PrisonsandPrisonersinModernisingLatinAmerica
PRISONSANDPRISONERSIN
MODERNISINGLATINAMERICA
(1800-1940)
CarlosAguirre1
Prisonsaremanythingsatthesametime:institutionsembodyingstatepowerand
authority;arenasofconflict,negotiationandresistance;spacesforthecreationof
subalternformsofsocialisationandculture;powerfulsymbolsofmodernity(or
lackthereof);culturalartefactsrepresentingthecontradictionsandtensionsafflictingsocieties;economicenterprisesaimedatmanufacturingbothcommodities and workers; centres for the production of different forms of knowledge
aboutthelowerclassesofsociety;and,lastbutnotleast,placeswherelargesegmentsofthehumanpopulationlivepartsoftheirlives,shapetheirworldviews,
andengageinnegotiationsandinteractionswithotherindividualsandstateauthoritiesinaconstantstruggletosurvive.Westudyprisonsforwhattheytellus
aboutthemselves—theirdesigns,theirfunctioning,theirplaceinsociety—but
alsoabouttheirresidents,aboutthoseexercisingauthorityoverthem(thestate,
penalexpertsandothers)andaboutthesocialarrangementstheyreflect,reproduceorsubvert.
WritingthehistoryofprisonsinmodernLatinAmericaisnotaneasyendeavour,sinceitmustencompassanumberofcountrieswithquitedifferentsociopolitical processes, patterns of economic development, racial/ethnic make-ups
1
Iwouldliketothankalltheparticipantsinthe‘CulturesofConfinement’workshop(London,
June and December 2005) for their encouragement, criticism and suggestions, and especially
FrankDikötterfortheoriginalinvitationtobepartofthisprojectandforhisvaluablefeedback
onearlierversionsofthischapter.IwouldalsoliketorecognisemydebttoRicardoSalvatore
(UniversidadTorcuatodiTella,BuenosAires),indialogueandcollaborationwithwhommany
ofmyideasaboutprisonsinLatinAmericahavebeenshapedovertheyears.
14
15
andexperimentswithpunishmentandincarcerationthathavetodowiththe
divergentadaptationofforeigndoctrines,thedevelopmentofinternalideologicalandpoliticaldebates,andsubalternformsofagencyandresistance.Thedifficultiesfacedbysuchanenterpriseareevengreaterifweconsidertherelatively
undevelopedstateofthehistoriographyonprisonsintheregion.Thischapter,
which builds upon a host of recently published monographs and edited volumes,2summarisestheconnectionsbetweenthehistoryofprisonsandtheevolutionofLatinAmericansocietiesfrom1800to1940.Themaingoalistooffera
roughoutlineofsomeofthemaincontoursofthishistory,focusingontherelationshipbetweenthedesignandfunctioningofprisons,theinstitutionalformsof
punishmentbeingimplemented,theformsofcopingandresistancethatprisonersadopted,andthespecificformsofstate-societyrelationthatprisonregimes
reflectandreveal.
Onecaveatisinorderatthestartofthischapter.Theterm‘modern’willbe
frequentlyappliedwhenreferringtoLatinAmericansocietiesandprisonsduringtheperiodunderstudy.Bythat,twodifferentthingsaremeant.First,itis
merelyachronologicallabel,sincethe‘modern’periodinLatinAmericaisalmostalwaysconsideredtobetheonethatfollowedtheendofcolonialtimes(for
mostoftheregionexceptCubaandPuertoRico)aroundtheseconddecadeof
thenineteenthcentury.Thus,accordingtothisview,colonialismwasnecessarily
pre-modern and modernity a condition, or a possibility, associated exclusively
withindependentnation-states.Forthesakeofsimplicitythisusageoftheterm
‘modern’willbemaintainedwhenreferringtopost-independenceLatinAmerica.Second,thetermreflectsthegoals,hopesandself-imageofLatinAmerican
AshortlistmustincludeFernandoPicó,Eldíamenospensado:HistoriadelospresidiariosenPuerto
Rico,1793–1993,RíoPiedras:EdicionesHuracán,1994;RicardoD.SalvatoreandCarlosAguirre (eds), The Birth of the Penitentiary in LatinAmerica: Essays on criminology, prison reform, and
social control, 1830–1940,Austin,TX: University ofTexas Press, 1996;Antonio PadillaArroyo,
DeBelemaLecumberri:PensamientosocialypenalenelMéxicodecimonónico,MexicoCity:Archivo
GeneraldelaNación,2001;PeterM.Beattie,TheTributeofBlood:Army,honor,race,andnation
inBrazil,1864–1945,Durham,NC:DukeUniversityPress,2001;RicardoD.Salvatore,Carlos
AguirreandGilbertM.Joseph(eds),CrimeandPunishmentinLatinAmerica:Lawandsocietysince
colonialtimes,Durham,NC:DukeUniversityPress,2001;MarcoAntonioLeónLeón,Encierroy
corrección:LaconfiguracióndeunsistemadeprisionesenChile(1800–1911),Santiago:Universidad
CentraldeChile,2003;MarcosFernándezLabbé,Prisióncomún,imaginariosocialeidentidadsocial,
1870–1920,Santiago:EditorialAndrésBello,2003;LilaCaimari,Apenasundelincuente:Crimen,
castigoyculturaenlaArgentina,1880–1955,BuenosAires:SigloXXI,2004;CarlosAguirre,The
CriminalsofLimaandTheirWorlds:Theprisonexperience,1850–1935,Durham,NC:DukeUniversityPress,2005;ErnestoBohoslavskyandMaríaSilviaDiLiscia(eds),Institucionesyformasde
controlsocialenAméricaLatina,1840–1940.Unarevision,BuenosAires:PrometeoLibros,2006.
2
PrisonsandPrisonersinModernisingLatinAmerica
PunishmentandPrisonsfromColonialTimestotheNewNation-states
élites and prison reformers. Modernity was their ultimate goal as well as the
measureoftheirsuccessesandfailures.Tobemodern,oratleasttooffertheappearanceofbeingso,wasthealmostuniversalaspirationofLatinAmericanélites,
andprisons(i.e.modernprisons)cametobeimaginedaspartofthatproject.
Thusitmayseemlegitimatetoassesstheevolutionofprisonsagainstthosegoals
andobjectives,i.e.,againsttheaspirationsto‘modernity’thattheLatinAmerican
élitessoproudlyproclaimed.
fact,overlyimportantinthepunitiveschemesbeingimplementedbycolonial
authorities.Inmostcasestheyweresimplyplacesofdetentionforsuspectsbeing
triedorforcondemnedcriminalsawaitingtheexecutionoftheirsentences.Colonialformsofpunishmentandsocialcontroldidnotcountprisonsasoneof
theirmainconduits.Punishment,infact,wasmorecommonlyappliedthrough
variousothermechanismstypicalofancienrégimesocieties,suchaspublicexecuancienrégime
tions,branding,whipping,publicworksorbanishment.Housedinratherfetid
andinsecurebuildings,mostcolonialgaolsdidnotevenkeeprecordsofinmates,
datesofentryandrelease,orcategoriesofcrimesandsentences.Varioustypesof
gaolscoexistedwithinaratherlooseassortmentofinstitutionsofconfinement:
inquisition and municipal gaols, military and police stations, religious shelters
fordestitutewomenandprivatedetentioncentressuchasbakeriesandtextile
sweatshops—whereslavesandcriminalsweresecludedandsubjectedtoforced
labour—orprivategaolsinruralhaciendasandplantations,whereunrulyworkerswerepunished.PenalislandssuchasJuanFernándezinChile,SanJuande
UlúainMexicoorSanLorenzoinPeru,orpresidios(militarybarracks)located
infrontierareas,werealsousedtodetainandpunishcriminalsdeemedextremely
dangerous.Whilesomecapitalcities—MexicoCity,Lima,BuenosAiresorRio
deJaneiro—couldshowsomedegreeoforganisationinthelogisticsofincarceration (with written bylaws and regular‘visitas de cárcel’ or gaol inspections
performed by colonial authorities), imprisonment during the colonial period
wasasocialpracticeregulatedbycustom,notthelaw,andaimedatsimplywarehousingdetaineeswithoutimplementinganyinstitutionalregimeofpunishment
seekingtoreformcriminals.5
Duringthewarsofindependenceandtheimmediateaftermath,criticismof
colonialprisonconditionswasvoicedbyafewindependentleadersthatpointed
to them as evidence of the horrors of colonialism. General José de San Martín,forinstance,the‘liberator’ofArgentina,ChileandPeru,visitedLima’sgaols
shortlyafterproclaimingtheindependenceofPeruandwasappalledbywhathe
16
PUNISHMENTANDPRISONSFROMCOLONIALTIMES
TOTHENEWNATION-STATES
Formostcountriesintheregionindependencefromcolonialismwasattained
duringtheperiodfrom1810to1825.3AftertheexpulsionofSpanishandPortuguesecolonialpowers,thosenewly-independentcountriesstartedaprotracted
andcomplicatedprocessofstate-andnation-formationthat,inmostcases,was
shapedbyacontinuouscounterpointbetweentheimportedidealsofrepublicanism, liberalism and the rule of law, and the realities of racist, authoritarian
andexclusionarysocialstructures.Europeancolonialismwasreplacedbysociopolitical and legal structures that reinforced the exclusion of large sectors of
theindigenousandblackpopulations.Inthenameofindividualliberalrights
theCreoleélitesthatcapturedstatepowerdeprivedIndiansandblacksofeven
thesmall,butnotunimportant,windowsoflegalprotectionaccordedthemby
paternalisticcoloniallegislationandpractices.Profoundlyhierarchicalsocieties
continuedtoexistunderthelegalfaçadeofarepublicofcitizens.Thepermanenceofslaveryandotherformsoflabour,racialandsocialcontrol—peonage,
Indian tribute, forced military conscription and vagrancy laws, to name but a
few—flagrantlycontradictedthesystemofequalitybeforethelawanduniversalcitizenshippromisedbymostSpanish-Americanconstitutions.4Withinthis
context prisons played an important, albeit not necessarily central, role in the
implementationofmechanismsofsocial,labourandracialcontrolinthepostindependenceera.
During the colonial period prisons and gaols were not institutional spaces
thatadministrators,visitors,travellersorinmatescouldpraisefortheirorganisation, security, hygiene or positive effects on their residents.They were not, in
3
4
TheonlyexceptionswereCubaandPuertoRico,whereSpanishcolonialismendedin1898.
FlorenciaMallon,‘IndianCommunities,PoliticalCulturesandtheStateinLatinAmerica’,JournalofLatinAmericanStudies,24(1992),pp.35–55;BrookeLarson,TrialsofNationMaking:Liberalism,race,andethnicityintheAndes,1810–1910,CambridgeUniversityPress,2004.
17
ForstudiesaboutthevariousformsofpunishmentincolonialLatinAmerica,seePatriciaAufderheide,‘OrderandViolence:SocialdevianceandsocialcontrolinBrazil,1780–1840’,PhD
dissertation, University of Minnesota, 1976;WilliamTaylor, Drinking, Homicide, and Rebellion
inColonialMexicanVillages,StanfordUniversityPress,1979,pp.97–106;GabrielHaslip-Viera,
Crime and Punishment in Late Colonial Mexico, 1692–1810,Albuquerque, NM: University of
NewMexicoPress,1999;AlbertoFloresGalindo,Aristocraciayplebe:Estructuradeclasesysociedad
colonial,Lima,1760–1830,Lima:MoscaAzulEditores,1984;MarcoAntonioLeónLeón,‘Justicia,
ceremoniaysacrificio:UnaaproximaciónalasejecucionespúblicasenelChilecolonial’,Notas
HistóricasyGeográficas,UniversidaddePlayaAncha,Chile,11(2000),pp.89–122;LeónLeón,
Encierroycorrección,vol.I,pp.53–125.
5
PrisonsandPrisonersinModernisingLatinAmerica
PunishmentandPrisonsfromColonialTimestotheNewNation-states
saw.Heorderedthereleaseofsomeinmatesandshortlyafterenactedlegislation
aimedatamelioratingprisonconditions.Moreimportant,andechoingongoing
penalreformsinEurope,heannouncedhisdecisiontotransformthoseplaces,
where‘menwereburied,gotdesperate,anddiedduringtheoldregime’,into
spaceswhereinmatescouldbe‘converted,throughmoderateandusefulwork,
fromimmoralandviciousmenintoindustriousandhonestcitizens.’6However,
attitudeslikethiswereratheruncommonandprisonconditionsrarelyattracted
the attention of post-independence state makers. Some promised to correct
thoseatrocitiesbyenactinglegislationaimedatimplementingmorehumaneand
secureconditionsofimprisonment.However,therhetoricofliberalism,republicanism,andtheruleoflawheldbytheleadersofthesenewly-independentnationswasalwaysneutralisedbydiscoursesandpracticesthatemphasisedtheneed
tocontrolunrulyandundeservingmassesthroughharshmechanismsofpunishment.Extrajudicialformsofpunishment,aswellastraditionallegally-sanctioned
punitivepracticessuchaspublicworks,executions,whippingandbanishment,
continuedtobeusedfordecadesaftertheendofthecolonialperiod.7Serious
financialshortagesandconstantpoliticalturmoilpreventedmoststatesfromembarkingonmeaningfulinstitutionalreforms.Statesweresimplytooweakand
fragile,andtheélitestooconvincedoftheunworthinessoftheeffort,toevenimaginethatwidespreadsupportwouldexistforanyinitiativetowardsthereform
ofprisons.Still,echoesofpenaldebatesinEuropeandNorthAmericabeganto
beheardinLatinAmericaandnewideasaboutprisonsandpunishmentbegan
tocirculatearoundthe1830s.
