treasure finds, all of these are older than the Ha B1 Period169. III. The vicinity of the Ság Hill (2 swords, 4 settlements, 3 cemeteries, 7 treasures) 1. The sword of Csönge 2. Urnfield cemetery in Csönge170 3. Celldömölk–Ság Hill: settlement and its cemeteries dating to the Urnfield period171 and five (Románd horizon) bronze treasures172. The undecorated sword with cup-shaped pommel unearthed in treasure trove II is the product of metalworking typical to the Eastern Alps region173 4. Celldömölk–Izsákfa, Bokodpuszta: settlement174 5. Kemenesszentmárton: treasure trove dating to the early Urnfield period175 6. Balk over Mersevát–Falu: Urnfield settlement176 7. Administrative boundary of Nemeskocs: vessels (stray finds) dating to the Urnfield period might refer to cemetery177 8. Foot of Vásárosmiske–Pet Hill: vestiges of settlement dating to the Urnfield period178 IV. The vicinity of Szombathely (1 sword, 7 settlements, 2 cemeteries, 2 treasures) 1. The sword of Szombathely 2. Gencsapáti–Uraság lands I.: Late Bronze Age settlement179 3. Gencsapáti–Kápolnadomb: Naue II sword (stray find) (part of a hoard?) and Late Bronze Age settlement180 4. Adjacent to Gencsapáti–Hosszú: settlement dating to the Urnfield period181 5. Balk of Szombathely–Kőszer: settlement dating to the Urnfield period182 6. Balk below Szombathely–Olad-Reiszig forest: settlement dating to the Urnfield period183 7. Szombathely–Kámon, heating plant: settlement dating to the Urnfield period184 8. Szombathely–Ják Street cemetery: bronze treasure dating to the Urnfield period185 PATEK 1968; KőSZEGI 1988, HORVÁTH 1996; MÜLLER 2013. KEMENCZEI 1996. 171 KEMENCZEI 1988, 15, 25, 31, 69; PATEK 1968, 135–148. 172 MOZSOLICS 2000, 37–39. 173 KEMENCZEI 1991, 59, Taf. 58/246. 174 PLAJNER, SZAKSZ 1996. 175 KEMENCZEI 1991, 84, Taf. 68/409. 176 ILON, RASZTOVICS 2000, 148. 177 Savaria Múzeum, Szombathely, uninventoried. 178 2003, donation. 179 1998, field reconnaisance. 180 KÁROLYI 2004, 154, 209. pic; 1999: field reconnaisance. 181 Field reconnaisance on an unknown day. 182 ILON 2004, 65–68. 183 ILON 2004, 68. 184 ILON 2004, 48–50; KÁROLYI 2004, Fig. 150–151 and 141–142. 185 ILON 2002. 169 170 Customized Sacrificial Semiotics? The Motifs of a Sword Unearthed in Hajdúböszörmény and Its Analogies in Western Hungary / 229 9. Szombathely–Óperint: bronze treasure (?) with cauldron186 10. Szombathely–Táncsics M. Street / Szalézi: cemetery187 11. Szombathely–Zanat: cemetery and settlement dating to the Urnfield period188 V. The vicinity of Velem (1 sword, 9 settlements, 1 cemetery, 1 treasure) 1. The sword of Velem 2. 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PODBORSKý 2012 Podborský V., Der neue Fund eines Deichselwagens aus der Slowakei, in Blajer W. (Red.), Peregrinationes Archaeologicae in Asia et Europa. Joianni Chochorowski Dedicatae, Krakow, p. 205–213. PRIULI2002 Priuli A., Valcamonica: Valley of Prehistory, Capo di Ponte. RYCHNER 1995 Rychner V., Stand und Aufgaben dendrochronologischer Forschung zur Urnenfelderzeit, in Beiträge zur Urnenfelderzeit nördlich und südlich der Alpen. RGZM Monographien 35, Bonn, p. 455–487. SCHAUER 1988/89 Schauer P., Mittelbronzezeitliche Vogelplastik, in Mitteilungen der Antropologischen Gesellschaft in Wien 118/119, p. 45–59. SCHULZ 2006 Schulz C. E., Zum Aufkommen des Schwertes, in Anados 4–5, p. 215–229. SOMMERFELD 2010 Sommerfeld C., Die Kehrseite – Anmerkungen zur Rolle des Monde in der Ikonographie der Bronzezeit, in Meller H., Bertemes F. (Hrsg.), Der Griff nach den Sternen. Int. Symposium in Halle (Saale) 16.–21. Februar 2005. Tagungen des Landesmuseums für Vorgeschichte Halle 5/1, p. 501–515. SOROCEANU 1995 Soroceanu T., Die Fundumstände bronzezeitlicher Deponierungen – Ein Beitrag zur Hortdeutung beiderseits der Karpaten, in Soroceanu T. (Red.), Bronzefunde aus Rumänien, Prähistorische Archäologie Südosteuropa 10, Berlin, p. 15–80. SOROCEANU 2005 Soroceanu T., Zu den Fundumständen der europäischen Metallgefäße bis in das 8. Jh. v. Chr. Ein Beitrag zu deren religionsgeschichtlichen Deutung, in Soroceanu T. (Hrsg.), Bronzefunde aus Rumänien. II, Bistriţa, p. 387–428. SOROCEANU 2011 Soroceanu T., “GLADIUS BARBARICO RITU HUMI FIGITUR NUDUS“. Schriftliches, Bildliches und Ethnologisches zur Bedeutung der Schwerter und der Schwertdeponierungen außerhalb des militärischen Verwendungsbereiches, in Tyragetia S.N. V [XX], 1, p. 41–118. SOROCEANU 2011b Soroceanu T., Zweigeteilte Einheit oder geeinte Zweiheit? Zur Frage der Dualität in der bronzezeitlichen Deponierungen, p. 269–294. in Berecki S., Németh R., Rezi B. (eds.), Bronze Age Rites and Rituals in the Carpathian Basin, Bibliotheca Mvsei Marisiensis Ser. Archaeologica IV, Târgu Mureş. SOROCEANU, LAKÓ 1981 Soroceanu T., Lakó Éva, Depozitul de bronzuri de la Sîg. (Jud. Sălaj), in ActaMP 5, p. 145–168. SPERBER 1999 Sperber L., Zu den Schwertträgern im westlichenkreis der Urnenfelderkultur: Profane und Religiöse Aspekte, in Eliten in der Bronzezeit. Ergebnisse zweier Kolloquien in Mainz und Athen 2, RGZM Monographien 43, Mainz, p. 605–659. SPROCKHOFF 1962 Sprockhoff E., Nordische Bronzezeit und frühes Griechentum, in BAB 3, p. 28–110, Pl. 7–9. SPROCKHOFF, Sprockhoff E., Höckmann, O. Die Gegossenen Bronzebecken der jüngeren nordischen Bronzezeit. HÖCKMANN 1979 Kataloge Vor- und frühgeschichtlicher Altertümer 19, Mainz. STOCKHAMMER 2012 Stockhammer P. W., Performing the Practice Turn in Archaeology, in TransSt 1, p. 7–42. SZABÓ 2009 V. Szabó G., Egy hiányzó láncszem… Adatok egy új késő bronzkori szitulatípus kapcsolatrendszeréhez. Ein fehlendes bindeglied… Daten zum Verbindungssystem eines neuen spätbronzezeitlichen Situlentyps, in Tisicum 19, p. 281–293. UCKELMANN 2010 Uckelmann Marion, Zur Ornamentik jungbronzezeitlicher Schilde, in Meller H., Bertemes F. (Hrsg.), Der Griff nach den Sternen. Int. Symposium in Halle (Saale) 16.–21. Februar 2005. Tagungen des Landesmuseums für Vorgeschichte Halle 5/1, p. 553–561. UENZE 1993 Uenze H. P., Die Schlange, ein Kultsymbol der Urnenfelder- und Hallstattzeit, in ActaPA 25, p. 132–136. ÜNAL 2005 Ünal A., Bier im Alltagsleben und im Kult der altanatolischen Völker, in Yalçin Ü., Linden M. (Red.), Das Schiff von Uluburun. Welthandel vor 3000 Jahren. Katalog der Ausstellung, Bochum, p. 167–170. VLADÁR 1973 Vladár J., Osteuropäische und mediterrane Einflüsse im Gebiet der Slowakei während der Bronzezeit, in SlovArch 21, p. 253–357. WEISGERBER 2005 Weisgerber G., Biertrinker an Bord? Ein seltener Fund aus Blei!, in Yalçin Ü., Linden M. (Red.), Das Schiff von Uluburun. Welthandel vor 3000 Jahren. Katalog der Ausstellung, Bochum, p. 157–166. 234 / Gábor Ilon WIRTH 2006 WIRTH 2006b WIRTH 2010 WIRTH 2011 Wirth S., Le mystère de la barque solaire: Quelques considérations à propos des décors sur les situles de type Hajdúböszörmény et sur une situle inédite du Bronze final, in RAEst 24, p. 331–345. Wirth S., Vogel-Sonnen-Barke, in Reallexikon der Germanischen Altertumskunde, 2nd edition, vol. 32, p. 552–563, pl. 27. Wirth S., Sonnenbarke und zyklisches Weltbild – Überlegungen zum Verständnis der spätbronzezeitlichen Ikonographie in Mitteleuropa, in Meller H., Bertemes F. (Hrsg.), Der Griff nach den Sternen. Int. Symposium in Halle (Saale) 16.–21. Februar 2005. Tagungen des Landesmuseums für Vorgeschichte Halle 5/1, p. 501–515. Wirth S., Examples of imagery in ornamentation on Late Bronze Age Weapons, in Uckelmann M., Mödlinger M. (eds.), Bronze Age Warfare: Manufacture and Use of Weaponry. Abstracts workshop Vienna 2009, BAR 2255, Oxford, p. 216–217. Customized Sacrificial Semiotics? The Motifs of a Sword Unearthed in Hajdúböszörmény and Its Analogies in Western Hungary / 235 Pl. I. The topographical location of Csönge and Hajdúböszörmény, as well as the regions of authority yielding swords with cup-shaped pommels dating to the early and late Urnfield period in Northern Transdanubia – see list of findspots in the Annex. (Tibor Takács finished the map according to the plan of the author of this report.) 236 / Gábor Ilon Pl. II. Distribution map of the B/V. Group of swords with the “sun-boat” motif Customized Sacrificial Semiotics? The Motifs of a Sword Unearthed in Hajdúböszörmény and Its Analogies in Western Hungary / 237 2 1 3 Pl. III. Helmet (2) found in Hajdúböszörmény, its possible positioning (1) and situla (3) – not scale proportionate. 238 / Gábor Ilon 1 2 3 5 4 6 7 8 9 Pl. IV. 1. Knife found in grave 6. in Balatonfűzfő. 2. Bronze diadem found in Szombathely. 3. Golden plate found in Grăniceri. 4. Sword blade found in Podhořany/Podhering. 5. Avocet (aquarelle). 6–7. Globule segment pair found in treasure trove I in Velem. 8–9. Globule segment pair II (Drawings by 1 – A. Radics; 2, 6–9 – Cs. E. Kiss) Customized Sacrificial Semiotics? The Motifs of a Sword Unearthed in Hajdúböszörmény and Its Analogies in Western Hungary / 239 Pl. V. Swords with “sun-boat” motif 240 / Gábor Ilon 1 2 3 5 4 7 6 Pl. VI. Sword hilt decoration. 1. Csönge. 2. Hajdúböszörömény. 3. Unknown; found in Hungary. 4. Tiszalök. 5. Kostolec. 6. Neckenmarkt. 7. Nahořany (Drawings after ILON 1992; after MÜLLER-KARPE 1961) Customized Sacrificial Semiotics? The Motifs of a Sword Unearthed in Hajdúböszörmény and Its Analogies in Western Hungary / 241 1 2 Pl. VII. Decorations on the hilts of swords found in Csönge and Hajdúböszörmény 242 / Gábor Ilon b a c d e Pl. VIII. Marks of deployment on the sword found in Csönge (drawing by I. Ughy; photograph by T. Takács) Customized Sacrificial Semiotics? The Motifs of a Sword Unearthed in Hajdúböszörmény and Its Analogies in Western Hungary / 243 b a c e d 0 4 cm f Pl. IX. Marks of deployment on the sword found in Velem (drawing by A. Radics, photograph by T. Takács) 244 / Gábor Ilon 2 1 3 Pl. X. 1. Clay trivet found during Kálmán Miske’s excavation in Temes-Kubin. 2. Serpent body of needle found in a bronze cache in Ménfőcsanak. 3. Depiction of the cyclic revolution of the Sun (drawings by 1 – I. Hamvas; 2 – M. Mátyus; 3 – after Kaul 2003, Abb. 9) Customized Sacrificial Semiotics? The Motifs of a Sword Unearthed in Hajdúböszörmény and Its Analogies in Western Hungary / 245 1 2 3 Pl. XI. Radiocarbon data 1. of the Western Hungarian region (partly bone samples). 2. of the wooden objects found in a salt mine in Királyvölgy (Transcarpathia, Ukraine). 3. of Switzerland of the Urnfield period – 1. author’s compilation; 2 – HARDING, KAVRUK 2013, Fig. 5.12; 3 – after RYCHNER 1995, Abb. 24 A Women-Related Ritual in Early Iron Age Popeşti (Southeast Romania, 9th Century BCE) Nona Palincaş Vasile Pârvan Institute of Archaeology, Romanian Academy, Bucharest, ROMANIA palincas@gmail.com Keywords: Early Iron Age, ritual pit, women’s ritual, Thesmophoria, women’s agency. Abstract: This paper interprets a 9th c. BCE ritual pit from the site at Popeşti (town Mihăileşti, Giurgiu Co.) in southeast Romania as having resulted from a ritual that presents close similarities with the Thesmophoria, the exclusively female festival celebrated in all antique Greek city-states. How exactly to explain this similarity is unclear. At the same time the paper draws attention to the visibility of the female element in the archaeological record – a still often contested aspect in Southeastern European archaeology. This paper is an attempt at interpreting a ritual pit found in the settlement at Popeşti (a village presently belonging to the town of Mihăileşti, Giurgiu County), in southeast Romania. The pit is dated to the 9th c. BCE and belongs the earliest part of the Early Iron Age (in the Romanian archaeological tradition also referred to as ‘the early Hallstatt period’, comprising the interval between c. 1200/1100 and c. 850/800 BCE1). This is a period that is still poorly documented in the region. Because this particular pit resulted from a ritual with a strong female dimension, the paper is also a contribution to the problem of the visibility of women in the archaeological record. Fig. 1. Location of the sites mentioned: M – Măgurele; Me – Meri; Mo – Mogoşeşti; P − Pasărea; Pp – Popeşti (base map by Iuliana Barnea). 1 LÁSZLÓ 2010. Representations, Signs and Symbols, 2014 / p. 247–258 248 / Nona Palincaş Fig. 2. Popeşti. General view of the site: A−C – Sectors of the site separated by ditches; Z –Excavated area Z, where Pit 18 was found (© the author). THE DATA The settlement at Popeşti is situated about 25 km southwest of Bucharest (Fig. 1), on the right bank of the Argeş River, at the end of the longest promontory on the Romanian Plain. The settlement was divided into three sectors (labeled A, B and C: Fig. 2) through three defensive trenches built in the Late Bronze Age and reused in part later on2. The most intensely occupied in pre- and protohistory was Sector A (also called ‘Nucet’ by the locals and Acropolis by archaeologists), where there are a total of eleven pre- and protohistoric layers, ranging – discontinuously − from the Early Bronze Age (the Glina Culture) to the Late Iron Age (c. 2 or 4 CE: Fig. 3). Pit 18 is situated in Sector A and 2 VULPE 1997; PALINCAŞ 1997, p. 175–182. A Women-Related Ritual in Early Iron Age Popeşti (Southeast Romania, 9th Century BCE) / 249 belongs to the Early Iron Age, more precisely to the early Hallstatt dwelling layer attributed to the Pre-Basarabi habitation in Popeşti, and characterized by pottery of Popeşti type3. In Sector A this layer is approx. 10 cm thick, and contained the remains of several buildings, as well as a few hearths and pits. The dwelling at this time also included large parts of the eastern half of Sector B, but the precise outline could not be determined here because most of this area is presently included in the cemetery of Popeşti village, and prehistoric remains could be recovered only during reconstructions and enlargements of pre-existing graves. Here the layer with Popeşti style pottery was found mostly at a depth of approx. –1.80 m from the present day surface and was approx. 20–25 cm thick, with no remains of constructions, but with larger sherds from which could be reconstructed a few medium to large sized vessels. This layer was dated to the 9th c. BCE based on its stratigraphic position within Sector A (Fig. 3) – where it overlies the layer with pottery of Novaci type, and lies immediately below the Basarabi layer – as well as on the radiocarbon dating of Piglet no. 1 from Pit 18 itself (Fig. 4)4. Fig. 3. Popeşti. Schematic representation of the stratigraphy in Sector A and the dating of the layers (from PALINCAŞ 2011, Fig. 4). The only contemporaneous sites presently known are the barrow from Meri5, a pit with a typical but single vessel in Mogoşeşti6, and probably also the modest settlement remains from Pasărea – Str. Arad, plot 74, strip 2757, and Măgurele − Str. Alunişului nr. 108. Pit 18 was found at the northernmost end of Sector A, in the excavated area labeled as Z, in 1955 (Fig. 2). It was excavated by Gheorghe Bichir but remained largely unpublished – except for some aspects concerning the chronology of the Pre- Basarabi period9. The present discussion is based on the excavator’s diary10, drawings, and the surviving archaeological collections. Pit 18 had a bucket-like profile (the field drawing could not be found and may be lost), was dug from a level at –1.50 m and was 1.15 m deep. It had a homogeneous filling consisting of hardened yellowish brown clay containing a large number of snails of varying dimensions and one charred wheat grain recovered during sieving (without the use of water). At the bottom of the pit (Fig. 4) 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 PALINCAŞ 2004–2005b, p. 56, 61, fig. 3.2–7. PALINCAŞ 2004–2005b, p. 64, fig. 8; here Fig. 4. MOSCALU 1976; PALINCAŞ 2004–2005b, p. 61. POPA 1996–1998, fig. 9. MĂNUCU-ADAMEŞTEANU, PALINCAŞ 2007a. MĂNUCU-ADAMEŞTEANU, PALINCAŞ 2007b. PALINCAŞ 2004–2005b, p. 61–64, fig. 5. Diary no. 11, p. 315–320. 250 / Nona Palincaş there were two articulated skeletons of piglets of 4 and 6 weeks of age, respectively, too young to allow discrimination between domestic pig and wild boar11; each of the piglets was laid with the head on a clay pyramidal object which probably served as andirons (that they were loom weights is not excluded), and were covered with snails of varying dimensions. The excavator marked on the plan of the pit sherds from 8 reconstructible vessels, of which only the part presented in Figures 5–7 could be recovered. Vessel no. 1, which, according to the excavator, ‘dominated the pit’12 was laid in the belly of vessel no. 2 (Fig. 4). Among the sherds, there were also a few pieces of hearth surface (it is not specified whether they could stem from several hearths), a few pieces of plaster, small fragments of wood charcoal and one small flint flake (Fig. 7.2). 0 50 cm Fig. 4. Popeşti. Pit 18/Z/1955 at the bottom (from PALINCAŞ 2004–2005a, Fig. 5; original drawing by Gh. Bichir). Fig. 5. Popeşti. Pit 18. Vessel no. 2 (preserved parts: half of the body and a few sherds from the mouth and neck); d – dark (black) side; l – light (buff) side (from PALINCAŞ 2004–2005b, Fig. 4.2). INTERPRETATION The arrangement of the aforementioned items at the bottom of the pit easily qualifies it as a ritual pit. Determining the ritual of which this pit was a part requires a more thorough analysis. A number of items can be seen as making reference to the sphere of the home: hearths pieces and charcoal, pieces of plaster from walls in particular. The piglets and the vessels could refer to nourishment, all the more so since they are associated with hearth fragments. A further clue can be found in the characteristics of vessel nos 1 and 2 and their arrangement. Vessel no. 2 is gynomorphic (i.e. has elements of the female shape) and for this reason takes a central role in this argument. Its gynomorphic character may not be obvious at first glance, but it becomes clear when we consider the evolution of gynomorphic motifs on vessels as we see it in the settlement at Popeşti. Fig. 8 presents the main stages of the evolution of the gynomorphic vessels, which can be followed in terms of the various ways of representing the eponymous motif − that is, the female breast − but also as vessel shapes on which it appears. 11 12 Adrian Bălăşescu – personal communication 2002. Diary no. 11, p. 318. A Women-Related Ritual in Early Iron Age Popeşti (Southeast Romania, 9th Century BCE) / 251 1 3 2 4 Fig. 6. Popeşti. Pit 18/Z/1955. 1. Vessel no. 1. 2–4. Vessels probably belonging to the inventory of the pit (1–2. from PALINCAŞ 2004–2005b, fig. 3. 5, 8) (© the author). 252 / Nona Palincaş 1 2 3 4 Fig. 7. Popeşti. Pit 18/Z/1955. 1. Vessel no. 4. 2. Flint flake. 3. Vessel no. 5. 4. Vessel no. 6 (vessels from PALINCAŞ 2004–2005b, fig. 3.6–7; 4. 1). A Women-Related Ritual in Early Iron Age Popeşti (Southeast Romania, 9th Century BCE) / 253 5 4 3 1 2 Fig. 8. Popeşti: the evolution of gynomorphic vessels. 1–2. Fundeni-Govora pottery style (c. 16th–14th c. BCE). 3. Radovanu pottery style (c. 14th–12th c. BCE). 4. Novaci pottery style (c. 10th c. BCE). 5. Popeşti pottery style (c. 9th c. BCE). (1, 3. from PALINCAŞ 2004–2005a, fig. 4.1; 6.1; 4–5. from PALINCAŞ 2004–2005b, fig. 3.1; 4.2) (© the author). 254 / Nona Palincaş As far as the motif itself is concerned, representations of the female breast appear in Popeşti in the Fundeni-Govora pottery repertoire (i.e. the earlier part of the Late Bronze Age – c. 1550–1350 BCE), with the motif of the female breast represented in both naturalistic (Fig. 8.1) and more stylized variants (Fig. 8.2), on pieces from eight vessels, always associated with circle-based motifs that are usually interpreted as sun symbols13 (further contemporaneous examples from the Lower Danube area are found in the vessel hoard in Govora14 and the settlement at Cârcea15). In the following layer at Popeşti, containing pottery of Radovanu type (which before the publication of the recent excavations from Radovanu16 I named Zimnicea-Plovdiv17), there is a clear increase in the number of gynomorphic vessels; at the same time, the female breast is represented exclusively in stylized form, while the solar symbols disappeared completely – as well as all other decoration except for a few incised lines (Fig. 8.3)18. For the immediately following period – that is the 12th–11th c. BCE (the earliest part of the Early Iron Age), absent from the settlement at Popeşti, but known from its surroundings − mainly from Căscioarele19 and Chitila20) − no piece of a gynomorphic vessel is documented. Following the Radovanu layer in Popeşti is a layer with pottery of Novaci type, dated to approx. the 10th c. BCE21. Here so far only one gynomorphic clay item was found – one nevertheless quite relevant owing to its naturalistic appearance (Fig. 8.4); unfortunately the fragment is too small to determine whether it stems from a vessel or from a statuette. Immediately above is the layer containing pottery of Popeşti type, to which Pit 18/Z/1955 belongs, and which yielded several stylized representations of the female breast, quite similar to some of those from the Late Bronze Age (see Fig. 8. 2 and Palincaș 2004–2005a, figs 5.5–7). As far as the categories of vessels bearing gynomorphic motifs are concerned, middle sized amphorae and kantharoi of various dimensions could be reconstructed with certainty. From them the former type could be traced from the Fundeni-Govora layer through to the layer with pottery of Popeşti type, vessel no. 2 being on example of it. Further, the gynomorphic character of this latter vessel becomes even more relevant when it is considered that another vessel – vessel no. 1 (Fig. 4) − was laid in its belly. No. 1 is clearly an old vessel as can be seen from the three (preserved) holes made for mending the cracks (Fig. 6.1) as well as the well-marked traces of abrasion just below the rim. Its positioning in the belly of another vessel (no. 2) and the gynomorphic character of the latter suggest the idea of rebirth, of giving new life to a vessel which had reached the end of its life-span − a symbolism that might also have referred to other things and people the vessel may have stood for. Pit 18 with its content and the way it is arranged has no parallels in the neighbouring regions, either contemporaneous or more remote in time. Yet additional insight can be gained from comparison with the festival of the Thesmophoria. I owe the idea of this comparison to Prof. Alexandru Vulpe, who suggested it in a comment on my interpretation of Pit 18/Z/55 as related to female rituals, which included the use of piglets. The following traits invite a comparison between our pit at Popeşti and the Thesmophoria, a festival observed in all the Greek city-states22: – The strong feminine character of the ritual. The Thesmophoria was a women’s festival in honour of the goddess Demeter, the goddess of agriculture, of regeneration of fields23, but with special reference to the mourning of the loss of and search for her daughter Persephone. The festival was an 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 See PALINCAŞ 2004–2005a, fig. 4–5.1–3 for seven pieces, the eighth being illustrated here in Fig. 8.2. HÄNSEL 1976, pl. 4.2. NICA 1996, figs 12.1a-b. SCHUSTER, ŞERBĂNESCU 2007; SCHUSTER 2011, p. 170. PALINCAŞ 1996, p. 267–268. For further examples see PALINCAŞ, 2004–2005a: fig. 5.5–7; 6. Unpublished. BORONEANŢ 1984. PALINCAŞ 2004–2005b, p. 56, 61, 64; fig. 1–2, 3.1. BURKERT 2011, p. 364. BURKERT 2011, p. 364; STALLSMITH 2009. A Women-Related Ritual in Early Iron Age Popeşti (Southeast Romania, 9th Century BCE) / 255 exclusively women’s enterprise: virgins were excluded from participation, while the participation of married women was mandatory24. From the study-region we do not know any 9th c. BCE divinity, let alone a divinity which could be connected to the ritual from which Pit 18 resulted, and there is no data to indicate who participated in the ritual involving Pit 18, but its strong female character is arguably present in that vessel no. 2 is gynomorphic, while the arrangement of vessel nos 2 and 1 suggests a mother–daughter type relationship. – The sacrificing of pigs. Demeter herself as well as her worshipers is often represented with a little pig in her arms25. Thesmos, that is what was laid into the ground, the term that gave the name to the festival of Thesmophoria26, were piglets27. These were laid in the crevices of cliffs to be eaten in part by snakes, and then left there for a while to rot; in other cases were put in pits28; the remains were retrieved after a while, mixed with seeds that were sewn on the fields, the fertility of which they were believed to secure29. The piglets from the pit at Popeşti, associated with items making reference to the household, are clearly comparable to those of the Thesmophoria. – The preoccupation with birth and rebirth. During the Thesmophoria the goddess Kalligéneia (Göttin der schönen Geburt, the goddess of the good/beautiful/successful parturition, otherwise absent from the Olympian gods) was invoked30, while reference to rebirth is made by the descending of women to the earth (crevices and pits) and then the retrieval of the rotten remains of piglets used for a new crop. The old vessel no. 1 placed into the ‘womb’ of gynomorphic vessel no. 2 certainly suggests the idea of decay and rebirth. – The large number of snails was also a symbol, but for what exactly is uncertain. It is often the case that the image of the snail extruding from the shell was used as a symbol for parturition31, but it may also suggest the male reproductive organ which was replicated in pastry phalluses during the Thesmophoria32. – The dead were called in Athens demétreioi, a clear reference to the goddess Demeter, and wheat was sown on the graves suggesting again the idea of regeneration of life33. The same idea is suggested in Pit 18 by the old vessel (no. 1) placed in the belly (the womb) of a gynomorphic vessel (no. 2). Nevertheless, in Pit 18 there is nothing to refer to the fertility of fields, to agriculture, but several items refer to the household, with particular emphasis on the idea of nourishment – i.e. support of life: the hearth and fire (charcoal), fire dogs and piglets, the pieces of plaster wall – a reasonable parallel to the main idea of the Thesmophoria, that of marking women’s role in the reproduction of Greek society at large. CONCLUDING REMARKS Whether Pit 18/Z/55 stands in the local – that is, Lower Danube region − Late Bronze Age tradition of the vessel hoard is unclear because of the large time gap between the two: relatively close to Popeşti two vessel hoards are known so far, one from Govora34, the other from Čerkovna35, dated approx. to the mid–16th – mid–14th c. BCE36 and the 14th to 12th c. BCE37, respectively. Neither of 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 BURKERT 2011, p. 364–365. BURKERT 2011, p. 364. BURKERT 2011, p. 367. BURKERT 2011, p. 365. BURKERT 2011, p. 366. BURKERT 2011, p. 365, 368. BURKERT 2011, p. 367. REESE 1991, p. 189. BURKERT 2011, p. 368. BURKERT 2011, p. 248. HÄNSEL 1976, p. 59–60; pl. 4–5.1–6. HÄNSEL 1976, p. 77; pl. 9–11. PALINCAŞ 1996, p. 260, 267. STEFANOVICH, BANKOFF 1998, p. 279. 256 / Nona Palincaş them was reported to have contained any traces of animal bones (but it should be noted that both are chance finds). Also unclear is the relationship between the ritual from which Pit 18 resulted and the Thesmophoria, with which it is very similar in many respects – but it should be noted that the Antique written sources give little and sometimes contradictory information on the latter, owing to the secret character of the festival38. The origin of this cult is unclear: Demeter and Persephone is the only major Greek cult of the first millennium BCE missing from the Linear B records and from the Mycenaean area in general39; the origin of the festival has been sought from the local Early Neolithic, to Egypt, Asia Minor as well as in the symbolic valorization of feminine physiology (menstruation), etc.40. Importantly – as is also the case with the Thesmophoria − Pit 18 is an example of women’s agency, an attempt at influencing the course of life. In the case of Pit 18 the level of the household was clearly meant, but there is no indication that that of the entire community was also envisaged – as was the case with the Thesmophoria. Nevertheless, Pit 18 contradicts the idea still too widely distributed in Southeast European archaeology that women and their activities are not visible in the archaeological record. ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I wish to thank Dr Alexandru Niculescu for help with literature and Prof. Clive Bonsall for correcting my English. Bibliography BORONEANŢ 1984 BURKERT 2011 HÄNSEL 1976 LÁSZLÓ 2010 MĂNUCUADAMEŞTEANU, PALINCAŞ 2007a MĂNUCUADAMEŞTEANU, PALINCAŞ 2007b MOSCALU 1976 NICA 1996 PALAIMA 2008 PALINCAŞ 1996 PALINCAŞ 1997 38 39 40 Boroneanţ V., Chitila-Fermă, Un aspect cultural al începutului primei epoci a fierului. Date preliminare, in TD 5, p. 156–166. Burkert W., Griechische Religion der archaischen und klassischen Epoche. 2nd ed. Die Religion der Menschheit. Band 15, Stuttgart. Hänsel B., Beiträge zur regionalen und chronologischen Gliederung der älteren Hallstattzeit an der Unteren Donau, Bonn. László A., Prima epocă a fierului. Istoric şi caracterizare. Perioada timpurie, in Petrescu-Dîmboviţa M., Vulpe A. (ed.), Istoria românilor. Vol. 1. Moştenirea timpurilor îndepărtate, Bucureşti, p. 289–325. Mănucu-Adameşteanu Gh., Palincaş Nona, Cercetări arheologice preventive în satul Pasărea, comuna Brăneşti, judeţul Ilfov. Descoperiri din epoca hallstattiană timpurie, in CABucureşti 7, p. 73–88. Mănucu-Adameşteanu Gh., Palincaş Nona, Descoperiri hallstattiene pe teritoriul oraşului Măgurele, jud. Ilfov, in CABucureşti 7, p. 89–100. Moscalu, E., Die frühhallstattzeitlichen Gräber von Meri (Gem. Vedea, Kr. Teleorman), in TD 1, p. 77–86. Nica M., Date noi cu privire la geneza şi evoluţia culturii Verbicioara, in Drobeta 7, p. 18–34; fig. 1–18. Palaima Th. G., Mycenaean Religion, in Shelmerdine C. W. (ed.). The Cambridge Companion to the Aegean Bronze Age. Cambridge, New York, Melbourne, Madrid, Cape Town, Singapore, São Paulo, Delhi, p. 342–361. Palincaş Nona, Valorificarea arheologică a probelor 14C din fortificaţia aparţinând Bronzului târziu de la Popeşti (jud. Giurgiu), in SCIVA 47, 3, p. 239–295. Palincaş Nona, Scurtă prezentare a săpăturilor din Sectorul Σ al aşezării de la Popeşti (jud. Giurgiu). Campaniile 1988–1993, in CA 10, p. 173–192. BURKERT 2011, p. 368. PALAIMA 2008, p. 349–350. BURKERT 2011, p. 247–248, 368–369. A Women-Related Ritual in Early Iron Age Popeşti (Southeast Romania, 9th Century BCE) / 257 PALINCAŞ 2004–2005a Palincaş Nona, Social Status and Gender Relations in the Late Bronze Age Popeşti. A plea for the introduction of new approaches in Romanian archaeology, in Dacia NS 48–49, p. 39–53. PALINCAŞ 2004–2005b Palincaş Nona, Zur chronologischen Stellung der kannelierten (Vor-Basarabi-) Keramik von Popeşti, in Dacia NS 48–49, p. 55–64. PALINCAŞ 2011 Palincaş Nona, The archaeological site at Popeşti (Co. Giurgiu) at the crossroads between research, conservation, and public archaeology, in Caietele ARA 2, p. 209–215. POPA 1996–1998 Popa T., Raport preliminar privind săpăturile de la Mogoseşti (jud. Giurgiu). Campania 1998, in BMGiurgiu 2–4, p. 129–139. REESE 1991 Reese, D. S., The Trade of Indo-Pacific Shells into the Mediterranean Basin and Europe, in Oxford Journal of Archaeology 10(2), p. 159–196. SCHUSTER 2011 Schuster C., Zur späten Bronzezeit und frühen Eisenzeit an der Unteren Donau, in Nikolov V., Bacvarov K., Popov H. (ed.), Interdisziplinäre Forschungen zum Kulturerbe auf der Balkanhalbinsel. Humboldt-Union in Bulgarien, Sofia, p. 163–175. SCHUSTER, ŞERBĂNESCU Schuster C., Şerbănescu D., Zur Spätbronzezeit an der unteren Donau. Die Kulturen Coslogeni und 2007 Radovanu und ihre Verbindungen mit dem östlichen Mittelmeerraum, in Lang F., Reinholdt C., Weilhartner J. (ed.), ΣΤΕΦΑΝΟΣ ΑΡΙΣΤΕΙΟΣ. Archäologische Forschungen zwischen Nil und Istros. Festschrift für Stefan Hiller zum 65. Geburtstag, Wien, p. 241–250. STALLSMITH 2009 Stallsmith A. B., Interpreting the Athenian Thesmophoria, in Classical Bulletin 84.1, p. 28–45. STEFANOVICH, BANKOFF Stefanovich M., Bankoff H. A., Kamenska Čuka 1993−1995. Preliminary report, in Stefanovich 1998 M., Todorova Henrieta, Hauptmann H. (ed.), In the Steps of James Harvey Gaul, vol. 1. James Harvey Gaul − in memoriam, Sofia, p. 255–338. VULPE 1997 Vulpe A., Săpăturile de la Popeşti. Prezentarea campaniilor 1988–1993, in CA 10, p. 163–172. The Magic of Sounds. A Ceramic Rattle from the La Tène Grave No. 1 at Fântânele – DÂMBU POPII and Its Functional and Symbolic Significance* Aurel Rustoiu Sándor Berecki Institute of Archaeology and History of Art, Cluj-Napoca, ROMANIA aurelrustoiu@yahoo.com Mureş County Museum, Târgu Mureş, ROMANIA sberecki@yahoo.com Keywords: ceramic rattle, La Tène graves, magical toolkits, apotropaic, Celts. Abstract: The article focuses on a ceramic rattle that belongs to the inventory of the cremation grave no. 1 from the LT cemetery at Fântânele – Dâmbu Popii, BistriţaNăsăud County. The analysis takes into consideration the context of discovery, its chronology, and the analogies coming from various European areas. The functional and symbolic significance of this rattle is also discussed through a comparison with other contexts in which such objects were identified, either in the European LT environment or in the neighbouring cultural areas. At the same time, the analysis brings into discussion a series of functional analogies provided by the anthropological and ethnographic literature. The ceramic rattles discovered in the European LT environment performed various functions and were used in different ways. It can be considered that in the LT times the main function of the rattles was apotropaic. The sound produced by these instruments was meant to drive out the evil spirits, either in magical dances or in shamanic practices, serving also as an active protection against all sorts of perils mainly for the most vulnerable members of the communities, the women and the children. The cemetery from Fântânele – Dâmbu Popii (Bistriţa-Năsăud County) was accidentally discovered in 1961 during some agricultural works, when a few burials were destroyed. Ştefan Dănilă from the Museum of Bistriţa recovered two of the funerary inventories discovered on that occasion. Afterwards, in 1967, Şt. Dănilă initiated a limited archaeological campaign and identified eight other funerary contexts1. Extensive investigations were initiated in 1969 by I. H. Crişan from the Institute of Archaeology from Cluj-Napoca, and they continued until 1974. These archaeological investigations unearthed a cemetery dated to the end of the Early Iron Age, belonging to the “Scythian” horizon, another cemetery belonging to the early and middle phases of the La Tène period, as well as a cemetery of the migrations period, dated to the 1st millennium AD2. As concerning the LT cemetery, 84 other funerary contexts were added to the previously identified ones, of which eight burials were of inhumation and the remaining ones were of cremation. Chronologically, this burial site evolved during the La Tène B2 – C1 sub-phases. Due to its large number of funerary contexts and its chronological limits, the LT cemetery is a reference site for the Celtic horizon in Transylvania. Unfortunately, the investigations of I. H. Crişan remained largely unpublished. The analysis of the funerary inventories * This work was supported by a grant of the Romanian Ministry of Education, CNCS – UEFISCDI, project number PN-II-RU-PD-2012-3-0316. 1 DĂNILĂ 1978. 2 For this cemetery see DOBOS, OPREANU 2012. Representations, Signs and Symbols, 2014 / p. 259–274 260 / Aurel Rustoiu, Sándor Berecki preserved in the Institute of Archaeology and History of Art from Cluj-Napoca only recently resumed with the publication of a series of preliminary studies regarding some of the burials from this important cemetery3. The present article is going to discuss a particular funerary context which includes a ceramic rattle in its inventory, an object that is relatively rare in LT cemeteries. At the same time, the functional and symbolic significance of this rattle will be taken into consideration through a comparison with other contexts in which such objects were identified, either in the European LT environment or in the neighbouring cultural areas. The analysis will also discuss a series of functional analogies provided by the anthropological and ethnographic literature. 0 10 cm 1 2 6 3 7 4 5 8 Fig. 1. Grave no. 1 at Fântânele – Dâmbu Popii. 1. Plan. 2–8. Inventory (2–3, 7–8 – iron; 4–6 – ceramic). 