Bythebeginningofthenineteenthcenturythepenitentiaryhadbeenembracedasthestate-of-the-artinstitutionalmodelofincarcerationinEuropeand
NorthAmerica.Asettingthatcombinedanadhocarchitecturalplan,ahighly
adhoc
regimentedroutineofworkandinstruction,constantsurveillance,purportedly
humanetreatmentandreligionsinstruction,thepenitentiarycapturedtheimaginationofasmallgroupofLatinAmericanstatemakerseagertoimitatemetropolitan societal models as a way of both embracing‘modernity’ and trying
‘successful’mechanismsofcontrolovertheundisciplinedmasses.Sinceatleast
the1830spublicdebatesbegantoshowtheawarenessamongLatinAmerican
enlightened commentators of ongoing penal reforms in Europe and North
America.8AswithotheraspectsofLatinAmericansocieties,theseinterventions
usuallypointedtothesharpcontrastbetweenwhattheysaw(andwereashamed
of)intheirowncountriesandthe‘successes’of‘civilised’nationsintheimplementationofsocialpolicies,inthiscase,theeliminationofcrimeandthecreationofmodernprisonregimes.Stillwehavetonoticethatthisfascinationwith
EuropeanandNorthAmericanmodelsofpunishmentwasnotuniversal,andthat
evenifformanystatemakersitsoundedlikeagoodidea,theywerenoteagerto
investfinancialorpoliticalcapitalbehindthebuildingof(quiteexpensive)institutionsthat,theythought,wouldnotnecessarilydoabetterjobthanthetraditionalandinformalformsofpunishmentbeingwidelyused.Enlightenedcritics
ofexistingformsofpunishment—whipping,stocks,publicworks,privategaols
andillegalexecutions—werefew,andtheirvoiceswerelostinthemidstofother,
more pressing challenges such as internal fragmentation, political dissent, economicbackwardnessandforeignwars.Infacttraditionalformsofpunishment
wereusuallyconsideredmorefittingtothekindsofpeoplestheywereintended
topunish:uncivilisedandbarbarousmasses,notactiveandenlightenedcitizens.
Debatesabouttheimplementationofthejurysystem,forinstance,reflectedthe
profounddistrustthatLatinAmericanélitesfeltfortheirrural,non-white,and
illiteratemasses,almostalwaysregarded(evenbywell-intentionedliberalreformers)asbarbarous,ignorantandincapableofbecoming‘civilised’.
Nonetheless,bythemiddleofthenineteenthcenturyseveralmodernpenitentiarieswerebuilt.Theirconstructionwasanattempttoaccomplishvarious
goals:toexpandstateinterventioninsocialcontrolefforts,toprojectanimage
ofmodernityusuallyconceivedastheadoptionofforeignmodels,togetridof
shockingandoffensiveformsofpunishment,toofferurbanélitesagreatersense
ofsecurity,andtoimprovethechancesoftransformingcriminalsintolaw-abiding citizens. However, the appearance of these penitentiaries does not necessarilymeanthosegoalswereapriorityforpoliticalandsocialélites.Infactthe
constructionofmodernpenitentiarieswastheexception,nottherule,andtheir
fatewouldprovideadditionalevidenceoftheirrathermarginalplacewithinthe
overallmechanismsofcontrolandpunishment.
TheearliestprojecttobuildapenitentiaryinLatinAmericawasthe‘House
ofCorrection’inRiodeJaneiro,whoseconstructionstartedin1834butwas
18
QuotedinCarlosAguirre,‘TheLimaPenitentiaryandtheModernizationofCriminalJusticein
Nineteenth-CenturyPeru’inSalvatoreandAguirre(eds),TheBirthofthePenitentiary,p.50.
7
CarlosAguirre,‘Violencia,castigoycontrolsocial:esclavosypanaderíasenLima,sigloXIX’,
PasadoyPresente
PasadoyPresente(Lima),1(1988);RicardoD.Salvatore,‘DeathandLiberalism:CapitalpunishmentafterthefallofRosas’inSalvatore,AguirreandJoseph(eds),CrimeandPunishment,pp.
308–41;LeónLeón,Encierroycorrección,vol.II,chapter4.
6
19
Aguirre,‘TheLimaPenitentiary’,pp.53–4;LeónLeón,Encierroycorrección,vol.II,chapter3;RicardoD.SalvatoreandCarlosAguirre,‘TheBirthofthePenitentiaryinLatinAmerica:Toward
aninterpretivesocialhistoryofprisons’inSalvatoreandAguirre,TheBirthofthePenitentiary,pp.
1–43.
8
PrisonsandPrisonersinModernisingLatinAmerica
PunishmentandPrisonsfromColonialTimestotheNewNation-states
completedonlyin1850.Thetimeittooktocompletetheprojectrevealsagreat
dealaboutthefinancialandpoliticalobstaclesfacedbyearlyprisonreformers.9
ConstructionofthepenitentiaryofSantiagodeChilestartedin1844closely
followingthePhiladelphiacellularmodel;itfirstacceptedinmatesin1847,but
wouldbeginoperatingatfullscaleonlyin1856.10ThePeruviangovernment
startedtobuildapenitentiaryinLimain1856thatwascompletedandbegan
tofunctionin1862,thistimefollowingtheAuburnor‘congregate’blueprint.11
Two more penitentiaries were built in the following decade: the Quito penitentiary (Ecuador) was completed in 1874 and the BuenosAires penitentiary
(Argentina) in 1877.A few elements are worth emphasising in this first wave
ofprisonreforminLatinAmerica.First,thedesignandbylawsofthesepenitentiariesinvariablyfollowedthemodelofsimilarNorthAmericaninstitutions,
namelythepenitentiariesofAuburnandPhiladelphia.SeveralLatinAmerican
reformers,liketheirEuropeancounterpartssuchasAlexisdeTocqueville,toured
US prisons and were involved in the design and building of penitentiaries in
theirowncountries.ThisgroupincludesMarianoFelipePazSoldánfromPeru,
FranciscoSolanoAstaburuagafromChileandMucioValdovinosfromMexico.
Thesepenitentiarieswerebuiltusingblueprintsinspiredby,butnotrigorously
modelledafter,JeremyBentham’s‘panopticon’.Insteadofthecircularpavilion
withanobservatorytowerinthecentre,whichwouldallowtheconstantand
totalsurveillanceofallinmatesthatBenthamhadplanned,thesebuildingsconsistedoflengthyrectangularpavilionswithcellrowsonbothsides,emanating
fromacentralpoint‘likeradiifromacommoncentre’.12Second,theconstructionofthesepenitentiaries,althoughpublicisedasamajorturningpointineach
state’seffortstobothcontrolcrimeandreformprisoners,wasnotfollowedby
theimplementationofsimilarchangesintherestofeachcountry’sprisonsystems.Formanydecades,infact,eachofthosepenitentiarieswouldbetheonly
suchmodernpenalinstitutioninanotherwise‘pre-modern’orunreformedarchipelagoofinstitutionsofconfinement.Thereforetheirimpactwasexceedingly
smalldespitethehighhopesthatreformershadplacedonthem.Sinceeachof
theseinstitutionshostedonlyafewhundredinmates,between300and500in
average,theimpactofthepenitentiaryreformovertheentireinmatepopulation
wasratherlimited.Third,theseearlyLatinAmericanpenitentiariesconfronted
serious and recurrent financial and administrative obstacles.They were invariablyandseverelycriticisedfornotdeliveringontheirpromisesofhygiene,humanitarianismandefficiencytocombatcrimeandregenerateprisoners.Lackof
resourceswasparamount,overcrowdingmarredtheexperimentsfromthevery
beginning,andthemixingofprisonersofdifferentages,legalconditions,degrees
ofdangerousnessandevensexesbecamestandardpractice.Abuseagainstinmates
betrayedthepromisesofhumanitariantreatment,andeconomicshortagespreventedprisonauthoritiesfromdeliveringadequatefood,healthcare,education
and employment to the inmate populations.While they offered more secure
conditions of incarceration, enforced daily routines on inmates, and exercised
adegreeofcontroloverprisonersthatwasvirtuallyunimaginableinnon-reformedgaolsandprisons,theystillcameshortoftheirbuilders’promises.
Onecriticalaspectofthesepenitentiarieswastheimplementationoflabour
regimesthat,followingtheoriginalblueprint,wereseenasbothconduciveto
theinmates’regenerationandasourceofrevenuestohelpfinancethehugecosts
ofmaintainingsuchinstitutions.Prisonworkwasnotabsentinnon-reformed
gaolsandprisons,butitwasusuallyperformedonanadhocandinformalbasis.
adhoc
Penitentiarieswereexplicitlydesignedtoincludeworkasacentralcomponent
oftheprisontherapy.Shoemaking,carpentry,printingandotherworkshopswere
set up, either under the direct control of prison authorities or run by private
concessionaries.Penitentiaryworkbecame,infact,oneofthemostdistinctive
aspectsofdailylifeinsidethesereformedprisons,andmanyinmateswelcomed
the opportunity to earn some money, while authorities and private entrepreneursprofitedfromit.Thusitalsobecameacentralcomponentinthenegotiationofprisonrulesandtheboundariesofpowerbetweenandamonginmates
andprisonguardsandauthorities.
At the heart of the penitentiary ideal, as developed in Europe and North
America, was the notion that criminals were indeed reformable, that society
hadadebtwiththem(recognisingtheresponsibilityofsocialfactorsbehindthe
commissionofcrimes),andthatreformingcriminalswasthebestwayofintegrating them to society as law-abiding and hard-working citizens. Moreover,
penitentiarieswereimaginedintheWesternworldasintrinsictoaliberaland
capitalistorder.Prisontimewasthoughtofnotonlyasawayofpayingback
tosocietyforthecommissionofacrime,butasameanstoinstilcertainvalues
20
MarcosBretas,‘WhattheEyesCan’tSee:StoriesfromRiodeJaneiro’sprisons’inSalvatoreand
Aguirre(eds),TheBirthofthePenitentiary,p.104.
10
LeónLeón,Encierroycorrección,vol.II,p.429.
11
Aguirre,‘TheLimaPenitentiary’,pp.61–3.
12
ThatishowMarianoFelipePazSoldándescribedtheLimapenitentiary.QuotedinAguirre,
‘TheLimaPenitentiary’,p.61.BenjamínVicuñaMackennadescribedtheSantiagopenitentiary
in similar terms:‘seven radii isolated from the building that depart from a common center.’
QuotedinLeónLeón,Encierroycorrección,vol.II,p.436.ProbablytheonlyLatinAmerican
prisontobebuiltfollowingBentham’sblueprintwasthe‘PresidioModelo’intheCubanIsland
ofPinos;itsfirstcircularpavilionopenedin1928.Seefigure.
9
21
PrisonsandPrisonersinModernisingLatinAmerica
BeyondthePenitentiaryModel
congruentwiththeliberalandcapitalistorder.Asseveralauthorshaveargued,
modernformsofpunishmentplayedakeyroleinthedevelopmentofliberaldemocraticregimes:thepenitentiarywas,paradoxically,acentralcomponentof
thesystemoffreedomanddemocracyimplementedinWesternsocietiessince
theearlynineteenthcentury.13IntherhetoricofLatinAmericanprisonreformers, the penitentiary would occupy a similar place in the process of building
liberal/democraticsocieties;theyseemtohavebelievedthattheycouldbecome
‘laboratoriesofvirtue’inwhichtheunrulymasseswouldbetrainedtobecome
law-abidingcitizensoftheirmodernrepublics.Butthosehopeswereshattered
bytheprevalenceofsocietalmodelsthatdrasticallydivergedfromthoseideals.
Notonlydidthesepenitentiariesfailedtodeliverontheirpromisesofhumane
treatment; they were in fact used to substantiate a social order in which the
politicalandsocialexclusionoflargesectorsofthepopulationwasoneofits
cornerstones.Assuch,theearlypenitentiariesinLatinAmericacametosymbolisetheambiguitiesandlimitationsofnineteenth-centuryliberalprojects.
LiberalisminLatinAmerica,wemustrecall,wasthehegemonicideologyof
Creole/mestizostatesthat,incountriessuchasMexicoorPeru,sustainedquite
authoritarianandexclusionarysocio-politicalregimesanddeprivedthemajorityoftheirindigenousandruralpopulationsfrombasiccitizenshiprights.14In
countries such as Chile orArgentina the practices and rights associated with
politicalliberalism(freedomofpress,votingrights,equalitybeforethelawand
the like) were restricted to the populations living in urban settings, while the
implementationofbrutalformsofeconomicandsocialexclusionresultedinthe
extermination of indigenous populations in the southern territories. In Brazil
thepermanenceofbothslaveryandthemonarchyprecludedbydefinitionthe
implementation of punitive regimes aimed at crafting virtuous citizens. In all
thesecaseshighlystratifiedsocialandracialregimesservedasthebackgroundin
whichpenitentiaryreformwastried.Thepotentialbeneficiariesofsuchreform
wereusuallyseenasinherentlyinferior,barbarousandirreformable,notasfuture
law-abidingcitizenswithequalrightstotheirsocialsuperiors.Whatattracted
state makers to the penitentiary model was not the penitentiary’s promise of
reforming criminals through humanitarian means, but its much more tangibleandfeasibleobjectiveofstrengtheningexistingmechanismsofcontroland
confinement.Thatwas,infact,thewaystatemakersusuallyconceivedthe‘modernity’oftheirsocialprojects.15
Although they were costly endeavours and, at least among certain circles,
wereembracedasmajorsocialachievements,letusnotforgetthattheabovementionedcasesofearlypenitentiarybuildingweretheexceptionwithinasocially-sanctioned web of traditional punitive methods. Besides these modern
penitentiaries existed a network of‘pre-modern’ gaols and private institutions
(includingreligiousones)thathostedmanymoreinmatesandwherethecontinuitieswithancient,pre-enlightenedformsofpunishmentwerepervasive.Of
equal importance is the fact that existing legal provisions and practices representedseriousobstaclestotheimplementationofmodernformsofpunishment.
Dueprocesswascertainlyachimera,thelowerclasseslackedtheprotectionofthe
law,theiraccesstolegalrepresentationwasquitedeficient,corruptionandabuse
wererampantinallinstancesoftheprocess(frompolicearresttoincarceration),
and a huge part of these countries’ prison networks remained unregulated by
thestateandusuallyevenoutofitssight.Theprivateandarbitraryexerciseof
justiceandpunishmentremained,wellintothesecondhalfofthenineteenth
century, an essential component of the societal mechanisms of social control.
22
See especiallyThomas L. Dumm, Democracy and Punishment: Disciplinary origins of the United
States,Madison,WI:UniversityofWisconsinPress,1987;andMichaelMeranze,Laboratoriesof
Virtue:Punishment,revolution,andauthorityinPhiladelphia,1760–1835,ChapelHill,NC:UniversityofNorthCarolinaPress,1996.
14
Mallon,‘IndianCommunities’,pp.44–6.
13
23
BEYONDTHEPENITENTIARYMODEL
Althoughthepenitentiarymodelcontinuedtoattracttheinterestofpolicymakers in these and other countries for decades to come—Mexico, for instance,
wouldinaugurateitsfirstpenitentiaryonlyin1900,andCubawoulddothesame
inthe1920s—acombinationofpragmaticresignationandpessimismprevailed
intheattitudesofpenalreformersandstatemakersduringthefinaldecadesof
the nineteenth century. Given the‘failures’ of the existing prisons to impose
anydegreeofdisciplineovertheirinmates,mostcommentatorsdemandednot
morehumanebutratherharsherpunitiveschemes.Therewasalwaysaclusterof
academicwriters(physicians,lawyers,criminologists)thatcriticisedthestateof
prisonsandsuggestedreforms,buttherewasverylittleimpetusonthepartof
statemakerstoembarkoncostlyandmassivereformefforts.Theintroductionof
newforeignpenalandcriminologicaldoctrinesafterthe1870s—thereformatorymodel,positivistcriminology—generatedlegalandscholarlydebatesandan
extensiveliterature,butverylittlechangeorimprovementintheprisonsystems
SalvatoreandAguirre,‘TheBirthofthePenitentiary’,p.17;AlbertoFloresGalindo,Latradición
autoritaria:ViolenciaydemocraciaenelPerú,Lima:Aprodeh/SUR,1999.
15
PrisonsandPrisonersinModernisingLatinAmerica
BeyondthePenitentiaryModel
ofthesecountries.Legislationwasusuallypassedtoallowfortheconstruction
ofnewfacilitiesortoimprovetheexistingones,butinmostcasesthoseprojects
werenotimplemented.Theresorttotraditionalformsofpunishmentwasextensive,asdenouncedbyscoresofscandalisedcommentatorssuchasforeignvisitors,
journalistsandalsoprisonersthemselves.ItisatediousexercisetoreaddescriptionsofsuchinfamousgaolsasGuadalupeinLima,BeleminMexicoCity,or
theCárcelPúblicainSantiagodeChile,whereovercrowding,unhealthyconditionsanddespotismwerecompoundedbystateindifferencetowardstheinmate
population.16
Withinthiscontexttheprisonsystemoperatedasanotherinstitutionalsetting
inwhichtheeagernessoftheélitestoembrace‘modernity’wascompounded
(andsubverted)bytheirdeterminationtomaintainarchaicformsofsocial,racialandlabourcontrol.Ontheonehanditcouldbesaidthatprisonsmerely
attendedtheneedtowarehousesuspectsandcriminalsinordertoprovidethe
decentclassesofsocietyacertainmeasureofsecurity;ontheotherhandprisons
reproducedandreinforcedtheauthoritarianandexclusionarynatureofthesesocieties,thusbecomingpiecesofalargerschemeaimedatmaintainingthesocial
order.Whilethisiscertainlytrue,theplaceoftheprisonwithinthelargersocial
projectsbeingimplementedinLatinAmerica(authoritarianliberalism,integrationintotheworldmarket,developmentofexporteconomies,reinforcementof
theexclusionofIndiansandblacks,andthepromotionofEuropeanimmigrationto‘whiten’thepopulation)wasindeedrelativelymarginal.Whywouldthat
bethecase?Becausetheélitesandthestatestheycontrolledhadattheirdisposal
othermechanismsforinsuringthereproductionofthesocialorder.Incarceration
wasindeedarelativelyunimportantcomponentoftheeconomicsofpowerin
mostLatinAmericancountriesduringthesecondhalfofthenineteenthcentury,
asillustratedbythecasesofMexicoandBrazil.
Mexicohadreachedanimportantdegreeofpoliticalstabilitybythemiddle
of the nineteenth century, at least in comparison with the chaotic decades of
thepostindependenceperiod,thankstoaseriesofliberaladministrationsthat
movedforwardtheconcomitantprocessesofsecularisation,institutionalbuilding, economic development, and the extension of civic rights to sizable segmentsofitspopulation.Atthesametime,though,thisveryprocessofliberalstate
consolidationopenedthewaytothecontinuationandstrengtheningofforms
of economic exploitation and labour control (debt peonage, land deprivation,
servitude) that affected large sectors of the rural and indigenous populations.
After1876theliberalpoliticalorderwasshatteredbytheimpositionofalongtermdictatorshipledbyGeneralPorfirioDíazthatlasteduntil1911.However,
liberaleconomicprovisions—thedestructionofcommunalland,theopeningof
Mexicotoforeigninvestment,andthedevelopingoftheexportsector,among
others—were forcefully maintained and even strengthened, this time coupled
withtheimplementationofbrutalsocial-andlabour-controlpoliciesthattargeted the indigenous and rural populations. Increased rural policing, for instance,helpedconsolidateasystemofquasi-feudalservitudeinwhichlabourand
personalcontrolwereexercisedbythelandlordclassesalmostwithoutlimit.17
While the Porfiriato proclaimed its modernity by embarking on the constructionofrailroadsinthecountrysideandboulevardsandtheatresinMexicoCity,
italsoworkedtoconsolidateancienrégimesocialandlabourstructures.Within
ancienrégime
thiscontexttherewasverylittleimpetustoadvancethecauseofprisonreform.
Duringmostofthenineteenthcentury,infact,theMexicanprisonsystem—
symbolised by the infamous Belem gaol in Mexico City—remained as rotten
andiniquitousasithadbeenduringthecolonialtimes.18Insteadofstrivingfor
areformedprisonsystemtheMexicanélitesresortedtoquiteoppressivepunitivemechanismssuchasthetransportationofrateros(pettythieves)totheValle
Nacional(NationalValley)inthestateofOaxaca,wheretheywerecontracted
outtolandowners,andfromwhere,accordingtowitnesses,theywouldneverreturn.19Thedramaticexpansionofthesystemofdebtpeonage,withitseconomic
andpunitiveingredients,exemplifiesthelinksbetweenthePorfirianmodernisationprojectandtheuseof‘pre-modern’formsofsocialandlabourcontrolsuch
asservitude,engancheandtransportation.
24
16
Aguirre,TheCriminalsofLima,pp.101–4;PadillaArroyo,DeBelemaLecumberri,pp.203–74;
LeónLeón,Encierroycorrección,vol.II,chapter7.
25
Friedrich Katz, La servidumbre agraria en México en la época porfiriana, Mexico City: Secretaría
deEducaciónPública,1976;PaulVanderwood,DisorderandProgress:Bandits,police,andMexican
development,Wilmington,DE:ScholarlyResources,1992.
18
PadillaArroyo,DeBelemaLecumberri,pp.218–29;LaurenceJ.Rohlfes,‘PoliceandPenalCorrectioninMexicoCity,1876–1911:AstudyoforderandprogressinPorfirianMexico’,PhD
thesis,TulaneUniversity,1983,pp.204–11.
19
Rohlfes,‘Police and Penal Correction’, pp. 256–63.The verses included in a leaflet entitled
‘Tristísimaslamentacionesdeunenganchado’(‘Saddestlamentationsofanindenturedworker’),
accompaniedbyanengravingbyfamousartistJoséGuadalupePosada,statedthatitwasbetter
tobeintheBelemgaol,‘eatingbeefbrothandgamusawithcoffee’,thanattheValleNacional,
atestimonytothehorrorsofthelatterasadestinationforcriminals.ReproducedinPatrick
Frank,Posada’sBroadsheets:Mexicanpopularimagery,1880–1910,Albuquerque,NM:University
ofNewMexicoPress,1998,p.44.
17
PrisonsandPrisonersinModernisingLatinAmerica
PrisonsandOtherCentresofConfinementforWomen
Brazil,ontheotherhand,hadattainedindependencefromPortugalin1822
throughaskilfulnegotiationofsocialandpoliticaloptionsthatresultedinthe
maintenanceofboththemonarchyandslaveryasthecornerstonesofBrazilian
society.Althoughliberal-mindedreformershadbeenabletoimplementanarray
of policies aimed at creating a modern system of justice, those projects were
boundtohavelittleimpactinasocietyorganisedalongdrasticsocio-legal(freevs
slave)andracial(whitevsblack)hierarchicallines.Policingandpunitivemethods,
asmanyscholarshaveemphasised,weregearedfirstandforemosttoguarantee
themaintenanceofthesocial,labourandracialorderofwhichslaverywasthe
essential factor. Patterns of policing and arrest in coffee and sugar production
areasreflectedtheneedtoguaranteethesupplyoflabourforceandthesocial
control of the slave and free black population. Prisons and punishment were
used,inthiscontext,mainlyaschannelstopromotethecontinuationofexportoriented, slave-based labour.20A Brazilian prison reformer blamed‘slavocracy’
(theslave-owningélite)fortheslowpaceofprisonreforminBahia,wherethe
privatecorrectionofslavesandotherworkerswasthepreferredpunitivemethod
forbothauthoritiesandslaveowners.21
Asslavery,andthustheprivateexerciseofpower,begantodeclineandsocial
control issues became more pressing, the relatively undeveloped conditions of
theBrazilianprisonsystemmadeitnecessaryfortheBrazilianstatetoseekother
alternativestodealwiththegrowingnumberofoffenders,provideaminimum
ofsecuritytotheurbanpropertiedclasses,andimposestrictmechanismsofsocialcontroloverthefreedblackpopulation.Thesolutionwastousethearmyas
amassiveinstitutionofsocialcontrol.Thearmy,infact,becamethesinglelargestpenalinstitutioninBrazilduringmostofthesecondhalfofthenineteenth
century.Thousandsofpoor,mostlyblacksuspectswereforcefullydraftedinto
thearmythroughimpressmentasameansofpunishmentforallegedlybeingin
violationofthelaw(although,asisevident,nojudicialauthorityhadconvicted
themandthesuspectshadhadnorighttocontestthoseallegations);inother
casesjudges‘legally’sentpettyoffenderstoserveinthearmy.‘Brazil’sunderdevelopedpenalsystemledadministratorstodependonthearmyasaninstitutionofpenaljustice’,statesPeterBeattie,addingthat‘theBrazilianarmy’ssize,
its share of national budgets, and its pre-eminent role in the management of
government-legitimatedviolencemadeittheprimaryinstitutionalbridgebetweentheStateandthe“criminal”underworld.’22While,atitshighest,theentire
prisonsystemhousedabout10,000individuals,thearmyenlistedbetween8,000
and12,000menandadolescentsthathadbeenconsidered‘criminal’.Atthevery
leastthearmywasresponsibleforaboutthesamenumberof‘criminals’asthe
entireBrazilianpenalsystem.NowondertheBrazilianélitesandstatebuilders
showedlittleenthusiasmfordevelopinganetworkofreformedcarceralinstitutions.Asocialstructureinwhichfirstslaveryandthencoronelismo(bossism)were
thedominantformsofpowerwasnotconducivetotheembracingofprisonreformpackagespredicatedonquitedifferentsocialarrangements.23
26
PRISONSANDOTHERCENTRESOFCONFINEMENTFORWOMEN
PerhapstheonlytruepenalinnovationimplementedinLatinAmericancountries
duringthesecondhalfofthenineteenthcenturywastheopeningoffemaleonlyprisonsandhousesofcorrection.Femaleinmateshadusuallybeensecluded
inmale-dominatedgaolsandprisons,whichcreatedobviouscomplicationsfor
administratorsandgeneratedanumberofabusesandproblemsforfemaleinmates.Theinitiativetocreatecentresofdetentionforwomenusuallycamenot
from state officials or prison reformers, but from philanthropic and religious
groups.TheSistersoftheGoodShepherd,acongregationthathadbeenactive
intheadministrationofprisonsinFrance,Canadaandothercountries,beganto
administerhousesofcorrectionforwomenincitiessuchasSantiagodeChile
(1857),Lima(1871)andBuenosAires(1880)withtheenthusiasticsupportofthe
respectivegovernments,eagertoalleviatesomeofthetensionsexistingwithin
prisonsandtofreethemselvesfromtheresponsibilitiesofbuildingandadministeringfemale-onlyinstitutionsofconfinement.Prevailingnotionsabouthow
to‘treat’womenwerealsobehindthesedecisions:accordingtostandardinterpretations,criminalwomenneededlessofamilitaristicstructureandmoreofa
loving,maternalenvironmenttoberegenerated.Femalecriminals,asLilaCaimarisuggests,‘wereperceivedasoccasionalcriminals,victimsoftheirownmoral
weaknesses,whichweremostlikelytheresultofirrationalityandlackofintelligence.’24Itisrevealingthatmid-nineteenth-centurydebatesonprisonreform
Beattie,TheTributeofBlood,pp.135–6.
RicardoD.Salvatore,‘Penitentiaries,VisionsofClass,andExportEconomies:BrazilandArgentinacompared’inSalvatoreandAguirre(eds),TheBirthofthePenitentiary,pp.194–223.
24
LilaCaimari,‘WhoseCriminalsareThese?Church,state,andPatronatosandtherehabilitation
offemaleconvicts(BuenosAires,1890–1940)’,TheAmericas,54,2(October1997),p.190;see
22
ThomasHolloway,PolicingRiodeJaneiro,StanfordUniversityPress,1993;MarthaK.Huggins,
FromSlaverytoVagrancyinBrazil:CrimeandsocialcontrolintheThirdWorld,NewBrunswick,NJ:
RutgersUniversityPress,1985.
21
QuotedinSalvatoreandAguirre,‘TheBirthofthePenitentiary’,p.16.
20
27
23
PrisonsandPrisonersinModernisingLatinAmerica
TheEraofScientificPenology
thatledtothebuildingofpenitentiaries,orthoseoncriminalityasinformedby
positivistdoctrinesafter1870,didnottaketheissuesofbothfemalecriminality
andfemaleimprisonmentseriously.Theusuallylownumbersoffemalecriminals
andinmatesseemtohaveconvincedprisonreformersandcriminologiststhat
therewasnoneedforconcerninthatregard.
Thestatesgenerallytooka‘hands-off ’approachregardingtheseandotherinstitutionsofconfinementforwomen.Theyfunctionedassemi-autonomousentitiesnotsubjecttostateregulationormonitoringandclearlyviolatedthelawby
allowingtheseclusionofwomen(wives,daughtersorservants)withoutajudicial
mandate. Despite intermittent protests—from the victims of these detentions,
someoftheirrelativesorindependentobservers—mostoftheseinstitutionsof
confinementcontinuedtooperateonthemarginsofthelegalcarceralsystem.
These institutions, that we could generically call‘houses of deposit’, included
notonlyprisonsforindictedorconvictedwomen,butalsocorrectionalfacilities
thathostedthewives,daughters,sistersandservantsofupper-andmiddle-class
menwhowantedtopunish,orgiveawarningto,allegedlywaywardwomenand
adolescent girls.25 Strict hierarchical rules permeated the relationship between
nunsandinmatesintheseinstitutions,andtherewasalwaysatendencyonthe
partoftheSisterstotrytopreventtheseinmatesfromgoingbacktothe‘world’
tofaceallkindsofrisksandchallenges.Thenotionthatthe‘femalecharacter’
wasweakerthanthatofmen,andtheideathatwomenneededprotectionagainst
mundanetemptationsandthreats,werepervasiveamongbothstateandreligious
authorities.