3 See RUSTOIU 2008a, 55, 76–78, 121–123, Fig. 22, 35, 59; RUSTOIU 2008b, 26–27, Fig. 2; RUSTOIU 2009, 10–11, Fig. 2/4–5; RUSTOIU 2011, 164–165, Fig. 2; RUSTOIU 2013; RUSTOIU, EGRI 2010, 25–27; RUSTOIU, MEGAW 2011 etc. The Magic of Sounds. A Ceramic Rattle from the La Tène Grave No. 1 at Fântânele – Dâmbu Popii / 261 The cremation grave no. 1 was found in 1969 and had a depth of 0.5 m, the funerary remains being placed directly into the pit (Fig. 1/1). The inventory consists of five offering vessels (of which only three were recovered – Fig. 1/4–6), four of the LT type being wheel-made (a large bi-truncated pot, a medium-sized one and two bowls), whereas the fifth (a bowl with inverted rim) belongs to the local ceramic repertoire, being hand-made (Fig. 1/6). The pile of cremated bones also contained three iron brooches of the Dux type, of which only two were precisely identified as forming a pair due to their size and shape (Fig. 1/7–8). The two brooches belonging to the pair have a length of 8.7 cm, while the lost one was larger. Two kitchen knives made of iron (Fig. 1/2–3) and a ceramic rattle were also found. Although anthropological analyses were not yet carried out, the large dimensions of the brooches suggest that they belonged to the costume of an adult individual. It has to be also mentioned that the brooches date the grave to the LT B2a sub-phase. The rattle in question is egg-shaped and was hand-made using fine clay. It was fired at relatively low temperature, in an oxidised atmosphere, so it is reddish on the outside and brown on the inside. The top of the rattle was perforated to allow the insertion of 24 small balls made of fired clay and resembling cereal grains. The perforation was closed with a small conical stopper made of fired clay. On the outside the rattle was decorated with registers of small incised dots longitudinally interrupted by undecorated registers, which were delimited by incised lines. The object has a height of 5.5 cm and the maximum diameter of 4.6 cm. (Fig. 2–3). Fig. 2. Ceramic rattle from the inventory of the grave no. 1 at Fântânele – Dâmbu Popii. 262 / Aurel Rustoiu, Sándor Berecki Fig. 3. Ceramic rattle from the inventory of the grave no. 1 at Fântânele – Dâmbu Popii and the small ceramic balls from the inside. Although similar items made of clay are relatively rare in LT contexts, in general they are quite widespread and were popular during different periods of time. Morphologically, several variants can be identified4 (Fig. 4; see the list no. 1). First variant includes spherical rattles. 4 The rattles discovered in the Vaccean environment from the northern Iberian plateau have been recently analysed. They have been dated between the end of the 3rd century BC and the beginning of the 1st century AD. From the morphological point of view, one has to note the presence of some simple forms, similar to those identified in the European environment and included in the first variants of our typology, and also of other forms that are specific to the Iberian environment, for example the cylindrical, reel, or spindle-shaped rattles. At the same time, the Vaccean The Magic of Sounds. A Ceramic Rattle from the La Tène Grave No. 1 at Fântânele – Dâmbu Popii / 263 Second variant includes rattles having an ellipsoidal shape (with the maximum diameter in the middle). Third variant includes ovoid rattles (the maximum diameter being on the lower half of the piece). The rattle from Fântânele – Dâmbu Popii belongs to this variant. Fourth variant includes rattles having a bi-truncated (carinated) shape. Fifth variant includes rattles having protuberances on their ends. Sixth variant includes star-shaped rattles. 2 1 4 5 3 6 Fig. 4. Typology of the ceramic rattles. 1. Wiesbaden-Igstadt (after MANDERA 1969). 2. Münsingen (after HODSON 1968). 3. Fântânele – Dâmbu Popii. 4. Nagyrécse (after HORVÁTH 2010). 5. Offenbach-Bieber (after HEUN 1999). 6. Bucsu (after ILON 2008). It has been noted that in certain situations ceramic rattles have one or more perforations. In some cases a single perforation might have facilitated the fitting of a wooden handle. In other situations, in which both ends have perforations, it might be possible that the rattles were suspended or sewn on the garment. Lastly, multiple small perforations were also noted, their probable role being to adjust or enhance the sound produced by the rattle. In general, the artefacts in question are undecorated, but some decorated examples were also identified, displaying incised lines or fine dots, small dots painted with white paste, and even the entire surface covered with white paint. The distribution area of the ceramic rattles is very wide, from north-western France to Transylvania and Moldavia. One such object was recently discovered in southern Romania, in the Getic cemetery from Zimnicea, as part of a magical toolkit (Fig. 5/1–2). However, their total number is generally reduced, and such objects are missing from many regions. The middle Rhine basin is the single exception, the rattles being more frequently discovered in this region5 (Fig. 5/1). 5 rattles display a complex decoration, which uses a repertoire specific to this cultural environment. See SANZ MINGUEZ ET AL 2013, p. 266–270, Fig. 1–4. In the Iberian Peninsula, it was noted that the ceramic rattles are concentrated in the Vaccean area which, alongside their morphological and decorative characteristics, might suggest that they were products of this cultural environment. See SANZ MINGUEZ ET AL 2013. 264 / Aurel Rustoiu, Sándor Berecki 1 2 Fig. 5. 1. Distribution map of the ceramic rattles found in Ha D, LT and early Roman imperial contexts (see list no. 1). Blue dots: Ha D/LT A; red dots: LT B1 – C1; green dots: LT D; yellow dots: 1st century AD. 2. Distribution map of the ceramic rattles included in magical toolkits from the Thracian environment (see list no. 2) in comparison with the finds from the eastern LT environment. Red squares: 4th–3rd century BC; green squares: 2nd–1st century BC. The Magic of Sounds. A Ceramic Rattle from the La Tène Grave No. 1 at Fântânele – Dâmbu Popii / 265 Chronologically, ceramic rattles of the type in question were used from the end of the Hallstatt and the beginning of the LT until the beginning of the Roman period6. They are more frequently discovered during the late LT period in cemeteries from the region of the lower Main River (Fig. 5/1). As concerning the contexts of discovery, most rattles come from cemeteries, and always from burials without weapons. A large percentage of contexts consists of children burials (Fig. 6/1), but some graves belonging to adult individuals were also identified, for example at Bucsu, in Hungary (Fig. 6/2), and perhaps also at Fântânele – Dâmbu Popii 7. The number of finds coming from settlements is reduced, the rattle recovered from a dwelling dated to the LT C1 from Nagyrécse (Fig. 6/3) being a rare example (see the list no. 1). The finds from Moldavia were usually part of some toolkits used in magical practices or witchcraft8 (Fig. 5/2). Such toolkits come from the settlements at Hanska-Toloacă, in the Republic of Moldova (Fig. 7/1), and Buneşti-Avereşti, in eastern Romania (Fig. 7/2), both being dated to the 4th–3rd centuries BC. Another magical toolkit was found in the settlement at Poiana (Galaţi County – Fig. 7/3), being dated to the 2nd–1st centuries BC (see the list no. 2). One rattle was included into a magical toolkit which was recently discovered in the Getic cemetery at Zimnicea, in southern Romania. It is less certain whether this toolkit was part of the funerary inventory of a cremation burial (as in the case of other previous discoveries from the same cemetery – see below) or it was only an offering laid within the funerary plot9. Aside from rattles, these toolkits also contained anthropomorphic figurines, some bearing prodding marks that illustrate the practice of black magic10, miniature vessels, other ceramic objects, boar tusks etc. With the exception of the assemblage from Zimnicea, in all of the other mentioned cases these items were placed in ceramic vessels. The toolkits used in magical practices are quite frequently found among the populations from the Balkans and the north-western Black Sea coast during the Iron Age11. Some of them were found in adult burials, for example at Kabyle in Bulgaria12 or at Zimnicea in Romania13. These contexts of discovery are relevant for the discussion regarding the functionality and significance of the objects in question. In general, the rattles were ascribed to three different functional domains, irrespective of the material (ceramic or metal) from which they were made: musical instruments, magical or religious instruments, and children’s toys14. As sound-making instruments they might be associated with other objects having quite similar characteristics, for example with bells. Due to the manner in which they were actually used (handheld, sewn or tied to the clothes or as garment accessories etc), the nature of the produced sounds, as well as the scope of their use in particular ways, could have been different. 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 Other ceramic rattles having a bird, a sceptre or an anthropomorphic shape were also used in the Bronze Age, in the Early Iron Age or in the Roman period. These variants have not been included in this study. For the presence of such objects in the Carpathian Basin see, for example, HORVÁTH 2010, p. 182–184 with further bibliography; PAVEL ET AL 2014. In the Vaccean environment, the rattles were discovered in adult burials (women or men, sometimes with weapons), and also in funerary contexts belonging to some children or youngsters (SANZ MINGUEZ ET AL 2013, p. 271–272). As a consequence, the authors of the aforementioned study have noted that “the presence of rattles in tombs might be indicative of a protective and preventive function, regardless of the gender or age of the entombed. However, a ritual use may be attributed to their presence in child tombs...” (SANZ MINGUEZ ET AL, p. 272). For the connection of these “toolkits” with magical practices or witchcraft, see SÎRBU 1993a, p. 68–69; SÎRBU 1993b; SÎRBU 2006, p. 68–70. GANCIU, MĂNDESCU 2014. For the use of the so-called “voodoo dolls” in magical practices from the Mediterranean area, see FARAONE 1991; OGDEN 1999, p. 71–79; COLLINS 2008, p. 64, 92–97. SÎRBU 1993b, Fig. 6 (distribution map). SÎRBU 1993b, p. 140, no. 10. ALEXANDRESCU 1980; SÎRBU 1993b, p. 143, no. 23. See a synthesis of the opinions regarding the function of the rattles in HORVÁTH 2010, p. 182–186. Regarding the opinions related to the function of the rattles in the Iberian Peninsula, see SANZ MINGUEZ ET AL 2013, p. 273–275, underlining the importance of the contexts of discovery for the functional and semiotic analysis of such objects. 266 / Aurel Rustoiu, Sándor Berecki 1 2 3 Fig. 6. Ceramic rattles discovered in funerary contexts (1–2) and settlements (3). 1. Münsingen, child grave no. 23 (after HODSON 1968). 2. Bucsu, female grave no. 126 (after ILON 2008). 3. Nagyrécse, LT settlement (after HORVÁTH 2010). The Magic of Sounds. A Ceramic Rattle from the La Tène Grave No. 1 at Fântânele – Dâmbu Popii / 267 1 2 0 5 cm 3 Fig. 7. Ceramic rattles in the inventory of some magical or witchcraft toolkits. 1. HanskaToloacă. 2. Buneşti-Avereşti. 3. Poiana (Galaţi County) (after SÎRBU 1993b). 268 / Aurel Rustoiu, Sándor Berecki Ethnographic sources attest the use of rattles in ritual dances in the case of numerous populations, from northern America to Africa and Oceania. Such objects were made of different materials, some were decorated and others were plain; some were hand-held, while others were sewn or tied to ceremonial costumes, but in general the rattles were meant to dictate the rhythm of ritual dances and at the same time to call or, on the contrary, to repel supernatural beings or forces15. One good example of the manner in which metal rattles were used together with music and dance is provided by the custom of “Căluş” or “Căluşari” from Romania (Fig. 8/1). This is an old male dance, possibly related to some pre-Christian solar cults, which was then practiced during the Pentecost. In this case, the rattles were strapped to the legs of the dancers and dictated the dance rhythm16. They probably also played an apotropaic role within the entire ritual (Fig. 8/2). Metal rattles quite similar to those used in the Căluşari costumes were also identified in some LT funerary inventories, for example in the graves with weapons no. 4 and 12 from Zvonimirovo in Croatia, in which they were probably attached to the garment or the belt17 (Fig. 8/2). At the same time, the metal rattles play an important role in shamans’ costume (Fig. 9/1), punctuating the ritual dance18, similarly to the case of the Căluşari dance. From this point of view, the four rattles belonging to the magical toolkit from Hanska-Toloacă, perforated on both ends (Fig. 9/2), could have been used in the same way, sewn or tied to the garment. The metal rattles and bells were also considered magical in ancient Egypt, and continued to be used against the evil eye until the Roman times. They are encountered, for example, in horse harness assemblages together with red tassels or ribbons, all of them having an apotropaic role. The metal bells attached to the Bedouins’ camel harnesses have a similar functionality19. Within the ancient communities, and even in the case of some modern populations, it was believed that mostly the women and the children were exposed to a wider variety of dangers. As a consequence, numerous magical strategies and means were conceived to protect them against disease, wild animals, evil eye etc. The substances from which different amulets were made and their supposedly associated magical properties were dictated by various magical attributes. As a consequence, amulets made of multiple elements and substances are commonly encountered, each having a specific role, and their combination contributing to a higher, comprehensive protection against evil20. Pliny the Elder lists in his Naturalis Historia a large number of plants, animal parts and minerals which were useful against a wide variety of perils. The cremation grave no. 1 from Pişcolt, belonging to a woman, offers a good example of the manner in which one such complex amulet was created. Aside from the usual garment assemblage, the inventory of the grave also contained a necklace consisting of four blue or yellow glass beads decorated with “peacock eyes”, two clay beads, four iron beads, one iron loop and a small bronze bell21 (Fig. 9/3). Another example is provided by the grave no. 23 from Münsingen, belonging to a child (Fig. 6/1). Its inventory includes, aside from the garment accessories, a necklace consisting of glass and amber beads and a rattle, all of these items having an apotropaic role22. 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 See for example RAY, HADDON 1912, p. 271–272; DREWAL 1979, p. 200–201, 208, 215; ROSMAN, RUBEL 2006, 347. VULCĂNESCU 1987, p. 375–379; ELIADE 1973; ELIADE 1991, p. 221–225; FIRICĂ 2010 etc. DIZDAR 2013, p. 207–208, Fig. 11, Pl. 9/6, 23/4. ELIADE 1997, p. 152–153; PAINE 2004, p. 158. PAINE 2004, p. 38–39, 158–159 etc. PAINE 2004. NÉMETI 1989, p. 75, Fig. 1; NÉMETI 2000, p. 166–167, Pl. 2/3. HODSON 1968, p. 44, Pl. 12; PAULI 1975, p. 30, Fig. 10/4–6. The Magic of Sounds. A Ceramic Rattle from the La Tène Grave No. 1 at Fântânele – Dâmbu Popii / 269 1 2 Fig. 8. 1. Căluşari dance (after Google Images). 2. Metal rattle strapped on the leg of a “Căluşar” dancer (left, after Google Images) and a similar rattle from grave no. 4 from the LT cemetery at Zvonimirovo (right, after DIZDAR 2013). 270 / Aurel Rustoiu, Sándor Berecki 2 1 0 50 cm 3 Fig. 9. 1. Siberian shaman wearing a costume decorated with metal rattles (after PAINE 2004). 2. Rattle from the magical toolkit found at Hanska-Toloacă, which could have been sewn on the costume (after SÎRBU 1993b). 3. Inventory of the female grave no. 1 from Pişcolt, which contained a bronze bell alongside apotropaic beads (after NÉMETI 1989). The Magic of Sounds. A Ceramic Rattle from the La Tène Grave No. 1 at Fântânele – Dâmbu Popii / 271 In conclusion, the ceramic rattles discovered in the European LT environment performed various functions and were used in different ways. In funerary contexts, they were in general found in graves without weapons, many belonging to children, so they were commonly interpreted as toys. However, some of these objects come from burials belonging to adult women. In the Iberian Peninsula such rattles were mainly discovered in funerary contexts. Consequently, it was supposed that they were part of the funerary rituals and probably facilitated the safe passage of the deceased into the otherworld23. At the same time, in some areas inhabited by Thracian populations, such rattles were part of specific toolkits which were used in magical practices or witchcraft. It can be considered that in the LT times the main function of the rattles was apotropaic. The sound produced by these instruments was meant to drive out the evil spirits, either in magical dances or in shamanic practices, serving also as an active protection against all sorts of perils mainly for the most vulnerable members of the communities, the women and the children. ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS The authors would like to thank Andreea Drăgan (Cluj-Napoca) and Roberto De Pablo Martinez (Valladolid) for the information and bibliography provided for this study. Our warm thanks also go to Mariana Egri for translating the present study. 1. List of the mentioned rattles discovered in Ha D, LT and early Roman imperial contexts ROMANIA Fântânele – Dâmbu Popii: cemetery (cremation grave no. 1; adult?); third variant; decorated: incised lines and fine dots. LT B2. HUNGARY Bucsu: cemetery (cremation grave no. 126; adult, probably female); sixth variant; decorated. LT C1 (ILON 2008; ILON, NAGY 2010, p. 77–78; NAGY 2011, p. 180, Fig. 118–119). Nagyrécse: settlement (feature no. 49); fourth variant; decorated: incised lines. LT C1 (HORVÁTH 2010). CZECH REPUBLIC Slatinky: cemetery (cremation grave no. 137; gender?); first variant; undecorated. Ha D (NEKVASIL 1974, p. 272, Fig. 9/4–5). SLOVENIA Novo mesto: cemetery (cremation grave no. 595; gender?); first variant; undecorated. LT B2-C1 (KRIŽ 2001, p. 65, 139, no. 390; KRIŽ 2005, p. 17). GERMANY Dietzenbach: cemetery (a. double cremation grave no. 6; female 22–30 years and infans I; b. cremation grave no. 7; infans I); fifth variant. LT D1 (HEUN 1999, p. 67, 76, 86, 191–192). Ehrenburg: third variant (?); decorated in the Waldalgesheim Plastic Style. LT B2 (?) (HORVÁTH 2010, p. 187). Hanau: cemetery; first variant. LT D1 (SEIDEL 1994 apud HEUN 1999, p. 67). 23 SANZ MINGUEZ ET AL 2013, p. 275. 272 / Aurel Rustoiu, Sándor Berecki Hattersheim am Main: cemetery (cremation grave no. 56; gender?); third variant. LT C1 (HORVÁTH 2010, 184). Hochheim: cemetery (cremation grave; gender?); first variant; undecorated. LT D1 (MANDERA 1969, p. 116–117, Fig. 4/3). Offenbach-Bieber: cemetery (cremation grave no. 17; gender?); two rattles; fifth variant. LT D1 (HEUN 1999, p. 67). Wiesbaden-Igstadt: cemetery (cremation grave; gender?); first variant; undecorated. LT D1 (MANDERA 1969, p. 115, Fig. 3/1). Wiesbaden-Moritzstrasse: cemetery (cremation grave(s); gender?); five rattles coming from one or more destroyed graves; first and second variant; undecorated. LT D1 (MANDERA 1969, p. 112, Fig. 1/1–5). Wiesbaden-Nassauer Ring: cemetery (cremation grave; gender?); third variant; undecorated. LT D1 (MANDERA 1969, p. 112–114, Fig. 2/4). FRANCE Évreux: cemetery (cremation grave no. 192; adult); second variant; decorated: prodding marks and painted white dots. 1st century AD (PLUTON ET AL. 2008, p. 216, Fig. 8). Schirrheinerweg: cemetery (grave no. 1/tumulus no. 10; child); fourth variant; stamped decoration. LT A (PAULI 1975, p. 57). SWITZERLAND Münsingen: cemetery (inhumation grave no. 23; child); second variant; decorated: incised lines and fine dots. LT B1 (HODSON 1968, 48, Pl. 12/646; PAULI 1975, p. 30, Fig. 10/5). 2. List of the rattles found in magical toolkits ROMANIA Buneşti-Avereşti: three magical toolkits were discovered in hut 32 from the fortified settlement. One of them was placed in a jar-like vessel and contained a rattle (fourth variant) displaying fine perforations, six anthropomorphic ceramic figurines, a conical object, a fang and a miniature vessel, all made of ceramic. Dating: 4th–3rd century BC (SÎRBU 1993b, p. 138, no. 3/a, Fig. 6). Poiana (Galaţi County): one magical toolkit was found in a pit from the settlement. The objects were placed in the lower half of a beaker. The toolkit contained two rattles (fourth variant) displaying fine perforations, four anthropomorphic figurines and three miniature vessels, all made of ceramic. Dating: 2nd–1st century BC (SÎRBU 1993b, p. 142, no. 16/b, Fig. 1). Zimnicea (Teleorman County): magical toolkit discovered in the cemetery. The objects were found grouped, being probably placed into a “container” made of an organic material before being buried. One “cenotaph” and one “cremation burial” were found nearby. It is less clear whether the toolkit was part of the funerary inventory of a burial or it was separately interred. The toolkit consists of a rattle (fourth variant) displaying fine perforations, one anthropomorphic figurine, miniature vessels, ceramic counters, ceramic beads, different objects made of bone and stone, a sea shell etc. (GANCIU, MĂNDESCU 2014). The Magic of Sounds. A Ceramic Rattle from the La Tène Grave No. 1 at Fântânele – Dâmbu Popii / 273 REPUBLIC OF MOLDOVA Hanska-Toloacă: one magical toolkit was found in the settlement, in a jar-like vessel. The toolkit contained, among other objects, four ceramic rattles (fourth variant) having perforations on both ends. Dating: 4th–3rd century BC (SÎRBU 1993b, p. 139–140, no. 9/b, Fig. 3–5). 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HODSON 1968 Hodson F. R., The La Tène Cemetery at Münsingen-Rain. Catalogue and Relative Chronology, Bern. HORVÁTH 2010 Horváth L., Celtic Clay Rattle from Nagyrécse (Zala County, Hungary), in ZbornikSoboškegaMuz 15, p. 179–188. ILON 2008 Ilon G., Ein sternförmige keltische Klapper aus dem Gemarkung der Gemeinde Bucsu, in Cultus Deorum. Studia Religionum ad Historiam. Vol. I: De Oriente Antiquo et Regione Danuvii Praehistorica (In memoriam I. Tóth), Pécs-Budapest, p. 289–302. ILON, NAGY 2010 Ilon G., Nagy M., Két újabb kelta kori temető vas megyéből – jelentés a bucsu-rétmelléki dűlőben és a gencsapáti-besenyő szigeten végzett feltárások eredményeiről, in Savaria 33, p. 69–91. KRIŽ 2001 Križ B., Exhibition Catalogue: The Celts in Novo Mesto, Novo Mesto. KRIŽ 2005 Križ B., Novo Mesto VI. Late Iron Age Cemetery Kapiteljska njiva, Novo Mesto. MANDERA 1969 Mandera H.- E., Spätlatènezeitliche Tonrasseln aus Wiesbaden und Hochheim, Kr. Maintaunus, in Frey O.-H. (ed.), Marburger Beiträge zur Archäologie der Kelten, Bonn, p. 112–121. NAGY 2011 Nagy M., Bucsu-Rétmelléki dűlő I–II, in Farkas Cs. (ed.), Időcsiga. Újabb eredmények Vas megye őskorának kutatásában. Katalógus, Szombathely, p. 179–183. NEKVASIL 1974 Nekvasil Jindra, Die jüngere und späte Stufe der Hallstattabschnittes der Lausitzer Kultur in Mähren, in Symposium zu Problemen der jüngere Hallstattzeit in Mitteleuropa, Bratislava, p. 253–310. NÉMETI 1989 Németi I., Necropola Latène de la Pişcolt, jud. Satu Mare. II, in TD 10, p. 75–114. NÉMETI 2000 Németi J., Celtic Glass Bracelets and Pearls Discovered in the North-West of Romania, in Gaiu C., Rustoiu A. (eds.), Les Celtes et les Thraco-Daces de l’Est du bassin des Carpates, Cluj-Napoca, p. 166–177. OGDEN 1999 Ogden D., Binding Spells: Curse Tablets and Voodoo Dolls in the Greek and Roman World, in Flint V., Gordon R., Luck G., Ogden D. (eds.), Witchcraft and Magic in Europe. Ancient Greece and Rome, London, p. 1–90. 274 / Aurel Rustoiu, Sándor Berecki PAINE 2004 PAULI 1975 Paine Sheila, Amulets. A world of secret powers, charms and magic, London. Pauli L., Keltischer Volksglaube. Amulette und Sonderbestattungen am Dürrnberg bei Hallein und im eisenzeitlichen Mitteleuropa, München. PAVEL ET AL 2014 Pavel C., Constantin F., Suciu C. I., Bugoi R., X-ray Tomographic Examinations of Teleac, Cicău and Apulum Rattles, in Scott R. B., Braekmans D., Carremans, M., Degryse P. (eds.), Proceedings of the 39th International Symposium of Archaeometry 2012, Leuven, p. 193–197. PLUTON ET AL 2008 Pluton S., Adrian Y.- M., Kliesch F., Cottard A., La nécropole gallo-romaine du “Clos au Duc” à Évreux (Eure): des sepultures du Ier siècle ap. J.-C., in RAOuest 25, p. 209–260. RAY, HADDON 1912 Ray S. H., Haddon A. C., Reports of the Cambridge Anthropological Expedition to Torres Straits, vol. IV, Arts and Crafts, Cambridge. ROSMAN, RUBEL 2006 Rosman A., Rubel P. G., Structural Patterning in Kwakiutl Art and Ritual, in Morphy H., Perkins M. (eds.), The Anthropology of Art: A Reader, Oxford, p. 339–357. RUSTOIU 2008a Rustoiu A., Războinici şi societate în aria celtică transilvăneană. Studii pe marginea mormântului cu coif de la Ciumeşti, Cluj-Napoca. RUSTOIU 2008b Rustoiu A., Celţii din Transilvania şi comunităţile indigene nord-balcanice. Schimburi culturale şi mobilitate individuală, in EphNap 18, p. 25–44. RUSTOIU 2009 Rustoiu A., Masters of Metals in the Carpathian Basin (Workshops, Production Centres and Funerary Manifestations in the Early and Middle La Tène), in EphNap 19, p. 7–21. RUSTOIU 2011 Rustoiu A., The Celts from Transylvania and eastern Banat and their southern neighbours. Cultural exchanges and individual mobility, in Guštin M., Jevtić M. (eds.), The Eastern Celts. The Communities between the Alps and the Black Sea, Koper – Beograd, p. 163–170. RUSTOIU 2013 Rustoiu A., Double Costumes in Female Burials from the Carpathian Basin. Comments Regarding Some Garment assemblages from Fântânele (Romania) and Brežice (Slovenia), in Ferencz I. V., Rişcuţa N.C., Tutilă Bărbat Oana (eds.), Archaeological Small Finds and Their Significance. Proceedings of the Symposium: Costume as an Identity Expression, Cluj-Napoca, p. 89–100. RUSTOIU, EGRI 2010 Rustoiu A., Egri Mariana, Danubian Kantharoi – Almost Three Decades Later, in Berecki S. (ed.), Iron Age Communities in the Carpathian Basin, Proceedings of the International Colloquium from Târgu Mureş, 9–11 October 2009, Cluj-Napoca, p. 217–287. RUSTOIU, MEGAW 2011 Rustoiu A., Megaw J. V. S., A Foreign Flowering in Transylvania: the Vegetal Style Armring from Fântânele-Dealu Popii, jud. Bistriţa-Năsăud, Grave 62, in Măgureanu Despina, Măndescu D., Matei S. (eds.), Archaeology: Making of and Practices. Studies in Honour of Mircea Babeş at his 70th anniversary, Piteşti, p. 217–237. SANZ MINGUEZ ET AL 2013 Sanz Minguez C., Romero Carnicero F., De Pablo Martinez, R., Górriz Gañán C., Vaccean Rattles. Toys or Magic Protectors?, in Jiménez Pasalodos Raquel, Till R., Howell M. (eds.), Music and Ritual: Bridging Material and Living Cultures, Berlin, p. 257–283. SEIDEL 1994 Seidel H., Studien zur jüngeren Latènezeit und älteren römischen Kaiserzeit in der Wetterau. Inaug.Diss., Marburg. SÎRBU 1993a Sîrbu V., Credinţe şi practici funerare, religioase şi magice în lumea geto-dacilor, Galaţi. SÎRBU 1993b Sîrbu V., Credinţe şi practici magico-vrăjitoreşti la traco-geto-daci, in Banatica 12, p. 129–175. SÎRBU 2006 Sîrbu V., Man and Gods in the Geto-Dacian World, Braşov. VULCĂNESCU 1987 Vulcănescu R., Mitologie română, Bucureşti. Signs and Marks of Personal Identity Worn between the Two Worlds in Transylvania in the Early and Middle of the Second Iron Age Iosif Vasile Ferencz Museum of Dacian and Roman Civilisation, Deva, ROMANIA fiosifvasile@yahoo.com Keywords: La Tène, tombs, signs, marks, Celts Abstract: Signs and marks that we and other members of society wear in everyday life, as well as those signs we meet at every turn represent our daily coordinates. They help us guide ourselves and clearly perceive both the environment and also the members of the same or other social groups. Within the Transylvanian Celtic territory, the situation was no more different in this regard in the second Iron Age. This fact can be deduced by analyzing the funeral inventories. Based on the interpretation of the meaning of objects deposited, some personal features of the deceased can be distinguished. At the same time, this signs and marks of personal identity that outline the personality of some individuals are worn not only between the two worlds, but also in the afterlife. Our social life is guided by sets of conventional signs that conduct us and sometimes help us remember certain conventions and social rules. Perhaps, the most common signs are the road signs, but at the same time, we take into account the other signs such as banning signs, religious, or administrative signs belonging to institutions or states. Different members of society can be distinguished on the basis of special signs or marks they wear (military men, policemen, sailors, but also doctors or firemen). Sometimes, the image of some professional categories is converted into a symbol and remains stuck in the collective memory for a long time, even after the profession disappears or its working methods are modified, as well the image of the practitioners. This is the example of the chimney sweeps. Being part of a group, organized or not, it is sometimes designated by signs or symbols that can be seen and understood by all members of society. An example in this regard would be the supporters of a sport team, but just as well also the members of associations, organizations or political parties. And why not, the practitioners of leisure activities like hobbies, such as fishermen. All of these are concurring to the process of making the groups identity1. In the ancient societies the situation was similar. The image of some members of society was closely connected to the position they occupied, and this is not something new. Even in the belletristic literature, some authors imagine such examples. Hermann Hesse created Joseph Knecht character performing an exercise of imagination, so that the character sees him as living in different ages and geographical areas. In one of these poses –as a rainmaker, he depicts a shaman who offers himself as a personal sacrifice for both God and community. He was an appreciated character who throughout his lifetime he had gained the respect he enjoyed it. In the moment he proposed himself as a sacrifice, he was teaching his followers how the sacrifice should be done and how his body should be treated in order for the Gods to be persuaded. Of course, all this represents a fiction but the scene depicted by 1 RUSTOIU 2009, p. 1. Representations, Signs and Symbols, 2014 / p. 275–288 276 / Iosif Vasile Ferencz Hesse is an extremely suggestive image in order for us to understand how an individual with special qualities is perceived in society. Also within the Transylvanian societies from the early and middle La Tène Age, human communities used to live in rural areas2. Based exclusively on the aspect or inventory, a difference between the dwellings is difficult to establish. Most of the dwellings have only one room, but where entire settlements or parts of settlements were investigated has been observed that one or two of those dwellings have two rooms3. In a recent study concerning the famous grave with helmet from Ciumeşti, Aurel Rustoiu pointed that even the warriors with rich grave goods probably lived in usual houses with usual inventory4. Perhaps in this manner, dwellings inhabited by the most important families within those communities were differentiated5. Regarding the tombs, the situation is quite different. Recently, a large study focused on the same period identified 278 discoveries6. Among them, the authors singled out 107 settlements, 67 discoveries with funerary characteristics, and 52 necropolises, some of them containing a lot of graves7. Funeral manifestations of communities in the first two phases of the second Iron Age are better known in comparison to the settlements, while funerary offerings give the possibility for the researcher to understand the social differences between certain members. Also, by carefully studying the peculiarities of rite and ritual, and the characteristics of the component parts of the inventory, certain features of the personality of the deceased can be understood. In this manner the role and place within the community of the deceased can be understood or in some cases how one’s fame can go beyond the limits of the settlement of origin. This was the situation of the warrior buried at Ciumeşti with a helmet having a bird of prey mounted on the calotte8. It is a very common situation that in the necropolis dating from this period to be found tombs with inventories that “talk” about certain qualities of the deceased. And sometimes these peculiarities could be better understood, and some other times the message could be ambiguous. We will debate in the next rows about few archaeological finds, in which the funeral inventories are eloquent concerning the way in which some individuals defined themselves in the first stages of the Second Iron Age in Transylvania. THE WARRIOR An example it represents the tombs containing weapons (swords, javelin or spear heads, helmets, shields, chain mail shirts etc.). Such tombs are assigned to warriors9 and their number is large within the archaeological discoveries in Transylvania. Therefore, we will illustrate just a few of the richest such complexes: the warrior grave with helmet from Ciumeşti (Pl. I)10, M 3611 amd M 4012 from Pişcolt – Nisipărie (Pl. II, III) or the graves no. 1 and 4 from Remetea Mare (Pl. IV)13. The inventories presented include a variety of weapons and defense equipment parts. Some of them are more complex, including “standard panoply” specific to Celtic warriors14, while other archaeological complexes are poorly represented15. The number and variety of parts of weapons and military equipment 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 DIETRICH, DIETRICH 2006, p. 20–21; FERENCZ 2007, p. 154; FERENCZ 2008a, p. 14; FERENCZ 2008b, p. 173 . ZIRRA 1980, p. 69–70. RUSTOIU 2006, p. 66. FERENCZ, VAIDA 2010, p. 312. DIETRICH, DIETRICH 2006, p. 9. DIETRICH, DIETRICH 2006, p. 20–24. RUSU 1969; RUSU, BANDULA 1970; RUSTOIU 2006; RUSTOIU 2008, p. 13–63. FERENCZ 2013, p. 267. RUSU 1969; RUSU, BANDULA 1970; RUSTOIU 2006; RUSTOIU 2008, p. 13–63. NÉMETI 1989, p. 54, fig. 4. NÉMETI 1992, p. 62–65, fig. 3–4. RUSTOIU 2008, p. 111, 113, fig. 55. RUSTOIU 2008, p. 111, 113, fig. 55. See for example the grave no. 12 from Sanislău: ZIRRA 1972, p. 161. Signs and Marks of Personal Identity Worn between the Two Worlds in Transylvania in the Early and Middle of the Second Iron Age / 277 represent, in these cases, signs that denote the deceased’s position in society as well as the place he is going to hold in the afterlife. On the same way some grave goods elements, extremely private, individualize the funerary complex inside the necropolis and also on the large geographical areas16. An example cold be the grave no. 49 from Fântânele – Dâmbul Popii where, along the weapons, was filed a car wheel17. THE CRAFTSMAN Although rare but not completely absent are the tombs in whose burial inventories specific tools of various occupations are found. An example in this regard is the tomb M 34/1970 (Pl. V) part of the cemetery at Fântânele – Dâmbul Popii, Bistriţa Năsăud County18. The inventory of this funerary complex was containing besides pottery, a fibula, an iron nail, an iron hammer, a handmade ceramic lamp after a Greek model19. The interpretation of the discovery based on funerary inventory was that the tomb belonged to a craftsman who arrived in the Celtic community from Fântânele, coming from outside the Carpathian Arc20. The discovery is particularly important because so far, this is the only case for the first two phases of the second Iron Age in Transylvania, when the presence of a craftsman is certified in a funerary context. Returning to the theme of our paper, we sustain the idea that the inventories of the tombs in which tools were found are usually interpreted as belonging to people who have distinguished themselves in life as artisans in various crafts. THE HUNTER A very special group of tombs is that in which among funeral objects designed to accompany the deceased in the afterlife also arrowheads can be found. Arrowheads pieces are very rare among the findings discovered in the Transylvanian area in the early and middle La Tène Age as well as in the Central Europe21. In Transylvania and in the western part of Romania, funerary complexes in whose inventory arrowheads were found, were identified at Dezmir22 (Pl. VI), Fântânele – La Gâţa23, Orosfaia24 and Pişcolt – Nisipărie (Pl. VII)25. Both written sources and archaeological findings show that the Celts were using the bow and arrows for hunting and less in battle26. For this reason and given the small number of tombs in which such pieces were discovered, we believe that those funerary monuments belonged to people who used to practice hunting. Also their image as practitioners of this occupation was so strong that the community members have provided them the opportunity to wear the marks of their personal identity in their journey to the other world. THE IMMIGRANT In some cases other types of signs and marks through which the characteristics of the personal identity of the community members in the Early and Middle La Tène in Transylvania can be observed. 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 RUSTOIU 2009, p. 7. RUSTOIU 2008, p. 95–97, fig. 46; RUSTOIU 2009, p. 7–8. RUSTOIU 2009, p. 10–11, fig. 2. RUSTOIU 2009, p. 10–11, fig. 2. RUSTOIU 2009, p. 11. FERENCZ, VAIDA 2010. CRIŞAN 1973, p. 50–51; FERENCZ, VAIDA 2010, p. 310–311, fig. 2, Pl. 2. VAIDA 2008, p. 240; FERENCZ, VAIDA 2010, p. 310–311, fig. 2, Pl. 3. VAIDA 2000, p. 136, fig. 6/17; FERENCZ, VAIDA 2010, p. 310–311, fig. 2, Pl. 4. NÉMETI 1992, p. 108, fig. 3/7 a, b, c; FERENCZ, VAIDA 2010, p. 310–311, fig. 2, Pl. 5. FERENCZ, VAIDA 2010, p. 312. 278 / Iosif Vasile Ferencz Recent studies have been able to identify, based on the analysis of funeral inventories the presence of immigrants – strangers living within the respective communities. I mentioned above the case of the artisan from Fântânele, Bistriţa Năsăud County, but this is not a singular occurrence. In the same necropolis a tomb of a woman who came in that community probably after marriage has been revealed. We are speaking about the grave no. 62 from Fântânele – Dâmbul Popii (Pl. VIII)27. Signs that prove her origin from a remote cultural environment are two costumes found in the funeral inventory that can be distinguished by the two distinct types of clothing accessories: one specific to the North Transylvanian area and another with analogies in the western part of Europe28. CONCLUSIONS As nowadays, also in the Celtic Transylvanian community, members of society were differentiated according to the position they occupied in the community, or according to certain features of each individual’s personality. Examining the findings dating from the early and middle phases of the second Iron Age we can notice that within the funeral inventory objects that can be interpreted as signs and marks of personal identity sometimes can be found. Their presence in the funerary complexes shows that these signs clearly indicate that they accompanied the deceased on his journey between the two worlds where the qualities and personality aspects remain unchanged. In conclusion, what it is remarkable based on the examples presented in this article, is that sometimes, we can notice among the funerary offerings certain signs and marks of personal identity that are worn between the two worlds in the Transylvanian area, in the early and middle second Iron Age. Bibliography CRIŞAN 1973 Crişan I. H., Descoperiri celtice de la Cluj, Peţelca şi Şeica Mică, in ActaMN 10, p. 39–64. DIETRICH, DIETRICH 2006 Dietrich L., Dietrich O., Locuirea celtică din Transilvania, Banat şi Crişana (Stadiul actual al cercetării), in SCIVA 57, 1–4, p. 9–56. FERENCZ 2007 Ferencz I. V., Celţii pe Mureşul mijlociu, Bibliotheca Brukenthal XVI, Sibiu. FERENCZ 2008a Ferencz I. V., South-Western Transylvania between the end of the 4th- until the beginning of the 2nd century B.C., in Sîrbu V., Stângă I. (ed.), The Iron Gates Region During the Iron Age. Settlements, necropolises, treasure, Drobeta Turnu-Severin, p. 13–26. FERENCZ 2008b Ferencz I. V., About the end of the Celtic presence in South-western Transylvania, in Guštin M., Jeftić M. (eds.), The Eastern Celts. The Communities between the Alps and the Black Sea, Koper – Beograd, p. 171–178. FERENCZ, VAIDA 2010 Ferencz I. V., Vaida L., Middle La Tène Arrowheads from Transylvania, in Berecki S. (ed.), Iron Age communities in the Carpathian Basin, Proceedings of the International Colloquium from Târgu Mureş, 9–11 october 2010, Cluj-Napoca, p. 309–321. FERENCZ 2013 Ferencz I. V., A historiographycal approach to gender determination of the Early and Middle La Tène Transylvanian graves, in Sîrbu V., Matei S. (eds.), Bronze and Iron Age graves from Eurasia – Gender between Archaeology and Anthropology. Proceedings of 13th International Colloquium of Funerary archaeology, Buzău, 17th–21st October 2012, Mousaios XVIII, p. 265–277. NÉMETI 1989 Németi J., Necropola Latène de la Pişcolt, jud. Satu Mare. II, in TD 10, 1–2, p. 75–114. NÉMETI 1992 Németi J., Necropola Latène de la Pişcolt, jud. Satu Mare. III, in TD 13, 1–2, p. 59–112. RUSTOIU 2006 Rustoiu A., A journey to Mediterranean. Peregrinations of a Celtic Warrior from Transylvania, in StudiaUBB – Historia 51, 1, p. 42–85. RUSTOIU 2008 Rustoiu A., Războinici şi societate în aria celtică transilvăneană. Studii pe marginea mormântului cu coif de la Ciumeşti, Cluj-Napoca. RUSTOIU 2009 Rustoiu A., Războinicii celi din Transilvania. Modele culturale și identitare în a doua epocă a fierului, in StudiaUBB – Historia 54, 1–2, p. 1–17. 27 28 RUSTOIU, MEGAW 2011; RUSTOIU 2013, p. 90–91, fig. 3–5. RUSTOIU 2011, p. 90. Signs and Marks of Personal Identity Worn between the Two Worlds in Transylvania in the Early and Middle of the Second Iron Age / 279 RUSTOIU 2013 RUSTOIU, MEGAW 2011 RUSU 1969 RUSU, BANDULA 1970 VAIDA 2000 VAIDA 2008 ZIRRA 1972 ZIRRA 1980 Rustoiu A., Double costumes in female burials from the Carpathian Basin. Comments regarding some garment assemblages from Fântânele (Romania) and Brežice (Slovenia), in Ferencz I. V., Rișcuţa N. C., Tutilă Bărbat Oana (eds.), Archaeological small finds and their significance. Proceedings of the symposium: Costume as an identity expression, Cluj-Napoca, p. 89–100. Rustoiu A., Megaw J. V. S., A foreign flowering in Transylvania: The Vegetal Style Armring from Fântânele – Dealul Popii, jud. Bistriţa Năsăud, Grave 62, in Măgureanu Despina, Măndescu D., Matei S. (eds.) Archaeology: Making of and practice, Piteşti, p. 217–237. Rusu M., Das Keltische fürstengrab von Ciumeşti in Rumänien, in BRGK 22, p. 287–288. Rusu M., Bandula O., Mormântul unei căpetenii celtice de la Ciumeşti, Baia Mare. Vaida L., The Celtic Cemetery from Orosfaia, in Gaiu C., Rustoiu A. (eds.), Les Celtes et les Thraco/ Daces de l’est du Bassin des Carpates, Les actes du colloque national qui lieu a Bistriţa, le 16–17 octobre 1998, Cluj-Napoca, p. 135–159. Vaida L., Preliminary Considerations regarding the Celtic Cemetery from Fântânele (the point “La Gâţa”), in Sîrbu V., Vaida D. L. (eds.), Funerary practices on the Bronze Ages in Central and SouthEastern Europe. Proceedings of the 9th International Colloquium of Funerary Archaeology, Bistriţa, May 9th–11th 2008, Cluj-Napoca, p. 237–246. Zirra V., Noi necropole celtice în nord-vestul României, în StCom Satu Mare 2, p. 151–205. Zirra V., Locuiri din a doua epocă a fierului în nord-vestul României, in StCom Satu Mare 4, p. 39–84. 280 / Iosif Vasile Ferencz 1 2 3 4 Pl. I. Funerary inventory from the warrior grave from Ciumeşti (after RUSTOIU 2008). Signs and Marks of Personal Identity Worn between the Two Worlds in Transylvania in the Early and Middle of the Second Iron Age / 281 Pl. II. Funerary inventory from the grave M 36 from Pişcolt – Nisipărie (after NÉMETI 1989). 282 / Iosif Vasile Ferencz 2 1 4 3 5 Pl. III. Funerary inventory from the grave M 40 from Pişcolt – Nisipărie (after NÉMETI 1992). Signs and Marks of Personal Identity Worn between the Two Worlds in Transylvania in the Early and Middle of the Second Iron Age / 283 Pl. IV. Funerary inventory from the graves M 1 and M 4 from Remetea Mare (after RUSTOIU 2008). 284 / Iosif Vasile Ferencz 0 1 2 1 0 1 0 1 3 4 0 4 7 0 4 5 0 4 8 6 0 4 0 4 Pl. V. Funerary inventory from the grave M 34/1970 from Fântânele – Dâmbul Popii (after RUSTOIU 2009). Signs and Marks of Personal Identity Worn between the Two Worlds in Transylvania in the Early and Middle of the Second Iron Age / 285 1 2 6 8 4 7 5 9 10 3 11 12 13 14 15 16 19 18 17 24 25 20 21 29 22 23 30 27 32 33 28 31 26 Pl. VI. Funerary inventory from the grave Grave M 3 from Dezmir (after CRIŞAN 1973). 286 / Iosif Vasile Ferencz 0 10 0 0 6 4 7 4 40 4 2 3 11 0 9e 6 1 9 5 0 4 0 8 0 6 0 4 4 12 Pl. VII. Funerary inventory from the grave Grave M 20 from Pişcolt – Nisipărie (after NÉMETI 1992). 15 11 12 9 10 13 8 21 6 20 7 18 19 16 A B Pl. VIII. The two female costumes in the funerary inventory from the grave M 62 from Fântânele – Dâmbul Popii (after RUSTOIU 2013). 17 Signs and Marks of Personal Identity Worn between the Two Worlds in Transylvania in the Early and Middle of the Second Iron Age / 287 14 A KErNOS Vessel from Uroi – POD MUrEş (Hunedoara County) and the Problem of a Ritual Pit Ioan Alexandru Bărbat Oana Tutilă Bărbat Cristina Maria Mitar Museum of Dacian and Roman Civilisation, Deva, ROMANIA ioan_alexandru_barbat@yahoo.com Museum of Dacian and Roman Civilisation, Deva, ROMANIA oanatutila@yahoo.com Museum of Dacian and Roman Civilisation, Deva, ROMANIA mitarcris@yahoo.com Keywords: ritual pit, double vessel, kernos, Late Iron Age, Uroi Abstract: The paper discusses a double vessel and its context, a ritual pit, from the site Uroi – Pod Mureş (Simeria town, Hunedoara County). The vessel is a twin cups single handled kernos type one, found in a layer rich in ash and charcoal, at the bottom of the pit. The symbolic meaning of the vessel and the problem of the ritual pit are analyzed, especially taking into consideration similar Late Iron Age items and their context of discovery, from North of the Danube. INTRODUCTION During the 2011 rescue excavations on the route of the A1 highway, Orăştie – Deva section, near the Uroi village (Simeria town), in the Pod Mureş1 or Locu Boilor2 point, km 18 + 800 – km 19 + 380, an archaeological site was identified3 and unearthed, comprising First Iron Age features (Basarabi culture), Late Iron Age features (2nd century BC – 1st/2nd centuries AD), features of Roman period, as well as post-Roman and Early Mediaeval ones4 (Pl. I/1–2). The most representative contexts belong to the Late Iron Age, including various types of archaeological features: dwellings, fire hearths, clay pits, garbage pits, storage pits, ritual pits and contexts possibly of cultic character. The site is located in the north-western side of the Orăştie – Haţeg Corridor5, on the left bank of the Mureş river, in the southern area of the Uroi village, South-West of the andesitic volcanic cone Măgura Uroiului, and North of the Simeria town. The DJ700A county road is crossing through its central part (Pl. I/1–2). FEATURE CX25 The feature Cx25 was identified during the archaeological researches – a special pit with magical-religious significances, due to a double vessel found in the inferior part of the pit, but also due to the context in which the recipient was deposited (Pl. I/2, II/1). 1 2 3 4 5 DAMIAN ET AL 2012, p. 278–279; the archaeological site from Uroi, particularized by the Pod Mureş toponym, entered the archaeological literature through its discovery during the archaeological diagnosis for the Orăştie – Deva highway section. Toponym obtained from “Planuri Directoare de Tragere”, http://earth.unibuc.ro/harti/ (accessed on the 26th of August 2014). DAMIAN ET AL 2012, p. 278–279; BĂEŞTEAN 2013, p. 241–243, fig. 1–2. DAMIAN ET AL 2012, p. 278–279; BĂEŞTEAN 2013, p. 241, note 1; The members of the research team were, at different stages: Romică Pavel, Gică Băeştean (scientific coordinators), Ioan Alexandru Bărbat, Oana Tutilă Bărbat, Cristina Maria Mitar and Eugen Pescaru (Museum of Dacian and Roman Civilisation, Deva). BADEA ET AL 1987, p. 360. Representations, Signs and Symbols, 2014 / p. 289–316 290 / Ioan Alexandru Bărbat, Oana Tutilă Bărbat, Cristina Maria Mitar The pit was identified in an area devoid of features with a clear cultic or ritual destination; only partially dug dwellings and pit-houses, annexes with pythoi, and probably garbage pits appear in this part of the site6. Considering the whole archaeological situation, Cx25’s place within the settlement is at the limit of a row of features containing ceramic materials dating largely from the end of the 2nd century BC till the beginning of the 1st century AD7. The feature was found at 0.9 m below the current ground level, as a round, brown area, of 0.8 m in diameter. After unearthing about 20 cm of the filling, a step was observed on its northern side, after which the pit narrows, then it widens again. The pit’s maximum diameter was in the middle area, where it presented a more pronounced camber on the northern side. The pit’s profile was pyriform in section (Pl. II/2). The context’s filling was compact, consisting 80% of a dark brown soil with adobe pigmentation, which stratigraphically occupied the upper and middle parts of the pit. In the lower area, a layer composed of ash, charcoal and adobe pigmentation was observed, having approximately in its centre two almost identical ceramic recipients, which seemed to be glued to each other. Later on, it was determined that there was, in fact, a single artefact, a double vessel with a common handle and the mouths facing North-North-East, towards Măgura Uroiului. The filling of the twin vessels was similar to that of the layer in which the piece was deposited. In the same level, West of this ceramic item, a cattle (?) rib segment of a considerable size was found. There were no traces of firing the walls of the pit. A scarce number of shards, bones and one fragment from a hearth were discovered in the upper and middle levels of the feature. Thus, in the second layer of the filling, we have documented 10 potshards (2 were wheel thrown, the other 8 were handmade), one fragment of a coated hearth and 4 osteological pieces belonging to some species of domesticated animals (cattle?), without burning traces. Judging by the characteristics of the pit’s upper filling and of the identified materials, all shards being highly fragmented, we presume that the last layer of the feature suggests the presence of household waste, and may be dated throughout the 1st century BC. In the lower level of Cx25, abundant in ash, charcoal and fine adobe pigmentation, along the two joined bitronconic vessels (hereafter named kernos) and the rib segment, already mentioned, another two potshards have been discovered (fired in reducing atmosphere, of black colour and burnished), respectively a wall fragment and a deep-bowl rim, dated from the limit of the 2nd and 1st centuries BC up to the first half of the 1st century BC (Pl. II/2, III/1–2). KErNOI VESSELS – SOME ASPECTS Without aiming to specially discuss problems of terminology, typology, chronology and significance (subjects of intense debate among the researchers who have constantly dealt with this subject8), we wish to establish, in a few lines, the general idea of a kernos vessel, reviewing some discoveries of this type from the nowadays Romanian territory. The word’s origin is Greek, κέρνος or κέρχνος usually meaning a clay vessel, divided into several compartments or to which smaller ceramic cups – kotyliskoi – were added, carried on their head by the priestesses during religious processions, filled with offerings (cereals, fruits and liquids) for the chthonic deities in the Eleusinian mysteries9. More recent opinions complete the general image of the 6 7 8 9 A part of the archaeological features designated as storage pits, garbage pits or clay pits might also be interpreted as ritual pits, the archaeological material from the site being still in process. Unfortunately, the information regarding other structures or features South of Cx25 cannot be verified, as the pit was too close to the southern profile of the Orăştie – Deva highway section, an area already outside the perimeter investigated during the rescue archaeological excavations. SVANERA 1999, p. 16. XANTHOUDIDES 1905–1906, p. 9; DÉONNA 1934, p. 61–69; CHANTRAINE 1968, p. 520–521; POLLITT 1979, p. 205–232; MOSCALU 1983, p. 124; MOTTE 1988, p. 5; ELIADE 1991, p. 287–298; ELIADE 1992, p. 263; A Kernos Vessel from Uroi – Pod Mureş (Hunedoara County) and the Problem of a Ritual Pit / 291 vessels involved in the Eleusis initiation rituals. It appears that the ceramic recipients employed in religious processions were not always of the kernos type, but also of the plemochoe type10. Regarding the origin of kernos, we find that until not long ago they were thought to be a creation of the Minoan world11, spreading afterwards all over the insular and continental territory of Greece in the pre-Hellenic, Archaic and Classical periods12. In the Romanian intra-Carpathian space, the first vessels of special character similar in shape to the kernos appeared in the Early Neolithic. In this context, we mention the find of a two-mouthed vessel at Cristian, Sibiu County. The feature C058 (deposit pit), on the bottom of which this recipient was deposited, was part of a sacred area (the pit sanctuary), belonging chronologically to the first phase (IA) of the Starčevo-Criş cultural complex13. Another similar ceramic container from Zăuan – Dâmbul Cimitirului, Sălaj County, belongs to the same cultural background, dated in the IVA StarčevoCriş phase14. For the Chalcolithic period, the discoveries within the Ariuşd-Cucuteni-Tripolje complex are numerous. D. Boghian predominantly approaches the problem of the Cucuteni kernoi or pseudo-kernoi vessels15. Also, a significant number of communicating vessels is encountered for the GumelniţaKaranovo VI-Kodžadermen cultural horizon16. A vessel found at Ostrovu Corbului – Botul Cliuciului, Mehedinţi County, corresponding to the Sălcuţa IV-Băile Herculane-Cheile Turzii cultural horizon, is attributed to the end of the Chalcolithic period17. Representative for the Late Bronze Age are some of the ceramic artefacts composing the inventory of the Gârla Mare type necropolis from Cârna, Dolj County, where, in cremation tombs, “double vessels similar to nowadays cellar-pots” were found, as described by V. Dumitrescu18. During the Second Iron Age period, on the Romanian territory, East and South of the Carpathian Arch, one can find a series of ceramic forms included in the “classical” kernos vessel type, on a horizontal ceramic ring. In the syntheses, which discuss tangentially this subject, there are references to three main types: vessels on a horizontal ceramic ring, vertical recipients (the flask) and cups joined together19. The very small number of published/discovered pieces, along with the lack of precise remarks on the terminology adapted to the cultural realities of the intra/extra-Carpathian space, offers only a partial image of the kernos vessel in this region. THE KErNOS VESSEL FROM UROI – POD MUrEş The artefact which is the subject of this article is composed of two cups joined together and represents the category of the double communicating vessels (Pl. II/1, III/1–2). We considered that it would be more adequate to make use of a highly accepted term – kernos, which includes in its definition the features of our recipient, among other types of vessels. Regarding the double communicating vessel, we must mention that it didn’t receive any special treatment at the time it was made, in comparison to other ceramics of the semi-fine category. Macroscopic observations indicate the preponderant presence of fine sand, and few quartzite 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 SVANERA 1999, p. 16–18; URSUŢIU 2000, p. 12; IAIA 2002, p. 731; RZEUSKA 2007, p. 325, 332–334; MITSOPOULOU 2010, p. 146–173, note 2; PUGLISI 2010, p. 90–96; BOGHIAN 2012, p. 39–41. MITSOPOULOU 2010, p. 148–173; BOGHIAN 2012, p. 41. XANTHOUDIDES 1905–1906, p. 9–18; PUGLISI 2010, p. 96–101. XANTHOUDIDES 1905–1906, p. 9; DÉONNA 1934, p. 62–63, 68–69; MOSCALU 1983, p. 124. LUCA 2012, p. 60–61, 94, 101, photo 30, 44. BĂCUEŢ CRIŞAN 2008, p. 38, pl. 8/2. BOGHIAN 2012, p. 41–47. BOGHIAN 2012, p. 44, 58, fig. 6/1–5. ROMAN, DODD-OPRIŢESCU 1989, p. 29, 36, fig. 10/1a-b; BOGHIAN 2012, p. 45, 57, fig. 5/5. DUMITRESCU 1961, p. 36, 89–90, 121, 151–152, pl. LXII/59, LXXXVII/370, CIII/534, CIX/59, 340, 534. MOSCALU 1983, p. 123–125; URSUŢIU 2000, p. 12; SÎRBU 2003a, p. 41, 56, 113; PUPEZĂ 2012, p. 325–326. 292 / Ioan Alexandru Bărbat, Oana Tutilă Bărbat, Cristina Maria Mitar pebbles. The paste of the vessel also contains sporadic crushed shards. Organic materials, like chaff, are more frequently observed on the flat bottoms of the two recipients, rarely in their upper parts, a fact that could be linked to the place where the artefact was produced and dried. Last but not least, mica schist pebbles of millimetric size were identified, which we believe were not intentionally added to the matrix in this case, since mica schist forms the geological base of the surroundings of Măgura Uroiului and, implicitly, of the local clays. The making of this artefact continued with its modelling and with burnishing the two cups, the result of this process being easily observed in the upper parts of the two recipients through the vertical and slightly oblique marks left on the paste. The firing took place in a reducing atmosphere, the colour of the paste being mostly black, but also grey here and there. Some traces of secondary firing are visible on the outside, as patches of light yellowish-brown colour. Starting from the typological characteristics of form of the two vessels, one can state that they are two ceramic recipients of similar aspect, joined together, of the bitronconic cup type20. The origin of this form is of First Iron Age tradition, as argued decades ago by different authors, such as I. H. Crişan21 and E. Moscalu22, and more recently by L. P. Pupeză23. I. Németi, based on the analysis of the La Tène B-C pottery from Pişcolt – Nisipărie, Satu Mare County, sustains the Hallstatt and Celtic origin of some ceramic types, such as cups and jugs24. Typologically, such a ceramic vessel can be included in the cup category, type II according to I. H. Crişan25, variant XVII/b2 according to E. Moscalu26. In the Celtic pottery, these cups belong to type D.1. – bitronconic cups with raised handle, in I. V. Ferencz’s typology27. The two bitronconic cups have a more elongated upper part than the lower one. The vessels are not equal, one being taller and the other one shorter, but wider in diameter. The dimensions are as following: vessel 1 – height = 10.2 cm, rim diameter = 4.7 cm, maximum body diameter = 7.8 cm and base diameter = 4.8 cm; vessel 2 – height = 11.9 cm, rim diameter = 5.1 cm, maximum body diameter = 8.1 cm and base diameter = 4.5 cm; length of the handle = 6.1 cm (Pl. III/1–2). The rim is short and slightly outturned, while the round bottom is almost flat. The raised handle, bifurcated at its two extremities, connects the area above the maximum diameter with the rim of each ceramic recipient. In cross-section, the main handle of the vessel is slightly trapezoidal, the bifurcations being of rhombic shape, with rounded corners. Where each bifurcation meets the rim, as well as where they merge with the handle, there is a clay protuberance, which had a practical role in the case of the common pottery28. Taken individually, the two bitronconic cups are similar, both in shape and in the handle’s decoration, with the finds of the same period from Borduşani, Ialomiţa County29, Moreşti, Mureş County30, Pecica, Arad County31, Pişcolt – Nisipărie, Satu Mare County32, Pleaşov – La Cetate, Teleorman County33, Popeşti – Novaci, Giurgiu County34, Sebeş, Alba County35 etc. 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 DICŢIONAR 1997–1998, p. 210. CRIŞAN 1969, p. 121, 145. MOSCALU 1983, p. 84. PUPEZĂ 2010, p. 130; PUPEZĂ 2012, p. 279. NÉMETI 1988, p. 88, 107, 110. CRIŞAN 1969, p. 119, 121; CRIŞAN 1978, p. 118, pl. 33/3–8, fig. 42/2 (The photo reveals the burnishing marks on the cups, in the shape of vertical lines). MOSCALU 1983, p. 84, 453, pl. LXI/8. FERENCZ 2006, p. 118, 126, pl. II; FERENCZ 2007, p. 92, pl. LIX/2, LXXXV. TURCU 1979, p. 121. PUPEZĂ 2012, p. 123, 281, 283, pl. 75/14, 165/2. CRIŞAN 1969, p. 118, 304, pl. XXXVIII/8; PUPEZĂ 2012, p. 67, 281–282, pl. 36/13, 164/18. CRIŞAN 1969, p. 311, pl. LXI/2; PUPEZĂ 2012, p. 83, 281–282, pl. 48/9, 164/24. NÉMETI 1988, p. 97–98, fig. 7/3; PUPEZĂ 2012, p. 92, 281–282, pl. 55/9, 164/30. PREDA 1986, p. 82, 85, fig. 8/2, 11/2. TURCU 1979, p. 120–121, 196, fig. 16/4. GHEORGHIU 2005, p. 144, 257, fig. 134/3. A Kernos Vessel from Uroi – Pod Mureş (Hunedoara County) and the Problem of a Ritual Pit / 293 Regarding its shape, the handle can be interpreted as an extremely stylized zoomorphic or even anthropomorphic representation. It presents two attachment points on the surface of each ceramic recipient, distributed in such way that its profile leaves the impression that a human or an animal is grasping the two vessels at the same time. A distant analogy for the way this handle was made comes from Poiana – Cetăţuie, Buzău County, in the Dacian milieu36. If we were to opt for a possible zoomorphic interpretation of the kernos’ handle from Uroi – Pod Mureş, it would probably be a wild boar or a bear, animals that are common in the Celtic and Dacian iconography37. Moreover, as V. Sîrbu noticed as well, the handles with zoomorphic protomes are frequent at the Celtic populations from Central Europe38. He observed the presence of animal motifs (particularly bovids) on the vessels of Greek origin found in the region North of the Danube39. A common feature of the First and Second Iron Age kernoi is the presence of more or less stylized handles, following mainly the animal style. Thus, if for the kernos at Uroi – Pod Mureş we can only presume this idea because of the handle’s high degree of abstraction, in the case of other discoveries, such as the ones from Central and Southern Europe, this aspect represents a certainty. It is worth mentioning several kernoi composed of two or three joined vessels, dating from the Villanova period40 until the early Second Iron Age, whose common handle depicts an animal (dog, bovid), like the examples from Tarquinia – Villa Bruschi Falgari, Italy41, Benacci-Caprara, Bologna, Italy42, Führholz, Austria43 etc., all of these being archetypes for the Late Iron Age ceramic forms, as the vessel which is the subject of this study. Much closer in terms of chronology and typology to the Uroi kernos are two ceramic recipients from the Celtic necropolis from Kósd, Hungary, the handles of which are directly connected with the rim and, in the upper part, both are ended in a figurative manner (anthropomorphic44 or zoomorphic45). THE RELATIVE CHRONOLOGY The two cups forming the kernos vessel from Uroi – Pod Mureş can be included, chronologically and typologically, in I. H. Crişan’s type II, dated in the 2nd century BC46, corresponding to phase II, the middle one, of the chronological evolution of Dacian pottery47. L. P. Pupeză has leaned towards the same dating (end of the 2nd – beginning of the 1st century BC), reiterating some of I. H. Crişan’s general criteria regarding this matter: the disappearance of the handmade black ceramics, the decreasing of the upper truncated cone, the pronounced flaring of the rim, the reduction of the handle’s raising and of the ornamental protuberances48. I. Glodariu also places this type of cup, with an outturned rim, short neck and bitronconic body in the 2nd century BC49. For the region South of the Carpathians, Mioara Turcu places the bitronconic cups among the handmade vessels produced during the 2nd and the 1st centuries BC50. 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 TEODOR 1999, p. 71, 225, fig. 39/2; VULPE, TEODOR 2003, p. 74, 283, 645, fig. 166/4; TEODOR 2011, p. 213, 259, fig. 32/2. FERENCZ 2007, p. 138–139, pl. LIV; BODÓ 2006, p. 231–236; BODÓ 2008, p. 91–100, fig. 1; A close analogy for the handle with zoomorphic protome was discovered at Măgura Uroiului (Rapoltu Mare commune, Hunedoara County), see: http://www.cimec.ro/Arheologie/cronicaCA2005/cd/index.htm, unfortunately unpublished (accessed on the 26th of August 2014). SÎRBU 1995b, p. 70; SÎRBU, FLOREA 1997, p. 32. SÎRBU 1995a, p. 188, 192–193; SÎRBU 1995b, p. 70, 75; SÎRBU, FLOREA 1997, p. 84, 102; SÎRBU, FLOREA 2000, p. 143; SÎRBU 2004, p. 69. NIJBOER 2004, p. 528, Tab. A. IAIA 2002, p. 732, 738, fig. 3/5. GUGGISBERG, STÖLLNER 1996, p. 129–130, Abb. 7. GUGGISBERG, STÖLLNER 1996, p. 121, 128–129, Abb. 4. MOSCATI 1991, p. 313; RUSTOIU, EGRI 2011, p. 50, 56, 58, fig. 22/3, 24/7. MOSCATI 1991, p. 312. CRIŞAN 1969, p. 121. CRIŞAN 1969, p. 17. PUPEZĂ 2012, p. 284. GLODARIU 1981, p. 150, fig. 2/12. TURCU 1979, p. 107, 115–116, 120–121, fig. 16/4–6, pl. XXVI/3, 8. 294 / Ioan Alexandru Bărbat, Oana Tutilă Bărbat, Cristina Maria Mitar Judging by the chronologies suggested above for the category of bitronconic cups, with a taller upper truncated cone, burnished and of black colour, we can opine that the bitronconic vessels that form the kernos from Uroi – Pod Mureş may be dated no earlier than the end of the 2nd century BC or the beginning of the following one. Considering the fragments discovered along with the kernos in the lower layer of the feature Cx25, the dating cannot exceed the first half of the 1st century BC. The rest of the ceramic inventory, from the upper layer of Cx25, contains potshards that can be broadly dated throughout the 1st century BC. This dating is influenced by the changes in the aspect of the pottery: the presence of wheel-thrown Dacian ceramic categories. This “temporal difference” between the kernos and the rest of the pottery fragments found in the upper layer of the pit might be explained by the fact that the vessel could have been deposited long after its production, a date which we cannot estimate. Otherwise, we could interpret the morphological and functional features of the vessel in the context of specific “customs” regarding the making of certain types of special ceramic forms and their deposition at a particular time (?). THE ANALOGIES Regarding the repertoire of kernos type vessels from the Second Iron Age period, identified in the region North of the Danube, there is no information so far regarding a similar or close form to the variant unearthed at Uroi – Pod Mureş, which leads us to consider, at least for the time, that the recipient and its archaeological context represent an “unique” discovery in the Dacian milieu. In fact, we did not find any data for the existence of such vessels South of the Danube. The earliest ceramic forms identified in the literature which are typologically related to the kernos from Uroi – Pod Mureş were discovered at Predionica, Kosovo and belong to the Late Neolithic, respectively to final phases of the Vinča culture51 (Pl. IV/1–2). Relatively close in chronology are two double communicant vessels from Traian – Dealul Fântânilor, Neamţ County, interpreted as a kernos by D. Boghian, and belonging to the Cucuteni culture52 (Pl. IV/3). From Aszód – Manyiki dűlő, Hungary, in the Hatvan cultural environment, dated at the end of the Early Bronze Age and the beginning of the Middle Bronze Age, comes a vessel composed of two joined cups with a common handle53 (Pl. IV/4). A series of triple vessels with common handles need to be mentioned at this point, being part of the inventory of several tombs discovered in the continental and insular Greece. Chronologically they belong to the Early and Late Proto-Geometric or to the Early Geometric54 (Pl IV/5–6, V/1–3). Nevertheless, the shape of the two bitronconic cups from Uroi – Pod Mureş and the way in which they are joined together have the best analogy in the early Villanovian tomb – T 33, from Tarquinia – Villa Bruschi Falgari, Italy55 (Pl. V/5). Three joined cups with a common handle depicting a human character, discovered in a cremation grave from Arcatelle, Italy, can be dated in the 10th–9th centuries BC56 (Pl. V/4). Also particular to the Villanovian cultural horizon are the three joined cups with a common handle from the tomb 73 from Tarquinia – Villa Bruschi Falgari, Italy57 (Pl. V/6). Representing the closest chronological (4th to 3rd centuries BC) and typological analogy for the kernos from Uroi – Pod Mureş, the three communicant vessels with a common handle found at Zimnicea – Câmpul Morţilor, Teleorman County58 share a similar context with the discoveries from the Italian Peninsula, where such ceramic items were part of the inventory of cremation tombs, usually belong51 52 53 54 55 56 57 58 GALOVIĆ 1959, p. 53, Tab. 6/1–2. DUMITRESCU 1959, p. 196–197, fig. 7/1; BOGHIAN 2012, p. 56, fig. 4/4. KALICZ 1968, p. 154, Taf. CXIII/12. KOUROU 2007, p. 63, 65–70, 71, fig. 1/b, 4/a-c, 5, 6a-b, 71, 7a-b. IAIA 2002, p. 732, 738, fig. 3/3. BABBI 2012, p. 289, fig. 2. TRUCCO ET. AL 2005, p. 362/363, fig. 3/1. ALEXANDRESCU 1980, p. 20–21, 89, 116, fig. 35/1, 68/17; MĂNDESCU 2010, p. 174, pl. 341/9; PUPEZĂ 2012, p. 325 (L. P. Pupeză places it in the category of kernos vessels on a ceramic ring). A Kernos Vessel from Uroi – Pod Mureş (Hunedoara County) and the Problem of a Ritual Pit / 295 ing to warriors (Pl. VI/1). A similar piece to the one from Zimnicea, and typologically close to the Uroi – Pod Mureş double vessel, comes from Colchester, Great Britain, but it’s dated in the 4th century AD59 (Pl. V/7). As one may observe, the majority of such discoveries are present in graves from the continental and insular territory of Greece or from Tarquinia, Italy, at a chronological sequence corresponding to the Proto-Geometric and Early Geometric periods in Greece, to the Villanova cultural horizon in Central Italy and to the final stage of the Bronze Age or to the First Iron Age phases in the chronology of the Carpathian Basin. The presence of the kernos vessel from Zimnicea – Câmpul Morţilor could be explained in this general framework as well. Regarding the above observations, it has been underlined in the archaeological literature the fact that joined communicant vessels (double, triple etc.), often denominated as kernos, were initially found in the inventories of tombs, being later present inside the sanctuaries60. The typological analogies mentioned earlier, more or less close to the chronology of the kernos from Uroi – Pod Mureş, indicate the origin and age of certain ceramic forms, sometimes of special character, as noted by a number of authors who attended this subject. In addition, we could mention D. Boghian’s discussion on this theme in the context of the Cucuteni pseudo-kernoi and kernoi, as he remarks that we cannot precisely establish or explain at this moment the link between a certain kernos type and cultures or civilisations placed not only in distant geographical regions, but also separated by millennia61. The same matter was brought into attention when a double vessel (Doppelgefäß) was found in Austria, at Führholz, in an early Second Iron Age settlement62. The artefact had a good analogy in the 8th century BC at Bologna, Italy, in the necropolis of Benacci-Caprara, Italy, proving the First Iron Age origin and tradition of the vessel63. THE PROBLEM OF THE RITUAL PIT One of the main problems raised by the discovery and study of feature Cx25 is interpreting the function of this pit. According to the archaeological literature and adding the above mentioned information, it is clear that the kernoi have a ritual character and that the archaeological context of the vessel from Uroi – Pod Mureş, in a layer of ash mixed with charcoal, adobe pigmentation and osteological materials, situated at the bottom of the round pit, with a pyriform profile, allows us to consider that some of the pits with these characteristics found in the Dacian milieu may represent ritual contexts. In the present case, this assumption is enforced by the deposition of the kernos in the centre of the pit and close to its bottom. However, not all the archaeological features from the category of pits with charcoal and ash, found on the Romanian territory and corresponding to the Late Iron Age, represent ritual contexts, as underlined for a long time in the bibliography. Certain characteristics are necessary to assert their belonging the ritual features’ group, such as their inventory, the filling layers, their position within a site (inside or near a sacred area), their shape etc.64. Unfortunately, as pointed out by the repertory of kernos type vessels and the archaeological literature, a direct indubitable analogy for the feature Cx25 from Uroi – Pod Mureş has not been discovered so far. Certainly, a significant number of archaeological contexts in which fragmentary, restorable or complete kernoi were found might have had a ritual function. Much closer to this concept of possible 59 60 61 62 63 64 HULL 1958, p. 292, fig. 123/495. KOUROU 2007, p. 73. BOGHIAN 2012, p. 48–49. GUGGISBERG, STÖLLNER 1996, p. 121, 128–129, Abb. 4. GUGGISBERG, STÖLLNER 1996, p. 129–130, Abb. 7. PROTASE 1971, p. 72–74; CRIŞAN 1986, p. 419–423; SÎRBU 1988–1989, p. 65–66; POP 1993, p. 96; SÎRBU 1993, p. 28–29; SÎRBU 1994, p. 41; URSACHI 1995, p. 75, 97; SÎRBU 1996a, p. 12; SÎRBU 1996b, p. 82; SANIE 1999, p. 26–27; SÎRBU, FLOREA 2000, p. 89–90; POP, BANCEA 2004, p. 200–201; SÎRBU 2004, p. 99–100; SÎRBU 2006, p. 59; BODÓ 2010, p. 82–83, 85; PUPEZĂ 2012, p. 367. 