Prisons and houses of correction for women followed the house-convent
model:inmateswerepurportedlytreatedaswaywardsistersneedingnotharsh
punishmentbutlovingcareandgoodexamples.Prayingandmenialworkwere
conceived as fundamental in the process of regeneration for female offenders.
Inmates were put to work in trades‘proper’ to their sex (sewing, laundering,
handicraftsandcooking)and,whenfeasible,werereleasedtoworkasdomestic
servantsinthehousesofdecent,upper-classfamilies,soastocompletetheir‘regeneration’undertheclosesurveillanceoftheiremployers.26
Althoughtherewerevoicesopposedtothestate’syieldingofitsauthorityin
favourofreligiousorders,mostfemaleinmatesservedtheirprisontimesunder
thesurveillanceandspiritualandmoralguidanceofreligioussisters.Beginning
inthe1920sthestatesgraduallybegantoexercisegreaterauthorityoverfemale
prisoners,butsometimeseventhesestate-runprisonsforwomenwereputunder
theadministrationofreligiousorders.Thediscussionasto‘whosecriminalsare
these’wouldcontinuewayintothesecondhalfofthetwentiethcentury.
28
alsoMaríaSoledadZárate,‘ViciousWomen,VirtuousWomen:Thefemaledelinquentandthe
SantiagodeChileCorrectionalHouse,1860–1900’inSalvatoreandAguirre(eds),TheBirth
ofthePenitentiary,pp.78–100,andMaríaJoséCorreaGómez,‘Demandaspenitenciarias:DiscusiónyreformadelascárcelesdemujeresenChile(1930–1950)’,Historia(SantiagodeChile),
38,1(2005),pp.9–30;CarlosAguirre,‘Mujeresdelincuentes,prácticaspenales,yservidumbre
domésticaenLima,1862–1930’inScarlettO’Phelanetal.(comp.),FamiliayVidaCotidianaen
América Latina, Siglos XVIII–XX
XVIII–XX, Lima: IFEA/Instituto RivaAgüero/Pontificia Universidad
Católica,2003,pp.203–26.
25
Aguirre,‘Mujeresdelincuentes’;KristinRuggiero,‘“HousesofDeposit”andtheExclusionof
WomeninTurn-of-the-CenturyArgentina’inCarolynStrangeandAlisonBashford(eds),Isolation:Placesandpracticesofexclusion,NewYork:Routledge,2003,pp.119–32.
29
THEERAOFSCIENTFICPENOLOGY
Around the turn of the twentieth century some important developments in
prisondesign,administrationandfunctioningtookplaceinseveralcountriesin
LatinAmerica,alloftheminonewayoranotherresultingfromtheincreased
incorporationoftheregionintotheinternationaleconomyandthestrong,albeit
stillambiguous,movetowardscapitalistmodernisation.BytheendofthenineteenthcenturythelastSpanishcolonies(CubaandPuertoRico)hadattained
theirindependence(onlytobecometerritoriesunderUScontrol,though),the
lastslavesocieties(CubaandBrazil)hadabolishedslavery,andexporteconomieswereflourishingalmosteverywhere,fromMexicoandCentralAmericato
ChileandArgentina,withseveralvisibleeffectsonpatternsofeconomicdevelopment,labourrelations,urbanisationandbothinternalandinternationalmigration.LatinAmericanélitesweremoreoptimisticthaneveraboutthepotential
fortransformingtheirsocietiesintomodernandcivilisedcountries,buttheystill
hadtodealwithaperceivedmajorhindrance:thepresenceoflargesegments
of the population living outside the law, unwilling to accept the invitation to
behavein‘civilised’ways,andnotquiteintegratedintotheexport-orientedand
capitalisteconomicboom.Asithappened,mostofthemwerealsodark-skinned,
whichaddedtotheanxietiesofEuropeanisedélitesinwhoseimaginationsonly
a‘whiter’populationcouldinfactbringtheircountriesintocivilisation.Whatto
dowiththesepopulations—whetherornottheywouldorshouldbeincludedas
partofthenationalcommunity—wasthecentralquestionthatintellectualsand
statemakersdebatedasthenineteenthcenturywounddown.27
Aguirre,‘Mujeresdelincuentes’,pp.219–20.
ForasampleofstudiesaboutthesedebatesindifferentcountriesofLatinAmericaseeTulio
HalperinDonghi(ed.),Sarmiento:Authorofanation,Berkeley,CA:UniversityofCaliforniaPress,
26
27
PrisonsandPrisonersinModernisingLatinAmerica
TheEraofScientificPenology
Criminologyasanewfieldofscientificinquirybegantoflourishinmost
countries of Latin America precisely at that conjuncture, around the 1880s,
promisingtoyieldbothexplanationsandsolutionstocriminalbehaviour,but
alsocriticallyaddressing,asRobertBuffingtonamongothershasconvincingly
arguedforthecaseofMexico,centralquestionsofnationhoodandcitizenship.28
Lombrosiannotionsaboutthe‘borncriminal’wereamplydiscussedandgenerallydismissed,butothertenetsofpositivistcriminology—theconnectionsbetweencrimeandrace,inheritanceandmentalillness,forexample—weremore
favourablyreceivedbylate-nineteenth-centuryLatinAmericancriminologists.
Asseveralstudieshavedemonstrated,thewayinwhichcriminologistsmerged
raceandcrimeintheiranalysisofsocialdeviancebothreflectedandreproduced
thelong-heldnotionthatnon-whitegroupsweremorelikelytoactcriminally
andmoredifficulttoreformthanthewhite(orwhiter)populations.29
OneofthemostcommonformulationsproposedbyLatinAmericancriminologists—again,borrowingfromsimilardebatesinEurope—wastheso-called
‘socialquestion’,apressingsocialpredicamentresultingfromthecombinationof
urbancriminality,disease,povertyandpoliticalandsocialunrestthatthreatened,
intheperceptionoféliteobservers,theintegrityofthenationandthecontinuationofeconomicgrowth.Theseperceivedthreatsbroughttotheforefrontdebatesaboutcrime,socialdisorderandpunishmentthatweregenerallyinformed
bypositivism—recentlyimportedfromEuropeandwidelyadoptedamongintellectual,legalandscientificcirclesinmostLatinAmericancountries—which
attracted the sympathies of the majority of penal reformers and state makers.
Positivism,infact,wasusedtoproposeandsustainquitedifferentsocio-political
regimes,whichspeaksaboutitsambiguitiesandadaptability.Regimesasdiverse
asthePorfiriatoinMexico(1876–1911),theOncenioofAugustoLeguíainPeru
(1919–30),therestrictedparliamentarydemocraciesofearly-twentieth-century
ArgentinaandChile,thepro-USdictatorshipofGerardoMachadoinCubaand
eventhepost-revolutionaryMexicanstateeachborrowedheavilyfrompositivismintheirapproachtogovernment,populationmanagement,education,the
promotionofdifferentformsofracialisedpoliciesandeffortsatcrimecontrol.30
Statepoliciesinformedbypositivismsharedthesameimpulsetowardssearchingforscientificsolutionstosocialproblems,adeep-seatedconfidenceinthe
superiorityofWesternsocietalmodelsand,moreambiguous,abeliefinthehierarchicalnatureofracialdivisions.Legalcodesbegantoincorporatethetenets
ofpenalpositivism—indeterminatesentence,thenotionofdangerousness,the
individualisedtreatmentofthecriminal—eveniftheywerenotalwaysimmediatelytranslatedintojudicialpractice.31Medicallanguageandformsofdiagnosis
begantobewidelyusedinbothacademicdebatesandstatepractices—includingnotonlythecriminaljusticesystem,butalsoeducation,healthandmilitary
reform,tonamebutafewareasofstateintervention—totheextentthatsome
scholarshavespokenabouttheemergenceofa‘medico-legalstate’.32
Between roughly 1900 and 1930 scientific criminology and penology had
its heyday in LatinAmerica. Science and, quite prominently, medicine began
toinformthedesignofprisonregimes,theimplementationofprisontherapies
andtheevaluationofinmates’behaviour.Medicalandcriminologicaljournals,
universitytheses,internationalconferencesand,especially,theimplementationof
researchfacilitiesinsideprisonsofferedthespectacleofscientific,intellectualand
socialéliteseagertostudythe‘socialproblem’ofcrimeandputforwardsolutions
that,becausetheywereproducedinthenameofscience,wereexpectedtobe
embracedbysocietyatlarge.Positivistcriminologyhadavisible,butstilluneven
andambiguous,impactontheprisonsystemsinanumberofcountriesinthe
1994;MónicaQuijadaetal.,HomogeneidadyNación.Conunestudiodecaso:Argentina,siglosXIX
yXX,Madrid:ConsejoSuperiordeInvestigacionesCientíficas,2000;MarkThurner,FromTwo
yXX
RepublicstoOneDivided:Contradictionsofpost-colonialnationmakinginAndeanPeru,Durham,NC:
Duke University Press, 1997; Florencia Mallon, Peasant and Nation:The making of postcolonial
MexicoandPeru,Berkeley,CA:UniversityofCaliforniaPress,1995;AdaFerrer,InsurgentCuba:
Race,nation,andrevolution,ChapelHill,NC:UniversityofNorthCarolinaPress,1999;andLarson,TrialsofNation-making.
28
RobertBuffington,CriminalandCitizeninModernMexico,Lincoln,NE:UniversityofNebraska
Press,2000.
29
Salvatore,‘Penitentiaries’,pp.204–5;CarlosAguirre,‘Crime,Race,andMorals:Thedevelopment of criminology in Peru (1890–1930)’, Crime, History, Societies, 2, 2 (1998), pp. 73–90;
Buffington,CriminalandCitizen,chapter7;Piccato,CityofSuspects:CrimeinMexicoCity,1900–
1931,Durham,NC:DukeUniversityPress,2001,p.58.
30
30
31
ForMexico,seeBuffington,CriminalandCitizen;forCuba,AlejandraBronfman,Measuresof
Equality:Socialscience,citizenship,andraceinCuba,1902–1940,ChapelHill,NC:Universityof
NorthCarolinaPress,2004;forPeru,CarlHerbold,‘DevelopmentsofthePeruvianAdministrativeSystem,1919–1939:Modernandtraditionalqualitiesofgovernmentunderauthoritarian
regimes’,Ph.D.dissertation,YaleUniversity,1973;forArgentina,RicardoSalvatore,‘Positivist
Criminology and State Formation in ModernArgentina (1890–1940)’ in Peter Becker and
Richard F.Wetzell (eds), Criminals andTheir Scientists:The history of criminology in international
perspective,NewYork:CambridgeUniversityPress,2006,pp.253–80.
31
Aguirre,TheCriminalsofLima,pp.53–60;ElisaSpeckmanGuerra,Crimenycastigo:Legislación
penal,interpretacionesdelacriminalidadyadministracióndejusticia(CiudaddeMexico,1872–1910),
MexicoCity:ElColegiodeMexico/UNAM,2002,pp.93–105;Buffington,CriminalandCitizen,pp.120–3.
32
Salvatore,‘PositivistCriminology’,p.254.
PrisonsandPrisonersinModernisingLatinAmerica
TheEraofScientificPenology
region.Twocasesstandoutasexamplesofthesedevelopments:thepenitentiaries
ofBuenosAires,ArgentinaandSãoPaulo,Brazil(laterrenamedas‘Instituteof
Regeneration’).The former, under the leadership of renowned criminologists
AntonioBallvéandJoséIngenieros,wastransformedintoamassiveresearchfacilityinwhichexpertsinmedicine,publichealth,psychiatry,anthropology,psychologyandcriminologyconductedresearchandproducedanumberofstudies
thatwouldoffervaluableinsightsintoanumberofsocialissues,notjustcriminality.Positivismguidedtheseefforts.AsRicardoSalvatorehasargued,‘positivismprovidedtherulingélitewiththeinstitutionalspaces,thetechnologiesof
power,andtherhetoricneededtoexercisepowermoreeffectivelyintheperiod
oftransitiontowardamoredemocraticrepublic.’Withinthatscheme,thepenitentiaryofBuenosAiresand,moreprecisely,itsInstituteofCriminology,came
toplayacrucialrole.33InBrazilasimilarrolewasplayedbytheInstituteofRegenerationofSãoPaulo,formedin1914afteracompleterenovationoftheSão
Paulopenitentiary.Amassivebuildingresemblingthearchitecturalmodelofthe
panopticon,itcontainedaprestigiousanthropometricalinstitutewhereresearch
was conducted using inmates as subjects. For criminologists and penologists
elsewhereinLatinAmerica,theInstituteofRegenerationwasasourceofboth
envy and pride.34 Similar research facilities were created in various prisons
throughouttheregion.35
Theseandotherprisonsthusbecamenotonlydepositsofinmatesand(allegedly)placesforrepentanceandreform,butalsositesfortheproductionof
knowledge about those inmates.They were constantly visited by physicians,
doctors, psychiatrists and anthropologists in search of primary materials with
whichtoofferinterpretationsaboutcriminalsandthesocialquestion.PioneeringcriminologicalstudiesconductedbyJulioGuerreroandCarlosRoumagnac
inMexico,NinaRodriguesinBrazil,FernandoOrtizandIsraelCastellanosin
Cuba andAbraham Rodríguez in Peru were all based on research conducted
insidetheprisons.Eveniftheoutcomeoftheirresearchwasnotalwaysoriginal,
scientificallysound(evenbythestandardsofthatera)orparticularlyrelevant,
theproductionofknowledgebasedonprisonresearchdidhaveanimpacton
thewaysinwhichthesocialandpoliticalélitesviewedthe‘socialquestion’and
triedtoaddressthechallengesthatmodernisationpresentedtotheirstrategiesof
governance.Althoughitisdifficulttosummarisethehighlydissimilarproductionoftheseresearchers,whichinturnreflectedthevarietyofsocial,political,
culturalandracialsettingsinwhichtheirworkwasbeingconducted,thereare
afewcommonelementsthatsurfacefromtheirwork:1)theyposited,withdifferentemphases,acombinationofbiological,culturalandsocialfactorsbehind
criminal behaviour; 2) they identified specific groups of individuals that were
considered‘dangerous’,whennotinborncriminals,andwhowereusuallymembersofthepoor,uneducatedandnon-whitesocialgroups;3)politicaldoctrines
suchasanarchismandsocialismwereconsidereddangeroussourcesofunrestand
violence,andthusalsopotentialsourcesofcriminalbehaviour;4)theyoffered
solutionstocrimeandthesocialquestionthatincludedmoreintrusiveforms
ofstateinterventionsuchascompulsoryeducation,urbanreformsandvarious
typesofeugenicistproposals;and5)manyofthemsuggestedthattheassimilationofIndiansandblacksandnottheirextermination(aspreviousevolutionary
theorieshadsuggested)wasthedesiredpathtobuildmoreinclusivebutstillhierarchically-orderednationalcommunities.Fromelaborationsoncrimetoambitiousproposalsforsocialengineeringandnationbuilding,theworkofpositivist
researcherswasprobablythemostimportantcontributionofthiseraofscientific
penologyinLatinAmerica.