296 / Ioan Alexandru Bărbat, Oana Tutilă Bărbat, Cristina Maria Mitar ritual features with kernos recipients are two pits, the former discovered near the round temple with wooden pillars from Brad, Bacău County65, and the latter from Pogoneşti – Pe şes la Colea, Vaslui County, in the area of the Sântana de Mureş culture66. In completely different situations, kernoi appear within sanctuaries, as indicated by the discovery of such a ceramic vessel at Nuntaşi II, Constanţa County67. Returning to the general problem of the ritual pits in the Late Iron Age period, we find that, in time, they were divided in several categories, depending on their inventory, and that the closest analogies to feature Cx25 from Uroi – Pod Mureş are the “animal offering” features and the “vessel deposits”68. Starting from the proposed classification, we believe there is also a mixed variant, with both pottery and possible animal offerings, in which the feature we are investigating should be included as well. Close to the characteristics of feature Cx25 from Uroi – Pod Mureş (the general truncated cone shape, the presence of layers of ash and charcoal, of osteological remains, of fragmentary or restorable/complete ceramic vessels, the deposition of complete recipients in the inferior central part of the pit) and, implicitly, to its chronology (the 1st century BC), are the Dacian pits considered to have ritual or even funerary functions from: Barboşi – Tirighina, Galaţi County69, Brad, Bacău County70, Căscioarele – Şuviţa Hotarului, Călăraşi County71, Costeşti – Cetăţuie, Hunedoara County72, Dumbrava – La Căprărie, Iaşi County73, Grădiştea – Movila Crestată, Brăila County74, Gropşani – Ovrei, Olt County75, Lancrăm – Glod, Alba County76, Mereşti – Dâmbul Pipaşilor, Harghita County77, Moigrad – Măgura, Sălaj County78, Poiana – Cetăţuie, Galaţi County79, Popeşti, Giurgiu County80, Prundu – La Stână, Giurgiu County81, Sânsimion, Harghita County82, Sfântu-Gheorghe – Bedehaza, Covasna County83, Sighişoara – Wietenberg, Mureş County84, Tăşad – Cetăţauă, Bihor County85, Unip – Dealu Cetăţuica, Timiş County86, Zvoriştea, Suceava County87 etc. From this selective list of Second Iron Age archaeological sites from Romania in which features from the category of “special/ritual pits” have been identified and investigated, one may observe the large spreading area of these practices in the Dacians’ spirituality. As highlighted by the chronology of the discovered ceramic materials, we may conclude, for the moment, that the horizon of the “ritual 65 66 67 68 69 70 71 72 73 74 75 76 77 78 79 80 81 82 83 84 85 86 87 URSACHI 1995, p. 90, 97, 191–192, 458, pl. 121; PUPEZĂ 2012, p. 325, note 458; CRISTESCU 2013, p. 125, note 337. PALADE 1978, p. 283–287, fig. 1/1–5, 2/1. DOMĂNEANŢU 1993, p. 60, 63–64, 74–75, fig. 2/17, 4/17, 10/17; FARCAŞ 2004, p. 110–111; MĂNDESCU 2010, p. 115–116. TURCU 1979, p. 169; SÎRBU 1996a, p. 48–49; SÎRBU 1996b, p. 101; SÎRBU, FLOREA 1997, p. 45; CRIŞAN 2000, p. 116; SÎRBU, FLOREA 2000, p. 89–90; POP, BANCEA 2004, p. 200–202; SÎRBU 2004, p. 100; SÎRBU 2006, p. 59–61; BERZOVAN 2013, p. 320–321. SANIE, SANIE 2011a, p. 66. URSACHI 1995, p. 75, 90–91, 97; TEODOR 1999, p. 32; URSACHI 2011b, p. 330–331. SÎRBU 1996b, p. 82, 101. GLODARIU ET AL 2000, p. 31; GHEORGHIU 2005, p. 211. SANIE, SANIE 2011b, p. 401, 422–423. SÎRBU 1996a, p. 12–15, 46–49. POPILIAN, NICA 1998, p. 43, 68–69, 71–72. POPA, SIMINA 2004, p. 44–46, 54, 71–73; GHEORGHIU 2005, p. 211. CRIŞAN, FERENCZI 1994, p. 382–383; CRIŞAN 2000, p. 116–117. PROTASE 1971, p. 72–73; CRIŞAN 1986, p. 420–422; MATEI, STOICA 1988, p. 159–160; POP, MATEI 2001, p. 256, 267–268. VULPE 1950, p. 50; VULPE ET AL 1951, p. 196–197; PROTASE 1971, p. 72; CRIŞAN 1986, p. 422; TEODOR 1999, p. 32. CRIŞAN 1986, p. 422. SÎRBU 1996b, p. 70–71, 101. BELDIMAN, SZÖNCS 1992, p. 259–261, 262; CRIŞAN 2000, p. 116–117. CRIŞAN 2000, p. 115–116. ANDRIŢOIU, RUSTOIU 1997, p. 76–79. CHIDIOŞAN 1981–1982, p. 83–86, 89–90, fig. 1–3. BERZOVAN 2013, p. 313–325. IGNAT 1983, p. 396–399, 403–406. A Kernos Vessel from Uroi – Pod Mureş (Hunedoara County) and the Problem of a Ritual Pit / 297 pits fields”88, respectively of the pits with both vessels and animal offerings depositions, are significantly diffused in the Dacian environment of the 1st century BC. An interesting aspect regarding the position of the feature Cx25 is the fact that it lies to the South of a relatively more crowded area of the settlement (characterized by the predominance of dwellings and their annexes – S3/2011). In fact, from East to West, across the whole surface of S1/2011, there are other features from the pits with charcoal and ash category, including some with complete or fragmentary vessel depositions, all grouped to the South of the dwellings’ area. Notwithstanding, because of the position of some of these features on the edge of the southern limit of the highway’s route, we are not able to appreciate the frequency of other types of contexts in that area and if such ritual pits were present there as well. If these features had indeed a ritual character, then it would have meant that a certain area of the settlement would have been reserved for such contexts, similar to the case of Dacian settlement from Dumbrava – La Căprărie, Iaşi County, where these features were situated “in a dwellings free area”89. Moreover, according to N. Chidioşan, the ritual complexes investigated at Tăşad – Cetăţaua, Bihor County, were located within the settlement, but not near the houses90. Regarding the possible significance of the feature Cx25 from Uroi – Pod Mureş, we opt for its use in certain agrarian rituals, possibly addressed to chthonic deities/forces related to prosperity and fertility91. This supposition could be validated by the character of this Dacian settlement, positioned in the fertile Mureş meadow, with a great number of habitation features with different types of vessels or annexes with large storage vessels – pythoi. For that matter, we should not disregard the agricultural tools (e.g. hoes) discovered in the western part of the site, confirming the possibility that some of the members of the Late Iron Age type settlement from Uroi – Pod Mureş practised this economical activity on a large scale. Another opinion links the presence of a distinct layer of charcoal and ash in the feature in which the kernos was placed to a fire cult, as underlined by a series of authors who also mention the presence of hearth fragments92, in our case just a single fragment being present in the inventory of Cx25. The typology of the vessels deposited in the ritual pits represents another aspect underlined in the archaeological literature, being observed that the presence of certain ceramic forms is not accidental. V. Sîrbu draws the attention on this subject in the context of publishing the materials found in the pits 12 and 15 from Prundu – La Stână, Giurgiu County, noticing the predominance of the vessels for “drinking or storing liquids”93. The presence of the kernos composed of two bitronconic communicant cups may also suggest the idea of libations performed using such recipients. As observed in the archaeological literature, the act of libation during ritual processions is often associated, in the Greek world, with the presence of a kernos94. This scenario is plausible in the case of our artefact as well, as such ceramic containers – bitronconic cups/jugs – were always used for the temporary storage of liquids and for pouring them in or out. In this respect, the kernos could have been used for different libations, some probably performed during the deposition. Regardless of the pit’s destination and of the placement of the kernos vessel on its bottom, alongside possible animal offerings (a rib fragment, some mandible fragments, perhaps of bovids), the feature Cx25 remains the expression of a lesser-known magical-religious practice of the Dacians from south-western Transylvania, on the Mureş Valley95. 88 89 90 91 92 93 94 95 SANIE 1999, p. 27. SANIE 1999, p. 27; SANIE, SANIE 2011b, p. 401. CHIDIOŞAN 1981–1982, p. 83. CRIŞAN 1986, p. 423; URSACHI 1995, p. 97, 303; SÎRBU 1996a, p. 47–48; SÎRBU, FLOREA 1997, p. 45; SÎRBU, FLOREA 2000, p. 90; POP, BANCEA 2004, p. 201–202; SÎRBU 2004, p. 101; SÎRBU 2006, p. 64; PUPEZĂ 2012, p. 367; The Bulgarian researchers point to the same conclusions after analyzing a First and Second Iron Age complex of ritual pits from Svilengrad, Bulgaria (NEKHRIZOV, TZVETKOVA 2012, p. 193–194). VULPE 1950, p. 50; VULPE ET AL 1951, p. 196–197; SÎRBU 1996a, p. 12–15, 46–47; SÎRBU 1996b, p. 101; SÎRBU, FLOREA 1997, p. 45; SÎRBU, FLOREA 2000, p. 90; POP, BANCEA 2004, p. 201; SÎRBU 2004, p. 100–101; SÎRBU 2006, p. 61–62; URSACHI 2011b, p. 331; PUPEZĂ 2012, p. 367. SÎRBU 1996b, p. 101; SÎRBU 2003b, p. 90–92. ZOSI 2011, p. 13; BOGHIAN 2012, p. 40, 50. One must note the presence of the idea of the ash and charcoal pit, in which with pots, lamps, complete or partial 298 / Ioan Alexandru Bărbat, Oana Tutilă Bărbat, Cristina Maria Mitar CONCLUDING REMARKS The analysis of the feature Cx25 from Uroi – Pod Mureş allowed us to formulate some conclusions regarding the possible function of this pit, respectively of ritual character. The pit was dug to deposit a layer of charcoal and ash, in which the double kernos type vessel was placed, and later it was filled with a dark-brown compacted soil. For the time being, the kernos represents an exceptional ceramic form in the Dacian world, but present in the First Iron Age or the next following period. The mentioned analogies indicate the circulation of types related to the idea of the kernos vessel not only in Central and South-East Europe, but also towards the north-western region of the continent. The spread of kernoi in the Second Iron Age period over the Romanian territory, as the bibliography highlights as well, took place from the Mediterranean Basin towards the Black Sea. Most likely, the commercial relations triggered the kernoi imports, alongside other pottery types and different categories of Greek artefacts96. We consider that the kernoi, or at least the ideas that implied directly the production of such recipients, reached the Romanian Plain, the Siret Valley and south-eastern Transylvania (Map 1) on account of the Greek poleis from the western shore of the Black Sea, through Bulgaria and Dobruja97. The repertoire of the kernoi found on the Romanian territory is a proof of this assumption, adding the chorological aspects resulted from the analysis of this ceramic form North of the Danube. Due to the clear lack of analogies for the kernos from Uroi – Pod Mureş in the Late Iron Age, but only for the two bitronconic cups, corresponding to the phase II of the Dacian pottery in the periodization proposed by I. H. Crişan, we can place the origin of this vessel in the indigenous Dacian milieu. However, the idea of a kernos vessel, as shown by the analogies like Zimnicea, appears much earlier, coming from the Greek world through the Thracian medium. In this context, it is difficult to presume the origin/idea of this ceramic form on the Mureş Valley, but its appearance is probably linked to the imports of Greek pottery, arriving from the southern or south-eastern Transylvania. The discussion on the ritual character of feature Cx25 and, implicitly, on the kernos from its inventory, allows us to conclude that almost all the pits containing charcoal, ash, hearth fragments, osteological materials, potshards, restorable or complete vessels, deposited on the bottom of such complexes, are actually ritual contexts. Last but not least, the investigation of such an archaeological feature on the Mureş Valley, where unfortunately our knowledge was limited to a scarce number of researched Dacian settlements, sheds some light on the effort of understanding the complex system of beliefs shared by the Late Iron Age populations from south-western Transylvania. KErNOI IN THE ROMANIAN AREA (4th/3rd CENTURIES BC – 3rd/4th CENTURIES AD). THE MAIN FINDS The discovery of the kernos at Uroi – Pod Mureş also raises the question of the diffusion of this ceramic type on the Romanian territory between the 4th century BC and the 3rd/4th centuries AD. Thus, for an overview as complete as possible of this subject, we considered that a repertoire of the kernos vessels would prove useful. In the Romanian archaeological literature there have already been several efforts in listing the pseudo-kernoi and kernoi, in various stages of evolution: Chalcolithic98, First Iron Age99 and Second Iron 96 97 98 99 animal skeletons etc. were deposited, since the Bronze Age (GOGÂLTAN 2014, p. 35–53) to the Roman world (BENEA 2013, p. 195–203). GLODARIU 1974, p. 40, sqq.; Also of interest is the recent study on the Danubian kantharoi by A. Rustoiu and M. Egri (RUSTOIU, EGRI 2011, p. 9 sqq.). SÎRBU 2003b, p. 91. BOGHIAN 2012, p. 41–47. URSUŢIU 2000, p. 11–16. A Kernos Vessel from Uroi – Pod Mureş (Hunedoara County) and the Problem of a Ritual Pit / 299 Age100. For the Second Iron Age, E. Moscalu mentions the presence of the kernoi in the Thracian world, underlining the fact that, at the time when his work was published (1983), three main variants of this vessel were known in the Balkans, two of them on a ceramic ring (types 17a, 17b), and one shaped like a “fruit bowl” (type 17c)101. The results of the recent archaeological researches, corroborated with the analysis of the kernos type vessels from older finds, allows us to state that up to this point, on the Romanian territory, for the period mentioned above, we can distinguish four kernos variants, each with one, two, or three possible subvariants. CATALOGUE OF DISCOVERIES (see also Table 1 and Map 1) A. VESSELS FROM GREEK DOBRUJA 1. Albeşti (Albeşti commune, Constanţa County) During the researches undertaken at Albeşti – Cetate, in S A, c.11, at the depth of 0.60 m, a vessel which may be classified as a kernos was discovered102. 2. Hârşova (Constanţa County) From the Hârşova tell, a kernos found in 1961 was published, dated in the 4th century BC103. Unfortunately, the vessel was not discovered in a clear archaeological context, modern and Gumelniţa type potshards being present as well. However, judging by the recipient’s fabric, it seems that it was produced in a Greek workshop104 (Pl. VII/5). 3. Istria (Histria) (Istria commune, Constanţa County) At Histria, during the archaeological researches in the Cetate point, sector X, a well was identified, belonging to the final Hellenistic layer. Among other ceramic categories, the excavation report mentions the finding of the foot of a vessel, with ancient production marks, its shape “reminding of a kernos”, which determined the authors to interpret the well as a bothros105. 4. Jurilovca (Jurilovca commune, Tulcea County) From the investigations at Jurilovca – Capul Dolojman, in the south-western part of the Faleză F. E. sector, in the lower layer dating to the first half of the 4th century BC, the presence of several kernoi is attested for the two investigated chambers of the feature called the Greek Edifice106. 5. Nuntaşi (Istria commune, Constanţa County) Another kernos was discovered in an Hellenistic sanctuary from Nuntaşi II site, along with statuettes of Cybele and Nike dated in the 3rd and 2nd centuries BC, but also with Greek and local wares, adornments and metal objects of diverse functions107 (Pl. VI/5). One hypothesis regarding the function of this complex interprets it as a sanctuary for a chthonic deity108. B. DACIAN VESSELS 1. Brad (Negri commune, Bacău County) RUSTOIU, EGRI 2011, p. 58, 61, 90, 99, 127, note 72, fig. 25, Annex 5. MOSCALU 1983, p. 123–124. 102 BUZOIANU ET AL 2007, p. 67, 69. 103 NASTASI 2009, p. 343, 352, note 27, no. 17. 104 NASTASI 2009, p. 352, note 27. 105 ALEXANDRESCU ET AL 1997, p. 26. 106 MĂNUCU-ADAMEŞTEANU 1992, p. 65; MĂNUCU-ADAMEŞTEANU 1999, p. 153; MĂNDESCU 2010, p. 43. 107 DOMĂNEANŢU 1993 p. 60, 63–64, 74–75, fig. 2/17, 4/17, 10/17; FARCAŞ 2004, p. 110–111; MĂNDESCU 2010, p. 115–116 (Anexe: catalog). 108 DOMĂNEANŢU 1993, p. 60, 69, 71, 75, 78; FARCAŞ 2004, p. 110–111. 100 101 300 / Ioan Alexandru Bărbat, Oana Tutilă Bărbat, Cristina Maria Mitar In the Dacian fortification, an almost complete recipient and potshards of ritual kernos type vessels were identified. Thus, three painted ceramic fragments are among the first illustrated finds, two of them discovered on the acropolis, from the cultural layer and from a pit, and one in the “open settlement”109 (Pl. VII/8–10). These kernoi fragments are dated by V. Uraschi in the 1st century BC – 1st century AD, taking into consideration the rest of the painted pottery found in the Dacian dava from Brad110. At the time the Brad fortified settlement monograph was edited, the same author underlined the fact that two kernos types were found in this site: the tubular, horizontal one is attested by a zoomorphic (bovid) protome111 (Pl. VII/7), and the second one, similar in form to the former, but having a vertical disposition112, was identified in the bell-shaped pit 4/SXXV113, close to the centre of the acropolis114 (Pl. VI/11). From another feature, 18/SXXV, with a similar inventory to the pit mentioned above, another kernos was found, dated at the beginning115 or the end116 of the 1st century BC, based on the presence of a fibula. 2. Cinciş-Cerna (Teliucu Inferior commune, Hunedoara County) From Cinciş-Cerna, the Motel point, from a high terrace that bordered the former left bank of the Cerna River, a possible kernos fragment was discovered, belonging to the type on a ceramic ring (Pl. VII/11). The authors of the study in which the vessel was published dated it in the “classic” Dacian period117. More likely, as other similar southern or eastern Carpathian discoveries, this artefact belongs to the 1st century BC – 1st century AD. The vessel was unique, being the first discovery of this kind in the intra-Carpathian area. We believe that this kernos is also a cultural import, as discussed above regarding the kernos from Uroi – Pod Mureş. 3. Pleaşov (Lunca commune, Teleorman County) C. Preda mentions at Pleaşov – La Cetate the “presence of a cupula”, a “lamp” or “cult vessel,” as he designated a fragmentary kernos of the type on a ceramic ring118 (Pl. VII/6). The relative chronology of this ceramic container is around the 2nd century BC, considering that the settlement existed from the mid–3rd century BC to the beginning of the 1st century BC, according to the same author119. 4. Poiana (Nicoreşti commune, Galaţi County) R. Vulpe and S. Teodor consider that several flask-type vessels are falling into the kernos category120, with analogies in the Dacian fortified settlement from Brad121 (Pl. VI/7–10). Among the vessels on a ceramic ring and bovid protome, we can mention one from the Dacian settlement from Poiana122 (Pl. VII/1). Another possible kernos is represented by the upper part of a vessel with a fragmentary conical recipient attached to its rim123 (Pl. VI/6). Because of the high degree 109 110 111 112 113 114 115 116 117 118 119 120 121 122 123 URSACHI 1983–1985, p. 48, 51, 93, pl. XL/1, 4–5, Table 1; URSACHI 1995, p. 191, 480, pl. 165/1, 4–5. URSACHI 1983–1985, p. 48–50, 90–91. URSACHI 1987, p. 114, 116, fig. 10/8; URSACHI 1995, p. 191–192, 542, pl. 289/4; SÎRBU 1995a, p. 188. URSACHI 1995, p. 191–192, 458, pl. 121; SÎRBU 2003a, p. 119, fig. 10/3; SÎRBU 2003b, p. 90. URSACHI 1995, p. 90, 192; CRISTESCU 2013, p. 125. URSACHI 1995, p. 14. URSACHI 1995, p. 92. CRISTESCU 2013, p. 125. DRAGOTĂ ET AL 1999, p. 82, 94, pl. X/12. PREDA 1986, p. 85, 88, 94, fig. 23/1; PUPEZĂ 2012, p. 158–159, 325, pl. 102/4, 195. PREDA 1986, p. 98. VULPE, VULPE 1927–1932, p. 305, 308, fig. 78/2, 81/15–16; VULPE, TEODOR 2003, p. 84, 686, fig. 207/2; TEODOR 2011, p. 216. URSACHI 1995, p. 191–192, 458, pl. 121; SÎRBU 2003a, p. 119, fig. 10/3. SÎRBU 1995a, p. 188, 196, fig. 4/3; SÎRBU, FLOREA 1997, p. 84, 209, fig. 70/4; SÎRBU, FLOREA 2000, p. 143, fig. 58/3; SÎRBU 2003b, p. 90, 101, fig. 5/4; SÎRBU 2004, p. 69. VULPE, TEODOR 2003, p. 280, 639, fig. 160/6. A Kernos Vessel from Uroi – Pod Mureş (Hunedoara County) and the Problem of a Ritual Pit / 301 of fragmentation of some ceramic pieces from this site, we cannot be certain if other fragments with zoomorphic representations were kernoi as well124. These artefacts are dated in the 1st century BC – 1st century AD125. 5. Popeşti (Mihăileşti town, Giurgiu County) The archaeological researches from Popeşti – Nucet revealed the presence of a vessel with three joined, but not communicant, tronconical cups in its upper part, supported by a hollow foot, which was considered a lamp or a candlestick126 (Pl. VI/2). The archaeological campaigns between 1988 and 1993 led to the discovery of two kernoi in the Σ and Π sectors of the Getian settlement127. The first, with three cups, was found in a dwelling (“the kernos dwelling – Lk”) from sector Σ, placed by Nona Palincaş in layer LT II3128 (Pl. VI/4). Using A. Vulpe’s study, the date of the vessel corresponds to the 1st century BC, where the LT II3 layer dates after the year 80 BC129. The second kernos, also with three cups, but typologically different to the first one, was found in sector Π, in the La Téne II1 layer130, and is dated to the 2nd – 1st centuries BC131 (Pl. VI/3). 6. Răcătău (Horgeşti commune, Bacău County) V. Căpitanu presents three fragments from different kernoi unearthed in the dava from Răcătău – Cetăţuie, two of them belonging to vessels on a ceramic ring, both with a Boss protome, while a painted third one is not illustrated132 (Pl. VII/2–3). A single kernos fragment, actually the Boss protome, was identified in an archaeological feature – a “common pit” – from the southern part of the acropolis, which can be dated, by the associated ceramic materials, in the 1st century BC133 (Pl. VII/4). Unfortunately, no information is provided for the context of the other artefacts which were discovered during the investigations in this Dacian fortification134. 7. Uroi (Simeria town, Hunedoara County) The kernos vessel and its context are analysed in this study (Pl. I–III). 8. Zimnicea (Teleorman County) One of the earliest kernos vessels was identified in the Getian site from Zimnicea – Câmpul Morţilor, a triple vessel as it was previously named, part of the inventory of the cremation tomb Z48C2M.10, which more than likely belonged to a high-ranking person135 (Pl. VI/1). This kernos vessel can be dated in the second half of the 4th century BC or the first part of the 3rd century BC136. 124 125 126 127 128 129 130 131 132 133 134 135 136 SÎRBU, FLOREA 1997, p. 84, 209, fig. 70/1–3; VULPE, TEODOR 2003, p. 310, 693, fig. 214/1–3. SÎRBU, FLOREA 1997, p. 138, 209, fig. 70/1–4. GLODARIU 1974, p. 146, 229, pl. XLI/IC41/4; TURCU 1979, p. 101, pl. XXXVII/4. VULPE 1997, p. 163–167; PALINCAŞ 1997, p. 184, pl. 6/10; TROHANI 1997, p. 215, pl. XL/2. PALINCAŞ 1997, p. 183–184, pl. 6/10. VULPE 1997, p. 167. TROHANI 1997, p. 215, pl. XL/2; PUPEZĂ 2012, p. 164–165, 325, pl. 106/13. VULPE 1997, p. 167. CĂPITANU 1976, p. 67, 120, fig. 50/3; CĂPITANU 1985, p. 46; CĂPITANU 1986–1987, p. 72, 79, 89, 95, 97, fig. 2a/7, 3/8; CĂPITANU 1992, p. 137; SÎRBU 1995a, p. 188, 196, fig. 5/4, 6; SÎRBU 1995b, p. 75; SÎRBU, FLOREA 1997, p. 84; SÎRBU, FLOREA 2000, p. 143; SÎRBU 2003b, p. 90; SÎRBU 2004, p. 69; URSACHI 2011a, p. 289, 291. CĂPITANU 1985, p. 46; CĂPITANU 1986–1987, p. 79, 97, fig. 3/8; DAVID 2005, p. 97; URSACHI 2011a, p. 311, fig. 18/13. CĂPITANU 1986–1987, p. 72; CĂPITANU 1992, p. 137; URSACHI 2007, p. 72. ALEXANDRESCU 1980, p. 20–21, 42, 89, 116, fig. 35/1, 68/17; MĂNDESCU 2010, p. 174, pl. 341/9; PUPEZĂ 2012, p. 325. ALEXANDRESCU 1980, p. 56. 302 / Ioan Alexandru Bărbat, Oana Tutilă Bărbat, Cristina Maria Mitar C. ROMAN AND POST-ROMAN PERIOD VESSELS 1. Roşiori (Dulceşti commune, Neamţ County) In the context of presenting the archaeological finds from Roşiori – Ţarina Veche, G. D. Hânceanu mentions that the Dacian population from the 2nd and 3rd centuries AD imitated the Greek-Roman wares, including the kernos137. 2. Pogoneşti (Pogoneşti commune, Vaslui County)138 The vessel from Pogoneşti – Pe şes la Colea can also be included in the category of vessels on a ceramic ring139 (Pl. VII/12). It was discovered on the surface and later, through archaeological investigation, more fragments of the cult vessel were later found in the ploughing layer and in a pit that was identified immediately underneath140. V. Palade includes this recipient among the cult vessels from the Sântana de Mureş milieu, dated to the 4th century AD, based on the fragments of other types of ceramic containers belonging to this cultural enviroment141. E. Moscalu claimed that the kernos could have come from a Dacian site dated in the 4th –3rd centuries BC, and could have been later discovered by the inhabitants of the Sântana de Mureş settlement, thus explaining its unexpected presence142. In a similar note, L. P. Pupeză insists on the ambiguity of this find143. ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS We wish to thank Romică Pavel, who agreed to the publication of the feature Cx25. We also thank Dr. Cătălin Cristescu for his valuable remarks and for correcting the English translation of this paper. We are grateful to Dr. Cristina Bodó, Dr. Iosif Vasile Ferencz and Dr. Cristian-Constantin Roman for providing us useful information and bibliographical references. Table. 1. The main kernos types from Romania and their relative chronology Type Description Place of discovery and catalogue number Chronology I.1.A. Double vessels (with a common handle) Uroi B7 2nd/1st c. BC I.1.B. Triple vessels (without any handle) Popeşti B5 2nd c. BC – 1st c. BC HÂNCEANU 2008–2009, p. 373; It remains unclear if in this settlement kernos type vessels were found, which were later imitated by the Dacian community from Roşiori – Ţarina Veche. 138 Without aiming to extend the repertoire of the pieces discovered in Romania beyond the proposed timespan (4th century BC–4th century AD), we believe it is useful to mention the kernos from Pogoneşti – Pe şes la Colea because of the uncertainty regarding its chronology. 139 PALADE 1978, p. 283; MOSCALU 1983, p. 125; POPUŞOI 1995–1996, p. 92; PUPEZĂ 2012, p. 326, note 461; According to E. Moscalu şi L. P. Pupeză, the kernos was found at Valea Seacă (Tătărăni commune), in the northwestern region of Vaslui County, and not in Pogoneşti, in the south-western part of the county. 140 PALADE 1978, p. 283–284. 141 PALADE 1978, p. 284–287, fig. 1/1–5, 2/1; POPUŞOI 1995–1996, p. 92, pl. XIV/284; URSUŢIU 2000, p. 15, 21, ill. V/6. 142 MOSCALU 1983, p. 125. 143 PUPEZĂ 2012, p. 326. 137 A Kernos Vessel from Uroi – Pod Mureş (Hunedoara County) and the Problem of a Ritual Pit / 303 I.2.B. Triple vessels (with a common handle) Zimnicea B8 4th c. BC – 3rd c. AD II.1.A. Stand vessel Nuntaşi A5 3rd c. BC – 2nd c. BC II.1.B. Vessels on a ceramic stand Popeşti B5 1st c. BC – 1st c. AD III.1.A. Complex vessels Vessels on a ceramic support (pot) Poiana B4 1st c. BC – 1st c. AD IV.1.A. Vessels on a ceramic ring (the “classical” kernos) Hârşova A2 4th c. BC Pleaşov B3 2nd c. BC Brad B1 CincişCerna B2 1st c. BC – 1st c. AD Pogoneşti C2 4th c. AD Brad B1 Poiana B4 1st c. BC – 1st c. AD Răcătău B6 Brad Poiana B1 B4 IV.2.A. IV.1.B. Vessels on a ceramic ring with zoomorphic protoma and evacuation spout (the “classical” kernos) Flask vessels 1st c. BC – 1st c. AD 304 / Ioan Alexandru Bărbat, Oana Tutilă Bărbat, Cristina Maria Mitar Map I. The main localities with kernos type finds from Romania 4th c. BC – 4th c. AD. A1. 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V., Celţii pe Mureşul mijlociu, Bibliotheca Brukenthal XVI, Sibiu. GALOVIĆ 1959 R. Galović, Predionica. Neolitsko naselje kod Prištine, Posebna Izdanja, Arheologija, I, Priština. GHEORGHIU 2005 Gheorghiu Gabriela, Dacii pe cursul mijlociu al Mureşului (sfârşitul sec. II a. Chr. – începutul sec. II p. Chr.), Cluj-Napoca. GLODARIU 1974 Glodariu I., Relaţii comerciale ale Daciei cu lumea elenistică şi romană, Cluj. GLODARIU 1981 Glodariu I., Contribuţii la cronologia ceramicii dacice în epoca Latène târzie, in Daicoviciu H. (red.), Studii Dacice, Cluj-Napoca, p. 146–165. GLODARIU ET AL 2000 Glodariu I., Gelu F., Suciu Liliana, Iaroslavschi E., Gheorghiu Gabriela, Pescaru Adriana, Bodó Cristina, Costeşti, com. Orăştioara de Sus, jud. Hunedoara. Punct: Cetăţuie, in CCA. Campania 1999, Deva, p. 31. GOGÂLTAN 2014 Gogâltan F., Drinking with the gods? The problem of Bronze Age pot deposits in Transylvania, in StudiaUBB – Historia 59/ 1, p. 35–82. GUGGISBERG, STÖLLNER Guggisberg M., Stöllner Th., Ein “Herr der Tiere” im südlichen Ostalpenraum?, Bemerkungen 1996 zur frühlatènezeitlichen Stellung einiger Neufunde aus dem Führholz bei Völkermarkt/Kärnten, in Stöllner Th. (ed.), Europa celtica, Untersuchungen zur First Iron Age- und Latènekultur, Marburg, p. 117–152. IAIA 2002 Iaia C., Oggetti di uso rituale nelle sepolture “Villanoviane” di Tarquinia, in Nuccia Negroni C. (ed.), Preistoria e Protostoria in Etruria, Paesaggi D’Acque, Atti del Quinto Incontro di Studi II, Milano, p. 729–738. IGNAT 1983 Ignat M., Vestigiile geto-dacice de la Zvorîştea şi semnificaţia lor, in Suceava X, p. 383–418. HÂNCEANU 2008–2009 Hânceanu G. D., Ocupaţiile locuitorilor din aşezarea dacică de la Roşiori – Dulceşti (jud. Neamţ), in Memoria Antiquitatis XXV–XXVI, p. 359–393. HULL 1958 Hull M. R., Roman Colchester, Reports of the Research Committee of the Society of Antiquaries of London XX, Oxford. KALICZ 1968 Kalicz N., Die Frühbronzezeit in Nordost-Ungarn, Archaeologica Hungarica, Dissertationes Archaeologicae Musei Nationalis Hungarici S.N. XLV, Budapest. KOUROU 2007 Kourou Nota, Silent Offsprings and Dutiful Parents: Amphoriskoi and Multiple Vases in Early Iron Age Child Burials, in Tομοσ T., Γ. T. Kαθζγζτζ (eds.), ἀμύμονα ἔργα, Βασιλη Κ. Λαμπρινουδακη, Aθηνα, 2007, p. 62–76. LUCA 2012 Luca S. A. (coord.), Cercetările arheologice preventive de la Cristian (Judeţul Sibiu). Campania 2011–2012, Bibliotheca Brukenthal LX, Sibiu. MATEI, STOICA 1988 Matei A. V., Stoica C., Cercetări arheologice pe Măgura Moigradului, campania 1987, in ActaMP XII, p. 158–160. A Kernos Vessel from Uroi – Pod Mureş (Hunedoara County) and the Problem of a Ritual Pit / 307 MĂNDESCU 2010 MĂNUCUADAMEŞTEANU 1992 MĂNUCUADAMEŞTEANU 1999 MITSOPOULOU 2010 Măndescu D., Cronologia perioadei timpurii a celei de-a doua epoci a fierului (sec. V–III a.Chr.) între Carpaţi, Nistru şi Balcani, Brăila. Mănucu-Adameşteanu Mihaela, ... Orgamé Polis …, in Pontica XXV, p. 55–67. Mănucu-Adameşteanu Mihaela, Argamum. Sectorul faleza de est (F. E.), in MCA S.N. 1, p. 145–164. Mitsopoulou Christina, De nouveaux Kernoi pour Kernos… Réévaluation et mise à jour de la recherche sur les vases de culte éleusiniens, in Kernos 23, p. 145–178. MOSCALU 1983 Moscalu E., Ceramica traco-getică, Bucureşti. MOSCATI 1991 Moscati S. (coord.), I Celti, Milano. MOTTE 1988 Motte A., Éditorial, in Kernos 1, p. 5–6. NASTASI 2009 Nastasi Irina, Catalogue d’exposition: “Vases en ceramique grise decouverts en Dobrudja”, in Pontica XLII, Supplementum, I, p. 341–359. NEKHRIZOV, TZVETKOVA Nekhrizov G., Tzvetkova Julia, Ritual Pit Complexes in Iron Age Thrace: The Case Study of Svilengrad, 2012 in AIA 7, p. 177–209. NÉMETI 1988 Németi I., Unele aspecte ale evoluţiei ceramicii din a doua epocă a fierului în nord-vestul R. S. România (Latène B-C), in SCIVA 39/2, p. 87–111. NIJBOER 2004 Nijboer A. J., La cronologia assoluta delletà del Fero nel Mediterraneo, dibattito sui mettodi e sui risultati, in Mediterranea I, p. 527–556. PALADE 1978 Palade V., Un vas de cult din secolul al IV-lea e.n. în Moldova, in SCIVA 29/2, p. 283–288. PALINCAŞ 1997 Palincaş Nona, Scurtă prezentare a săpăturilor din sectorul Σ al aşezării de la Popeşti (jud. Giurgiu), campaniile 1988–1993, in CA X, p. 173–192. POLLITT 1979 Pollitt J. J., Kernoi from the Athenian Agora, in Hesperia 48/3, p. 205–233. POP 1993 Pop H., Contribuţii metodologice privind cercetarea spiritualităţii dacice reflectată în descoperirile arheologice, in ActaMP XVI, p. 91–105. POP, BANCEA 2004 Pop H., Bancea Gh., Elemente de spiritualitate dacică în nord-vestul României, in ActaMP XXVI, p. 193–213. POP, MATEI 2001 Pop H., Matei A., Măgura Moigradului – zonă sacră (sec. I î.Hr.) şi aşezare dacică fortificată (sec. I. d.Hr.), in Florea G., Gheorghiu Gabriela, Iaroslavschi E. (eds.), Studii de Istorie Antică. Omagiu Profesorului Ioan Glodariu, Cluj-Napoca, p. 253–277. POPA, SIMINA 2004 Popa C. I., Simina N. M., Cercetări arheologice la Lancrăm-“Glod”, Alba Iulia. POPILIAN, NICA 1998 Popilian G., Nica M., Gropşani. Monografie arheologică, Bibliotheca Thracologica XXIV, Bucureşti. PREDA 1986 Preda C., Contribuţii la cunoaşterea civilizaţiei geto-dacice – aşezarea de la Pleaşov, jud. Teleorman, in TD VII/1–2, p. 71–100. PROTASE 1971 Protase D., Riturile funerare la daci şi daco-romani, Biblioteca de Arheologie XVI, Bucureşti. POPUŞOI 1995–1996 Popuşoi Eugenia (coord.), Expoziţia “Rădăcini ale civilizaţiei străromâneşti în Muntenia de răsărit, Moldova de Sud şi Centrală în sec. III–XI p. Ch.”, Catalog, Vaslui. PUGLISI 2010 Puglisi D., Dal ‘Vassoio tripodato’ al kernos un set di ceramiche tm ia da haghia triada el il suo contributo alla conoscenza del rituale minoico, in CretAnt 11, p. 45–129. PUPEZĂ 2010 Pupeză L. P., Ceramica daco-getică din interiorul arcului Carpatic (sfârşitul sec. III a.Chr. – începutul sec. I. a.Chr.), in RB XXIV, p. 129–162. PUPEZĂ 2012 Pupeză L. P., Veacul întunecat al Daciei, Bibliotheca Musei Napocensis XXXVII, Cluj-Napoca. ROMAN, DODDRoman P., Dodd-Opriţescu Ann, Interferenţe etno-culturale, din perioada indo-europenizării, reOPRIŢESCU 1989 flectate în cimitirul eneolitic de la Ostrovul Corbului, in TD X/1–2, p. 11–38. RUSTOIU, EGRI 2011 Rustoiu A., Egri Mariana, The Celts from the Carpathian Basin Between Continental Traditions and the Fascination of the Mediterranean. A Study of the Danubian Kantharoi, Ethnic and Cultural Interferences in the 1st Millennium B.C. to the 1st Millennium A.D. XVII, Cluj-Napoca. RZEUSKA 2007 Rzeuska Teodozja, Some Remarks on the Egyptian Kernoi, in Bietak M., Czerny E. (eds.), The Synchronisation of Civilisations in the Eastern Mediterranean in the Second Millennium B.C. III, Wien, p. 325–336. SANIE 1999 S. Sanie, Din istoria culturii şi religiei geto-dacice, Historia 17, Iaşi. SANIE, SANIE 2011a Sanie S., Sanie Şeiva, Cetăţuia geto-dacică de la Galaţi – Barboşi, in Sanie S., Marin TamiliaElena (eds.), Geto-dacii dintre Carpaţi şi Nistru (Secolele II a.Chr. – II p.Chr.), Scripta archaeologica et historica Dacoromaniae Redigit Victor Spinei II, Iaşi, p. 46–161. 308 / Ioan Alexandru Bărbat, Oana Tutilă Bărbat, Cristina Maria Mitar SANIE, SANIE 2011b SÎRBU 1988–1989 SÎRBU 1993 SÎRBU 1994 SÎRBU 1995a SÎRBU 1995b SÎRBU 1996a SÎRBU 1996b SÎRBU 2003a SÎRBU 2003b SÎRBU 2004 SÎRBU 2006 SÎRBU, FLOREA 1997 SÎRBU, FLOREA 2000 SVANERA 1999 TEODOR 1999 TEODOR 2011 TROHANI 1997 TRUCCO ET AL 2005 TURCU 1979 URSACHI 1983–1985 URSACHI 1987 URSACHI 1995 URSACHI 2007 URSACHI 2011a URSACHI 2011b URSUŢIU 2000 VULPE 1997 Sanie S., Sanie Şeiva, Aşezarea de la Dumbrava (comuna Ciurea, jud. Iaşi), in Sanie S., Marin Tamilia-Elena (eds.), Geto-dacii dintre Carpaţi şi Nistru (Secolele II a.Chr. – II p.Chr.), Scripta archaeologica et historica Dacoromaniae Redigit Victor Spinei II, Iaşi, p. 393–424. Sîrbu V., A. Despre semnificaţia unor gropi din aşezări şi complexe de cult geto-dacice, B. Noi observaţii şi ipoteze privind riturile, ritualurile şi practicile funerare ale geto-dacilor în sec. II î.e.n. – I e.n., in CCDJ V–VI–VII, p. 65–82. Sîrbu V., Credinţe şi practici funerare, religioase şi magice în lumea geto-dacilor, Biblioteca Istros 3, Galaţi. Sîrbu V., Incinte şi locuri sacre cu sacrificii şi depuneri de ofrande în lumea geto-dacilor, in Pontica XXVII, p. 39–59. Sîrbu V., Représentations zoomorphes sur/en céramique dans le monde des gèto-daces, in TD XVI/1–2, p. 187–198. Sîrbu V., Reprezentări animaliere pe recipiente ceramice în lumea geto-dacilor, in ArhMold XVIII, p. 69–77. Sîrbu V., Dava getică de la Grădiştea, judeţul Brăila (I), Biblioteca Istros 12, Brăila. Sîrbu V. (coord.), Aşezări din zona Căscioarele – Greaca –Prundu – mileniile I î.Hr. – I d.Hr.-, Biblioteca Istros 17, Brăila. Sîrbu V., Arheologia funerară şi sacrificiile: o terminologie unitară, Sinteze Arheologice V, Brăila. Sîrbu V., Trăit-au geto-dacii de la Burebista la Decebal fără vin?, in Mousaios VIII, p. 87–104. Sîrbu V., Les Thraces entre les Carpates, les Balkans et la Mer Noire (Ve s. av. J.-C. – Ier s. apr. J.