Thiseraalsobroughtabout—andforthelasttime—aperiodofrelativeoptimismintheimplementationofprisonreformpackages;thistime,however,the
notionofthe‘regeneration’ofthecriminalasthemaingoalwassomehowovershadowed by the goal of transforming prisons into well-administered institutions.Inotherwords,the‘reformofprisons’superseded,butdidnotcompletely
suppress,the‘reformofprisoners’asthemainobjectiveofpenalreformers.The
optimismseemstohavecomemostlyfromthepolicy-makers’confidenceinthe
abilityofthestatetoeffectivelyimplementitsmandates.Thebeliefinthepower
ofsciencetogenerateknowledgeabout,andsolutionsto,awidearrayofsocial
problems,includingcrimeandcriminalbehaviour,infusedthepoliciesofboth
strongerandwealthierstates.Ifanything,theeraofscientificpenologyproduced
anincreasingintrusionofthestatesintothedailylivesofprisoners,asitdidinto
thelivesofsubalterngroupsmoregenerally.
Theimplementationofresearchfacilitiesinsideprisonswasinfactconceived
aspartofambitiouspackagesthatincluded,amongotherreforms,buildingmore
andlargerprisons,regulatingandimprovingprisonwork,creatingbureausfor
theconstantevaluationofprisoners,andcentralisingtheadministrationofprisonsunderasinglestateagency.Techniquesofidentificationandrecording(the
useofphotographs,IDcards,biographicaldatabasesanddactyloscopicmethods)
32
Ibid.
SalvatoreandAguirre,‘TheBirthofthePenitentiary’,pp.9–10.
35
NydiaCruz,‘Reclusión,controlsocial,ycienciapenitenciariaenPueblaenelsigloXIX’,Siglo
XIX:RevistadeHistoria,12(1992);Aguirre,TheCriminalsofLima,pp.98–9.
33
34
33
PrisonsandPrisonersinModernisingLatinAmerica
DailyLifeandPrisoners’Agency
werewidelyimplementedfromatleastthe1880s.36Theso-calledVucetichsystemepitomisesthesuccessesandhopesofthiseraofscientificandtechnological
progressincrimecontrolmethods.JuanVucetich,aCroatianimmigrantinArgentina,wasthefirsttodevelopanidentification,classificationandfilingsystem
basedonfingerprintstoreplacetheinadequateand‘annoying’Bertillonanthropometricmethodofidentificationandclassificationofcriminals.37TheVucetich
system—whichalloweditscreatortosolveacaseofinfanticidein1892,thefirst
onetohavebeenallegedlysolvedusingfingerprints,andgavehim,inashort
timespan,internationalcelebrity—wasquicklyadoptedinmanyothercountries,evenbeyondtheregion,andwasseenasanimportantstepintheimplementationofscientificformsofpolicingandcrimecontrol.38Closerandmore
efficientcollaborationbetweenprisonsandpoliceandjudicialauthoritieswere
pursuedandusuallyattained.Databasessuchasphotographicrecordsofcriminals,biographicalcardsforcriminals,workersandservants,healthrecordsforinmates,andmanyotherswerewidely,albeitunevenly,implementedandused.As
aresultcriminologistsandpenologists—again,probablyforthelasttime—came
to enjoy an unusual degree of social and political prestige and authority that
reachedwellbeyondthewallsofprisonsandinstitutesofcriminology.AsSalvatorehasarguedforthecaseofArgentina,theinfluenceofpositivistcriminology
couldbeidentifiedinatleasttwointerrelatedareas:‘(a)disciplinaryinstitutions
adoptedideas,concepts,andpoliciesforthecontrol,rehabilitation,andresocialisationof“deviant”populationssuggestedbypositivistcriminologists;and(b)the
state’severydaypracticescametoreflect(inrelationtothegeneralpopulation)
concepts,categories,andprocedurespioneeredbycriminologists.’39
Whatkindsofeffectsdidthespreadofscientificpenologyhaveonprisons?
Whatwereitsimplicationsforthetreatmentofprisonersandthevicissitudesof
dailylifeinsidetheinstitutionsofconfinement?Werestateauthoritiesableto
reduce significantly previously existing hindrances such as overcrowding, corruption,abuseandinhumaneconditions?Basedontheavailablescholarship,the
emergingpictureisoneofcontinuitywiththepastratherthanchangeandimprovement.Withthepossibleexceptionofafewmajordetentioncentres,such
asthepenitentiaryofBuenosAires,thatcouldbeconsidered‘well-orderedprisons’(toborrowaphraseusedbyRandallMcGowen),40mostLatinAmerican
statesfailedtotransformtheirprisonsystems.True,additionalprisonswerebuilt,
someexistingonesweremodernised,livingconditionswereimprovedforsmall
numbersofinmates,andtightersecuritywasadded,butbytheendofthe1930s
inmostcountriesofLatinAmericaprisonnetworksshowedclearevidenceof
distress,inefficiencyandcorruption.OnlyinArgentinadidthemodernisation
of the prison system under the aegis of positivism seem to have achieved at
leastsomeofitsgoals.AsLilaCaimariwroteaftersummarisingthechangeseffectedbetween1933and1940—whichincludedtheconstructionofelevennew
‘model’prisonsandtheoverhaulofanumberofexistinggaols—‘theidealofthe
ordered,modernandscientificprisonconfirmeditsvalidityattheheartofthe
(Argentine)state.’41Almosteverywhereelsethepictureofferedbyoutsideobservers,prisonadministratorsandinmateswasoneofcorruptionandinefficiency
and,fromthestandpointoftheprisoners,ofsufferingandneglect.Sciencedid
nothelpredeemtheprisoner.
34
Aguirre,TheCriminalsofLima,p.73.
OntheVucetichsystemseeJuliaRodriguez,‘EncodingtheCriminal:Criminologyandthescienceof“SocialDefense”inmodernizingArgentina(1880–1921)’,PhDdissertation,Columbia
University,1999,and‘South-AtlanticCrossings:Fingerprints,science,andthestateinturn-ofthe-centuryArgentina’, American Historical Review, 109, 2 (2004). See also Kristin Ruggiero,
‘FingerprintingandtheArgentinePlanforUniversalIdentificationintheLateNineteenthand
EarlyTwentiethCenturies’inJaneCaplanandJohnTorpey(eds),DocumentingIndividualIdentity:
Thedevelopmentofstatepracticesinthemodernworld,PrincetonUniversityPress,2001,pp.184–96.
38
AsKristinRuggieropointsout,Vucetich’sambitiousvisionwastoturnhissystemintosomethingmuchlargerthanjustanewcriminologicaldevice.Heenvisionedacompleterevolution
inthemeansbywhichinformationabouthumanbeingswasfiled.Thegoalwastocreate‘a
universalsystemofidentification’.Ruggiero,‘Fingerprinting’,p.192.
39
Salvatore,‘PositivistCriminology’,pp.255.
36
37
35
DAILYLIFEANDPRISONERS’AGENCY
Although prison conditions were usually quite deficient for both men and
women,theexistingevidencesuggeststhatthelatterfaredsignificantlybetter.
Maleprisonswereusuallydescribedastruehells:overcrowding,violence,lack
of hygiene, insufficient food, corporal punishment, terrible health conditions,
sexualandothertypesofabusesandexcessiveworkarejustsomeofthefeatures
oflifeinprisonthatwereconstantlyreportedduringmostoftheperiodunder
review.TheMexicoCityBelemgaolwasdescribedas‘aboxthatcontainsallthe
abjectionsanddejectionsofasocietyinformation’.42InLima’sGuadalupegaol,
accordingtoawitness,‘acrowdofmenwerelyingdown,likeincarnationsof
Randall McGowen,‘TheWell-Ordered Prison: England, 1780–1865’ in Norval Morris and
DavidRothman(eds),TheOxfordHistoryofthePrison:ThepracticeofpunishmentinWesternsociety,
NewYork:OxfordUniversityPress,1995,pp.71–99.
41
Caimari,Apenasundelincuente,p.123.
42
QuotedinPadilla,DeBelemaLecumberri,p.242.
40
36
PrisonsandPrisonersinModernisingLatinAmerica
brutalidleness!...hugerooms,humidandpoorlyventilated,serveasbedrooms;
eachbedisusedby40or50prisoners...Suchajailisunimaginableinthiscity,
soproudofitslustre.’43VillaDevoto,aninfamousgaolinBuenosAires,wasdescribedin1909as‘akingdomofarbitrariness,theabsoluteempireofdirtiness’.44
Matters were significantly worse at some institutions, in certain locations and
duringcertainperiods,butoverall,asinmanyothersocieties,dailylifeinprison
wasnotparticularlypleasant.However,oneimportantcaveatisworthmentioning:whilemoreorderlyandregimentedprisonssuchasmodernpenitentiaries
mayseemtohaveofferedbetterlivingconditionswhencomparedtofetidgaols,
theformerwerenotnecessarilyperceivedassuchbysomeinmateswhomay
havepreferredamoreuntidyandpoorlyadministeredone,suchasGuadalupe
orBelem,wheretheywouldnotfeeltheoverwhelminglyintrusivepresenceof
prisonregulationsandwouldhavemuchmoreleveragetonegotiatetheirconditionsofincarcerationwith‘weak’prisonadministrators.45
Inthecaseofinstitutionsofconfinementforwomen,livingconditionsappeartohavebeenmorebenign,althoughstilllackingandattimesquitepoor.
Althoughovercrowdingwasfrequentlyreported,violencedoesnotseemtohave
beenaspervasiveasinmaleprisons.Foodandhealthwereoverallquitetolerable,
but not for everybody. Scattered evidence suggests that mistreatment (includingphysicalchastisement)waspervasiveandthatabusivebehaviouronthepart
ofthenunswasalwaysaningredientintheotherwiseprofoundlyhierarchical
relationship established within these prison-convents.46 In both male and femaleprisons,though,conditionsoflivingdependedonspecificconfigurations
ofpower,prestigeandstatuswithintheinmatepopulation.Therewerealways
inmatesthatwereabletosecurerelativelysafeandbenignconditionsofincarceration,eveninsideoverallrottenprisons.
Theissueofraceintheshapingoftheworldoftheprisonismoredifficult
toassessandsummarise,especiallybecausewelackstudiesonwhichtobaseany
firm conclusions, and the countries we are surveying present quite dissimilar
racialandethnicconfigurations.Thefirstandmostobviousfindingisthatthe
majorityofinmatesgenerallybelongedtothenon-whiteracialgroups.Prison
populationsoverwhelminglycomprisedpoorIndians,blacksandmestizos,which
QuotedinAguirre,TheCriminalsofLima,p.103.
QuotedinCaimari,Apenasundelincuente,p.116.
45
ForprisonconditionsindifferentcountriesoftheregionseeAguirre,TheCriminalsofLima,
passim;LeónLeon,Encierroycorrección,vol.II,chapter7;FernándezLabbé,Prisióncomún,pp.
107–19;Padilla,DeBelemaLecumberri,pp.203–49;Piccato,CityofSuspects,pp.189–209.
46
Aguirre,‘Mujeresdelincuentes’,pp.223–4;Ruggiero,‘“HousesofDeposit”’,pp.126–8.
43
44
DailyLifeandPrisoners’Agency
37
1.PostcardshowingthefaçadeoftheLimapenitentiary,c.1900.
madeincarcerationasasocialandlegalpracticeonethatgreatlyreinforcedthe
overallsocio-racialstructuresofthesesocieties.IncasessuchasArgentinathatreceivedlargeimmigrantpopulationsfromEuropeinthelatenineteenthandearly
twentieth centuries, those foreign groups also came to represent a significant
proportionoftheincarceratedpopulation(andasubjectofconstantpreoccupationforauthoritiesandcriminologists).47InBraziltheoverwhelmingmajority
ofprisonerswereAfro-Brazilians.Between1860and1922,forexample,inmates
ofAfricandescentcomprised74percentoftheincarceratedpopulationatthe
Recife House of Detention.48 In Peru between 1870 and 1927 about 85 per
centofinmatesattheLimapenitentiarybelongedtonon-whitegroups,anda
similarpercentage(82.6percent)isfoundamongtheinmatepopulationatthe
Guadalupegaol.49
Intermsoftheadministrationofprisons,theclassificationandseparationof
inmatesaccordingtoracewasneverlegallysanctioned,butracialdivisionsand
tensions clearly shaped the forms and distribution of punishment, the allocationofprisonspaceandprivileges,andthedistributionofresourceswithinthe
SeeespeciallyRicardoD.Salvatore,‘Criminology,PrisonReform,andtheBuenosAiresWorkingClass’,JournalofInterdisciplinaryHistory,23,2(autumn1992),pp.279–99,andEugeniaScarzanella,Niindiosnigringos:Inmigración,criminalidad,yracismoenlaArgentina,1890–1940,Buenos
Aires:UniversidadNacionaldeQuilmes,2002.
48
Huggins,FromSlaverytoVagrancy,pp.88–9.
49
Aguirre,TheCriminalsofLima,p.228.
47
38
PrisonsandPrisonersinModernisingLatinAmerica
DailyLifeandPrisoners’Agency
39
prison.50 Racial biases informed the way inmates were treated by authorities,
guardsandfellowprisoners,withindigenousandblackprisonersusuallyreceivingpoorertreatmentthanwhitesandmestizos.Authoritiesandguards,butalso
fellow inmates, would generally share pervasive notions of social‘worthiness’
whendealingwithindividualsfromdifferentethnicbackgrounds.Basedonwhat
we know about the functioning of prisons, it seems fair to suggest that daily
lifeinsideprisonsreproducedtheformsofinteraction,hierarchiesandconflict
amongdifferentethnicgroupsthatexistedintheoutsideworld.Inmanycases
departmentsorspecialaccommodationswerecreatedfor‘distinguished’inmates,
usuallymembersoftheupperandwhite/mestizoclasses.51Thus,evenifprisons
werenotconceivedofasracially-segregatedinstitutions,asinotherareasofthe
world,theyusuallyreproduced,intheirdailyfunctioning,theracialstructuresof
LatinAmericansocieties.Whatisworthemphasisingisthatracialdivisionswere
notalwaysforcefullyimposedbyprisonauthoritiesbutwereinfactsometimes
promotedbyinmatesthemselves,whoputinpracticeideasandnotionsabout
racialhierarchieslearnedintheoutsideworld.