-C.), Synthèses archéologiques et historiques VI, Brăila. Sîrbu V., Oameni şi zei în lumea geto-dacilor, – mărturii arheologice –, Braşov. Sîrbu V., Florea G., Imaginar şi imagine în Dacia preromană, Sinteze Arheologice şi Istorice IV, Brăila. Sîrbu V., Florea G., Les géto-daces. Iconographie et imaginaire, Cluj-Napoca. Svanera Silvia, Kernoi da Teano, in RINASA 54, serie III, anno XXII, p. 7–22. Teodor Silvia, Regiunile est-carpatice ale României în secolele V–II î.d.Hr. Consideraţii generale şi repertoriu arheologic, Bibliotheca Thracologica XXVII, Bucureşti. Teodor Silvia, Cetatea geto-dacică de la Poiana, in Sanie S., Marin Tamilia-Elena (eds.), Geto-dacii dintre Carpaţi şi Nistru (Secolele II a.Chr. – II p.Chr.), Scripta archaeologica et historica Dacoromaniae Redigit Victor Spinei II, Iaşi, p. 187–277. Trohani G., Aşezarea de la Popeşti, jud. Giurgiu. Campaniile 1988–1991, secţiunea Π, raport preliminar, in CA X, p. 193–230. Trucco Flavia, Angelis Daniela de, Iaia C., Vargiu Rita, Nuovi dati sui rituali funerari della prima età del ferro a Tarquinia, in Sgubini Moretti A. M. (ed.), Dinamiche di Sviluppo delle Città nell’Etruria Meridionale, Atti del XXIII Convegno di Studi Etruschi ed Italici, Pisa – Roma, p. 359–369. Turcu Mioara, Geto-dacii din Câmpia Munteniei, Bucureşti. Ursachi V., Ceramica dacică pictată din cetatea de la Brad, comuna Negri, judeţul Bacău, in Memoria Antiquitatis XV–XVII, p. 43–98. Ursachi V., Cetatea dacică de la Brad, in TD VIII/1–2, p. 100–126. Ursachi V., Zargidava. Cetatea dacică de la Brad, Bibliotheca Thracologica X, Bucureşti. Ursachi V., Scurtă prezentare a descoperirilor arheologice din perioada primei epoci a fierului – First Iron Age – şi din epoca geto-dacică, sec. IV î.Hr. – sec. I d.Hr. în judeţul Bacău, in Carpica XXXVI, p. 42–127. Ursachi V., Cetatea dacică de la Răcătău, in Sanie S., Marin Tamilia-Elena (eds.), Geto-dacii dintre Carpaţi şi Nistru (Secolele II a.Chr. – II p.Chr.), Scripta archaeologica et historica Dacoromaniae Redigit Victor Spinei II, Iaşi, p. 278–323. Ursachi V., Cetatea dacică de la Brad, in Sanie S., Marin Tamilia-Elena (eds.), Geto-dacii dintre Carpaţi şi Nistru (Secolele II a.Chr. – II p.Chr.), Scripta archaeologica et historica Dacoromaniae Redigit Victor Spinei II, Iaşi, p. 324–385. Ursuţiu A., The “Portable Hearths” found in the First Iron Age Settlement of Bernadea, Mureş County, in Gaiu C., Rustoiu A. (coord.), Les celtes et les thraco-daces de l’est du bassin des Carpates, Biblioteca Muzeului Bistriţa, Seria Historica 3, Bistriţa – Cluj-Napoca, p. 11–21. Vulpe A., Săpăturile de la Popeşti, prezentarea campaniilor 1988–1993, in CA X, p. 163–172. A Kernos Vessel from Uroi – Pod Mureş (Hunedoara County) and the Problem of a Ritual Pit / 309 VULPE 1950 VULPE ET AL 1951 VULPE, TEODOR 2003 VULPE, VULPE 19271932 XANTHOUDIDES 1905–1906 ZOSI 2011 Vulpe R., Evoluţia aşezărilor omeneşti în Moldova de Jos. Raport sumar despre activitatea şantierului arheologic Poiana-Tecuci, 1949, in SCIV I/I, p. 47–52. Vulpe R., Vulpe Ecaterina, Niţu A., Matasă P. C., Cihodaru C., Călinescu C., Balan V., Kiss Ş., Negruţi Ec., Petre R., Ştefănescu Şt., Activitatea şantierului arheologic Poiana-Tecuci 1950, in SCIV II/I, p. 177–216. Vulpe R., Teodor Silvia, Piroboridava. Aşezarea geto-dacică de la Poiana, Bibliotheca Thracologica XXXIX, Bucureşti. Vulpe R., Vulpe Ecaterina, Les fouilles de Poiana. Campagne de 1927, in Dacia III–IV, p. 253–351. Xanthoudides S., Cretan kernoi, in ABSA XII, p. 9–23. Zosi E., An Unusual Vase in the National Archaeological Museum, Athens, in AM 124, p. 1–18. 310 / Ioan Alexandru Bărbat, Oana Tutilă Bărbat, Cristina Maria Mitar 1 2 Pl. I. Uroi – Pod Mureş. 1. Site location. 2. General plan with the feature Cx25 A Kernos Vessel from Uroi – Pod Mureş (Hunedoara County) and the Problem of a Ritual Pit / 311 1 2 0 Pl. II. Uroi – Pod Mureş. Feature Cx25. 1. The kernos vessel in situ. 2. Ground plan and profile. 1m 312 / Ioan Alexandru Bărbat, Oana Tutilă Bărbat, Cristina Maria Mitar 1a 1b 1c 1d 0 1e 3 cm 2a 2b 2c 2d 0 3 cm Pl. III. Uroi – Pod Mureş. Feature Cx25. The kernos vessel (1a–1e. Photos and 2a–2e. Drawings) 2e A Kernos Vessel from Uroi – Pod Mureş (Hunedoara County) and the Problem of a Ritual Pit / 313 1 2 4 3 5 6 Pl. IV. Different kernos vessels. 1–2. Predionica (after GALOVIĆ 1959, Tab. 6/1–2). 3. Traian (after DUMITRESCU 1959, p. 196, fig. 7). 4. Aszód (after KALICZ 1968, Taf. CXIII/12). 5. Athens (after KOROU 2007, p. 63, fig. 1b). 6. Chalkis (after KOROU 2007, p. 69, fig. 6a). Different scales. 314 / Ioan Alexandru Bărbat, Oana Tutilă Bărbat, Cristina Maria Mitar 2 1 3 4a 4b 0 3 cm 4c 7 6a 0 5 cm 5 6b 6c Pl. V. Different kernos vessels. 1. Cos (after KOROU 2007, p. 69, fig. 6b). 2. Athens (after KOROU 2007, p. 71, fig. 7a). 3. Corinth (after KOROU 2007, p. 71, fig. 7b). 4a–4c. Arcatelle (after BABBI 2012, p. 289, fig. 2). 5. Villa Bruschi Falgari (after IAIA 2002, p. 738, fig. 3/3). 6a–6c. (after TRUCCO ET AL 2005, p. 363, fig. 3/1). 7. Colchester (after HULL 1958, p. 291, fig. 123/495). Different scales. A Kernos Vessel from Uroi – Pod Mureş (Hunedoara County) and the Problem of a Ritual Pit / 315 1c 1a 3 1b 4a 6 2 4b 5a 7 8 5b 9 10 11a 11b Pl. VI. Different kernos vessels: 1a–1c. Zimnicea (1a–1b after ALEXANDRESCU 1980, p. 89, fig. 35/1; 1c after ARBORE POPESCU, FLORESCU 1997, p. 212, fig. 234). 2–4. Popeşti (2 after TURCU 1979, pl. XXXVII/4; 3 after TROHANI 1997, pl. XL/2; 4a–4b after PALINCAŞ 1997, pl. 6/10). 5a–5b. Nuntaşi (after DOMĂNEANŢU 1993, p. 63, 74, fig. 4/17, 10/17). 6–10. Poiana (6, 10 after VULPE, TEODOR 2003, p. 639, 686, fig. 160/6, 207/2; 7–9 after VULPE, VULPE 1927–1932, p. 305, 308, fig. 78/2, 81/15–16). 11a–11b. Brad (11a after URSACHI 1995, p. 458, pl. 121; 11b after ARBORE POPESCU, FLORESCU 1997, p. 336, fig. 773). Different scales. 316 / Ioan Alexandru Bărbat, Oana Tutilă Bărbat, Cristina Maria Mitar 2 1a 1b 3 0 4 3 cm 6a 5 7b 7a 6b 8 9 10 11 12a 12b Pl. VII. Different kernos vessels. 1a–1b. Poiana (after SÎRBU, FLOREA 1997, p. 209, fig. 70/4). 2–4. Răcătău (2, 4 after CĂPITANU 1986–1987, p. 95, 97, fig. 2a/7, 3/8; 3 after SÎRBU 1995, p. 196, fig. 5/4). 5. Hârşova (after NASTASI 2009, p. 352, nr. 17). 6a–6b. Pleaşov (after PREDA 1986, p. 94, fig. 23/1). 7–10. Brad (7a–7b after URSACHI 1995, p. 542, pl. 289/4; 8–10 after URSACHI 1983–1985, p. 93, pl. XL/1, 4–5). 11. Cinciş-Cerna (after DRAGOTĂ ET AL 1999, p. 94, pl. X/12). 12a–12b. Pogoneşti (after PALADE 1978, p. 284–285, fig. 1/4, 2/1). Different scales. Pouring the Water, Offering the Wine. INSTrUMENTA SACrA Depicted on Votive Altars from Roman Dacia* Silvia Mustaţă** Mureş County Museum, Târgu Mureş, ROMANIA silvia_mustata@yahoo.com Keywords: Roman Dacia, Apulum, votive altars, instrumenta sacra, metal vessels. Abstract: Interpreted, usually, as vessels used for libations, the two components of the Roman standard handwashing set – the jug with spot (DE: Kanne) and the bowl with handle (DE: Griffschale) – are frequently represented on the sides of votive altars. Their functionality, analysed in detail by Hans Ulrich Nuber, is obvious if one takes into consideration the evidence offered by archaeological finds, iconography, and written sources. Starting with the abovementioned, the article focuses on the votive altars with such representations discovered in Roman Dacia. Several aspects are discussed, among which the possibility of identifying “metallic” shapes, their correspondence with real artefacts and the significance of their depiction in the context of the provincial art and religion. An analysis dedicated to the metal vessels represented on sculptural monuments from Roman Dacia has never been the subject of a detailed study. The interest of the specialists regarding the different vessel shapes depicted on such pieces was manifested at a general level or was focused on certain categories, namely the ceramic vessels1. Nicolae Gudea was the first who drew attention to the importance of iconography in pottery research, in a study dedicated to pottery production from Roman Dacia2. The author considers that the number of depictions representing ceramic shapes is scarce and that most of them are tributary to the stereotypy of Roman provincial art. Without trying to be exhaustive, he listed a number of fourteen monuments depicting ceramic vessels3. Still, a more comprehensive analysis regarding, again, the ceramic vessels represented on sculptural monuments was made by V. Rusu-Bolindeţ4. With this occasion a number of 153 votive and funeral monuments or architectural elements with such depictions were listed, considering that at least part of them could be related to metallic shapes. Even if there is a strong focus on shape and symbolism of the representations, the author acknowledges the difficulty of distinguishing between * This work was supported by a grant of the Ministry of National Education, CNCS-UEFISCDI, nr. PN-II -ID-PCE-2012-4-0618. ** The author would like to express her gratitude to her colleagues from different institutions and museums for their help in photographing part of the monuments analysed in this paper, especially to: dr. Daniel Iancu, dr. Cristina Mitar, Angela Lumezeanu, dr. Claudiu Munteanu, Virginia Rădean, and dr. Anca Timofan. 1 For a history of the research see: RUSU-BOLINDEŢ 1994, p. 113–114. 2 GUDEA 1978. 3 GUDEA 1978, p. 136, 144–145. 4 RUSU-BOLINDEŢ 1994. Representations, Signs and Symbols, 2014 / p. 317–336 318 / Silvia Mustaţă metallic, glass and ceramic shapes, since the attention to detail was never a priority for the stone carvers in Roman provincial environment5. To these one can add the observations made by C. Ciongradi regarding the decoration of votive altars from Roman Dacia. The author draws attention on the fact that, when dealing with a standardized production, the depictions of instrumenta sacra from the lateral sides of votive altars lose their original significance and become mere decorative elements6. Considering that the contexts in which such vessels appear on funerary monuments have already been discussed in a recent study7, the current analysis will focus on the representations of instrumenta sacra present on the votive altars from Roman Dacia. With few exceptions, namely that of the vine stocks growing from a krater, scene which follows a tradition of representation and does not reflect anymore a reality of the first three centuries AD8, the representations envisage the standard Roman hand-washing set composed of a jug with spot (DE: Kanne) and a bowl with handle (DE: Griffschale), usually made of copper based alloys. From a methodological viewpoint, it has to be stressed from the beginning that an identification based on the material from which the vessels were manufactured is not viable in this context. Taken into consideration the schematic representations, typical for provincial art, it was hardly possible, as it will be seen forward, to identify with certainty that a particular depiction corresponds with a bronze vessel used in reality. For this reason, in most of the cases it was possible to identify “metallic” shapes, without being able to indicate from which material they were made of. Still, since some specific shapes, like the ones corresponding to the hand-washing set, were produced mostly from copper based alloys, having a small number of imitations from other categories of material (silver, glass, ceramic), one could take into consideration the possibility of identification with bronze vessels. Another reason for which the identification of the material cannot be the sole purpose of such an analysis is that the depiction of vessels on sculptural monuments is related to a certain symbolism and, because of this, it was never the intention of the stone carver to represent details which would allow a distinction between different materials. For these reasons the present analysis will focus, mainly, on establishing the extent to which the represented metallic shapes preserve their value of symbol in a Roman provincial environment. In identifying the representations which correspond to metallic shapes, the following criteria were used: the shape of the vessels, paying a special attention to the ones produced from copper based alloys; the sharp angles of the handles which cannot be manufactured in glass or ceramic, because of the nature of the materials; the shape of the rim and, sometimes, the way in which the handles were attached to the rim (in ceramic and glass these details are not so visible); for the jugs: the presence of a foot replaced in ceramics and glass with a ring-shaped base; the presence of vegetal, zoomorphic, or anthropomorphic appliqués at both ends of the jug handles; decoration patterns specific for metal vessels. From the votive altars discovered in Roman Dacia, it was possible to identify a number of 14 with representations of the hand-washing set on the sides, or different variations (see Table 1). Twelve of them come from Apulum (Pl. I–VI), one from Micia (Pl. VII/1) and one from Germisara, discovered embedded in the wall of the church from Poiana (Hunedoara County) (Pl. VII/2). Regarding the type of depictions, thirteen altars (nos.: 1–10, 12–14) display on the lateral sides variants of the handwashing set, while no. 11 was decorated on the right side with a jug with spout and on the left one with a krater-shaped vessel from which vine stalks and bunches of grapes grow. The identification of these depictions with metallic shapes is based on the presence of certain characteristics. Regarding the jugs (Pl. VIII), one can observe: the existence of a foot (nos.: 1–14), a 5 6 7 8 RUSU-BOLINDEŢ 1994, p. 113–114, 138–148. CIONGRADI 2006, p. 216–217. PETRUŢ, MUSTAŢĂ 2010. Regarding the decorative value of the krater in the Roman world see: DUNBABIN 1993, p. 140; for the monuments from Roman Dacia see: RUSU-BOLINDEŢ 1994, p. 116; CIONGRADI 2007, p. 413, Taf. 43/S/A 21b, p. 437, Taf. 67/ Pf/S 1d, p. 438, Taf. 68/Pf/ M1, p. 463, Taf. 93/Py/A 1e, p. 466, Taf. 96/Py/S 3b, p. 471, Taf. 101/Py/A 12a. Pouring the Water, Offering the Wine. Instrumenta Sacra Depicted on Votive Altars from Roman Dacia / 319 trifoliar rim or a spout (nos.: 1–11, 13), the line dividing the neck from the body of the vessel (nos.: 2, 4–5, 7–8, 10), typical decoration at both ends of the handles (nos.: 1–5, 7–13), sharp angles of the handles or their elevation (nos.: 3, 9, 11, 13), or specific decoration patterns (nos.: 2, 6). The bowls with tubular handles (Pl. IX) display at their turn specific features: the presence of an umbo on the inner base (nos.: 2–3, 7–10, 12–13), tubular handle (nos.: 2, 4, 7–10, 13–14), decoration of the handle end with zoomorphic or anthropomorphic depictions in the case of the original objects (nos.: 29, 13 – very probably a ram’s head), handles decorated with grooves (nos.: 2, 9–10 – the grooves are parallel with the diameter of the handle, not with its length, as it appears on the original objects). From the thirteen altars with representations of the hand-washing set, in five cases (nos.: 3, 5, 6, 12, 14) the bowl with tubular handle (Griffschale) was replaced with another type of vessel, namely the saucepan, situation indicated in three cases (nos.: 3, 5, and 6) by the flat handles and the height of the body10. The vessels depicted on altars nos. 12 and 14 display a body shape typical for the bowls with tubular handles, but the manner in which the handle is attached to the rim is, again, characteristic to the saucepan belonging to Petrovszky VI, 1–3 type11 or to certain types of silver saucepans12. But even if, as we have seen, most of the representations can be traced back to metallic shapes, their identification with original objects is difficult. Regarding the bowl with handle, such identification is not possible because the depictions are too simplified. One can only relate to the general shape without being able to indicate certain types. The replacement of the bowl with the saucepan on the altars is a phenomenon that has no parallels on votive altars discovered outside Roman Dacia. Coming back to the jugs, one can presume, with caution, a possible correspondence of some of the depictions (e.g. nos.: 9, 11, 13) with the jugs with spout belonging to Alikaria type13 and of one of them (no.: 2) with a late variant of the Canterbury type14. The presence of the jug belonging to the Canterbury type on the altar from Apulum could suggest a later dating of the monument, end of the 2nd – beginning of the 3rd century AD, period during which these jugs with engraved decoration were produced, very probably in Danubian workshops15. Establishing the exact significance of these representations in the Roman provincial environment is not unproblematic. A similar analysis, regarding the vessels represented on the lateral side of the votive altars from Pannonia, was undertaken by Szabó Klára16. The paper analyses a number of 41 such depictions and their presence is explained by the author through the Italic tradition which was spread in the provinces17. As it has been already proven by Hans Ulrich Nuber18, the set composed of a jug with spout and a bowl with handle was used during the ceremonies for washing the hands of the priest, action which precedes the sacrifice itself. It was used for the same purpose in the everyday life, for washing the 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 The handle of the bowl depicted on the altar from Apulum (no.: 2) displays a different decoration of the handle in comparison with other depictions or with the original objects: the zoomorphic or anthropomorphic protome is replaced with a feline’s paw, element which is characteristic for the handles of jugs with trifoliar rim of the handwashing service belonging to Millingen type (see: RADNÓTI 1938, p. 145–151, Taf. XIII/72–73; EGGERS 1951, p. 171, Beilge 53: “Bronzekanne mit Kleeblattmündung und nach oben geschwungenem Henkel” (Typ 125–126), Taf. 11/125–126; DEN BOESTERD 1956, p. 67–69, nr. 232–239, Pl. X/233, 236; NUBER 1973, p. 45–54; PETROVSZKY 1993, p. 112–113, Taf. 4/XIII, 1.). See PETROVSZKY 1993, p. 85–88, 413, Taf. 2/VI, 1a, 1b, 2a, 2b, 3a, 3b. PETROVSZKY 1993, p. 85–88, 413, Taf. 2/VI, 1a, 1b, 2a, 2b, 3a, 3b. See, e.g., TRESORS D´ORFEVRERIE 1989, p. 101–102 (nos.: 31–32), p. 153–154 (no.: 101). NUBER 1973, 54–60. The identification with the Alikaria type is sustained by the existence of the foot and of the trifoliar rim. However, taking into consideration the high degree of simplification which characterizes these depictions, the identification can only be hypothetical. NUBER 1973, p. 60–73. NUBER 1973, p. 69–70; a similar depiction, of a jug with engraved decoration, is present on the right side of a votive altar dedicated to Astarte, discovered at Corbridge (Britannia) and dated to the 3rd century (CSIR Great Britain I/1, nr. 47). SZABÓ 1991. SZABÓ 1991, p. 175. NUBER 1973. 320 / Silvia Mustaţă hands during dinning, as part of the toilette or in different activities which required such an action. Its representation on various sculptural monuments is closely related to the iconographical type of camillus who is always represented with the jug in the right hand, the bowl in the left one, and the napkin, mantela, on the shoulder19. The set was massively produced from copper based alloys but it was also imitated in glass, alabaster, silver and ceramic20. It is very important to stress that the two vessels were not used for libations and the usage of denominations such as patera and oenochoe is not proper for these types21. The depiction of the set on the lateral sides of votive altars is strictly connected to this functionality and it symbolizes the ritual purification of the priest before sacrifice, as well as the piety of the person who dedicated the monument. It is considered that the habit of representing instrumenta sacra on the lateral sides of votive altars is a consequence of Augustus’ religious policy. Thus, a good citizen could express at a formal level his/her piety through the usage of this type of representations, common in Rome and Italy from the 1st to the 5th centuries AD. The new elements entered rapidly in the repertoire of the stone carvers and reached quite early a high tendency of simplification22. Regarding the Roman provincial environment, based on the discoveries known so far, most of the altars with this type of representations can be placed chronologically from the second half of the 2nd century to the first half and the entire 3rd century AD23. From the group of altars from Dacia, only four of them offer a more precise dating, which corresponds to this period and, regarding the type of dedications, most of them have an official character (see Table 1). 19 20 21 22 23 NUBER 1973, p. 96–125. NUBER 1973. See SIEBERT 1999, 45–47; MUSTAŢĂ 2011. DE DECKER-SZABÓ ET AL 2009, p. 779. Votive altars with depictions of one or both components of the handwashing set are, of course, not characteristic only for Roman Dacia. For similar monuments from the rest of the Roman Empire see: CSIR ÖSTERREICH I/3 (Carnuntum): no. 151 (2nd century AD), 187 (3rd century AD); CSIR ÖSTERREICH I/4 (Carnuntum): no. 445 (181 AD), 446 (2nd century AD), 447 (-), 448 (2nd–3rd centuries AD), 449 (2nd–3rd centuries AD), 450 (170–172 AD), 451 (2nd century AD), 452 (2nd century AD); CSIR DEUTSCHLAND II/3 (Germania Superior): no. 80 (178 AD); CSIR DEUTSCHLAND II/4 (Germania Superior): no. 11 (the 3rd quarter of the 2nd century AD), 36 (Severan period), 89 (1st of June 276 AD), 117 (Severan period); CSIR DEUTSCHLAND II/10 (Germania Superior): no. 43 (probably 3rd century AD); CSIR DEUTSCHLAND II/12 (Germania Superior): no. 273 (212 AD), 274 (209 AD), 302 (180–185 AD); CSIR DEUTSCHLAND II/13 (Germania Superior): no. 2 (end of the 2nd century AD – beginning of the 3rd century AD), 10 (186 AD), 13 (191 AD), 18 (167 AD), 19 (167 AD), 20 (second half of the 2nd century AD), 21 (166 AD), 57 (end of the 2nd century AD – beginning of the 3rd century AD), 58 (last quarter of the 2nd century AD), 67 (-), 73 (second half of the 2nd century AD), 155 (-), 170 (15th of July 201 AD), 189 (206 AD), 199 (third quarter of the 2nd century AD), 200 (2nd century AD?), 258 (2nd–3rd centuries AD), 290 (end of the 2nd century AD – beginning of the 3rd century AD), 312 (2nd–3rd centuries AD); CSIR GREAT BRITAIN I/1: no. 47 (3rd century AD), 181 (2nd or 3rd century AD), 182 (probably 211 AD), 186 (3rd century AD), 193 (3rd century AD), 195 (possibly Caracalla), 198 (3rd century AD), 209 (beginning of the 3rd century AD), 221 (131–161 AD), 233 (3rd century AD), 301 (2nd or 3rd century AD), 302 (2nd or 3rd century AD), 310 (3rd century AD), 347 (2nd or 3rd century AD); CSIR GREAT BRITAIN I/2: no. 106 (-); CSIR GREAT BRITAIN I/3: nr. 4 (-), 28 (probably the first half of the 3rd century AD), 32 (-), 34 (-), 35 (-); CSIR GREAT BRITAIN I/4: nr. 2 (after 158 AD), 8 (probably Hadrian-Antoninus Pius), 48 (before 158 AD), 96 (probably Antonine period), 153 (Antonine period); CSIR GREAT BRITAIN I/5: no. 42 (-), 43 (-); CSIR GREAT BRITAIN I/6: no. 11 (possibly Antonine period), 13 (2nd or 3rd century AD), 24 (3rd century AD), 40 (3rd century AD), 92 (3rd century AD), 128 (2nd or 3rd century AD), 129 (beginning of the 3rd century AD), 138 (-), 140 (possibly 153 AD), 141 (-), 145 (2nd or 3rd century AD), 160 (Severus Alexander), 182 (possibly 3rd century AD), 287 (2nd or 3rd century AD), 294 (2nd or 3rd century AD), 300 (2nd or 3rd century AD), 316 (-), 324 (2nd or 3rd century AD); CSIR GREAT BRITAIN I/8: no. 69 (-), 70 (-); CSIR GREAT BRITAIN I/9: no. 3 (beginning of the 2nd century AD), 5 (end of the 2nd century AD – beginning of the 3rd century AD), 6 (-), 12 (end of the 2nd century AD or beginning of the 3rd century AD), 20 (2nd century AD), 21 (first half of the 2nd century AD), 116 (-), 117 (possibly 3rd century AD); CSIR UNGARN VIII: no. 70 (3rd century AD), 76 (222 AD). For votive altars from Pannonia see: SZABÓ 1991 and for Gallia see: SZABÓ 1991, 171, 176, note 4. Pouring the Water, Offering the Wine. Instrumenta Sacra Depicted on Votive Altars from Roman Dacia / 321 A closer look to the manner of representation and the distribution area of the votive altars from Dacia indicates that their presence is not directly related with their symbolic value or the preference or piety of the dedicator. First of all, there is no coherence in representation: in four cases (nos.: 1, 2, 6, 13) the jug appears on the right side and the bowl with handle on the left one, opposite from the position of the other representations (the jug on the left side and the bowl with handle on the right one: nos.: 3, 4, 7, 8–9, 10, 12, 14). As mentioned before, in five situations (nos.: 3, 5, 6, 12, 14) the bowl was replaced in representations with a saucepan, a vessel used for measuring and mixing the wine24, which has nothing to do with the hand-washing set. To this it adds the fact that twelve of the altars come from Apulum, one from Micia, one possibly from Germisara. Taking all these into consideration, it can only be concluded that, very probably, the appearance of the hand-washing set on the sides of the altars from Dacia is related to the preference of the workshops from Apulum and its surroundings for these decorative elements25. The identification of a workshop based on the representations is not possible because of the differences existing between them and the lack of the epigraphic dating elements prevents an analysis of a certain evolution of the shapes. The situation from Dacia is not unique. The stone carvers’ workshops from Emerita Augusta (Lusitania) showed the same preference for votive altars with such representations in comparison with the rest of the province26. From the Germanic provinces of the empire, this type of altars is common for the area of Mogontiacum and its surroundings, like the statio beneficiarii from Stockstadt am Main27, and regarding Roman Britain, such sculptural pieces are common for the area along Hadrian’s Wall28. In these circumstances, it is very probable that the votive altars from Roman Dacia, with representations of instrumenta sacra, reflect a Roman habit and tradition which lost its meaning over time and developed into a simple decorative element of the stone carving workshops from Apulum. 24 25 26 27 28 See PETROVSZKY 1993. CIONGRADI 2006, p. 216–217. NUBER 1973, p. 91, note 507. CSIR DEUTSCHLAND II/13, p. 10–13, 18–21, 57–58, 67, 73. See CSIR GREAT BRITAIN I/6. No. Monument type Votive altar without inscription (Pl. I/1) Place of discovery Apulum (Alba Iulia, Partoş district, Alba County). 2. Votive altar (Pl. I/2) 3. Votive altar (Pl. II/3) 4. Apulum (Alba Iulia, Partoş district, Alba County). Apulum (Alba Iulia, Alba County): in the basement of the Báthory church. Apulum (Alba Iulia, Partoş district, Alba County). Fortunae / super(a)e 2nd–3rd centuries AD On the right side a bowl with tubular handle / Aug(ustae) / sacrum (Griffschale) and on the / cum aede / u(otum) left one a jug with spout. s(olvit) l(ibens) l(aetus) m(erito) [...] Votive altar Apulum (Alba MNBS (inventory Iunoni / reginae Po/ Caius Caerellius On the left side a jug (Pl. III/5) Iulia, Alba no.: A 3409; old puloniae / deae patriae Sabinus is attested with spout and under County): in front no.: 7182). / C(aius) Caerellius at Apulum between it a saucepan. A kraterof the lower gate / Sabinus leg(atus) / 183 and 185 AD (see: shaped vessel with vine of the Austrian Aug(usti) leg(ionis) XIII IDR III/5, 235). leaves and bunches fortification. G(eminae) / et Fufidia of grapes is depicted Pollitta eius / uoto. on the right side. Votive altar Daia Română MMIRS (without [I(oui)] o(ptimo) m(aximo) Staring with On the right side a (Pl. III/6) (Alba County, inventory no.). / C(aius) Aelius / Primus Commodus because saucepan and on the Alba County): / dec(urio) col(oniae). of the rank of left one a jug with brought here colonia attributed spout, hardly visible. from Apulum). to the town. 1. 5. 6. Votive altar (Pl. II/4) Storing place MNUAI (without inventory no.). MNITR (inventory no.: 205). MNUAI (inventory no.: 361). MNUAI (inventory no.: 375). Inscription Dating Type of depicted vessels 2nd–3rd centuries AD On the right side a jug with spout and on the left one a bowl with tubular handle (Griffschale). Bibliography BĂLUŢĂ 1989, p. 266, no. 15, pl. VI/1–2; RUSU-BOLINDEŢ 1994, p. 121, 132, 140, no. 28, pl. III/5. On the right side a jug IDR III/5, 12; GUDEA Asclepio / et Hygiae 2nd–3rd centuries AD with spout and on the left 1978, p. 144; / C(aius) Fabricius / one a bowl with tubular RUSU-BOLINDEŢ Dexter / u(otum) s(olvit) handle (Griffschale). 1994, p. 141, no. 40. l(ibens) m(erito). nd rd Badonib(us) / reginis / 2 –3 centuries AD On the right side a bowl IDR III/5, 37; RUSUwith tubular handle BOLINDEŢ 1994, Sextia Au/gustina / ex uoto. (Griffschale) and on the p. 141, no. 42. left one a jug with spout. - Observations - - - IDR III/5, 78; RUSU-BOLINDEŢ 1994, p. 141, no. 43. - IDR III/5, 107; RUSU BOLINDEŢ 1994, p. 141, no. 44. - IDR III/5, 128; WOLLMANN 1970, p. 172–173, fig. 8; RUSU-BOLINDEŢ 1994, p. 140, no. 32? - 322 / Silvia Mustaţă Table 1. Votive altars with depictions of vessels from Roman Dacia No. Place of discovery Apulum (Alba Iulia, Alba County): canabae. Storing place Inscription Dating Type of depicted vessels Bibliography Observations MNUAI (inventory no.: 8202). I(oui) o(ptimo) m(aximo) / M(arcus) Arrani/ us Epaphr/oditus / et Arra/nius Ni/ger filiu/s posuerunt. 2nd–3rd centuries AD On the right side a bowl with handle (Griffschale) and on the left one a jug with spout. - 8. Votive altar (Pl. IV/8) Apulum (Alba Iulia, Partoş district, Alba County). Unknown* I(oui) o(ptimo) m(aximo) / Marcus Naeuius / Felicio cum / suis u(otum) s(olvit) l(ibens) m(erito). 2nd–3rd centuries AD On the right side a bowl with handle (Griffschale) and on the left one a jug with spout. 9. Votive altar (Pl. V/9) Apulum (Alba Iulia, Partoş district, Alba County). MNBS (inventory no.: A 3420; olv no.: 7193). I(oui) o(ptimo) m(aximo) / A(ulus) Tapetius / Epius. 2nd–3rd centuries AD On the right side a bowl with handle (Griffschale) and on the left one a jug with spout. IDR III/5, 129; CIUGUDEAN, BĂLUŢĂ 1990, p. 207, fig. 1; RUSU-BOLINDEŢ 1994, p. 140, nr. 29. IDR III/5, 157; BĂLUŢĂ 1986, p. 119–120, fig. 1; RUSU-BOLINDEŢ 1994, p. 140, nr. 38. IDR III/5, 168; RUSU-BOLINDEŢ 1994, p. 141, nr. 46. 10. Votive altar (Pl. V/10) Apulum (Alba Iulia, Alba County): canabae. MNUAI (inventory no.: 8203). I(oui) o(ptimo) m(aximo) / C(aius) Vibi/us Nic/ ostra/tus / u(otum) s(olvit) l(ibens) m(erito). 2nd–3rd centuries AD On the right side a bowl with handle (Griffschale) and on the left one a jug with spout. 7. IDR III/5, 175; CIUGUDEAN, BĂLUŢĂ 1990, p. 208–209, fig. 2; RUSU-BOLINDEŢ 1994, p. 140, nr. 30. - - The monument was discovered together with IDR III/5, 129 (no. 7 here) and both pieces display a similar decoration of the lateral sides. * In the first publication of the altar (BĂLUŢĂ 1986) it is mentioned that the altar is preserved in the courtyard of the discoverer, Gheorghe Drîmbăreanu, in Partoș district of Alba Iulia, on Dacilor Street, no. 86. The same information (except for the name of the discoverer: Gheorghe Dumbrăvean) is offered by Ioan Piso in the volume dedicated to the Roman inscriptions from Apulum (IDR III/5, 157). The author of this paper tried to locate the altar in order to offer better photographic information of the representations. With this occasion it was obvious that the address indicated in the publications was wrong. The discoverer, Gheorghe Drîmbăreanu, lives on Dacilor Street, no. 28 and from his account the altar is no longer in his possession since the end of the 1980’s. He could not remember what happened to it and he does not know anything about its present location. Pouring the Water, Offering the Wine. Instrumenta Sacra Depicted on Votive Altars from Roman Dacia / 323 Monument type Votive altar (Pl. IV/7) Monument type Votive altar (Pl. VI/11) Place of discovery Apulum (Alba Iulia, Partoş district, Alba County). Storing place 12. Votive altar (Pl. VI/12) MNITR (inventory no.: v. 51139). 13. Votive altar (Pl. VII/13) Apulum (Alba Iulia, Partoş district, Alba County). Micia (Veţel, Hunedoara County). 14. Votive altar (Pl. VII/14) 11. MCDRD (inventory no.: 45). MCDRD (without inventory no.). Poiana MEAP (inventory (Hunedoara no. 3149). County): brought here from Germisara? Inscription Dating Type of depicted vessels On the right side a jug Libero / patri et Libe(rae) Probably 3rd AD century because with spout and on the / Cl(audius) Atteius Celer of the presumed left one a krater–shaped / veteranus leg(ionis) XIII imperial epithet. vessel with vine stalks / Gem(inae) [.....]?n(a)e and bunches of grapes. d[e]c(urio) / canabensium / cum suis u(otum) l(ibens) s(olvit) / l(oco) d(ato) d(ecurionum) d(ecreto). On the right side a Inuicto Myth{i}r/ae Chr/ 2nd–3rd centuries AD saucepan? and on the left estion / u(otum) s(olvit) one a jug with spout. Pro salute / Domus Divi/ nae sacrum / Genium Miciae / M(arcus) Cornelius / Stratonicus / aug(ustalis) col(oniae) / et ante f(rontem) lapi(dibus) / stravit. [I(oui)] o(ptimo) m(aximo) / pro salu/te P(ublii) Furii Sa/turnini le[g(ati)] / augusti pr(o) pr(aetore) P(ublius) Ael(ius) / Maximianu[s] [dec(urio) / col(oniae)?] 2nd–3rd centuries AD On the right side a jug with spout and on the left one a bowl with tubular handle (Griffschale). Publius Furius On the right side a bowl Satuninus is governor with cylindrical handle between 159 and (Griffschale) and on the 161/162 AD (see: left one a jug with spout. PISO 1993, 73–75). Bibliography Observations IDR III/5, 240; RUSU- BOLINDEŢ 1994, p. 141, nr. 47. - IDR III/5, 272; RUSU- BOLINDEŢ 1994, p. 141, nr. 39. - IDR III/3, 71. - IDR III/3, 236; RUSSU 1966, p. 452–453, fig. 1. - 324 / Silvia Mustaţă No. Pouring the Water, Offering the Wine. Instrumenta Sacra Depicted on Votive Altars from Roman Dacia / 325 Bibliography IDR III/3 IDR III/5 Russu I. I., Floca O., Wollmann V., Inscriptiones Daciae Romanae: Inscripţiile Dacie romane. Volumul III: Dacia Superior 3. Zona centrală (I. D. R. III/3) (teritoriul dintre Ulpia Traiana, Micia, Apulum, Alburnus Maior, Valea Crişului), Bucureşti, 1984. Piso I., Inscriptions d’Apulum (Inscriptions de la Dacie Romaine – III 5), Mémoires de l’Académie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres, vol. 1–2, Paris, 2001. *** BĂLUŢĂ 1986 BĂLUŢĂ 1989 Băluţă C. L., Monumente epigrafice de la Apulum, in Apulum 23, p. 119–146. Băluţă C. L., Monumente sculpturale de la Apulum (Monuments de sculpture d’Apulum), in Apulum 25, p. 251–268. CIONGRADI 2006 Ciongradi Carmen, Ein neuen Altar für Silvanus aus Dacia Porolissensis. Studien über die arae in Dakien, in ZPE 157, p. 213–224. CIONGRADI 2007 Ciongradi Carmen, Grabmonument und sozialer Status in Oberdakien, Bibliotheca Musei Napocensis 26, Cluj-Napoca. CIUGUDEAN, BĂLUŢĂ 1990 Ciugudean H., Băluţă C. L., Epigrafe de la Apulum, in Apulum 26, p. 207–212. CSIR DEUTSCHLAND II/3 Bauchhenss G., CSIR. Corpus der Skulpturen der römischen Welt. Deutschland II/3. Denkmäler des Iuppiterkultes aus Mainz und Umgebung, Mainz, 1984. CSIR DEUTSCHLAND II/4 Frenz H. G., CSIR. Corpus der Skulpturen der römischen Welt. Deutschland II/4. Denkmäler römischen Götterkultes aus Mainz und Umgebung, Mainz, 1992. CSIR DEUTSCHLAND II/10 Boppert W., CSIR. Corpus der Skulpturen der römischen Welt. Deutschland II/10. Römische Steindenkmäler aus Worms und Umgebung, Mainz, 1998. CSIR DEUTSCHLAND II/12 Mattern M., CSIR. Corpus der Skulpturen der römischen Welt. Deutschland II/12. Römische Steindenkmäler vom Taunusß und Wetteraulimes mit Hinterland zwischen Heftrich und Grosskrotzenburg, Mainz, 2001. CSIR DEUTSCHLAND II/13 Mattern M., CSIR. Corpus der Skulpturen der römischen Welt. Deutschland II/13. Römische Steindenkmäler aus Hessen südlich des Mains sowie vom bayerischen Teil des Mainlimes, Mainz, 2005. CSIR GREAT BRITAIN I/1 Phillips E. J., CSIR. Corpus of Sculpture of the Roman World. Great Britain I/1. Corbridge Hadrian’s Wall East of the North Tyne, Oxford, 1977. CSIR GREAT BRITAIN I/2 Cunliffe B. W., Fulford M. G., CSIR. Corpus of Sculpture of the Roman World. Great Britain I/2. Bath and the rest of Wessex, Oxford, 1982. CSIR GREAT BRITAIN I/3 Rinaldi Tufi S., CSIR. Corpus of Sculpture of the Roman World. Great Britain I/3. Yorkshire, Oxford, 1983. CSIR GREAT BRITAIN I/4 Keppie L. J. F., Arnold B. J., CSIR. Corpus of Sculpture of the Roman World. Great Britain I/4. Scotland, Oxford, 1984. CSIR GREAT BRITAIN I/5 Brewer R. J., CSIR. Corpus of Sculpture of the Roman World. Great Britain I/5. Wales, Oxford, 1986. CSIR GREAT BRITAIN I/6 Coulston J. C., Phillips E. J., CSIR. Corpus of Sculpture of the Roman World. Great Britain I/6. Hadrian’s Wall West of the North Tyne, and Carlisle, Oxford, 1988. CSIR GREAT BRITAIN I/8 Huskinson J., CSIR. Corpus of Sculpture of the Roman World. Great Britain I/8. Roman Sculpture from Eastern England, Oxford, 1994. CSIR GREAT BRITAIN I/9 Henig M., CSIR. Corpus of Sculpture of the Roman World. Great Britain I/9. Roman Sculpture from the North West Midlands, Oxford, 2004. CSIR ÖSTERREICH I/3 Krüger M. – L., CSIR. Corpus der Skulpturen der römischen Welt. Österreich I/3. Die Reliefs des Stadtsgebietes von Carnuntum. I. Teil: Die figürlichen Reliefs, Wien, 1970. CSIR ÖSTERREICH I/4 Krüger M. – L., CSIR. Corpus der Skulpturen der römischen Welt. Österreich I/4. Die Reliefs des Stadtsgebietes von Carnuntum. II. Teil: Die dekorativen Reliefs (militärische Ausrüstungsgegenstände, tierische oder vegetabile Ornamente), Wien, 1972. CSIR UNGARN VIII Ertel Ch., Palágyi Szilvia, Redő F., CSIR. Corpus der Skulpturen der römischen Welt. Ungarn VIII. Die Skulpturen des Stadtgebietes von Salla und Mogetiana sowie des Balaton-(Palattensee-) Oberlandes in der Komitaten Zala und Veszprém, Budapest, 1999. 326 / Silvia Mustaţă DE DECKER-SZABÓ ET AL De Decker-Szabó Klára, Decrouez D., Ramseyer K., Vases commes symboles. Représentations 2009 figées sur les monuments en pierre, in Gaggadis-Robin Vassiliki, Hermary A., Reddé M., Sintes C. (éds.), Les ateliers de sculpture régionaux: techniques, styles et iconographie, Actes du Xe Colloque International sur l’Art Provincial Romain, Arles et Aix-en-Provence, 21–23 mai 2007, Arles. DEN BOESTERD 1956 Den Boesterd Maria H. P., The Bronze Vessels in the Rijksmuseum G. M. Kam at Nijmegen, Description of the Collections in the Rijksmuseum G. M. Kam at Nijmegen V, Leiden. DUNBABIN 1993 Dunbabin Katherine M. D., Wine and Water at the Roman Convivium, in JRA 6, p. 116–141. EGGERS 1951 Eggers H. J., Die römische Import im freien Germanien. Atlas der Urgeschhichte, I–II, Hamburg. GUDEA 1978 Gudea N., Contribuţii la istoria economică a Daciei romane. Despre producţia ceramică, in Apulum 16, p. 135–147. MUSTAŢĂ 2011 Mustaţă Silvia, Remarks on the use and misuse of Latin terms in the study of Roman bronze vessels, in Cosma C. (ed.), Studii de arheologie şi istorie. Omagiu profesorului Nicolae Gudea la 70 de ani/ Studies in archaeology and history. An anniversary volume to professor Nicolae Gudea on his 70th birthday, Interferenţe etnice şi culturale în mileniile I a. Chr. – I p. Chr., Cluj-Napoca, p. 233–239. NUBER 1973 Nuber H. U., Kanne und Griffschale. Ihr Gebrauch im täglichen Leben und die Beigabe in Gräbern der römischen Kaiserzeit, in BRGK 53, p. 1–232, Taf. 1–31. PETROVSZKY 1993 Petrovszky R., Studien zu römischen Bronzegefäßen mit Meisterstempeln, Kölner Studien zur Archäologie der Römischen Provinzen 1, Buch am Erlbach. PETRUŢ, MUSTAŢĂ 2010 Petruţ D., Mustaţă Silvia, The iconography of the waiting servants depicted on funerary reliefs from Roman Dacia, in RB 24, p. 171–202. PISO 1993 Piso I., Fasti Provinciae Daciae I. Die senatorischen Amtsträger, Antiquitas. Reihe 1. Abhandlugen zur Alten Geschichte 43, Bonn. RADNÓTI 1938 Radnóti A., Die römische Bronzegefässe von Pannonien, Dissertationes Pannonicae II/6. RUSSU 1966 Russu I. I., Note epigrafice. Seria IX: Inscripţii “rătăcitoare”, (Notes épigraphiques (IX série), in ActaMN 3, p. 451–458. RUSU-BOLINDEŢ 1994 Rusu-Bolindeţ Viorica, Reprezentări de vase ceramice pe monumentele sculpturale din Dacia romană, in EphNap 4, p. 113–148. SIEBERT 1999 Siebert, Anne Viola, Instrumenta Sacra. Untersuchungen zu römischen Opfer-, Kult- und Priestergeräten, Religionsgeschichtliche Versuche und Vorarbeiten 44, Berlin – New York. SZABÓ 1991 Szabó Klára, Gefässdarstellungen auf den Nebenseiten der Altäre, in Praznovszky M. (Hrsg.), 2. Internationales Kolloquium über Probleme des provinzialrömischen Kunstschaffens. Vorträge der Tagung in Veszprém (14. Mai – 18. Mai 1991), Veszprém, p. 171–182. TRESORS D´ORFEVRERIE ***, Trésors d´orfèvrerie gallo-romains. Exposition, Musée du Luxemburg, Paris, 8 Férvrier–23 Avril 1989 1989, Musée de la Civilisation Gallo-Romaine, Lyon, 16 Mai–27 Août 1989, Paris. WOLLMANN 1970 Wollmann V., Materiale epigrafice şi sculpturale romane în Muzeul Sebeş (Römische Inschriften und Steindenkmäler im Museum Sebeş (Mühlbach), in ActaMN 7, p. 163–183. Institutions MCDRD MEAP MMIRS MNBS MNITR MNUAI Museum of Dacian and Roman Civilisation, Deva. Museum of Ethnography and Folk Art, Orăştie. “Ioan Raica” Municipal Museum, Sebeş. Brukenthal National Museum, Sibiu. National History Museum of Transylvania, Cluj-Napoca. National Museum of the Union, Alba Iulia. Pouring the Water, Offering the Wine. Instrumenta Sacra Depicted on Votive Altars from Roman Dacia / 327 1 2 Pl. I. 1. Altar without inscription from Apulum. 2. Votive altar from Apulum (photos Silvia Mustaţă). 328 / Silvia Mustaţă 3 4 Pl. II. 3–4. Votive altars from Apulum (photos Anca Timofan). Pouring the Water, Offering the Wine. Instrumenta Sacra Depicted on Votive Altars from Roman Dacia / 329 5 6 Pl. III. 5–6. Votive altars from Apulum (photos Silvia Mustaţă). 330 / Silvia Mustaţă 7 8 Pl. IV. 7. Votive altar from Apulum (photos Silvia Mustaţă). 2. Votive altar from Apulum (after BĂLUŢĂ 1985, p. 119, fig. 1). Pouring the Water, Offering the Wine. Instrumenta Sacra Depicted on Votive Altars from Roman Dacia / 331 9 10 Pl. V. 9–10. Votive altars from Apulum (photos Silvia Mustaţă). 332 / Silvia Mustaţă 11 12 Pl. VI. 11. Votive altar from Apulum (photos Cristina Mitar). 12. Votive altar from Apulum (photos Silvia Mustaţă). Pouring the Water, Offering the Wine. Instrumenta Sacra Depicted on Votive Altars from Roman Dacia / 335 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 12 10 13 14 Pl. IX. 1–10, 12–14. Bowls with tubular handle depicted on votive altars from Roman Dacia. Aspects of Military Cult Practice in Roman Dacia. The Case of a Possible Miniature Votive Offering from the Fort at Buciumi in Dacia Porolissensis* Dávid Petruţ Mureş County Museum, Târgu Mureş, ROMANIA petrutdavid@gmail.com Keywords: Roman Dacia, military cult practice, fort barracks, miniature vessels, votive offerings. Abstract: The issue of cultic activity inside the barracks of the forts has received limited attention throughout the years, for the most part the assessment of the religious life of garrisons being based on the epigraphy and iconography of cultic and funerary monuments. The auxiliary fort from Buciumi is situated on the western frontier line of Dacia Porolissensis, being one of the most consistently excavated forts from the province. Archaeological research was carried out here between 1963 and 1976, the results being partially published in two monographic studies and several articles concentrated mainly on the small-finds. Although the old excavation techniques employed could not produce high resolution contextual data, the vast quantity of finds discovered in the four completely excavated barracks blocks situated in the praetentura of the fort include a relatively high number of artefacts that can be linked either directly or indirectly to instances of cultic activity. The aim of the paper is to explore the possibilities of interpreting a well-defined group of artefacts in terms of cult practices based on a close examination of the finds, the contextual data available and on analogies from similar military environments from the Empire. Emphasis is placed on a possible miniature votive offering, discovered in 1973 in one of the barracks of the fort, hitherto unpublished. INTRODUCTION The contributions of Roman frontier studies to the topic of ‘religion on the limes’ have focused so far on specific categories of the epigraphic record of forts and the adjacent civilian settlements, while the aspects related to the soldier’s religious sentiment have not received full attention1. Approaches to Roman religion in provincial environments have been traditionally linked with the study of the epigraphic, the architectural and the iconographic record. This in turn has gradually lead to the overrepresentation of ‘conventional’ ritual practice linked mainly to the so-called official cults, encouraged and to a certain extant enforced by the civilian and military authorities. In military context this approach merged with the very inflexible discourse regarding the Roman army which still relies to a great extent on the model of the centralized professional state army developed during the 19th century. This resulted in the interpretation of Roman forts in terms of modern military bases cut off from the outside world, and military communities governed exclusively by a strict set of uniformly imposed military rules2. The discovery in the 1930’s of the calendar of religious observance known as 1 2 See: CLARKE 2000, p. 22–24. See the discussion in: ALLISON 2006a; ALLISON 2006b; ALLISON 2013; GARDNER 2007. Representations, Signs and Symbols, 2014 / p. 337–344 338 / Dávid Petruţ the Feriale Duranum in the desert base of Dura Europos (Syria), further stimulated the image of uniformity and centralization regarding the religious life of the Roman soldier3. Lately the gradual shift of focus in favour of quantitative studies of artefact assemblages aimed at a better understanding of ‘on the ground’ realities of everyday life in and around the forts has however produced essential contributions in certain aspects of the religious practice of soldiers4. The basic notion borrowed from prehistoric archaeology, that ‘ritual was fundamental to everyday life in a way which is difficult for us to comprehend today’ and thus impossible to separate from questions of economy and social organisation without imposing our modern mind set on the data, is beginning to gain recognition in Roman military archaeology as well5. However, the ideology of spatially segregated types of activities and peoples still dominates the archaeological literature concerning the Roman military. Indeed the main question is: did religion and secular life belong to separate spheres6? Based on this question we are left with two parallel narratives on military religion: the classical approach, with emphasis on official or ‘conventional’ religious practice, widely accepted in the archaeological community, and a somewhat marginal line of study concerned with identifying personal, or ‘unconventional’ aspects of religious practice, which is still looking for recognition. The study of the socalled unconventional aspects of religious practice relies almost entirely on the quantitative and qualitative analysis of artefacts and artefact assemblages, but also on the willingness on the behalf of archaeologists to consider the symbolic interpretations of deposits as opposed to a purely functional approach7. The reinterpretation proposed by S. Clarke of the deposits from the over 100 pits and wells discovered in and around the fort of Newstead in South Scotland as ritual depositions, is so far the most conclusive example of ‘unconventional’ religious practice inside Roman military installations8. The systematic bias in favour of the official Roman religion has resulted however in an unexpected counteraction visible in the reluctance of small-finds specialists to address aspects of religion in GIS aided artefact distribution studies. P. M. Allison’s extensive and complex study based on a number of forts from Germany, published in 2013, is probably the best example for this9. MATERIAL CULTURE AND RITUAL ACTIVITY IN THE FORT FROM BUCIUMI The archaeology of Roman Dacia has a longstanding tradition in attempting to identify temples and shrines inside forts and fortresses, however this has so far failed to produce any concluding evidence10. There are reasons to believe that this is not because religious activity was restricted to the aedes of the forts, but because cult practice was not spatially segregated, and its expressions are identifiable in certain situations only through thorough quantitative and qualitative analysis. In trying to reconstruct the soldiers’ religious sentiment, the structures with the highest potential of information are the living quarters of the troops, i.e. the contubernia of the barracks. The general overview of Roman barracks during the period of the Principate, published by D. Davison, contains some comments on religious activity inside these structures, in the form of altars, votive objects, dedications to the Genius of the century, and so on11, unfortunately this information record has not been updated for the past quarter century. In the case of Roman Dacia, very few fort barracks were excavated, and with the exception of the fort from Buciumi in Dacia Porolissensis, no finds assemblages pertaining to barracks have been published so far. 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 See: HAYNES 1999, p. 168. E.g. CLARKE 1997; CLARKE 2000; ALLISON 2006a; ALLISON 2006b; ALLISON 2013. CLARKE 2000, p. 22. ALLISON 2013, p. 356. CLARKE 2000, p. 24. See: CLARKE 1997; CLARKE 2000. See: ALLISON 2013. See: MARCU 2007, p. 76. See: DAVISON 1989, p. 245. Aspects of Military Cult Practice in Roman Dacia. The Case of a Possible Miniature Votive Offering from the Fort at Buciumi / 339 The auxiliary fort from Buciumi is situated on the western frontier line of Dacia Porolissensis (Pl. I/1), and is one of the most extensively excavated military sites from the province12. Archaeological research was carried out between 1963 and 1976, the results being partially published in two monographic studies and several articles centred mainly on the small-finds. Four barracks from the praetentura of the fort were completely excavated in that period (Pl. I/2). The fort had three phases, and was the successive garrison of two cohorts, also accommodating, at times, detachments from other units. As a consequence of the old excavation techniques employed, high resolution contextual data is unavailable, in most cases finds can only be approximately placed within the structures and their various phases. There is no clear indication for religious monuments within the forts, only two complete inscriptions have been discovered, both being dedicated to the emperor Caracalla, probably statue bases13. It also has to be mentioned that the vast majority of finds with possible cultic connections come from the four fully excavated barracks of the fort, which yielded an impressive quantity of archaeological material. Typically the objects most closely associated with cultic activity are the statuettes of deities, most frequently representing Venus. Only one copper-alloy figurine was discovered, in addition to 6 terracotta figurines, representing Venus14. The turibula are most often associated with incense offerings, although there has been some speculation concerning their exact role in rituals, some arguing that they might have been used for libation as well drawing on the lack soot on some vessels and the occasional presence of holes on the bases15. There is however a general agreement concerning the cultic use of this category of vessels. A number of 22 incense burners were identified from an incomplete overview of the material from the barracks at Buciumi, the total number is probably much higher. The distribution of lamps throughout the province of Dacia suggests that their use was primarily linked with the ritual sphere, the bulk of lamp finds coming from temples, shrines and funerary contexts16. Indeed this situation is not limited to the province of Dacia, but is also characteristic to other provinces situated outside the Mediterranean core of the Empire, as it was noted in the case of Roman Britain by H. Eckardt17. Beyond the fact that lighting of lamps and torches was important during rituals18, further ritual functions can be ascribed to them. P. Stewart’s paper drew on the possibility that lamps were used as a medium for scented oil offerings, being in effect altar substitutes19. Ph. Kiernan’s suggestion that lamps might have been dedicated in much the same way that candles are burned in Christian temples today needs to be taken into consideration as well20. The fort from Buciumi yielded a relatively low number of lamps, the vast majority discovered in the 4 excavated barracks (46 pieces), which according to a recent study employing 3D computer modelling, could not provide a suitable degree of lighting for the soldiers in the contubernia21. A further important aspect is the relatively high number of so-called face pots, vessels attributed with a vague apotropaic function and an uncertain role within the rituals, generally linked with the cult of Liber Pater in addition to oriental mystery cults. Widely recognised as cult vessels, their occurrence in Dacia is strongest in and around forts (Buciumi, Râşnov, Bologa, Drajna de Jos, Cristeşti), among these, the most numerous assemblage comes from the fort from Buciumi: 8 examples22. This can be corroborated with the view expressed by G. Braithwaite that the tradition of face pots was introduced to the provinces by the army, and was thereafter restricted to the communities linked with the military23. 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 See: CHIRILĂ ET AL 1972; GUDEA 1997. CHIRILĂ ET AL 1972, p. 115–116. CHIRILĂ ET AL 1972, p. 107–108. FIEDLER, HÖPKEN 2004, p. 511–512. See: ALICU 1994, p. 5–12. See also CRNOBRNJA 2008, p. 411, for the situation in Moesia Superior. ECKARDT 2002, p. 96–115. BIRD 2011, p. 282–284. STEWART 2000, p. 10. KIERNAN 2009, p. 169. See: PETRUŢ ET AL 2014. CHIRILĂ ET AL 1972, p. 42, Nr. 2–9, Pl. LI-LIII. BRAITHWAITE 2007, p. 388, 395. 340 / Dávid Petruţ MINIATURE VOTIVE OFFERINGS INSIDE THE BARRACKS? The focal point of this paper is reserved to the category of so-called miniature vessels as well as to the problem of the possible cultic activities generally linked to them. In the first comprehensive study regarding the miniature votive offerings in the north-western provinces of the Roman Empire, Ph. Kiernan defined the category of miniature objects as either the direct reduction of their life-size prototypes, or as non-functional objects, or objects with considerably modified functionality compared to their prototypes24.The author concluded that in reality the number of pottery vessels which fit this definition is much smaller than that which is usually reported by archaeologist, indeed pots which are very small are not necessarily miniature vessels25. We also have to bear in mind that it was quite natural for potters to produce vessels using the same guidelines, thus a reduction in size did not necessarily mean a change in form26. The exact function of the miniature vessels is far from being straightforward, however, owing to the fact that the vast majority of the finds can be linked to ritual contexts, related mainly to temples and shrines, their cultic function seems to be the most likely possibility. The main question is related to their interpretation as either votive offerings or the possibility that they might have played a different role in the ritual process, as containers for oils, perfumes and incense during the anointing of cult statues, or even as vessels for ritual drinking27. Admitting their primary use as votive offerings, it is still very difficult to decide whether the vessels were offered or rather their content. A further scenario draws on the possibility that the potters themselves could have offered some of their specially made products in a votive act. During the archaeological campaign from 1973 in the fort from Buciumi, the complete excavation of barrack no. 1, situated in the praetentura dextra of the fort was concluded. The finds from the barracks include a small sized complete jar with strong soot on one side, suggesting accidental burning (Pl. II). The form and fabric of the vessel was typical for the cooking jars discovered in the fort, however in terms of size it is much closer to the usual drinking vessels28. The fact that it is intact is also untypical, given the high level of fragmentation of the vessels from the pottery assemblage of the barracks, this could potentially suggest that it was formerly buried, although no clear information regarding the context are available. According to the documentation the pot was discovered at a depth of 1–1.3 m, inside the barracks block, probably in the area of the contubernia and not the centurion’s quarters. Based on the very course fabric of the pot, specific to cooking jars, we can exclude the possibility that it could have been used as a drinking vessel29. Inside the vessel a small copper-alloy pin was discovered, probably incomplete and strongly damaged by fire (Pl. II). Its length is 46 mm, and its thickness 3 mm, the cross-section being circular, one of the ends pointed30. It seems very likely that the pin was placed deliberately into the pot and probably buried under the floor of one of the contubernia. Votive offerings consisting of miniature weapons, including spears and spear-heads, are relatively common in the Celtic environment of Late Iron Age and Early Roman Age Gaul and Britain. There are three basic theories that can be applied for the interpretation of this phenomenon, but as Ph. Kiernan concluded, these explanations occasionally intertwine and overlap, and in most of the cases do not exclude each other31. The first possibility draws on the basic substitution theory, which states that miniature objects are in fact smaller and cheaper substitutes of their prototypes. A further 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 KIERNAN 2009, p. 165 KIERNAN 2009, p. 167. KIERNAN 2009, p. 168. KIERNAN 2009, p. 168. Height: 98 mm, Diameter: 80 mm, wall thickness: 7 mm. The vessel was fired in an oxidizing environment, displaying a coarse fabric, and a buff colour. The tempers consist mainly of quartzitic sand, mica and iron oxide. Both objects are currently preserved in the collections of the County Museum of History and Art Zalău (Zalău County, Romania), having the following inventory: Nr. inv. 440/1973. I wish to express my gratitude to Dr. Horea Pop from the abovementioned institution for facilitating the analysis of this, and other finds from Buciumi. KIERNAN 2009, p. 6–7. Aspects of Military Cult Practice in Roman Dacia. The Case of a Possible Miniature Votive Offering from the Fort at Buciumi / 341 possibility is based on the interpretation of miniaturisation as a form of mutilation/destruction, removal from the realm of human activity by rendering the object non-functional. Finally, the miniature object is the symbol for the request to the gods32. Drawing on this last theory, we could say that as opposed to other votive manifestations, as for example altars, where we are only made aware of the object offered to the gods, miniature votive offerings can give insight into the first part of the votive contract known as nuncupatio, that is the reason or the object of the votum. Miniature complete spears as well as miniature spear-heads can be interpreted as votive offerings made in order to ensure success in battle. Usually they are crudely made of copper alloy wire, sometimes the end is flattened with a hammer to ensure a basic resemblance with spears. Most of the times, the objects were “ritually killed”, damaged, usually bent or broken, in order to place them once again outside common use. A very similar situation, i.e. a miniature spear inside a pot, was reported from the Gallo-Roman sanctuary from Karden in Rheinland-Pfalz, Germany33. It is also probably not coincidental that many of the objects from the Newstead ritual deposits were non-functional or damaged, including intentionally bent swords, cart wheels, objects which can also be found as miniatures and models in the abovementioned deposits34. It can be argued that in the case of the find from Buciumi we might be dealing with a votive deposition of a miniature spear by one of the inhabitants from the contubernia in barracks 1. CONCLUSIONS The case of the jar containing a miniature spear-head most likely buried under the floor of barracks no. 1 from the fort from Buciumi, is potentially indicative of certain ritual activity conducted by members of the garrison, possibly a votive offering. Drawing on the highly revealing studies published in the last two decades on this subject, it can be argued that personal religious devotion and cultic activity was not spatially segregated, thus the occurrence of such archaeological situations is highly expected in the living quarters of the soldiers. While the results of acts of personal devotion, also referred to here as “unconventional religious practice” are difficult to interpret due to the frequent lack of the epigraphic element, the presence of miniature objects can be suggestive in this respect. A final aspect which needs to be pointed out is the possibility of a Celtic connection. The votive deposition of miniature objects was reported by the archaeological literature mainly in the Celtic environment of Gaul and Britain. Based on the epigraphic record of the fort, the military unit which garrisoned the fort throughout most of its existence was the coh. II Avgvsta Nervia Pacensis miliaria Brittonum, recruited from Roman Britain in the early Trajanic period35. The possibility of tracing back the situation from Buciumi to the Celtic tradition of votive offerings of miniature weapons should not be excluded in this case. Despite the convincing argument that the Roman army consistently and successfully altered the cultural identity of the recruits, shaping them into a community of soldiers defined by a strong communal identity36, it is unlikely that the native traditions of the soldiers were excluded from this process. 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(eds.), The Roman Army as a Community, Journal of Roman Archaeology Supplementary Series 34, Portsmouth, Rhode Island, p. 165–174. Fiedler M., Höpken Constanze, Wein oder Weihrauch – “Turibula” aus Apulum, in Ruscu Ligia, Ciongradi Carmen, Ardevan R., Roman C., Găzdac C. (eds.), Orbis antiquus. Studia in honorem Ioannis Pisonis, Bibliotheca Musei Napocensis 21, Cluj-Napoca, p. 510–516. Kiernan Ph., Miniature Votive Offerings in the north-western Provinces of the Roman Empire, Mainz. Marcu F., Places of worship in forts, in ActaMN 41–42/1, p. 75–105. Nikel Cl., Gaben an die Götter. Der gallo-römische Templebezirk von Karden (Kr. Cochem-Zell, D), Montagnac 1999. Petruţ D., Gui M., Trîncă H., Lighting Roman military barracks. An interdisciplinary approach based on evidence from Dacia, in ArchBulg XVIII, 3, p. 65–92. Spaul J., Cohors. The evidence for and a short history of the auxiliary infantry units of the Imperial Roman Army, BAR 841, Oxford. Stewart P., Cult images on Roman lamps, in Hephaistos 18, p. 8–27. Swan V., Ethnicity, conquest and recruitment: two case studies from the northern military provinces, Journal of Roman Archaeology Supplementary Series 72, Portsmouth, Rhode Island. Aspects of Military Cult Practice in Roman Dacia. The Case of a Possible Miniature Votive Offering from the Fort at Buciumi / 343 1 0 20 m 2 Pl. I. 1. The auxiliary fort from Buciumi within the province of Dacia. 2. The plan of the fort with the approximate finding spot of the pottery jar. 344 / Dávid Petruţ Pl. II. The pottery jar and the miniature copper alloy spearhead. Rings Decorated with Anthropomorphic Representations (11th–12th centuries) Silviu Oţa National Museum of History, Bucharest, ROMANIA silviuota@yahoo.com Keywords: ring, Byzantine Empire, grave, border, military saints, stylized angels. Abstract: On the present-day territory of Romania, in Banat and Dobrudja, were found some rings decorated with anthropomorphic representations or stylized variants. According to the specialized literature, the use of such rings, probably as protection, is typical for the Byzantine territories. In Banat, the rings were found deposited as grave-goods or on the territory of the cemeteries. The analogies of the rings, without exception in the Balkan territory, suggest that the south-eastern part of the Banat, most probably, was an area of military conscription for the Byzantine Empire and not a part of the Hungarian Kingdom. On the present-day territory of Romania, in Banat (Gornea, pl. 1/6–7; Şopotu Vechi, pl. 1/1; Sviniţa, pl. 1/2; Cuptoare, pl. 1/8 – five rings) and Dobrudja (Isaccea – four rings; pl. 1/3–5) were found some rings decorated with anthropomorphic representations or stylized variants. The authors of the discoveries were, generally, reluctant in describing them. Generally, for the rings discovered in the Banat, the adornments found were specified in the light of certain geometrical shapes noticed, depending on the imagination of each archaeologist1. It is interesting that no observation was made regarding the fact that certain cases displayed anthropomorphic figures. Only about the ring found in G. 20 of Şopotu Vechi – Mârvilă there was eventually made the remark that it was a human figure2. The exceptions are Gh. Mănucu-Adameşteanu3 who attempted a closer dating of the items in Isaccea and Vasile Boroneanţ4 or Luminiţa Dumitriu5. According to the specialized literature, the use of such rings, probably as protection, is typical for the Byzantine territories, starting especially during the conflicts between the Byzantine Empire and the Avars and Slavs6. In all probability, they had a protective role. The anthropomorphic representations, one or two, some of them with an aura around the head, had as main symbol a weapon or a shield, or both of them7. Another image probably of a man with two crosses (?)8, and the stylized image of two unarmed persons9 can be added to the catalogue of the more or less elaborate orna1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 UZUM 1981, p. 192, 209, fig. 15, right, down; ŢEICU 2009, p. 171. ŢEICU 2003, p. 36. MĂNUCU-ADAMEŞTEANU 1984, p. 240. BORONEANŢ 1985, p. 114. DUMITRIU 2001, p. 136. BIKIĆ 2010, p. 120–122. It`s about the items from Isaccea and Şopotu Vechi-Mârvilă. ŢEICU, LAZAROVICI 1996, p. 86, fig. 51/G. 65b, p. 87, pl. 32, right, up; ŢEICU 1998, p. 154, fig. 36/G.65b, p. 155, fig. 37, right, up; OŢA 2008, p. 248, pl. 75/22; ŢEICU 2009, p. 67, pl. 17/2, p. 171 (description in this page does not mention an anthropomorphic figure. The author did not realize that it is the image of a saint). BORONEANŢ 1985, p. 114, 115, pl. II/3, 3a; OŢA 2008, p. 281–282, pl. 100/6; ŢEICU 2009, p. 70, pl. 20/6, p. 180. Representations, Signs and Symbols, 2014 / p. 345–356 346 / Silviu Oţa ments of the rings. These decorations were more or less elaborated. In certain cases we are dealing with merely styled images, however very likely suggesting the same thing10. During the year of 1014, following the Byzantine offensive, the Bulgarian state was dissolved, being reintegrated into the Byzantine Empire. The official border was established on the Danube line, although there are known certain fluctuations11. An important element in analyzing the history of the area is represented by the presence of the administration of the Kingdom of Hungary or the territories of some of its feudal members12. Moreover, the development of the Byzantine-Hungarian conflicts of the twelfth century is also topical. These conflicts target especially the region of Haram, at the mouth of the rivers Caraş and Nera flowing into the Danube. According to the Byzantine chronicles, this location was held by the Kingdom of Hungary13. Each time the borough was attacked by the Byzantines; had it belonged to them, the point of attacking it would have been pointless. The conflicts are well known in the historical specialty literature and have been broadly discussed. I shall limit myself to mention only the ones of the years 1128, 116214. In both cases they ended with the catastrophic defeat of Hungary with the help of the Byzantine fleet but also with the help of the Hungarian aspirants to the Kingdom’s throne. From an administrative point of view, a first comes is attested in Haram only in the year of 1200, in the person of Weiteh15. The borough’s domain was however extremely small, consisting only of several villages. The total absence of documents issued by the Kingdom’s chancellery for the mountain part of the Banat indicates that the south-eastern area of the Banat was not under the control of the Kingdom of Hungary. The only exception is for Ilidia domain which was part of Margaret’s dowry as empress of the Byzantium and wife of Isaac III Angelos. The domain was confirmed however by Pope Honorius only in 1223 by papal bull16. This means that the borders of the Kingdom progressed before that date to Ilidia, in the hill area of the Banat, at a date more difficult to determine, sometime between 1014 and 1185. They are added by the fact that no dignitary of Hungary or some form of its administration (A/N of the Kingdom) is mentioned until the thirteenth century in this region. The Banat of Severin has been created here only during 1231–1232. Moreover, in the south-eastern extremity it is known the existence of Craina, a sort of border “mark” of the Bulgarian Tsardom until the 30’s of the thirteenth century17. Another important element in the analysis of this issue is represented by the absence of artifacts of the landnahmenzeit type in the hill and mountain areas. They stop during the tenth century in the Vršac region. Furthermore, the Hungarian tribal specific toponymy is present only sporadically in the plain area to the north, north-west and south-east of the same city18. The earliest artifacts attributable to the population from within the borders of the Kingdom are relatively late (the hair links with the end bent in an S shape)19, and they were partly dated with coins from the twelfth century. The three necropoleis investigated demonstrate that the penetration of the influences from the plain was made 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 UZUM 1981, p. 191, 192, 209, fig. 15, second row, right; ŢEICU, LAZAROVICI 1996, p. 84, 86, fig. 51/G. 40a; ŢEICU 1998, p. 154, fig. 36/G.40a, p. 170, fig. 52/11, p. 173, fig. 155, third row, right; OŢA 2008, p. 247, pl. 75/7; (the item found in G. 40, from Gornea – Căuniţa de Sus); ŢEICU 2009, p. 168 (the item found in Cuptoare – Sfogea). See MADGEARU 2013. See GYÖRFY 1987, p. 477–498; OŢA 2002, p. 36–38, 39, 43. GYÖRFFY 1987, p. 487–488. GYÖRFFY 1987, p. 488. DIR, C., Transilvania, I, p. 19. DIR, C., Transilvania, I, p. 197; GYÖRFFY 1987, p. 485. ACHIM 2000, p. 161–186. Jenő, Nyék and Terjén. See GYÖRFFY 1987, p. 472. Only one ring of twisted-wire was discovered in the hill area, on the line of the Danube in Pojejena, but considering its manufacturing it appears to be more the work of a jeweller from the Balkan area. The absence of such adornments indicates rather that the influences from the Banat plain seem to belong at the earliest to the second half of the eleventh century. However, they were only sporadic and were found up to this stage of research only in three cemeteries (Şopotu Vechi – Mârvilă, Gornea – Căuniţa de Sus and Cuptoare – Sfogea). Rings Decorated with Anthropomorphic Representations (11th–12th centuries) / 347 in two directions. The first is through the valley of the Danube and the second is on the old antique road connecting the Caraş Plain with the Almăj Depression. The fact that the number of adornments specific to the funerary horizon of the Bjelo Brdo type is small suggests that the penetrations of the population from the west took place rather isolated and during a long period of time. Furthermore, the question arises whether the presence of the graves containing these adornment items belong to a population that escaped from the plains or was it a case of a systematic colonization that also implied a shift of the Kingdom’s border to the east? The first hypothesis seems more plausible as in the same necropoleis prevail the Byzantine adornments which are relatively few in the plain area and in the cases where present, we are dealing with a population that maintained obvious relations with the south of the Danube. The presence of Byzantine or Balkan adornments in the necropoleis within the borders of Hungary cannot be strictly attributed to a simple trade, but we are dealing with population groups with specific apparel that concurrently had the freedom and economic means to purchase and use them. In the two regions where such hand adornments were found, nine items were discovered as yet: five in the Banat and four in Dobrogea. From the archaeological point of view of the funerary discoveries, the rings in the Banat originate from necropoleis in which numerous adornments and Byzantine coins were found, followed by items of Byzantine tradition, products of the Balkan or even north-Danubian workshops. In the settlements of the area also prevails the Balkan ceramic and adornments20. The isolated discoveries and the treasuries indicate the same thing, namely a strong influence of the Byzantine Empire, followed by the Vlach-Bulgarian. Compared to the area of distribution of the rings with saints, the Balkan artifacts dating from the eleventh-twelfth centuries and the early thirteenth century (pl. IV) occupy a much broader area, going north to the line of the Mureş (Cladova, Deszk, Vladimirescu) and west to the Tisza (Arača). Compared to the previous period in which the distribution area of the Balkan adornments was much larger in the Banat, Crişana, Transylvania and Pannonia, after the Byzantine reconquest and the formation of the Kingdom of Hungary, this distribution area was significantly reduced. This can be noticed especially because of the fact that the Byzantine reconquest led among others to the change for the most part of the adornment models of the previous period, namely the one of the eighth century – the early ninth century. One may note however their concentration in certain places. The only areas where Byzantine adornments or their reproductions are present remained the Banat, Alba Iulia area, Sibiu and the south-eastern Transylvania, Oltenia and Moldova. These rings originate from necropoleis with inhumation burials. They were found either in closed complexes (Gornea – Căuniţa de Sus, G. 40, 65; Şopotu Vechi, G. 20; Cuptoare – Sfogea, G. 189 or 89?) or inside the cemeteries (Sviniţa – Km. Fluvial 1004). In Dobrogea, they are found at Isaccea. The position of the graves inside the necropoleis is known only for those at Gornea – Căuniţa de Sus and Şopotu Vechi – Mârvilă. Grave 20 (pl. I. 1) at Şopotu Vechi – Mârvilă 21 was discovered in the south-western part of the cemetery, in a group of graves laid chaotically (G. 20, 28 and 21). The position of the arms is indicated only for the skeleton in G. 21, namely with the arms alongside the body. The other two were disarranged. However, it could be ascertained in G. 20 that the ring was placed on the right hand. Two of these had adornments specific to the female apparel (G. 21 and 28). This group of graves contains in two cases Byzantine adornments and in the third case, hair links with the end bent in an S shape (G. 21). Grave 40 (Gornea – Căuniţa de Sus; pl. I. 7) was found in the central part of the necropolis (at least based on what has been dug so far). In terms of position, the deceased, an adult, has been placed laid on the back, with his legs outstretched. The arms were flexed at the elbow, only one was on the abdomen and the other had its palm placed on the collar bone. It has been noticed in this individual that he had cuts on his left ribs and the left palm has been cut and placed near the elbow of the same hand. He 20 21 ŢEICU, LAZAROVICI 1996, p. 99–102, pl. 30, 31; ŢEICU 1983, p. 273–286. ŢEICU 1993, p. 241, 263, fig. 6/G. 20–14; OŢA 2005, p. 202 ; Oţa 2014, p. 303, pl. 75/14. 