Anotherimportantissueisthat‘race’wasfrequentlycodifiedintheuseof
descriptive socio-cultural labels that designated‘lowly’ individuals and helped
demarcateboundariesofacceptablebehaviour,citizenshiprightsandsocialworthiness,bothoutsideandinsidetheprisons.Termssuchaslépero,ratero,roto,jíbaro,
malandro,atorranteandthelike,thoughnotnecessarily‘racial’idioms,contributed
atorrante
tostigmatiselargesegmentsofthenon-whitepopulationthatwereviewedas
‘unworthy’andundeserving.Culturalconstructionsofracewereintricatelyconnectedtodiscussionsaboutcriminalityandmarginality.Theresultwastheusual
collapsing,intheimaginationofstateauthorities,criminologists,journalistsand
ordinarypeople,ofsocio-legalandracialcategories,whichcontributedtothe
intensificationofdiscriminatorypracticesagainstnon-white,lowerclasspopulations, and their mistreatment by the criminal justice systems.When a police
officerapprehendedasuspectandfiledhimwiththelabelof,say,‘recalcitrant
ratero’,hewasdoingmuchmorethansimplyputtinganindividualthroughthe
intricatelabyrinthofthejudicialsystem:hewastriggeringoffaseriesofactions
andreactionsthat,inmostcases,woulddisadvantagesuchanindividual.52
Ibid.,pp.176–9.
Piccato,CityofSuspects,p.201.
52
PabloPiccato,‘CuidadoconlosRateros:ThemakingofcriminalsinmodernMexicoCity’in
Salvatore,AguirreandJoseph(eds),CrimeandPunishment,pp.233–72;Aguirre,TheCriminalsof
Lima,pp.120–3.
50
51
2.OriginalplanoftheLimapenitentiary
PrisonsandPrisonersinModernisingLatinAmerica
PoliticalPrisoners
Asinothersocieties,inmatecommunitiescreatedtheirown‘prisonsub-cultures’thatstronglyresonatedbothinsideandoutsidetheprison.Specificforms
ofjargon,theuseoftattoos,thevariouspracticesassociatedwithhomosexual
relations,certainformsofmasculinityconnectedtovariousformsofcriminal
behaviour,andthepervasiverecoursetoviolencetosettledifferenceswereall
culturaldevicesthatdevelopedandwerenurturedinsideprisons,evenifthey
sometimesoriginatedintheoutsideworld.Thesemanifestationsofprisonsubculturecontributedtocreatebondsofcooperationandhorizontalreciprocity
amonginmates,butalsonurtured(andwerenurturedby)acuteformsofcompetitionandconflict.Prisoncommunities,afterall,wereneverhomogenoushuman
conglomerates but rather quite heterogeneous and fragmented collectives. On
theotherhandinmateswereusuallyquiteproactiveinseekingformsofsocialisation,entertainmentandrecreationthatwouldallowthem,wheneverpossible,to
alleviatethetormentsofprisonlife.Thepracticeoffootballandothersports,especiallyaftertheturnofthetwentiethcentury,wasquitepopularamonginmates
andwasusuallyencouragedbyprisonauthoritieswhosawinthemimportant
meanstopromotehealthyandsafedistractionsforinmates.Inmatesalsoengaged
inactivitiessuchasdrinkingandgamblingthat,althoughprohibitedbyprison
bylaws,werefrequentlyallowedbyauthoritieswhenitwasconvenienttotheir
interests.Asaresultofthesesocialpracticesprisonlifecouldbeatoncecolourful
anddreadful,funandhorrific,violentandplacid.
Prisoners’responsestoincarcerationshouldnotbeframedintermsofadichotomybetweenresistanceandaccommodation.Moreproductiveistoseetheir
behaviour(bothindividualandcollective)asencompassingaseriesofcomplex,
ambiguousandshiftingmechanismsofcopingwiththeirconditionsofincarceration.Againitisdifficulttomakecrudegeneralisations,butcertainpatterns
emergefromtheavailableliterature,patternsthat,infact,seemtobequitesimilar
tothosefoundinothersocieties.Prisoners’attitudesvariedwidelydependingon
theinstitutiontheyweresecludedin,theirindividualconditions(age,sex,place
of origin, race/ethnicity, social status, criminal background and so forth), the
legalconditionandlengthoftheirconfinementandtheparticularrelationship
establishedbetweeninmates,guardsandprisonauthorities.Thefirstconclusion
isthatprisonerswerealwaysactiveseekersofgreaterdegreesofautonomyand
leverage in the negotiation of prison rules, both among themselves and with
prisonguards.Thisinvolvedanumberofdifferentstrategiesincludingviolence
(orthethreatofviolence)andtheforgingofpatronagetieswithauthoritiesand
othermembersoftheprisoncommunity.Alsoimportanttounderlineisthefact
thatprisoncommunitieswerehighlydifferentiatedsocialgroupswithinwhich
clearly-establishedandoftenquitebrutalhierarchies(basedonthecombination
ofcriminalexperience,controlofexistingresourcesandillegaltrades,andthe
useofviolence)existed.Thusinmates,besideshavingtocopewiththeoppressivenessofprisonstructures,alsohadtorecognisethattheynowbelongedtoa
communityinwhichtheywouldnegotiatetheirwaybyconfrontingstructures
of power that sometimes they did not quite understand. Horizontal relations
ofsolidarity—basedonracial,regional,sexualorevenpoliticalaffinities—were
common,albeitalsoquitefragile.Enteringintorelationsofpatronageandcomplicitywithprisonadministratorsandguardswasfairlycommon,butalsodoubled-edgedandevendangerous.Resortingtodesperateattemptsatendingthe
oppressionofprisonlifethroughescapes,suicideandriotswascertainlyanoption(oftenquiterisky),althoughlesscommonlypursuedthantheotherstrategies.Therewereotherformsinwhichprisonersdemonstratedtheirwillingness
tofightback,and,indoingso,theydefinitelyshapedtheworldoftheprisonand
thenatureoftheprisonregimesbeingimposeduponthem:writinglettersto
newspapers,authoritiesandotheroutsiders,forinstance,todenouncetheirliving
conditionsandtocallattentiontotheirsuffering,ormanipulatingthekindsof
informationtheygavetoprisonexpertsandcriminologistsduringinterviewsor
evaluations.53Collectiveformsofresistanceandorganisationsurfacedfromtime
totime,anditseemsthattheybecamemorecommonwheninmatesbeganto
interactwithradicalpoliticalprisoners,especiallyintheearlytwentiethcentury.54
40
41
POLITICALPRISONERS
In most countries of LatinAmerica political imprisonment was widely used
throughoutthenineteenthcenturyagainstmembersofopposingfactions,outgoingadministrationsandconspirators,typically,albeitnotsolely,belongingto
theupperclassesofsociety.AuthoritarianadministrationssuchastheRosasregimeinArgentina(1829–52)usedimprisonmentasacentralingredientoftheir
overallstrategyofgovernmentandrepressionagainstpoliticalopponents;infact,
theysetaprecedentthatwouldreverberatethroughoutLatinAmericaduring
the various periods of successive military dictatorships. Other administrations
madelesssystematicuseofpoliticalimprisonment,althoughitwasalwaysaresourcetheyhadinhand,especiallygiventhehighlyvolatilepoliticalclimatethat
Caimari,Apenasundelincuente,pp.137–61;Aguirre,TheCriminalsofLima,pp.203–9.
For detailed portraits of prison life in various countries see León León, Encierro y corrección;
Padilla,DeBelemaLecumberri;Caimari,Apenasundelincuente;Picó,Eldíamenospensado;Aguirre,
TheCriminalsofLima;FernándezLabbé,Prisióncomún.
53
54
PrisonsandPrisonersinModernisingLatinAmerica
PoliticalPrisoners
characterised most LatinAmerican countries during this period of protracted
andunevenstateformation.
Politicalprisonerswereusuallysecludedinseparatesectionsofgaols,police
stations,prisonsandmilitarybarrackssincetradition,legislationandthepolitical
inmates’owndeterminationalmostalwaysguaranteedthattheywouldnotbe
mixedwithcommoncriminals.Thecategoryofpoliticalprisonerincludedvarioustypesofoffender:membersofthearmedforcesinvolvedinattemptedcoups;
officersofoutgoingadministrationsdeemedpoliticallydangerous;conspirators
andplottersagainsttherulingparty;individualsinvolvedindisturbancesagainst
votingprocedures;andopponentsofcolonialisminthecaseofCubaandPuerto
Rico.Politicalimprisonmentinthenineteenthcenturywas,fromtimetotime,
thesubjectofpublicdenunciations,butonlyrarelydiditreachwideaudiences
orhaveanimpact—asasubjectofdiscussion—onbroaderpoliticalorlegaldebates.An important exception is the pamphlet written by Cuban patriot José
Martí, Political Imprisonment in Cuba (1871), a damning indictment of Spanish
colonialisminCubaandapowerfulcallforpatrioticactionagainstit.55
The use of political imprisonment would become much more widespread
and sustained towards the late nineteenth and early twentieth century, when
radicalsocial,politicalandlabourmovementsinfluencedbyanarchist,socialist,
communistandnationalistideologieschallengedtheoligarchicstatesandwere
confrontedwithmassiverepression,includingthepoliticalimprisonmentofhundreds,ifnotthousands,ofindividualsbelonging,forthemostpart,tothemiddle
andworkingclassesofsociety.TheadministrationsofLeguíainPeru(1919–30),
MachadoinCuba(1925–33),JuanVicenteGómezinVenezuela(1908–35),PorfirioDíazinMexico(1876–1911)andvariousregimesinArgentina(1900–30)
madesystematicuseofpoliticalimprisonment.InfamousprisonssuchastheIslas
Maríaspenalisland,theSanJuandeUlúafortressandtheMexicoCitypenitentiary(alsoknownasthe‘LecumberriPalace’)inMexico,theUshuaiapenal
islandandtheVillaDevotogaolinArgentina,theJuanFernándezarchipelagoin
Chile,theLimapenitentiaryor‘panóptico’andtheElFrontónpenalislandin
Peru,orthePresidioModeloinCubahostedscoresofpoliticalprisonersand
becamesynonymouswithoppressionandtorture.
Oneofthemostinteresting(andpotentiallydisrupting)issuesregardingpoliticalimprisonmentwastherelationshipbetweenpoliticalinmatesandcommon
criminals.Thepresenceoflargenumbersofpoliticalprisonersamongthecriminalpopulationcreatedtensionsbetweenthosetwogroups,butalsothepotential
forfurtherdestabilisationoftheprisonsystem.Thecohabitationwithcommon
criminals was a source of constant debate and protest on the part of political
prisoners; while in most cases they were housed in separate cells, pavilions or
buildings,therewereinstancesinwhich,asameanstomaketheirpunishment
evenharsher,politicalprisonerswereforcedtosharethesamespaceswithcommoncriminals.56Generallypoliticalprisonersdetestedthepopulationofcommoncriminalsonthebasisoftheirsupposedlackofpoliticalconsciousness,their
allegedmoraldegeneration,therecruitmentofcriminalsasinformantsworking
forthepoliticalpoliceand,quitefrequently,theracialandclassprejudicesheld
bypoliticalprisoners.Politicalprisonersalwaystriedtoconveyasenseofmoral
superiorityvis-à-viscommoncriminalsand,infrontofprisonguardsandauthorities,theywantedtoappearmore‘worthy’thanthevulgarthieforthedreadfulassassin.Theyadamantlydemandedrespectfortheirrightsandexpectedto
receiveappropriatetreatmentfromauthorities,whichtypicallymeantnottobe
treated‘likecriminals’orphysicallymixedwiththem.Atthesametime,though,
thepresenceofpoliticalprisonersbelongingtoradicalmovementswasboundto
generatetensionsthatjeopardisedtheinternalorderofprisons,notleastbecause
oftheirpotentialimpactoverthecommunityofcommoncriminals.Infactthere
wereoccasionsinwhichbothgroupsjoinedforcestoconfrontauthoritiesand
demandcertainrightsorthefulfilmentofobligations.Inadditionpoliticalprisonerssawincommoncriminalspotentialcollaboratorsandonoccasionsmade
proselytising efforts among them.As Lila Caimari suggests, the experience of
theprisonallowedleftistmilitantstoaccumulateinformationontherealitiesof
prisonsandmadethemmoresensitivetotheneedsofthecriminalpopulation.57
Forcommoncriminals,ontheotherhand,thepresenceofpoliticalprisoners
wasanopportunitytoseekanalliancewithindividualsthat,duetotheirsocial
connections,knowledgeofthelegalintricaciesofthejusticesystemandlevelsof
organisationbothinsideandoutsidetheprison,representedimportantresources
intheireffortstoimprovetheirconditionsofincarcerationandpossiblytoattain
freedomorparole.Caimarirecountsthecaseofalieutenantimprisonedin1932
forleadingafailedconspiracy.Commoninmateskepttellinghimtheywereinnocentandwereunjustlyservingprisontime,butoncetheydiscoveredthathe
didnothaveanyconnectionstoauthoritiesthatcouldhelpthemwiththeirsituation,theydidnothesitatetoconfesstheircrimestohim.58
42
55
JoséMartí,ElpresidiopoliticoenCuba,Madrid,1871.
Caimari,Apenasundelincuente,p.124–35;Aguirre,TheCriminalsofLima,pp.132–9.
Caimari,Apenasundelincuente,p.126.
58
Ibid.