348 / Silviu Oţa had three rings on the fingers of the cut palm. The group of graves of which it originates (G. 41, 40, 39 and perhaps 37) comprises also Balkan ritual elements, namely an arm with the palm placed on the collar bone. Except for G. 40, the inventory items are absent. Grave 65 (pl. I. 6) was discovered in the north-western part of the cemetery. The deceased, an adult, had his arms alongside the body with the palms placed on the pelvis and the left foot bent outwards from the knee. The right foot was outstretched. Besides the ring, the inventory also included two hair links with an end bent in an S shape. Interestingly, the graves of this group (G. 64, 65, 51, 63, 50) contain inventory items regarded as typical for the funerary horizon of the Bjelo Brdo type, less the ring. In the case of the cemetery of Sviniţa – Km. Fluvial 1004 (pl. I. 2), the ring was found on the territory of the cemetery. At Cuptoare – Sfogea, the plan of the necropolis was not published22 (pl. I. 8). The items at Isaccea originate from donations and private collections23 (pl. I. 3–5). The manufacturing materials are bronze (Gornea – Căuniţa de Sus, G. 40, Isaccea – four rings) and silver (Cuptoare – Sfogea, Gornea – Căuniţa de Sus, G. 65, Şopotu Vechi – Mârvilă). The items were executed without exception with the casting technique. In terms of style, they are all different from each other, which mean that they originate from more areas of the Balkans (pl. II–III). An attempt to identify the saints represented is almost impossible. The possibilities are numerous and can be linked to Saints Dumitru, Michael, Gabriel, George, Theodore, Menas or Valentin, represented alone or in pairs. In the case of the rings with pairs of anthropomorphic figures, without a representation of their attributes, we could deal with Saints Constantine and Helena or as suggested by Vasile Boroneanţ, with the image of the imperial pair24. We can distinguish the following types of décor: 1. Rings decorated with military saints (the items from Isaccea), single or pairs. 2. Rings decorated with stylized angels (Cuptoare and Gornea). 3. Rings decorated with two anthropomorphic figures, most probably the emperor Constantine and his mother (Sviniţa). 4. Rings decorated with one human figure, impossible to identify in the present stage of the reasearch (Şopotu Vechi, Gornea). The analogies of the rings, without exception in the Balkan territory, suggest that the south-eastern part of the Banat most probably was an area of military conscription for the Byzantine Empire and not a part of the Hungarian Kingdom. Even here, it is being ascertained that they occur only in the mountain area, not in the plains or in the area of the first hills where the Hungarian border must be sought. The fact that such rings are dated earlier than the establishment of Craina and are spread over a larger area can be arguments for the hypothesis that the Byzantine influence covered at the beginning a larger territory, possible extended towards North to Obreja25-Caransebeş26-Berzovia27 area, where are concentrated the northernmost discoveries of Byzantine tradition adornments from the Banat in the 11th–12th centuries. The western limit of the Byzantine influence was somewhere in the area Haram28-Dupljaja29-Nicolinţ30, and I don’t think that the giving up of Ilidia at the end of the 12th century as part of Margaret’s dowry is an accident. One cannot exclude that at least a part of this area was, in a form or another, under the Byzantine authority. A diminished area was taken over by the Bulgarian Kingdom at the end of the 12th century. Other areas under the Byzantine influence or 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 UZUM 1987. Was published only the archaeological sections. MĂNUCU-ADAMEŞTEANU 1984, p. 237. BORONEANŢ 1985, p. 114. ŢEICU 2009, p. 26, 38, pl. 11/6–7; ŢEICU, RANCU 2003, p. 455–467. IAROSLAVSCHI 1975, p. 361, 363; BONA 1993, p. 93. ŢEICU 2003, p. 34; OŢA 2006, p. 230; OŢA 2010, p. 418. MESTERHÁZY 1990, p. 98; OŢA 2010, p. 409. ARALICA 2012, p. 12–13. Thanks for the information Mr. Dejan Radičević. RADU, ŢEICU 2003a, p. 213; RADU, ŢEICU 2003b, p. 312, 313, 322, fig. 5, down. Rings Decorated with Anthropomorphic Representations (11th–12th centuries) / 349 connected with the Empire can be supposed in southern Banat (Vojlovica31, Omolica32 and Arača33), in northern region (Hodoni34 and Deszk35), North of the Mureş river, in Crişana (at Cladova36 and Vladimirescu37), in Oltenia38, Transilvania39 and some sites in Moldavia such as Arsura-Huşi40, Călăraşi,41 Vânători42, Stoicani-Galaţi43, Spinoasa44, Hlincea-Iaşi45, Dodeşti şi Negreşti46. In the Banat it is being ascertained the continuation of the Byzantine art tradition during the following centuries, as evidenced by the discoveries of treasuries, items of accidental findings (Dobrica) or later necropoleis. One may even notice an extension of this area of influence of the Balkan art to Muntenia47, Moldova48, the centre and the North of the Banat and the east of Transylvania49 many times through the Bulgarians and Serbians or the Russians. Bibliography ACHIM 2000 ARALICA 2012 ARTIMON 2003 BARBU, ZDROBA 1979 BATARIUC 1993 BEJAN, MOGA 1979 BICHIR 1965 BIKIĆ 2010 BLĂJAN, POPA 1983 BONA 1993 BORONEANŢ 1985 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 Achim V., O formaţiune medievală de graniţă în sud-estul Banatului: Craina, in Banatul în evul mediu, București, p. 161–176. Aralica M., Arheološko odeljenje. Odsek za antiku i rani srednji vek. Blago iz Dupljaje gku/2006, in Trag u vremenu. Novi predmeti iz zbirki gradskog Muzeja Vršac, p. 12–13. Artimon Al., Oraşul medieval Trotuş în secolele XIV–XVII. Geneză şi evoluţie, Bacău. Barbu M., Zdroba M., Cercetările arheologice de la Arad-Vladimirescu, in MCA XIII, p. 291–296. Batariuc Paraschiva Victoria, Necropola medievală de la Suceava-Câmpul Şanţurilor, in ArhMold XVI, p. 229–249. Bejan A., Moga M., Necropola feudal timpurie de la Hodoni (jud. Timiş), in Tibiscus 5, p. 155–168. Bichir Gh., Quelques problèmes des XIIIe et XIVe siècles dans la Plaine Valaque à la lumière de fouilles de sauvegard du village de Bragadiru (district Zimnicea), in Dacia N. S. 9, p. 427–439. Bikić V., Vizantijski nakit u Srbiji. Modeli i nasleđe, Belgrade. Blăjan M., Popa Al., Cercetările de la Alba Iulia-Staţia de Salvare, in MCA XV, p. 375–380. Bona P., Biserica medievală din Caransebeş, Reşiţa. Boroneanţ V., Cimitirul feudal timpuriu de la Sviniţa-Km. Fluvial 1004, in Drobeta 6, p. 111–118. STANOJEV 1989, p. 38–42. DJORDJEVIĆ ET AL 2005, p. 266, 273; OŢA 2008, p. 272; OŢA 2010, p. 415. STANOJEV 2004; see the early medieval graves. BEJAN, MOGA 1979, p. 159, 164, fig. 4/16; OŢA 2008, p. 252, pl. 77/5. OŢA 2008, p. 236, pl. 62/7; OŢA 2010, p. 423. BORONEANŢ, HUREZAN 1987, p. 67, 69, pl. 2/5; OŢA 2012, p. 125. BARBU, ZDROBA 1979, p. 295. For the settlements from Oltenia with Byzantine or Balkan adornments (11th–14th centuries) see DUMITRIU 2001, IONIŢĂ 2005 and OŢA 2010. Miercurea Sibiului (Thanks for the information and for consent to use at research authors – A. S. Luca, Gh. Natea and V. Palaghie); Alba Iulia – Izvorul Împăratului and Strada Brânduşei (see CIUGUDEAN ET AL 2006); Alba Iulia – Staţia de Salvare (BLĂJAN, POPA 1983, p. 379) (See also HOREDT 1958, p. 60, Abb. 17/7, 9. 15, 20, p. 61, Abb.18/2, 3, 4, 6, 8, 10, 11, 12, 17, 18, 19, 20, 24, 25–28, 29–35, 37, 39–41); Blandiana-B (HOREDT 1966, p. 276, 278, Abb. 18/8); Moreşti (OŢA ET AL 2006, p. 89, 108, pl. 8/10–11; OŢA 2010, p. 415); Zălala and Peteni (SZÉKELY 2012, p. 239–240); Zalău (COSMA 2001, p. 233, pl. 46/2, p. 258); Cluj-Mănăştur (IAMBOR 2005, p. 400/G.10/2). TEODOR 1978, p. 202, fig. 43/6. LUCA, MĂNDESCU 2001, fig. XVI/13. BRUDIU 1983, p. 409, 412, fig. 6/6, p. 414. TEODOR 1978, p. 202, fig. 43/7. TEODOR 1978, p. 202, fig. 43/12. PETRESCU-DÂMBOVIŢA ET AL 1953, p. 312; SPINEI 1976, p. 225, 226, fig. 3/1. HÂNCEANU 2011, p. 264, 292, pl. XIX–7, 12, 13, 14, 16). See DUMITRIU 2001; IONIŢĂ 2005; OŢA 2012, 2013; OŢA ET AL 2009. See TEODOR 2003a, p. 147–162; TEODOR 2003b, p. 163–175; SPINEI 1994, OŢA 2007; OŢA 2012; OŢA 2013; BUTNARIU ET AL 2007; ARTIMON 2003; MATEI ET AL 1983; MITREA ET AL 1953; BATARIUC 1993. See the discoveries from Braşov (LUKÁCS 1999, p. 126, fig. 12, p. 127, 153), Streja-Cârţişoara (LUKÁCS 1999, p. 127, fig. 13, p. 128, 152–153), Amnaş (WEISSKIRCHER 1935, p. 232, fig. 2; OŢA ET AL 2010, p. 159, 170, pl. 4/4), Sfântu Gheorghe-Bedeháza (OŢA 2007, p. 132). 350 / Silviu Oţa BORONEANŢ, HUREZAN 1987 BRUDIU 1983 BUTNARIU ET AL 2007 Boroneanţ V., Hurezan G. P., Cimitirul din secolele XI–XII de la Cladova, jud. Arad, in Ziridava 15–16, p. 67–74. Brudiu M., Cercetări arheologice de la Vânători (jud. Galaţi), in MCA XV, p. 407–414. Butnariu V. M. (ed.), Alaiba R., Asăvoaie C., Boldureanu A., Chiriac, L., Munteanu L., Talmaţchi G., Ţibulcă A., Vîlcu A., Monnaies et parures du Musée Départamental “Ştefan cel Mare” de Vaslui, Iaşi. CIUGUDEAN ET AL 2006 Ciugudean H., Pinter K. Z., Rustoiu G. T., Habitat-Religie-Etnicitate: Descoperiri arheologice din secolele IX–XI în Transilvania, Alba Iulia. COSMA 2001 Cosma C., Necropole, morminte izolate şi descoperiri funerare cu caracter incert din secolele al IX-lea şi al X-lea, din vestul şi nord-vestul României, in EphNap XI, p. 165–269. DIR C., Transilvania – Documente Privind Istoria României, C. Transilvania, veacul XI, XII şi XIII, I (1075-1250), Bucureşti 1951. DJORDJEVIĆ ET AL 2005 Djordjević V., Djordjević J., Radičević D., New medieval archaeological researches in the region of Pančevo, in Banatica 17, p. 261–273. DJUROVIĆ 2012 Djurović I., Srednjevekovni nakit iz zbirki Narodnog Muzeja Kragujevac, Kragujevac. DUMITRIU 2001 Dumitriu L., Der Mittelalterliche Schmuck des Unteren Donaugebietes im 11.–15. Jahrhundert, București. GATEV 1977 Gatev P., Nakiti ot pogrebenija ot XI–XII v., in ArheologijaSofia XIX, no. 1, p. 30–46. GYÖRFFY 1987 Györffy Gy., Az Árpád-kori Magyarország Történeti Földrajza, III, Budapest. HÂNCEANU 2011 Hânceanu G. D., Ocupaţiile comunităţilor autohtone din bazinul Bârladului (secolele VI–XI p. Chr.), in Arheologia mileniului I p. Chr., II, Interferenţe culturale la Dunărea de Jos, București, p. 241–298. HOREDT 1958 Horedt K., Untersuchungen zur Frühgeschichte Siebenbürgens, București. HOREDT 1966 Horedt K., Die Ausgang von Blandiana, Rayon Orăştie, am ausgang des ersten Jahrtausends u. Z, in Dacia N. S. X, p. 261–290. IAMBOR 2005 Iambor P., Aşezări fortificate din Transilvania (sec. IX–XIII), București. IAROSLAVSCHI 1975 Iaroslavschi E., O villa rustica la Caransebeş, in Banatica 3, p. 355–363. IONIŢĂ 2005 Ioniţă, A., Spaţiul dintre Carpaţii Meridionali şi Dunărea Inferioară în secolele XI–XIII, București. JANKOVIĆ 1975 Janković M., Dve srednjovekovne nekropole u istočnoj Srbiji, in Starinar N.S. XXIV–XXV, p. 227–241. JOVANOVIĆ 1977 Jovanović V. S., Prilozi hronologiji srednjevekovnih nekropola Jugoslavije i Bugarske (I), in Balcanoslavica 6, p. 141–187. LUCA, MĂNDESCU 2001 Luca Cr., Măndescu D., Rituri şi ritualuri funerare în spaţiul extracarpatic în secolele VIII–X, Brăila. LUKÁCS 1999 Lukács A., Ţara Făgăraşului în Evul Mediu. Secolele XIII–XVI, București. MADGEARU 2013 Madgearu Al., Byzantine Military Organization on the Danube, 10th–12th Centuries, Leiden, Boston, (ECEEMA, 22). MANEVA 1992 Maneva E., Srednovekoveh nakit od Makedonija, Skopje. MARJANOVIĆ-VUJOVIĆ Marjanović-Vujović G., Trnjane. Srpska nekropola (kraj XI- početak XIII veka), Monografija 1984 Narodnog Muzeja 4, Begrade. MATEI ET AL 1982 Matei M. D., Emandi E. I., Monoranu O., Cercetări arheologice privind habitatul rural medieval din bazinul superior al Şomuzului Mare şi al Moldovei (secolele XIV–XVII), Suceava. MĂNUCU-ADAMEŞTEANU Mănucu-Adameşteanu Gh., Descoperiri mărunte de la Isaccea (sec. X–XIV), in Peuce IX, p. 237– 1984 255, 633–639. MESTERHÁZY 1990 Mesterházy K., Bizánci és balkáni eredetű tárgyak a 10–11. századi magyar sírleletekben I, in FoliaArch XLI, p. 87–115. OŢA 2002 Oţa S., Câteva date de ordin istoric privind evoluţia teritorială a Comitatului Caraş până în secolul XIV, in MN XIV, p. 36–43. OŢA 2005 Oţa S., Necropolele din orizontul sud-dunărean–2 de pe teritoriul Banatului (sfârşitul sec. al XI-lea – sec. al XIII-lea), in Pinter Z. K., Ţiplic I. M., Ţiplic Maria Emilia (coord.), Relaţii interetnice în Transilvania (secolele VI–XIII), Bibliotheca Sepremcastrensis XII, București, p. 171–215. OŢA 2006 Oţa S., Contextul încetării funcţionării necropolelor din orizontul sud-dunărean 2 pe teritoriul Banatului, in Rusu A. A. (ed.), Secolul al XIII-lea pe meleagurile locuite de către români, ClujNapoca, p. 229–272. OŢA 2007 Oţa S., Plăcuţe de diademă de pe teritoriul României (secolele XII–XV), in SCIVA 58, 1–2, p. 117–156. OŢA 2008 Oţa S., Orizonturi funerare din Banatul istoric (secolele X–XIV), Bibliotheca Brukenthal XXVIII, Sibiu. Rings Decorated with Anthropomorphic Representations (11th–12th centuries) / 351 OŢA 2010 Oţa S., Piese de orfevrărie de tradiţie bizantină în spaţiul nord-dunărean (secolul al XI-lea-începutul secolului al XIII-lea), in Măgureanu A., Gáll E. (eds.), Între Stepă şi Imperiu. Studii în onoarea lui Radu Harhoiu, București, p. 403–433. Oţa S., Tombs with Jewels in the Byzantine Tradition Discovered on the Present-Day Territory of Romania, OŢA 2012 North of the Danube (End of the 11th Century–the 14th Century), in Ziridava 26/1, p. 123–142. OŢA 2014 Oţa S., The Mortuary Archaeology of the Medieval Banat (10th–14th Centuries), Leiden, Boston, (ECEEMA, 26). OŢA ET AL 2006 Oţa S., Dragotă A., Ducman G., Piese din colecţiile MNIR, provenite din descoperiri de caracter funerar, din Transilvania şi Crişana (secolele X–XII), in PA V–VI, p. 75–120. OŢA ET AL 2009 Oţa, S., Dragotă, A., Rustoiu, G., Drâmbărean, M., Podoabe medievale decorate cu sârmă buclată. Cerceii, in Apulum XLVI, p. 65–82. OŢA ET AL 2010 Oţa S., Dragotă A., Rustoiu G. T., Brăţări din sârme torsionate şi împletite, lăţite la capete (secolele X–XV), in MCA S. N. VI, p. 155–171. PETRESCU-DÎMBOVIŢA ET Petrescu-Dîmboviţa M., Zaharia N., Zaharia Em., Şantierul arheologic Hlincea-Iaşi, in SCIVA AL 1954 4, 1–2, p. 233–255. RADU, ŢEICU 2003a Radu A., Ţeicu D., Nicolinţ, com. Ciuchici, jud. Caraş-Severin, punct Daia Parte, Crăguieţ, Râpa Galbenă, in CCA. Campania 2002, Covasna, p. 212–213. RADU, ŢEICU 2003b Radu A., Ţeicu D., Săpături arheologice de salvare în raza satului Nicolinţ, in Tibiscum XI, p. 309–322. SPINEI 1994 Spinei V., Moldova în secolele XI–XIV, Chişinău. STANOJEV 1989 Stanojev N., Nekropole X–XV veka u Vojvodini. 712 Kataloških jedivica, Novi Sad. STANOJEV 2004 Stanojev N., Arača. Crkve. Nekropola. Manastir, Novi Sad. SZÉKELY 2012 Székely Z., Elemente bizantine în inventarul necropolelor din sec. al XII-lea de la Zăbala şi Peteni, judeţul Covasna, in Lucrări alese, Sf. Gheorghe, p. 239–240. TEODOR 1978 Teodor D. Gh., Teritoriul est-carpatic în veacurile V–XI e.n. Contribuţii arheologice şi istorice la problema formării poporului roman, Iaşi. TEODOR 2003a Teodor D. Gh., Tezaurul feudal timpuriu de obiecte de podoabă descoperit la Voineşti-Iaşi, in Teodor D. Gh., Spaţiul carpato-dunăreano-pontic în mileniul marilor migraţii, Buzău, p. 147–162. TEODOR 2003b Teodor D. Gh., Obiecte de podoabă din tezaurul feudal timpuriu descoperit la Oţeleni, in Teodor D. Gh., Spaţiul carpato-dunăreano-pontic în mileniul marilor migraţii, Buzău, p. 163–175. ŢEICU 1983 Ţeicu D., Ceramica smălţuită de factură bizanină din sud-vestul României, in SCIVA 34, 3, p. 273–286. ŢEICU 1993 Ţeicu D., Necropole medievale (sec. X–XIV) din sudul Banatului, in Banatica 12, I, p. 229–272. ŢEICU 1998 Ţeicu D., Banatul montan în evul mediu, Timişoara. ŢEICU 2003 Ţeicu D., Necropola de la Şopotu Vechi, in Studii Istorice, Reşiţa, p. 23–60. ŢEICU 2009 Ţeicu D., Arta minoră medievală din Banat, Timişoara. ŢEICU, LAZAROVICI 1996 Ţeicu D., Lazarovici Gh., Gornea. Din arheologia unui sat medieval din Clisura Dunării, Reşiţa. ŢEICU, RANCU 2003 Ţeicu D., Rancu D., Cercetări de arheologie medievală pe Valea Bistrei, in Marcu Istrate Daniela, Istrate A., Gaiu C. (coord.), In memoriam Radu Popa. Temeiuri ale civilizaţiei româneşti în context European, Bistriţa Năsăud, p. 455–467. UZUM 1981 Uzum I., Necropola feudal timpurie de la Gornea-Căuniţa de Sus (jud. Caraş-Severin), in Banatica 6, p. 181–210. UZUM 1987 Uzum I., Consideraţii pe marginea cercetărilor din anii 1983–1985 în necropola feudală timpurie de la Cuptoare (com. Gornea, jud. Caraş-Severin), in Banatica 9, p. 281–315. WEISSKIRCHER 1935 Weisskircher R., Geldfund im Hamlesch, in Siebenbürgische Vierteljahrsschrift 58, 3, p. 229–237. 352 / Silviu Oţa 3 2 1 6 4 5 7 8 Pl. I. 1. Şopotu Vechi – Mârvilă (according to Ţeicu 2000). 2. Sviniţa – Km. Fluvial 1004 (according to DUMITRIU 2001; without scale). 3–5. Isaccea (according to MĂNUCU-ADAMEŞTEANU 1984; without scale). 6–7. Gornea – Căuniţa de Sus (6 – according to ŢEICU, LAZAROVICI 1996; 7– according to UZUM, Pliant, redrawing). 8. Cuptoare – Sfogea (according to UZUM, Pliant, redrawing) Rings Decorated with Anthropomorphic Representations (11th–12th centuries) / 353 3 1 2 4 6 5 7 8 9 10 11 12 15 13 16 14 17 18 Pl. II. Rings decorated with stylized angels, from south-Danube. 1–9. Serbia (1–6 – according to DJUROVIĆ 2012; 7–9 – according to BIKIĆ 2010). 10–18. Macedonia (according to MANEVA 1992). 354 / Silviu Oţa 1 6 3 2 7 12 8 9 13 11 10 14 17 5 4 15 18 19 16 20 24 21 25 22 23 26 Pl. III. Rings decorated with anthropomorphic figures, from south Danube. 1–5, 7–11. Serbia (according to MARJANOVIĆ-VUJOVIĆ 1984). 6, 17, 19. Macedonia (6, 19 – according to MANEVA 1992; 17 – according to JOVANOVIĆ 1977). 12–13, 15–16, 18, 20–25, 26. Serbia (12–13, 15–16, 18, 20–23 – according to BIKIĆ 2010; 24–25 – according to JOVANOVIĆ 1977. 26. JANKOVIĆ 1973–1974 [1975]). 14. Bulgaria (according to GATEV 1977). Pl. IV. Byzantine tradition adornments from the north-Danube (11th – beginning of the 13th centuries). 100 km Rings Decorated with Anthropomorphic Representations (11th–12th centuries) / 355 0 A Chinese Charm with Erotic Renderings from the Collection of the Brukenthal National Museum and Its Cultural and Historical Meaning Alexandru Gh. Sonoc Brukenthal National Museum, Sibiu, ROMANIA sandysonoc@yahoo.com Keywords: erotic amulet, Daoism, symbolic of peach, symbolic of plum. Abstract: Considering the meaning of the four Chinese characters inscribed on the lobes of this 19th century charm (mentioning the peach, the plum, the spring and the wind), the renderings and the characters suggest, in a symbolic way, the eternal and cyclical succession of the seasons and, from a larger perspective, the resistance against time and changing destiny, i. e. for humans the longevity (shou), which is traditionally considered as an equivalent of the immortality. The study of the symbols and characters according to the divination system of Yi Jing would suggest that this Chinese charm is connected with a female child, older than the other girls in her family. The research on Far Eastern numismatic and exonumismatic items from the collection of the Brukenthal National Museum of Sibiu occasioned the discovery of an interesting Chinese charm with inscriptions and erotic depictions, which formerly belonged to the collection of Walter Adam from Sibiu, from whom the City Police of Sibiu confiscated on March 2, 1987 and brought to the museum a total of 155 coins from different ages and countries, whose value was estimated at 30 725 lei. For the reading of the Chinese inscriptions I am thanking in this way, too to Professor Zhang Wei, PhD, the former co-director of the Confucius Institute of the Lucian Blaga University of Sibiu and to Professor Song Shaofeng, PhD, the current co-director of the mentioned institute. THE DESCRIPTION OF THE ITEM The brass charm has a round shape with 4 lobes (Fig. 1–2), with identical obverse and reverse, and a square hole. It belonged formerly to the collection of Adam Walter (Sibiu). The maximum length (on the diameter of the item, including two opposite lobes) 46.8 mm, the outer diameter of the central portion 35.2 mm, the maximum thickness of the item 3.2 mm, the diameter of a lobe 10.9 mm, the maximum width of the rim of the outer border of a lobe 1.1 mm, the maximum width of the outer border 3.1 mm, the width of the hole border 1.4 mm hole, the length of a hole side 7.5 mm. Weight: 26.51 g. Circulated, good conservation status. On the obverse (Fig. 1), near each side of the square hole is rendered an erotic scene with so sketchy characters, that their sex cannot be certainly stated. The erotic scenes are different, each showing another mating position. In the upper left lobe is written the ideogram for “spring” (qiu) in the upper right that for “peach” (tao), in the bottom left that for “Chinese plum” (li)1, while in the bot1 It is the fruit of the species Prunus salicina called jadu in Korean, sumomo in Japanese and lý or mặn in Vietnamese, which should not to be confused neither with the fruit of other Far Eastern species, more famous and more Representations, Signs and Symbols, 2014 / p. 357–372 358 / Alexandru Gh. Sonoc tom right the ideogram is damaged both on obverse and on the reverse (where it lays in the upper left lobe), but although can be identified with that which means “wind” (feng), that cannot be assumed that it would be the one for “autumn” (chun). The reverse (Fig. 2) shows the same images and ideograms as the obverse, with some differences in layout. In the lobes of the reverse, the arrangement of the ideograms is shifted counterclockwise (trigonometrically) by 90 ° (i.e. π/2 rad). So, if on the obverse the lobes will be marked counterclockwise, starting from top right with the letter A, the arrangement of the ideograms will be ABCD, with D right below, and on the reverse, following the same principle of marking, the layout of the ideograms will be as DABC, with D in the upper right lobe and C in the lower right one. For a change, if the 4 erotic scenes are noted with numbers according to the rule of reading the inscriptions on Chinese coins (top – bottom and then right – left), i.e. 1–2 and 3–4, it could be observed that their arrangement on the obverse remains unchanged on the reverse (Fig. 3). Fig. 1. The Chinese charm with erotic renderings (obverse). Fig. 2. The Chinese charm with erotic renderings (reverse). Fig. 3. Schetch of the display of the Chinese ideograms and of the erotic renderings on the charm. important in terms of its cultural relevance and having deeper symbolic meanings, namely Prunus mume (whose flower was declared in 1964 in Taiwan as China’s national flower), known in Europe as “Japanese apricot” and called mei in Chinese, maesil in Korean, ume in Japanese and mai or mơ in Vietnamese, nor with the fruit of another Far Eastern species, only of medicinal and decorative importance, namely Prunus japonica, known in Europe as the “Korean cherry”. According to the Chinese tradition, some symbolic meanings are common for both kind of plums, li and mei. A Chinese Charm with Erotic Renderings from the Collection of the Brukenthal National Museum / 359 I think that the mention of the wind, which is the agent of change, might symbolically suggest the change of the seasons (traditionally explained by the movement of the air), which determines both the fertility of the earth and the fecundity of the creatures, particularly of the humans (how may be interpreted the inscriptions mentioning the two fruits and, more explicitly, the erotic scenes), i.e. the eternal and cyclic, seasonal regeneration of the nature and from a broader perspective, the perennially, the resistance against the elapsing time and the changing fate, i.e. (in what regards the humans) the longevity (shou), traditionally equated (in a mystical sense) with the immortality. For this reason, and taking into account the erotic representations too, I believe that this item can be linked to certain Daoist concepts and even to some erotic practices (euphemistically known as “the bedroom arts”), to which was assigned the role of keeping the health and the fecundity and thus the power to confer longevity to the male practitioner2, how is proved by the ancient text discovered in tombs from Mawangdui, in the province of Hunan3. But later, the sexual yoga seems to be condemned by the tradition of the Daoist school Quanzhen (of the Full Accomplishment)4, which appeared in late 12th – early 13th century5, and to reach longevity, various esoteric scriptures of this school recommended the sexual abstinence, in order to make possible an interior union between the tiger’s energy (qi) from the kidneys and the dragon’s liquid from the heart (the blood), which in this way generate an “embryo” in the body of the adept, which he will try to preserve intact, in order to keep his health and young appearance6. THE CULTURAL AND HISTORICAL MEANING OF THE ITEM In Chinese tradition, the four seasons are identified with the cardinal points: North with winter and East with spring (because in North China the rain which ends the cold and dry winter is brought from the Pacific Ocean by the eastern wind), South with summer and West with autumn (because the strong and dry Northwestern winds that sweep the Chinese Plain coming from Mongolia are specific for autumn and their suddenly regularity marks the end of the hot season, respectively the summer)7. The significance of the two fruits (interchangeable to a certain extent in terms of the symbolic) also is not coincidental at all. According to the Chinese tradition, the peach is a fruit from the mythical western borders of the real world, a symbol of a young woman’s body’s tenderness and purity8. In Buddhist rituals, peaches can be substituted by pomegranates, if peaches are not available9. Like the plum, the peach is considered a fruit which gives vitality, health, longevity and even immortality10, because from peach it is said to have been prepared the elixir of immortality, kept by Xi Wangmu, the Empress – Mother of the West, the ruler of the Kunlun mountains’ region11, where it was believed that on the shore of the Lake of Precious Stones, nearby the Pearl Tree and the Jade Tree12, would grow the Tree of Immortality (later identified with the peach tree)13, which in the 2nd century AD funerary rite is represented symbolically by the “money tree” put in the tombs as an offering to her, especially in the province of Sichuan14. This 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 MILLER 2003, p. 84–87; MOELLER 2006, p. 21–32; LEWIS 2009, p. 201; cf. WILE 1992. MILLER 2003, p. 84. About the finds in the tombs of Mawangdui (middle 2nd c. BC): ZHOU, OU 1990. ESKILDSEN 2004, p. 81. ESKILDSEN 2004, p. 1. ESKILDSEN 2004, p. 78–83. FITZGERALD 1998, p. 117. SONOC 2009, p. 378–380. ROBERTS 2010, p. 99, s.v. Pomegranate. DEGROOT 1910, p. 146 sqq.; SONOC 2009, p. 377 sqq.; cf. BUSHELL 1903, p. 110 sqq.; PERCEVAL YETTS 1912, p. 19 sqq. and 27. That is why in the age of the Qing dynasty were made longevity charms in the shape of a peach (BARNES 2007, p. 342). About Xi Wangmu: CAHILL 1993. ROBERTS 2010, p. 69, s.v. Kunlun. SONOC 2009, p. 377; cf. LUPEANU, LUPEANU 1992, p. 86; YUAN 1987, p. 215 sqq. PIRAZZOLI-T’SERSTEVENS 2009, p. 983; cf. LEWIS 2009, p. 580. 360 / Alexandru Gh. Sonoc tree bears fruit only once in 3000 years, and eating its fruit gives immortality15, as in the case of the Eight Immortals (Ba Xian) 16. According to the novel “Journey to the West” (Xijou Ji), which dates only from the 14th century, the Grand Superintendent of the Heavenly Peach Tree Orchard was appointed Sun Wukong, the Monkey King17. There, in the Kunlun mountains’ region, would be located also the Daoist paradise, in an era before the Chinese expansion in Vietnam and the development of the Chinese navigation to South-East Asia and on the Indian Ocean, from 1st century BC and, later, beginning with the Indo-Iranian maritime expansion and the boom of the shipping on the South China Sea, which have led to the rising of the belief in an Island of the Blessed (Penglai), located somewhere in eastern seas18. By contamination of the Daoist tradition with the Buddhist one concerning the reach of the enlightenment by the Buddha, the peach tree becomes a magic tree, under which the meditator reaches the enlightenment, may come in contact with the Immortals, like the hermit Yin Zhiping, who became the disciple of Liu Chuxuan19, and the peach given by an Immortal may determine the option for asceticism, as in the case of Zhao He (Zhao Xiangu), after her meeting with Lü Yan20. In China some erotic meanings are associated both to the peaches21 and to the peach blossoms22, and the peach tree itself, which blooms very early, belonging to the symbolic repertoire of the spring, for which it is considered as a symbol of marriage23. The blooming of the peach tree in early spring proclaims the triumph of the yang principle of summer on the yin principle of winter24, for which at New Year’s Day peach branches, boards and anthropomorphic statuettes made of the wood of this tree were fixed to doors and windows25. But in more recent times they were replaced with pieces of red paper, i.e. in the color of the peach blossom26, which was thought to have the power to ward off evil spirits27. Since the peach is a symbol of immortality, the Chinese children are bearing sometimes as charm necklaces made of carved peach stones28, especially in the form of a fish, because this animal is the symbol of harmony, of reproduction and of family happiness29. In the ceremonies aiming to exorcize the evil spirits, the yin principle, which are performed on the New Year’s Day or during summer, when there are many epidemics or when someone is possessed by demons30, the men and boys who perform them are acting symbolically as the divine guardians (shen) of the Gate of the Undeads31, because they themselves embody the principle of yang. Because sometimes it is believed that the peach tree, called taoshu in Chinese, would represent a ladder between Heaven and Earth, on which sometimes the evil spirits descend to haunt the humans, it is traditionally considered as a magic tree and its wood is used in Daoist rituals of exorcism32, and about its sap the Baopuzi treaty believes that it would make the body bright33. Therefore, of peach tree wood are made the jibi pens, which are a kind of red lacquered forks, whose movement draw signs, sending oracles34. The archer Yi, who received from Xi Wangmu 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 ROBERTS 2010, p. 98, s. v. peach. ROBERTS 2010, p. 9, s. v. Ba Xian. ROBERTS 2010, p. 5, s.v. Ao Guang. SONOC 2009, p. 377 sqq. ESKILDSEN 2004, p. 97. ESKILDSEN 2004, p. 147. SONOC 2009, p. 378–380. SONOC 2009, p. 380 sqq. SONOC 2009, p. 380. DEGROOT 1910, p. 37. DEGROOT 1910, p. 38. DEGROOT 1910, p. 37 sqq. ROBERTS 2010, p. 98, s. v. peach. ROBERTS 2010, p. 18, s.v. charm. ROBERTS 2010, p. 99, s.v. fish. DEGROOT 1910, p. 39 sqq. DEGROOT 1910, p. 40. ROBERTS 2010, p. 98, s.v. peach. CHEVALIER, GHEERBRANT 1995, p. 93, s.v. piersic, piersică. CHEVALIER, GHEERBRANT 1995, p. 94, s.v. piersic, piersică. These rituals of divination by means of a writing which is illegible to the ordinary observer, whose characters are written on the sand with wooden pens and are regarded A Chinese Charm with Erotic Renderings from the Collection of the Brukenthal National Museum / 361 the elixir of the immortality, of which he was however stripped by his own wife, Chang’e, who drank it alone, was killed by Feng Meng with a rod of peach tree wood35, considered as a weapon of the kings36. The charms made of peach wood tree37, especially in the shape of miniature weapons38, are considered to be particularly effective in rituals of exorcism, because according to the “Book of the Mountains and the Seas” (Shanhaijing), somewhere in the south-east and east of China there was a giant peach tree, whose trunk was 3000 li (about 1500 m) thick, among whose branches opened the Gate of the Undeads39, whose guards (the Shentu and Yule deities) attacked with the sword, tied and convicted the evil spirits (gui) and threw them to the tigers40, which eat only creatures having tares41. Because the Emperor Qin Shi Huangdi got the idea of not using guards (i.e. shamans who embodied the guards of the Gate of the Phantoms) anymore, but only to hang their effigy made of peach tree wood on the doors42 on the New Year’s Day, in order to ward off the evil influences, such anthropomorphic figurines of wood are still put there43. Because the peach tree is considered a symbol of happiness and prosperity, a state called fulu in Chinese, it is believed that the hulu charms made of peach tree wood would bring happiness and wealth, because of the fact that the words are paronyms. The mei plum, which in turn symbolizes nobility, but also resistance to the vicissitudes of the weather, for which it is both a symbol of winter44 and a harbinger of spring and of the New Year, because January is dedicated to the flowers of Prunus mume just as December is devoted to the peach blossom45. In fact, the plum blossom replaces sometimes the camellia in the traditional grouping of the four flowers symbolizing the four seasons: camellia (for winter), peony (for spring), the lotus (for summer) and chrysanthemum (for autumn) 46, while in Far-Eastern painting the plum tree is, first and foremost, a symbol of the spring47. In the Far East, the plum blossom, tender and passionate, growing in snow time, have become a symbol of the purity, of the youthfulness on the verge of its manifestation48, but also of a hidden sensuality, being for the painter Shi Tao (1641 – after 1710), who does not hesitate to call himself The Painter of the Plum Blossom, an intimate echo of his constant interrogations about his identity and even about his sex, for which he often returns to this subject and in 1685 he dedicated to it a long scroll painting and composed 9 poems entitled “Odes to the Plum Blossom”49. A famous novel of the late Ming dynasty (whose author was maybe a native from the province of Shandong, using the pseudonym of The Smiling Man from Lanling50 and which is dated at ca. 161951), “Plum Blossom in the Golden Vase” (Jinpingmei) was considered (as well as other works of this kind52, quite appreciated and spread in its age, but important for the development of Chinese literature in the 18th–19th centuries53) as bawdy, and this not only by Western writers (especially among 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 as the work of the spirits (fuji) are still common in many Chinese religious communities in Hong Kong, Taiwan and overseas (ESKILDSEN 2004, p. 202, n. 6). YUAN 1987, p. 223 sqq.; cf. Chevalier, Gheerbrant 1995, p. 93, s.v. piersic, piersică; Roberts 2010, p. 99, s.v. Feng Meng and p. 143, s.v. Yi. CHEVALIER, GHEERBRANT 1995, p. 93, s.v. piersic, piersică. POO 2009, p. 307; cf. DEGROOT 1910, p. 37 sqq. and 45. DEGROOT 1910, p. 45. CHEVALIER, GHEERBRANT 1995, p. 93 sqq., s.v. piersic, piersică. DEGROOT 1910, p. 40. CHEVALIER, GHEERBRANT 1995, p. 94, s.v. piersic, piersică. CHEVALIER, GHEERBRANT 1995, p. 94, s.v. piersic, piersică. CHEVALIER, GHEERBRANT 1995, p. 93, s.v. piersic, piersică. PERCEVAL YETTS 1912, p. 26. BUSHELL 1903, p. 111. ROBERTS 2010, p. 46, s.v. four flowers. CHEVALIER, GHEERBRANT 1995, p. 131, s.v. prun. CHEVALIER, GHEERBRANT 1995, p. 131, s.v. prun; CHENG 1983, p. 135. CHENG 1983, p. 135. BAI 1997, p. 328. GERNET 1985, II, p. 131. BAI 1997, p. 328 and 330; GERNET 1985, II, p. 131. GERNET 1985, II, p. 131 and 133; cf. FITZGERALD 1998, p. 441. 