56
57
43
PrisonsandPrisonersinModernisingLatinAmerica
Conclusion
Politicalprisonerswrotememoirsandtestimonies,smuggledletters,organisedpartycellsinsideprisons,andengagedinmyriadotherwaysofconfrontationwithstatepower.Bydoingsotheycreatedapowerfulimaginaryaboutthe
prisonthatresonatedwidelythroughoutsociety—morewidely,certainly,than
commonprisoners’voices.TestimoniessuchasLaTiraníadelFrac...(Crónicadeun
preso)bytheArgentineanarchistmilitantAlbertoGhiraldo;theseriesofarticles
andthebookabouttheCuban‘PresidioModelo’writtenbythePuertoRican
PablodelaTorrienteBrau;orHombresyRejas,anovelbythePeruvianAprista
author Juan Seoane about his imprisonment in the Lima penitentiary, among
others,contributedtoamplifythedebatesaboutprisonconditions.59
(butalsoofcriminalbehaviour).62Popularsongsandballadstoldstoriesabout
criminalandprisonlifetotheusuallyilliteratemassesofrecently-arrivedimmigrantsinvariousurbanareasaroundtheregion.Theincreasingpopularityof
thephotographicgenre,asatechniqueofidentificationaswellasafeatureaccompanyingsensationalstoriesinnewspapers,greatlyhelpedmakethecriminal
underworld‘known’tothepopulationatlarge.63Asaresulttheoutsidepopulationdevelopedarelationshipwiththeprisonthatwasatoncemoreintimateand
increasinglydistant.Ontheonehandthepopulationingeneralcameto‘know’
much more about prisons than ever before.They could‘see’,‘smell’ and‘feel’
whatprisonlifewaslike,includingitsmostsordidaspects.Ontheotherhand
thewayprisonsweregenerallyportrayedinmediaaccounts,asplacesofsuffering
butalsoas‘schools’ofviceandcrimewhosepopulationsengagedinrepugnant
formsofbehaviour,madethepublicperceivethemwithhorrorandrepulsion.
Thislatterpointisparticularlyimportant,sincethenotionthatcriminals,and
notonlyprisons,belongedtoaworldofdegradationanddreadfulnesswasinstrumentalintheshapingofapublicopinionnotverysympathetictoinitiatives
aimedatimprovingthelivesofinmates.Althoughmuchmoreresearchisneeded
toassesstheimpactoftheseviewsaboutcriminalsontheabsenceofmeaningfulinitiativestowardstheameliorationofprisonconditions,theexposureofthe
intimaciesofprisonlifetotheoutsidepopulationdidnotnecessarilygenerate
sympathiestowardsinmates,mainlybecauseofthewayinwhich‘criminals’were
depicted,asunfortunateandsufferingindividuals,butalsoasbelongingtoaclass
of degenerate and immoral subjects.This may help explain why public campaignsforthereformofprisonsinitiatedbyphilanthropicsocieties(called‘PatronatodePresos’insomecountries),religiousindividualsandgroups,andafew
humanitarianpersonalities,thatstrovetomovepublicopinionandstateofficials
towardsacompassionateattitudetowardsprisoners,weregenerallyisolated,weak
andshort-lived.Theystumbledagainstauthoritarianviewsthatdeemedcriminalsasdeservingthesufferingtheywereenduringatgaolsandprisons.
44
BEYONDPRISONWALLS
Theincreasedroleofprisonsasbothsitesofresearchaboutthe‘socialquestion’
anddestinationsforpoliticalprisoners—andthusobjectsofpoliticaldenunciation—was compounded by a series of social developments that amplified the
significanceoftheprisonintheimaginationoflargesectorsofthepopulation.
Publicattentiontotheconditionsofprisonsandprisoners,forexample,multipliedwiththeemergenceofmassprintmedia.Newspaperreportersvisitedprisonswithavoyeuristiceye,readytorevealthe‘mysteries’ofprisonstotheoutside
reader.60Sensationalstoriesaboutfamouscriminalswereendlesslytold,usually
afterinterviewingtheperpetratorsinsidetheircells.Front-pagedrama—depictingingreatdetailepisodesoftheft,murder,suicideandprisonescapes—became
acommonfeaturefornewspaperreadersinmostLatinAmericanurbanspaces.61
InMexicobroadsheets,includingthosefeaturingengravingsbyrenownedartist
JoséGuadalupePosada,chronicledanddenouncedthehorrorsofimprisonment
AlbertoGhiraldo,Latiraníadelfrac...(Crónicadeunpreso),BuenosAires:BibliotecaPopularde
MartínFierro,1908;PablodelaTorrienteBrau,PresidioModelo,Havana:InstitutodelLibro,
1969;JuanSeoane,Hombresyrejas,SantiagodeChile:EdicionesErcilla,1937.
60
Bretas,‘WhattheEyesCan’tSee’.
61
SeeforinstanceAlbertodelCastillo,‘Entrelamoralizaciónyelsensacionalismo:Prensa,poder
ycriminalidadafinalesdelsigloXIXenlaciudaddeMéxico’inRicardoPérezMontfortet
al.,Hábitos,normasyescándalo:Prensa,criminalidadydrogasduranteelporfiriatotardío,MexicoCity:
CIESAS/PlazayValdez,1997,pp.15–73;LilaCaimari,‘Pasionespunitivasydenunciasjusticieras:LaprensayelcastigodeldelitoenBuenosAires,1890–1910’inPaulaAlonso(comp.),
Construccionesimpresas:Diarios,panfletosyrevistasenelorigendelasnacioneslatinoamericanas,Buenos
Aires:FondodeCulturaEconómica,2004,pp.297–320;SylviaSaitta,‘Pasionesprivadas,violenciaspúblicas:Representacionesdeldelitoenlaprensapopulardelosañosveinte’inSandra
GayolandGabrielKessler(eds),Violencias,delitosyjusticiasenlaArgentina,BuenosAires:Manantial/UniversidasdNacionaldeGeneralSarmiento,2002,pp.65–85.
59
45
CONCLUSION
Asinotherpartsoftheworld,prisonsinLatinAmericaduringtheperiodunder
study were far from model institutions performing the functions expected of
Frank,Posada’sBroadsheets,chapters1and2.
Theroleofcriminalphotographyinshapingbotheffortsatcrimecontrolandattitudestowards
criminalsisanalysedinFernándezLabbé,Prisióncomún,pp.197–234.
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PrisonsandPrisonersinModernisingLatinAmerica
BibliographicalNote
them.ThesummaryofthehistoryofprisonsinLatinAmericabetween1800
and1940outlinedaboveoffersamostlynegativeassessmentoftheirroleintheir
respectivesocieties:statesandreformersfailed,forthemostpart,totransform
prisonsintositesfortheregenerationofcriminals,andprisonsdidnotofferinmateshumaneconditions.Prisons,theevidencealsosuggests,didnotoccupya
central place in the strategies of domination and control implemented by the
élitesandthestates.
Severalexplanationscouldbeofferedintryingtounderstandwhythiswas
the case. Financial limitations and political instability account for the lack of
enthusiasmintheformulationandimplementationofambitiousplansforthe
reformofprisons.Weakstatestructuresandcorruptmechanismsofrecruitment
andcontroloverthedifferentlevelsofstatebureaucracyalsocreatedproblems
in the management of prisons and the enforcing of the bylaws. Beyond these
administrative and managerial impediments, however, the nature of the larger
socio-politicalstructuresofthesenationsmustaccountforthefateofprisons
intheregion.Post-independenceLatinAmericansocietieswere,tovaryingdegrees, highly exclusionary, hierarchical, racist and authoritarian structures that,
behindthelegalfaçadeofliberaldemocracies,maintainedoppressivesocialand
labourformsofdominationthatincludedslavery,peonageandservitude.Citizenshiprightsweredeniedtomajorsectorsofthepopulation.Profoundsocial,
regional, class and ethnic fractures divided the populations, resulting in sociopoliticalregimesinwhichsmallélites(landowners,financiers,export-oriented
entrepreneurs, military bosses) exercised domination over the urban and rural
indigenousandblackmasses.Thisimpliedaflagrantcontradictiontotherepublican ideals of citizenship and inclusion upon which these nation-states were
supposedlyfounded.Withinthesestructurespunishmentwasrarelyviewedasan
opportunityfortherepentanceandreformofthecriminalorforthedisplayof
humanitarianismonthepartofthestate;insteadpunishmentwasgenerallyseen
astheprivilegeanddutyoftherulinggroupsintheireffortstocontrolunruly,
degenerateandsociallyandraciallyinferiorpeoplesincapableofcivilizationand
unworthyoflegalandcivicrights.Insteadofrepublicsofcitizens,astheirconstitutionsusuallyproclaimed,LatinAmericansocietieswere,duringmostofthe
nineteenthcentury,neo-colonialstructuresinwhichthestateoperatedmostlyas
atoolinthehandsofoligarchicgroups.
Around the turn of the twentieth century the growth of export-oriented
economies,thecombinedeffectsofmigrationandurbanisation,theemergence
ofradicalandmiddle-classsocialandpoliticalmovements,theimplementation
of reforms aimed at enlarging the participation of the population in electoral
politics, and the consolidation of relatively modern state structures, brought
aboutsignificantchangesinthenatureoftherelationsbetweenstateandsociety.
Slightlymoreinclusivesocialandpoliticalprojectswereformulatedandimplemented,challengingtheruleofoligarchieswhosepowerhadbeensustainedby
dictatorialpoliticalstructuresandexport-orientedeconomicmodels.Thesingle
mostimportantoutcomeofallthesechangeswasthegrowthandmodernisation
ofthestateandthegreatercapacityitnowhadtointerveneintheregulationof
society.Withinthiscontextarenewedeffortwasmadetotransformprisonsinto
locifortheregulationoflower-classbehaviouraswellasfortheproductionof
knowledgeaboutcrime,criminalsandthe‘socialquestion’.Prisonsandprisonerswitnessedtheincreasingpresenceofthestateintheformoftechniquesof
identificationandrecording,researchfacilities,centralisedadministrativebureaus,
closerintegrationbetweenthedifferentlevelsofthecriminaljusticesystemand
thelike.Generallyguidedbypositivism,theseeffortsallowedthestategreaterinstitutionalabilitytoclaimcontrolandauthoritynotonlyoverprisonpopulations
but over society as a whole.Although for prisoners themselves these changes
meantverylittle—theycontinuedtosufferfrompoorlivingconditions,abuse
andneglect—someofthesedevelopments(theincreasingpresenceofpolitical
prisonersorthegreatervisibilityoftheprisoninthewidersociety)didresonate
amongthem,openingupnewspacesforcontestationandstruggle.
46
47
BIBLIOGRAPHICALNOTE
TheliteratureonthehistoryofprisonsinLatinAmericaisstillrelativelyundevelopedandquiteuneveninitscoverage.Afewcountries,especiallyArgentina
andMexico,havereceivedmuchgreaterattentionthanothers,andcertainperiods,forinstancethedecadesbetween1870and1930,havebeenstudiedfarmore
thanothers.Nevertheless,theliteratureproducedinthelasttenorfifteenyears
hassubstantiallyadvancedourknowledgeaboutprisonsandpunishmentinthe
region,asthisshortessayattemptstoshow.
ScholarlyinterestinthestudyofcrimeandpunishmentinLatinAmerican
history can be traced back to the early 1970s.A series of pioneering monographsonurbanandruralcrime,banditry,policingandpunishmentwerewritten in the 1970s and early 1980s.These works, that were variously informed
byMarxist,dependentistaandsocialhistorytheories,includeColinMacLachlan,
Criminal Jjustice in Eighteenth-Century Mexico:A study of the tribunal of theAcordada, Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1974; PatriciaAufderheide,
PrisonsandPrisonersinModernisingLatinAmerica
BibliographicalNote
‘OrderandViolence:SocialdevianceandsocialcontrolinBrazil,1780–1840’,
PhDdissertation,UniversityofMinnesota,1976;LindaLewin,‘TheOligarchical Limitations of Social Banditry in Brazil’, Past and Present, 82 (1979);WilliamTaylor,Drinking,Homicide,andRebellioninMexicanColonialVillages,Stanford
University Press, 1979; Richard Slatta,‘Rural Criminality and Social Control
inNineteenth-CenturyBuenosAiresProvince’,HispanicAmericanHistoricalReview,60,3(1980);GabrielHaslip-Viera,‘CrimeandtheAdministrationofJustice
inColonialMexicoCity,1690–1810’,PhDdissertation,ColumbiaUniversity,
1980,whichwassubsequentlypublishedasCrimeandPunishmentinLatecolonial
Mexico,1692–1810,Albuquerque,NM:UniversityofNewMexicoPress,1999;
BlancaSilvestrini,ViolenciaycriminalidadenPuertoRico,1898–1973:Apuntespara
unestudiodehistoriasocial,RíoPiedras:EditorialUniversitaria,1980,oncrimein
twentieth-centuryPuertoRico;PaulVanderwood,DisorderandProgress:Bandits,
police,andMexicandevelopment,Lincoln,NE:UniversityofNebraskaPress,1981
(2nd ed.,Wilmington, DE: Scholarly Resources, 1992); Julia Blackwelder and
LymanJohnson,‘ChangingCriminalPatternsinBuenosAires,1890–1914’,JournalofLatinAmericanStudies,14,2(1982),pp.359–79;LaurenceRohlfes,‘Police
andPenalReforminMexicoCity,1876–1911:Astudyoforderandprogress
inPorfirianMexico’,PhDdissertation,TulaneUniversity,1983;MichaelScardaville,‘CrimeandtheUrbanPoor:MexicoCityinthelatecolonialperiod’,
PhDdissertation,UniversityofFlorida,1977;AlbertoFloresGalindo,Aristocracia
yplebe:Lima,1760–1830,Lima:MoscaAzulEditores,1984,onviolenceinlate
colonialLima;MarthaK.Huggins,FromSlaverytoVagrancyinBrazil:Crimeand
social control in theThirdWorld, New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press,
1985; DavidTrotman, Crime inTrinidad: Conflict and control in a plantation society,1838–1900,Knoxville,TN:UniversityofTennesseePress,1987;RichardW.
Slatta(ed.),Bandidos:ThevarietiesofLatinAmericanbanditry,NewYork:GreenwoodPress,1987;LoiusPérez,LordsoftheMountain:Socialbanditryandpeasant
protestinCuba,1878–1918,Pittsburgh,PA:UniversityofPittsburghPress,1989;
andRosalieSchwartz,LawlessLiberators:PoliticalbanditryandCubanindependence,
Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 1989.Very few of these works, though,
paidcentralattentiontotheprisonsystem,althoughseveralofthemdidinclude
changesinpunishmentmethodsintheircoverage.