362 / Alexandru Gh. Sonoc the missionaries54) and by the communist history of literature and literary criticism55, but also by the neo-confucianist authorities of the Qing dynasty, which forbid them in 1687 and 1714 and even proceeded to the burning of such works, during the reign of Emperor Qianlong, in 1774 to 178956. As the Immortals feed on plum blossom, and Laozi, who was born under a plum tree, made from the tree’s name his initial name, the plum blossoms became also a symbol of the immortality57. In Japan, the plum tree that produces the mei plum had an apotropaic meaning, for which it was planted in the north-east of the garden, where it was believed that the evil use to come and during the Nara period (710–794) it was preferred to the Japanese cherry (Prunus serrulata), whose blossom called sakura become popular only in the Heian period (794–1185). In Vietnam, the mei plum tree is a symbol of the feminine beauty. The plum is also one of the fruits which, according to the Daoist mystical conceptions, which were influent by the Chinese pharmacopoeia too, can give vitality, health, longevity, even immortality58, and it was believed that the thirst can be slaked even by simply regarding a plum tree59. Therefore, neither the combination of characters relating these two fruits with the erotic images nor the association with the characters designating the spring and the wind are not a random: in the Yi Jing divination system based on the Eight Trigrams (Ba Gua) of the Daoist cosmology, the spring (to which is associated the trigram li), corresponds geographically to the East, cosmologically to the fire and the Sun, psychologically to the devoted love, in the family to the middle daughter and in terms of the dynamics to the rapid movement and the irradiation, while the wind is associated with the trigram xun, corresponding geographically to the South-West, cosmologically to the wood and to the wind, in the calendar to the summer, psychologically to the nice personality, in the family the elder daughter and dynamically to the smooth penetration and the flexibility. In the binary number system, the trigram li corresponds to the number 1012 (i.e. the number 5 in the decimal number system) and the trigram xun to the number 0112 (i.e. the number 3 in the decimal number system)60. From the perspective of the harmony between the male or “unbroken” principle (yang) and the female or “broken” one (yin), to which are referring the erotic images, the characters inscribed on the charm symbolize as a whole in terms of the calendar, the hot season and meteorologically a warm time, a moderate humidity, in the family an elder daughter, of a devoted and kind nature, and in terms of the sexual dynamics the fast but gentle penetration, generating pleasure throughout the whole body. In the Daoist cosmology, the feminine principle is associated with nighttime, with passivity, with coldness and humidity, and the deviation from this scheme, which results from the composition of the magical meanings of spring and wind, is just the result of the interaction of yin yang, which brings some alteration of the preponderance of the yin principle. However, referring to the family life of the Chinese people in Java, the Transylvanian Georg Schuller, who visited the Cape Colony and the Dutch East Indies in 1696–169861, has a more nuanced perception, which is interesting because it concerns just the situation of a family with several daughters. He says that “every man has a woman, which he receives with honor, according to the law. But beside to this, still so much additional wives, one can honorably maintain. The son of the legitimate wife is the preeminent heir. [...] Their law does not prevent any engagement, than with sisters and daughters. Whoever has the most daughters is also the richest, because no groom can take to him his bride, before being given a wonderful gift for her growth to her parents”62. This situation can easily be explained by the scarcity of Chinese women abroad China, due to some restrictions concerning their expatriation. 54 55 56 57 58 59 60 61 62 FITZGERALD 1998, p. 441. BAI 1997, p. 328. GERNET 1985, II, p. 168; cf. BAI 1997, p. 346. CHEVALIER, GHEERBRANT 1995, p. 131, s.v. prun; cf. ROBERTS 2010, p. 99, s.v. plum. DEGROOT 1910, p. 146 sqq. ROBERTS 2010, p. 99, s.v. plum. ZHOU, OU 1990, p. 113. About the biography of Georg Schuller and his travelogues: SONOC 2013. SCHULLER 1867, p. 73. A Chinese Charm with Erotic Renderings from the Collection of the Brukenthal National Museum / 363 Thus, this Far-Eastern item with erotic renderings from the collection of the Brukenthal National Museum could be considered, the most likely, as a charm meant rather to a female heir, older if compared to other girls in her family and not a charm worn to ensure the birth of a female heir during the warm season of the year, both because the child’s status in relation to other female followers is already relatively well defined, and because, in traditional societies, the birth of male offspring is generally preferred. From the point of view of the Daoist conception, a male child is the symbolic equivalent of the Daoist sage who does not waist his sexual energy and is able to preserve it, keeping his entire potency63. Among the Emperors of the last Chinese dynasties, the Daoism enjoyed a great support from Jiajing (1521–1567), in a period of increased economic and political crisis of the Ming dynasty’s State64. Instead, save Emperor Yongzheng, who at the end of his life has created a society of Buddhist and Daoist religious studies65, the Manchu Qing dynasty promoted a strict and conservative NeoConfucianism for reasons of image, wanting to gain legitimacy66? This led to promote the colonization with elements of Chinese origin in politically less integrated regions, inhabited mainly by populations of different ethnic origin67, which until the late 19th century (when certain manifestations of their regional specificity were accepted) were considered as places of exile for political and common law prisoners68, as well as the persecution of foreign religions, especially Christianity and Islam69. However, during the 19th century Daoism faced, like Buddhism too, a decline in popularity among all social classes, which despised and disliked the Daoist priests, and considered them ignorant and dishonest people and a source of superstition associated with astrology, alchemy and occult rituals. Although they were feared by the peasants, who attributed them magical powers to control the phenomena of nature and to cure diseases, which explains why, while for an intellectual the interest in the natural sciences or any other matter than the classical tradition seemed to be close to the Daoist beliefs and rituals and, consequently, was seen as a serious violation of the ethical standards, many popular movements had started within some subversive Daoist sects which promised to their followers to acquire invulnerability in battle through certain magic rituals70, as the partisans of the Yihetuan movement (1899–1901)71, for instance. The spread of various forms of popular Daoism (including energetic practices such as taiji quan and qigong) is, in fact, a consequence of the reaction against the attempts of the Qing dynasty to impose a strict control over all institutional manifestations of the religiosity72, because of the millenarian73 and messianic74 views promoted since the Antiquity, during the genesis of the Yellow Turban rebellion (late 2nd century AD)75 by various Daoist sects. But with the removal of the Qing dynasty from China’s political leadership, the Neo-Confucianism promoted by it has been discredited by the Republican authorities76 and by the Communists, while the traditionalist 63 64 65 66 67 68 69 70 71 72 73 74 75 76 MOELLER 2006, p. 24–28. BAI 1997, p. 312. GERNET 1985, II, p. 224. GERNET 1985, II, p. 164–168 and 204–214; FITZGERALD 1998, p. 470–472; cf. BAI 1997, p. 342, 345 sqq. and 451. GERNET 1985, II, p. 182 and 185. GERNET 1985, II, p. 172 sqq. GERNET 1985, II, p. 168 and 186. FITZGERALD 1998, p. 489; cf. PALMER 2006, p. 169 sqq. HOLCOMBE 1909, p. 227 sqq.; BODIN, WARNER 1983, p. 4; cf. ESHERICK 1987. MILLER 2003, p. 16. MILLER 2003, p. 96–99. MILLER 2003, p. 101–103. MILLER 2003, p. 99. FITZGERALD 1998, p. 489. One of the conclusions of the Chinese intellectuals in the late 19th c. and in the first half of the 20th c. is that because of the Confucian respect towards the authority, for the Chinese society was not so important to adopt the institutional forms of the Western society, than rather to be familiarized with the spirit of the democracy (SULLIVAN 2006). For the evolution of the Chinese academic system and for the attitude towards Confucianism of the Chinese intellectuals during the last years of the Qing dynasty and during the Republic, till the beginning of World War II in the Far East (1937) by the Japanese attack on China: XIAOQING 2005; SULLIVAN 364 / Alexandru Gh. Sonoc Chinese emigration considered it as a representative expression of the Chinese cultural specificity, an opinion which is shared more recently (for the same reasons that have generated in the last years of the Qing dynasty and during the Republic the reluctance towards the adoption of the institutional forms of the Western democracy) by the liberal intellectuality too, both in the emigration and in the People’s Republic of China77, where until 1980 Daoism was fought as a feudal superstition78. Because the Cultural Revolution led to the loss of a generation in the transmission of the canonical Daoist tradition (reflected in classical texts Daodejing and Zhuangzi), poorly understood by the Daoist monks in China today, currently there are efforts to revive the institutionalized forms of transmission of this tradition79, that now can be noticed a revival of the interest in certain energy practices of spiritual nature (xinggong) and especially of physical nature (minggong) for self-improvement (neigong), regarded with suspicion and even hostility under the rule of the Qing dynasty, but which became popular in the West at the end of the 20th century 80. This explains why a form of qigong, namely Falun Dafa, created in 1992 by Li Hongzhi and widespread in America and Europe, is seen in 1999 by the Chinese authorities as a subversive religious movement81. It is, actually, a theosophical movement whose doctrine blends Buddhist and Daoist elements82. Given, however, the symbolic meaning of a renewal, which the spring and the wind have, but at the same time the symbolic relationship which exists between the peach tree (in particular, between the peach blossom or peach) and an utopian social imagery likely to be interpreted in the sense of certain egalitarian and anarchist ideals, it is possible that this charm had also the significance of a political symbol, a “recognition sign” between the members of one of the many secret societies that pursued different political purposes related to a more or less violent reformation of the Chinese State, either having as model the Western societies or, in past-ridden respect, by restoring the traditional values of the indigenous society, in an often desperate effort to keep, to affirm and to valorize the “national character” (Volksgeist). As shown in a non-canonical religious text dated around 400 AD, “The Oral Instructions Revealed to Zhao Sheng by The Heavenly Master of The Orthodox Unity” (Zhengyi tianshi gao Zhao Sheng koujue)83, in the environment of the Daoist sects there was a messianic belief that, at the end of the world, when a savior known as Lord Li would come, the elected ones (“the sown people”), in number of 240 000, would be able to survive thanks to some special charms, which guarantees to their wearers the protection by an army of warrior spirits and that they would establish a new millennial kingdom of the Great Peace (Taiping)84. THE DATATION OF THE ITEM According to the notes on the label accompanying the Far Eastern coins from the collection of Adam Walter and kept in their blister (in which the charm, considered as a Chinese coin, is the item no. 4), it would be “probably of the same age. –400 to 500. BC”. I believe that an explanation for this opinion of the collector could be (if the item was seen by a connoisseur of the Chinese language and 77 78 79 80 81 82 83 84 2006. Concerning the problem of the influence of this attitude on the religious policy of the authorities of the People’s Republic of China, before and after 1980: MILLER 2006a. SUDDATH 2006; HE, MILLER 2006a. MILLER 2003, p. 17. KIM 2006. MILLER 2003, p. 17 sqq. Concerning the popular religious movements in the history of China: SEIWERT 2003. About the religious policy in the modern history of the Chinese State: ASHIWA, WANK 2009. MILLER 2003, p. 83 sqq.; cf. PALMER 2006. ALLDRITT 2005, p. 110. MILLER 2003, p. 102. MILLER 2003, p. 103. Lord Li is none other than the character called by the older texts “The Venerable Lord” (Laojun) or “The Venerable Yellow Lord” (Huanglao Jun), identified during the Han dynasty with the philosopher Laozi (KOHN 2008, p. 138 sqq.), and since the 5th c. AD and mainly during the Song dynasty, in a Buddhist interpretation (taking into account that, from a Daoist perspective, the Buddhism is a simplified version in which the Western Barbarians received the doctrines of Laozi and Yin Xi), with a reincarnation of Laozi (KOHN 2008, p. 139). A Chinese Charm with Erotic Renderings from the Collection of the Brukenthal National Museum / 365 writing, but without knowledge of archeology and numismatics) just the existence of the characters qiu and chun, which had as result an erroneous chronology, that corresponds to the end of the Spring and Autumn (Chunqiu) era. Since there is no known type of Chinese coin of similar shape, the object could have served, in my opinion, rather as a charm, belonging thus to the category of so-called “temple coins” (Tempelmünzen or temple pieces)85, than as a token in a gambling house (hong), which usually functioned also as an inn or tavern (and where often was practiced the prostitution too). The coin shape (and often even of a Chinese coin, of round shape with a square hole in the middle!) of some amulets from various countries of eastern and South-East Asia is largely, in fact, a consequence of longstanding economic and cultural relations with China86. As I already had the occasion to show87, the ritual importance of the devotional medallions was enhanced by the speech of the Counterreformation88, and the Catholic missionaries in China speculated various superficial similarities between Buddhism and the Catholic faith, although with notable successes only on less cultivated elements from the rural areas89, because the Catholic monks were perceived as being more charitable than the Buddhist and Daoist ones90. From the study of Catholic sources appears the important role that the missionaries assigned to the devotional medallions in the spiritual life of the Chinese population: the Jesuit Niccolò Longobardo (1565–1654) reports that he shared rosaries and medallions to the rural neophytes91, and there were also medallions among different devotional objects donated by the missionary Candida Xu (1607–1680) in order to be given to the children in the Shanghai-Songjiang region92. Besides, the Catholic devotional objects were meant to replace in the spiritual life of the Chinese their corresponding non-Christian items (medallions, rosaries, sacred inscriptions)93. The missionaries insisted on their power, but were always concerned by their inappropriate use, according to some idolatrous traditions, by the converts with a poor religious instruction, as well as by the danger to be perceived as itinerant healers (such as their Buddhist and Daoist competitors), as a result of their periodic visits to the rural areas, when such items were distributed to the faithful94, especially when they were living in communities at large distances, with which the contact was maintained through such regular visits and whose religious life must therefore take place in congregations (hui) led by indigenous laymen (huizhang) 95. The internal turmoil in China during the late Ming age, as well as the persecution of the Catholics in Japan and the difficulty of a rhythmic supply with sufficient devotional objects brought from Goa and Macao have led to a local production of Catholic devotional objects, adapting to a Catholic use a Chinese apotropaic tradition, that of resorting to talismans made of sheets of red paper (duilian), bearing on the names of Jesus Christ and of the Virgin Mary, which were also called nomina by the missionaries, like the corresponding medallions (now more difficult to acquire), or which were made of wood96. The similarity between the methods used by the Jesuit monks and those employed by the Buddhist ones was noticed not only by modern authors97, but also by the Chinese Confucian officials 85 86 87 88 89 90 91 92 93 94 95 96 97 Coin-shaped charms, special made to be used to ward off the evil, are known both in China, Japan and Korea (HARTILL 2005, p. 436–440; WCOINS b, p. 165 sqq.; STUART 1904; WCOINS c, p. 386 sqq.; PETIT 1976; THIERRY 1987; PETIT 1981; KAINZ 1895; FONAHN 1923; RAMSDEN 1910; REMMELTS 1968; GREENBAUM 2010) and in various regions of South-East Asia (STUART 1904; LEFEVRE-PONTALIS 1926; THIERRY 1987; CRIBB 1999; GREENBAUM 2006). STUART 1904; THIERRY 1987. SONOC, NATEA 2009, p. 203 sqq. GERNET 1985, II, p. 141. GERNET 1985, II, p. 138. FONTANA 2011, p. 218. BROCKEY 2007, p. 293. BROCKEY 2007, p. 350. FONTANA 2011, p. 96, 318 and 322. FONTANA 2011, p. 97 sqq. FONTANA 2011, p. 114. FONTANA 2011, p. 321 sqq. GERNET 1985, II, p. 142; SIMU 1984, p. 75. 366 / Alexandru Gh. Sonoc of the early 17th century98, who generally had an unfavourable opinion about Buddhism and regarded the Christianity as an avatar of Buddhism which came back to China after it conquered the Western Barbarians99. Indeed, the Nestorian Church used the Buddhist terminology to express its doctrine100 and later the Catholic missionaries themselves resorted to it101. Later, knowing about the respect which the bonzes enjoyed among the Japanese population, the first Catholic missionaries arrived in China from Japan adopted both the appearance and the clothes of the Buddhist monks, by shaving their heads and by wearing gray robes, to make evident their clergymen status102, and as specific dress element they kept only the priestly cap (biretta) 103. During his stay in Japan, Francis Xavier had already noted that, despite some similarities between Buddhist ethics and the Catholic ones, there are also great differences between the two religious doctrines104 and, through his attitude against the idolatry, he caused, among the Buddhist population, an attitude of hate towards the Catholic Christianity. However, in the 17th century Matteo Ricci (1552–1610) believed that Buddhism (which he also considered as an “idolatrous cult”) is an obstacle to convert the Chinese, due to the complexity of its doctrine, of its tradition and of its spreading, but also because of some similarities which it has with the Catholic faith105. Soon, the Catholic missionaries found that their decision to adopt the appearance and dressing of the Buddhist monks was wrong, just because they were not perceived as preachers of a different religion106. Embarrassed to be considered Buddhist monks, they asked their superiors in Japan for the permission to wear silk robes, as the clerks107, as otherwise they will also appear later108, and in the debates they have supported, they insisted on the differences between Buddhism and the Catholic doctrine109. In order not to be confused with a Buddhist temple, the first Catholic Church constructed in China (1610) was built according to an European model110. The concessions made by the Jesuits to the local traditions generated “the Chinese rites dispute”, for which the Catholic missionaries sent to China had to swear from 1742 that they would condemn them as idolatrous, and after the abolition of the Society of Jesus (1773) the task of converting the population of this country was entrusted to the Lazarist monks111. In contrast, in middle 19th century, during his journey through Mongolia and Tibet, the Lazarist monk Évariste Régis Huc (1813–1860), who believed that the similarities between Buddhism and the Catholic Christianity could be explained by the existence of some Catholic communities in the 14th century, used frequently and successfully some similarities of doctrine, ritual or monastic rules112. In South-East Asia, the interference of the Christian traditions with the traditions of the indigenous population had made a mark on the use of the devotional medaillons. In Siam, the worship of various Buddhist hermits led to the issue of charms with their images, often acquired during pilgrimages and whose shape was sometimes very similar to that of the Catholic devotional medallions of the 18th–20th century 113. With the advent of Catholic missions in the regions of South-East Asian economies based mainly on barter or in which the divisional currency was scarce, the Catholic devotional medallions acquire another function, that of substitute of the divisional coins, maybe according to GERNET 1985, II, p. 138; FITZGERALD 1998, p. 416 sqq. GERNET 1985, II, p. 138. 100 MILLER 2006b, p. 176. 101 TREASURE 2005, p. 98. 102 FONTANA 2011, p. 40. 103 FONTANA 2011, p. 42. 104 SIMU 1984, p. 90. 105 FONTANA 2011, p. 62. 106 FONTANA 2011, p. 63. 107 FOTNANA 2011, p. 102. 108 FONTANA 2011, p. 122. 109 FONTANA 2011, p. 125 and 156–161. 110 FONTANA 2011, p. 271. 111 FONTANA 2011, p. 291–294. 112 HUC 1850. 113 TAMBIAH 1984. 98 99 A Chinese Charm with Erotic Renderings from the Collection of the Brukenthal National Museum / 367 the power attributed to different Christian saints, whose intercession seems to be perceived rather as a specific competence, under the tradition of the local polytheistic religions. Thus, Louis de Carné relates that in Laos, in the second half of the 19th century, on the valley of the river Mekong, where circulated also silver ingots from China and Burma (but used to pay large sums and especially loans), the medallions with the image of St. Anthony of Padua could be exchanged for a pumpkin, those with St. Pancratius for a basket of sweet potatoes and those with St. Gertrude for a cucumber114. To what extent such a profane use of the Catholic devotional medallions is due to a local tradition prior the Christianization of using charms in shape of Chinese coins is hard to say, because it is not mentioned in the travelogues. Instead, they retain a well-known fact, that the Vietnamese funerary ritual, which is inspired by the Chinese funerary traditions115, are burned substitutes of paper or tinfoil of money (known as Hell money) and of precious metal ingots, considering that they are the real offerings for the souls of the deceased116, which in turn bless the living117 and watch over them. Under Chinese influence, money and other offerings made of paper are used also in the funerary rituals of the Karen people in Burma118. Moreover, even the offerings brought to the Buddhist temples in Vietnam are also substitutes of animals or ingots of precious metal, made of osier and gold or silver paper119. However, in my opinion, there is no argument strong enough to consider a possible use of the Chinese charm with erotic renderings from the collection of the Brukenthal National Museum as a copper coin substitute, even in the context of a Daoist temple and its surrounding area. Some Korean charms and, more rarely, the Chinese ones also show lobes, as the item from the collection of the Brukenthal National Museum, but usually they are eight, corresponding to the Eight Trigrams (Ba Gua)120. Moreover, a charm with the yinyang symbol was known even to G. W. von Leibnitz, and such charms are also mentioned by various authors of the European encyclopedias printed during 1735–1845, who erroneously considered them as coins too121. An item similar to that in the collection of the museum in Sibiu, but whose round flan with four erotic scenes on the obverse and with inscriptions on the reverse, presented in January–April 1996 by the Österreichische Nationalbank in an exhibition at Geldmuseum in Vienna (in which the exonumismatic items of this category dated from the Han and Qing dynasties), was considered by the editor of the catalog, Elisabeth Schuber – Stiller, as a “wedding coin”, though a better term would be “wedding token”122. Even if this item (which, given the analogies, but also the calligraphy of the characters, I believe that it may date from the Qing dynasty) was issued with such an occasion, its subsequent use as charm cannot be, however, excluded. In terms of the Paleography, the item from the collection of the Brukenthal National Museum cannot be dated during the Zhou dynasty, because the type of the characters suggests a more recent age. A more precise chronology is difficult to propose, because it weighs about 3/4 of a liang (tael), a very unusual weight even if the item would be the equivalent of a half liang coin (qian banliang), whose alloy contains a lot of lead. Therefore, it is unlikely that it might be earlier than the Ming dynasty, but there are equal few reasons to date it in the early Qing dynasty, during the 17th–18th centuries. Given to the rarity of the erotic renderings during the Ming dynasty (even in painting on silk or in printed graphic works), I believe that it would be dated rather during the late Qing dynasty, taking into account the historical context in which the most radical millenarian and messianic conceptions of the Daoist sects propagate and occur in the second half of the 19th c., since the Taiping rebellion era to that of the Yihetuan movement. At that time, the erotic renderings are frequent both in painting 114 115 116 117 118 119 120 121 122 HINGSTON QUIGGIN 1949, p. 213 sqq. DEGROOT 1910, p. 59; AYMONIER 1904, p. 580. BRANDA 1886, p. 150 sqq.; ANTONINI 1889, p. 103. DEGROOT 1910, p. 87; cf. ROBERTS 1837, p. 151. FORBES 1878, p. 278. BONNETAIN 1885, p. 76, 160 and 243; BOURDE 1885, p. 336–338; BELVAL 1904, p. 67 and 251 sqq. GREENBAUM 2010. LEHNER 2011, p. 121 and 216. CHINAS BRONZEWEG, fig. 20. 368 / Alexandru Gh. Sonoc on silk and as printed graphic works and to a lesser extent in the decorative arts (ceramics, metal or ivory statuettes etc.), and may even show subjects which were reprobated by the traditional Chinese moral, if we consider the relative scarcity of the literary references and the attitude of the scholars, and especially the fact that the classical Chinese literary works use various metaphors when referring to the sexual intercourse and not its explicit description123, as in the vernacular literature which appeared during the late Ming dynasty. On 19th November 2011, at Baldwin’s house in London were auctioned two lots of Chinese bronze items with erotic scenes (all with a high degree of stylization), dated in the 19th century and whose price has been estimated at 40–60 ₤ by each lot: the first consists of a token with 4 erotic scenes on the obverse and a 4-characters inscription on the reverse, having a diameter of 58 mm and similar in shape to a coin with square hole, associated with a token with astrological symbols124, while the other lot included 3 tokens or charms, the first of which (diameter 30 mm) with only one erotic scene on the obverse and with the same 4-characters inscription on the reverse, the second (diameter 55 mm) also with 4 erotic scenes on the obverse, displayed around the image of a turtle, but without inscriptions or renderings on the reverse, and a third, in a calabash shape (whose dimensions are 70 × 37 mm), with 2 erotic scenes125. Taking into account, among the items with erotic scenes from these two lots, whose quality has been appreciated as fine, only the 3 ones which are similar as shape to the Chinese coins can be remarked a higher frequency of the type with 4 erotic scenes, noting that compared with the similar, but four-lobed item from the collection of the Brukenthal National Museum. There could be immediately seen that the latter has a more developed appearance, while the pieces which were offered for sale in London are of a poorer quality, in terms of the artistic execution, because on the item from the first lot the scenes are framed by a pearl circle which does not exist on the traditional Chinese coins (but is met in Europe since the Antiquity, as well as in the Near and Middle East), and in what belongs the item with only one scene from the second lot, the square hole is only sketched, but not made, and the calligraphy of its characters can be however considered as rudimentary. Clearly, the item from the collection of the Brukenthal National Museum, although of an unusual shape, suffered in a much lesser extent the influence of the Western coins and of the Islamic ones from Central Asia and, therefore, could be considered as being stronger linked to the traditional Chinese tokens and charms. Except the calabash-shaped charm (hulu), which is traditional in China and, maybe, that with 4 erotic scenes displayed around the turtle, but with aniconic and uninscribed reverse, all other items with erotic scenes offered for sale in the mentioned auction from London seem to be rather tokens than charms. Therefore, it seems more likely to date the piece from the collection of the National Brukenthal Museum during the late Qing dynasty (during the 19th century) than in the period between the proclamation of the Republic (1911) and the proclamation of the People’s Republic of China (October 1, 1949), especially if we take into account that in China even coins virtually ceased to be issued in the late 30s and during the 40s of 20th century 126. 123 124 125 126 GOLDIN 2002, p. 8–47. The most famous Chinese metaphor designating euphemistically the sexual intercourse (MOELLER 2006, p. 26) is “the game of the clouds and the rain” (yunyu), which (given China’s climate) refers indirectly to the spring. BALDWIN’S ARGENTUM, p. 311 (19 November 2011), cat. 282. The item seems to be a fake of a relatively poor quality, executed after the token presented in the exhibition organized by the Österreichische Nationalbank in January-April 1996 in Vienna, at Geldmuseum (Chinas Bronzeweg, fig. 20). 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Archaeologiai Értesítő, Budapest. Anatolian Iron Ages, Leuven. American Journal of Archaeology, Boston. American Journal of Human Genetics, Michigan. Aluta, Sfântu Gheorghe. Mitteilungen des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts, Athenische Abteilung, Berlin. American Antiquity, Washington. Anados. Studies of the Ancient World, Trnava. Analele Banatului, Timişoara. Angustia, Sfântu Gheorghe. Apulum. Acta Musei Apulensis, Alba Iulia. Annual Review of Anthropology, Palo Alto. Archaeolingua, Budapest. Archaeologia Bulgarica, Sofia. Archaeological Dialogues, Cambridge. Archäologie Schweiz, Basel. Archäologisches Korrespondenzblatt, Mainz. Argessis. Studii şi Comunicări. Seria Istorie, Piteşti. Argo, Ljubljana. Arheologija. Organ na Arheologičeskija Institut i. Muzej, Sofia. Arheologia Moldovei, Iaşi. Arheološki Pregled, Beograd. Annales d’Université Valachia Târgovişte, Section d’Archéologie et d’Histoire, Târgovişte. Arheološki Vestnik, Ljubljana. Archiv des Vereines für Siebenbürgische Landeskunde, Hermannstadt. Brämer Archäologische Blätter, Bremen. Balcanoslavica, Prilep. Banatica, Reşiţa. British Archaeological Reports, International Series, Oxford. Bayerische Vorgeschichtsblätter, München. Bulletin de Correspondance Hellénique, Atena-Paris. Buletinul Cercurilor Ştiinţifice Studenţeşti, Universitatea “1 Decembrie 1918”, Alba Iulia. Buletinul Muzeului “Teohari Antonescu”, Giurgiu. Representations, Signs and Symbols, 2014 / p. 373–376 374 / Abbreviations BRGK Brukenthal CA CAANT CABucureşti CAHung Caietele ARA Carpica CCA CCDJ CJA ClassAnt Classical Bulletin Classic Ireland Corviniana CretAnt Crisia Dacia N. S. DavarLogos DevelopDyn DIR Drobeta EJHG EphNap FoliaArch FVL Germania Godišnjak Hephaistos Hesperia Ialomiţa ICH Istros ITSR JAS JAFP JAME JANES JEF JMC JMG JNP JNS JRA JRH Kernos Marisia Marmatia MCA MCSEE Bericht der Römisch-Germanischen Kommission, Frankfurt am Main. Brukenthal. Acta Musei, Sibiu. Cercetări Arheologice, Bucureşti. Cercetări Arheologice în Aria Nord-Tracă, Bucureşti. Cercetări Arheologice în Bucureşti, Bucureşti. Communicationes Archaeologicae Hungariae, Magyar Nemzeti Múseum, Budapest. Caietele ARA. Revista Anuală de Arhitectură, Restaurare şi Arheologie, Bucureşti. Carpica, Bacău. Cronica Cercetărilor Arheologice. Civilizaţie şi Cultură la Dunărea de Jos, Călăraşi. Canadian Journal of Archaeology. Classical Antiquity, Berkeley. The Classical Bulletin, Cincinnati. Classic Ireland, Dublin. Corviniana. Acta Musei Corvinensis, Hunedoara. Creta Antica. Rivista internazionale di studi archeologici, storici ed epigrafici, Catania. Crisia, Oradea. Dacia. Revue d’Archéologie et d’Histoire Ancienne. Nouvelle Série, Bucureşti. DavarLogos, La Plata. Developmental Dynamics, New York. Documente Privind Istoria României. Seria C. Transilvania. Veacurile XI, XII şi XIII, I (1075–1250), Bucharest, 1951. Drobeta, Drobeta-Turnu Severin. European Journal of Human Genetics. Ephemeris Napocensis, Cluj-Napoca. Folia Archaeologica, Budapest. Forschungen zur Volks- und Landeskunde, Sibiu-Hermannstadt. Germania. Anzeiger der Römisch-Germanischen Kommission des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts, Frankfurt am Main. Godišnjak Centra za balkanološka ispitivanja, Sarajevo. Hephaistos: New approaches in classical archaeology and related fields/Kritische Zeitschrift zu Theorie und Praxis der Archäologie, Kunstwissenschaft und angrenzender Gebiete, Hamburg. Hesperia. The Journal of the American School of Classical Studies at Athens, Athens. Ialomiţa. Studii şi comunicări, Slobozia. Infant and Child Development, Oxford. Istros, Brăila. Istorie şi Tradiţie în Spaţiul Românesc, Sibiu. Journal of Archaeological Science. Journal of Ancient Fingerprints. A Nyíregyházi Jósa András Múzeum Évkönyve, Nyíregyháza. Journal of the Ancient Near Eastern Society, New York. Journal of Ethnology and Folkloristics. Journal of Material Culture, London. Journal of Medical Genetics. Journal of Neuropsychology. Journal of Neuroscience. Journal of Roman Archaeology, Portsmouth – Rhode Island. Journal of Religion and Health, New York. Kernos. Revue internationale et pluridisciplinaire de religion grecque antique, Liège. Marisia. Studii şi Materiale, Târgu Mureş. Marmatia, Baia Mare. Materiale şi Cercetări Arheologice, Bucureşti. Monedă şi comerţ în sud-estul Europei, Sibiu. Abbreviations / 375 Mediterranea MedH Memoria Antiquitatis MN Mousaios OxfordJA PA Palaeohistoria PAS PB PBF Peuce Pontica Porocilo Slovenia ProceedingsPS PZ RA RAEst RAOuest RB RINASA RM RSP RVM Sargetia Savaria SCIV(A) SlovArch Starinar StComCaransebeş StudiaUBB – Historia StCom Satu Mare StPreist Suceava SympThrac SzMMÉ TD Terra Sebus Tibiscum Tisicum TransAPS TransSt Tyragetia WorldA Zbornik Beograd ZborníkSNMA ZbornikSoboškegaMuz Ziridava ZPE Quaderni Annuali Dell Istituto di Studi sulle Civiltà Italice e del Mediterraneo Antico, Pisa – Roma. Medical History, Cambridge. Memoria Antiquitatis, Piatra Neamţ. Muzeul Naţional, Bucureşti. Mousaios, Buzău. Oxford Journal Archaeology, Oxford. Patrimonium Apulense. Anuar de arheologie, istorie, cultură, etnografie, muzeologie, conservare, restaurare, Alba Iulia. Paleohistoria. Acta et Communicationes Instituti Bio-Archaeologici Universitatis Groninganae, Groningen. Prähistorische Archäologie Südosteuropa, Berlin. Psychological Bulletin, Urbana–Champaign, Illinois. Präistoriche Bronzefunde, München. Peuce (Rapoarte, cataloage, studii şi note de istorie şi arheologie), Tulcea. Pontica, Constanţa. Poročilo o raziskovanju paleolitika, neolitika in eneolitika v Sloveniji, Ljubljana. Proceedings of the Prehistoric Society, Cambridge. Praehistorische Zeitschrift, Berlin – Leipzig. Revue Archéologique, Paris. Revue Archéologique de l’Est, Dijon. Revue archéologique de l’Ouest, Rennes. Revista Bistriţei, Bistriţa. Rivista dell’Istituto Nazionale di Archeologia e Storia dell’Arte, Roma. Revista Muzeelor, Bucureşti. Rivista di scienze preistoriche, Firenze. Rad Vojvodjanskih Muzeja, Novi Sad. Sargetia. Acta Musei Devensis, Deva. Savaria, Szombathely. Studii şi Cercetări de Istorie Veche (şi Arheologie), Bucureşti. Slovenská Archeológia, Nitra. Starinar, Beograd. Studii şi Comunicări de Istorie, Caransebeş. Studia Universitatis Babeş-Bolyai Historia, Cluj-Napoca. Studii şi Comunicări Satu Mare, Satu Mare. Studii de Preistorie, Bucureşti. Suceava. Anuarul Muzeului Judeţean Bucovina, Suceava. Symposia Thracologica, Bucureşti. Szolnok Megyei Múzeumi Évkönyv, Szolnok. Thraco-Dacica, Bucureşti. Terra Sebus. Acta Musei Sabesiensis, Sebeş. Tibiscum. Studii şi Comunicări de Etnografie-Istorie, Caransebeş. Tisicum, Szolnok. Transactions of the American Philosophical Society, Philadelphia. Transcultural Studies, Heidelberg. Tyragetia, Chişinău. World Archaeology, Oxford. Zbornik Narodnog muzeja, Beograd. Zborník Slovenského Národného Múzea Archeológia, Bratislava. Zbornik soboškega muzeja, Murska Sobota. Ziridava, Arad. Zeitschrift für Papyrologie und Epigraphik, Bonn.