Thissituationwouldchangeinthe1990s.HistoriansofLatinAmericabegan
to pay much more attention to both institutional and informal forms of socialcontrolsuchasprisons,mentalasylums,housesofcorrection,penalservitudeandthedeathpenalty.TheinfluenceofbothFoucauldianandsocialhistory
approaches were eclectically combined in a series of studies about prisons in
connectiontoprocessesofstateformation,formalandinformalmechanismsof
socialcontroland,toalesserextent,theexperiencesofsubalterngroups.The
1990sinitiatedaperiodofintenseresearchanddebateaboutthehistoryofthe
prisoninLatinAmerica.Tobesure,itwaspartofalargerinterestinthehistory
ofthelaw,justice,crimeandpunishment,whichwasreflectednotonlyinthe
growing number of publications, but also of scholarly conferences, panels and
associations.Thistrendhasyieldedanumberofvaluablemonographsthatilluminatevariousaspectsofthehistoryofpunishmentandprisonintheregion:the
ideologicalandpoliticalfoundationsbehindtheadoptionof‘modern’formsof
incarceration;theconnectionsbetweenprisonsandtheimplementationofvarioussocio-politicalregimes;theimpactofpositivismandcriminologicaltheories
onthemanagementofcrimeandprisons;theporosityofcarceralinstitutionsand
theirrelationshipwiththelargersociety;theracialandgendereddimensionsof
differentformsofimprisonmentanddetention;andtheprisoners’agencyand
themakingofprisonsubcultures.
AgreatdealofthescholarshiponprisonsinLatinAmericahasfocusedits
attentionontheperiodbetween1870and1930.Therearevariousreasonsfor
that:itistheeraofconsolidationofthenationstateandoftheimplementationof
‘modern’prisonregimes;itisalsotheperiodinwhichinnovativedoctrinesand
theoriesofcrimeandpunishment(positivistcriminologyorthemedicalisation
ofpunishment,forinstance)wereadopted.Prisonreformwaspartandparcelof
the(alwaysuneven)processesofmodernisationthatmostLatinAmericancountrieswentthroughduringthisperiod.Muchlessstudiedarethepre-Hispanic,
colonialandearlyindependentperiods,aswellasthepost-1930era.Theexceptiontothisistheproliferationofstudiesaboutpoliticalrepressionandincarcerationduringtheauthoritarianregimesofthe1970sand1980swhich,although
theyrepresentanimportantareaofscholarlywork,falloutsidethechronological
focusofthisessay.
ArgentinaandMexicoarethecountriesmoststudiedbyhistoriansofpunishmentandprisonsinLatinAmerica.ForArgentina,BeatrizRuibal,Ideologíadel
controlsocial:BuenosAires,1880–1920,BuenosAires:CentroEditordeAmérica
Latina,1993,offersanearlyandvaluablesynthesisof‘socialcontrol’discourses
and debates in the period between 1880 and 1920; Ricardo D. Salvatore has
studied criminology, prison reform and the spread of positivism in a series of
illuminatingarticles,‘Criminology,PrisonReform,andtheBuenosAiresWorkingClass’,JournalofInterdisciplinaryHistory,23,2(1992),pp.279–99,‘Penitentiaries,VisionsofClass,andExportEconomies;BrazilandArgentinacompared’
inRicardoD.SalvatoreandCarlosAguirre(eds),TheBirthofthePenitentiaryin
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PrisonsandPrisonersinModernisingLatinAmerica
BibliographicalNote
LatinAmerica: Essays on criminology, prison reform, and social control, 1830–1940,
Austin,TX:UniversityofTexasPress,1996,and‘PositivistCriminologyandState
FormationinModernArgentina(1890–1940)’inPeterBeckerandRichardF.
Wetzell(eds),CriminalsandTheirScientists:Thehistoryofcriminologyininternational
perspective,NewYork:CambridgeUniversityPress,2006,pp.253–80;thesame
authorhaslookedatanearlierperiodandhasstudiedcoercionandconscriptionofruralsubalternsubjects,‘RepertoiresofCoercionandMarketCulturein
Nineteenth-CenturyBuenosAiresProvince’,InternationalReviewofSocialHistory, 45, 3 (2000), andWandering Paysanos: State order and subaltern experience in
BuenosAiresduringtheRosasera,Durham,NC:DukeUniversityPress,2003;and
theconnectionsbetweenthedeathpenaltyandliberalism,‘DeathandLiberalism:CapitalpunishmentafterthefallofRosas’inRicardoD.Salvatore,Carlos
AguirreandGilbertM.Joseph(eds),CrimeandPunishmentinLatinAmerica:Law
and society since colonial times, Durham NC: Duke University Press, 2001; Lila
Caimarihasfocusedherattentionontheculturalandpoliticalresonancesofincarceration,‘RememberingFreedom:Lifeasseenfromtheprisoncell(Buenos
Aires province, 1930–1950)’ in Salvatore,Aguirre and Joseph (eds), Crime and
Punishment;‘Castigarcivilizadamente:Rasgosdelamodernizaciónpunitiveen
laArgentina(1827–1930)’inSandraGayolandGabrielKessler(eds),Violencias,
delitosyjusticiasenlaArgentina,BuenosAires:Manantial/UniversidadNacionalde
GeneralSarmiento,2002,pp.141–68;‘Psychiatrists,Criminals,andBureaucrats:
TheproductionofscientificbiographiesintheArgentinapenitentiarysystem’
inMarinaoPlotkin(ed.),ArgentinaontheCouch,Albuquerque,NM:University
of New Mexico Press, 2003; Apenas un delincuente. Crimen, castigo y cultura en
laArgentina,1880–1955,BuenosAires:SigloXXI,2004.LilaCaimari,‘Whose
PrisonersareThese?Church,stateandpatronatosandrehabilitationoffemale
criminals (BuenosAires, 1890–1970’, TheAmericas, 54, 2 (1997), pp. 185–208,
DonnaJ.Guy,‘Girlsin–rison:TheroleoftheBuenosAiresCasaCorrectionalde
Mujeresasaninstitutionforchildrescue,1890–1940’inSalvatore,Aguirreand
Joseph(eds),CrimeandPunishment,pp.369–90,andKristinRuggiero,‘“Houses
ofDeposit”andtheExclusionofWomeninTurn-of-the-CenturyArgentina’in
CarolynStrangeandAlisonBashford(eds),Isolation:Placesandpracticesofexclusion,
NewYork:Routledge,2003,pp.279–99,havepaidcloseattentiontothegendereddimensionsofincarcerationinaseriesofarticlesabouthousesofcorrectionandreformatoriesforwomenandgirls.ErnestoBohoslavsky,‘Laystoriade
migrantpadesimiento:CárcelyliteraturapopularenPatagoniaaprincipiosdel
sigloXX’inJorgeA.TrujilloandJuanQuintar(eds),Pobres,marginadosypeligrosos,
TepatitlándeMorelos,Jalisco:UniversidaddeGuadalajaraandPatagonia,Argen-
tina:UniversidadNacionaldelComahue,2003,andBohoslavskyandFernando
Casullo,‘ApuntesparaunahistoriadelacárceldeNeuquén(1904–1955)’,unpublishedmanuscript,focusedtheireffortsonthelesser-knowncasesofprisons
in the Patagonia region. Kristin Ruggiero,‘Fingerprinting and theArgentine
Plan for Universal Identification in the Late Nineteenth and EarlyTwentieth
Centuries’inJaneCaplanandJohnTorpey(eds),DocumentingIndividualIdentity:
Thedevelopmentofstatepracticesinthemodernworld,PrincetonUniversityPress,
2001, pp. 184–96, and Julia Rodriguez,‘Encoding the Criminal: Criminology
and the science of“Social Defense” in modernizingArgentina (1880–1921)’,
PhD dissertation, Columbia University, 1999, and ‘South-Atlantic Crossings:
Fingerprints,science,andthestateinturn-of-the-centuryArgentina’,American
HistoricalReview,109,2(2004)pp.387–416,havestudiedtheimplementationof
techniquesofobservationofthecriminalbody.
ForMexico,theworkofhistorianssuchasPabloPiccato,RobertBuffington,
ElisaSpeckmanGuerra,NydiaCruzandAntonioPadillaArroyohaveilluminatedvariousaspectsofthedevelopmentofthepenalsystem,thefunctioning
ofprisonsandtheimpactofcriminologicaltheories.NydiaCruz,‘Losencierros
delosángeles:lasprisionespoblanasenelsigloXIX’inCarlosContreras(ed.),
Espacioyperfiles:HistoriaregionalmexicanadelsigloXIX
les:HistoriaregionalmexicanadelsigloXIX,Puebla:CentrodeInvestigacionesHistóricasySocialesdelaUniversidadAutónomadePuebla,1989,and
‘Reclusión,controlsocialycienciapenitenciariaenPueblaenelsigloXIX’,Siglo
XIX:RevistadeHistoria,12(1992),studiedthecaseofthePueblapenitentiary
andtheintroductionof‘scientific’penology.PabloPiccato,CityofSuspects:Crime
inMexicoCity,1900–1931,Durham,NC:DukeUniversityPress,2001,offersa
multilayeredaccountofcrime,punishmentandurbanlifeinmodernisingMexicoCity.RobertBuffington,CriminalandCitizeninModernMexico,Lincoln,NE:
UniversityofNebraskaPress,2000,studiedcriminologicaltheoriesinconnectiontodiscoursesaboutraceandnationinPorfirianandrevolutionaryMexico.
ElisaSpeckmanGuerra,Crimenycastigo:Legislaciónpenal,interpretacionesdelacriminalidadyadministracióndejusticia(CiudaddeMexico,1872–1910),MexicoCity:El
ColegiodeMexico/UNAM,2002,surveyedthevariousscientific,juridicaland
publicdiscoursesoncrimeinPorfirianMexico,whileAntonioPadillaArroyo,
DeBelemaLecumberri:PensamientosocialypenalenelMéxicodecimonónico,Mexico
City:ArchivoGeneraldelaNación,2001,detailedthefunctioningofprisonsin
nineteenth-centuryMexico.
The other countries of the region have received much less attention. For
Chile, we have the encyclopedic, three-volume study of the formation of the
prisonsystembyMarcoAntonioLeónLeón,Encierroycorrección.Laconfiguración
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PrisonsandPrisonersinModernisingLatinAmerica
BibliographicalNote
deunsistemadeprisionesenChile(1800–1911),Santiago:UniversidadCentralde
Chile,3vols,2003,andthecompanioncollectionofdocumentscompiledbythe
sameauthor,SistemacarcelarioenChile:visiones,realidadesyproyectos(1816–1916),
Santiago:DireccióndeBibliotecas,ArchivosyMuseos,1997.MarcosFernández
Labbé,Prisióncomún,imaginariosocialeidentidadsocial,1870–1920,Santiago:EditorialAndrésBello,2003,coverstheperiod1870–1920,andfocusesontheculturalresonancesofincarceration.Women’sprisonsandhousesofcorrectionhave
beenstudiedbyMaríaSoledadZárate,‘ViciousWomen,VirtuousWomen:The
femaledelinquentandtheSantiagodeChileCorrectionalHouse,1860–1900’
inSalvatoreandAguirre(eds),TheBirthofthePenitentiary,pp.78–100,andMaría
JoséCorreaGómez,‘Demandaspenitenciarias:DiscusiónyreformadelascárcelesdemujeresenChile(1930–1950)’,Historia(SantiagodeChile),38,1(2005),
pp. 9–30, and‘Paradojas tras la reforma penitenciaria: Las casas correccionales
enChile(1864–1940)’inErnestoBohoslavskyandMaríaSilviaDiLiscia(eds),
InstitucionesyformasdecontrolsocialenAméricaLatina:1840–1940.Unarevision,
BuenosAires:PrometeoLibros,2006,pp.25–48.Lastly,EduardoCavieres,‘Aislar
elcuerpoysanarelalma:elrégimenpenitenciariochileno,1843–1928,’IberoAmerikanischesArchiv
AmerikanischesArchiv21,3–4(1995),summarisedtheearlydevelopmentofpenitentiaryreforminthatcountry.
ForBrazil,wehavesolidaccountsofpolicinginRiodeJaneiro:ThomasHolloway,PolicingRiodeJaneiro:Resistanceandrepressionina19th-centurycity,Stanford
UniversityPress,1993,andMarcosLuizBretas,‘YouCan’t!Thedailyexerciseof
policeauthorityinRiodeJaneiro,1907–1930’,PhDdissertation,OpenUniversity,GreatBritain,1994;theuseofthearmyasapenalinstitution:PeterM.Beattie,TheTributeofBlood:Army,honor,race,andnationinBrazil,1864–1945,Durham,
NC:DukeUniversityPress,2001;therepresentationsoftheprisoninliterature,
memoirsandtheprintedmedia:MarcosLuizBretas,‘WhattheEyesCan’tSee:
StoriesfromRiodeJaneiro’sprisons’inSalvatoreandAguirre(eds),TheBirthof
thePenitentiary,pp.101–22;andtheconnectionsbetweencriminology,raceand
prisonreform:RicardoD.Salvatore,‘Penitentiaries,VisionsofClass,andExport
Economies:BrazilandArgentinacompared’inSalvatoreandAguirre(eds),The
BirthofthePenitentiary,pp.194–223.
ForPeru,CarlosAguirre,TheCriminalsofLimaandTheirWorlds:Theprison
experience, 1850–1935, Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2005, focuses on
prisoners’agency;thesameauthorreviewsinformalmechanismsofincarcerationforcriminalsandslaves,‘Violencia,castigoycontrolsocial:esclavosypanaderíasenLima,sigloXIX’,PasadoyPresente(Lima),1(1988);femaleinstitutions
PasadoyPresente
ofconfinementinLima,‘Mujeresdelincuentes,prácticaspenales,yservidumbre
domésticaenLima,1862–1930’inScarlettO’Phelanetal.(comp.),Familiayvida
cotidianaenAméricaLatina,SiglosXVIII–XX
cotidianaenAméricaLatina,SiglosXVIII–XX,Lima:IFEA/InstitutoRivaAgüero/
PontificiaUniversidadCatólica,2003,pp.203–26;theconnectionsbetweenrace
andcriminology,‘Crime,Race,andMorals:Thedevelopmentofcriminologyin
Peru(1890–1930),Crime,History,Societies,2,2(1998),pp.73–90;andtheuseof
clientelistictacticsbymaleinmatesinLima’sprisons,‘Losusosdelfútbolenlas
prisionesdeLima(1900–1940)’inAldoPanfichi(ed.),ElPerúatravésdelfútbol,
Lima:FondoEditorialdelCongresodelaRepublica,2006.
ForPuertoRico,FernandoPicó,Eldíamenospensado.Historiadelospresidiarios
enPuertoRico(1793–1993),RíoPiedras:EditorialHuracán,1994,summarises
theprisoners’experiencewithincarcerationfromthelateeighteenththroughto
thelatetwentiethcenturies,andKelvinSantiago-Valles,‘“ForcingThemtoWork
andPunishingWhoeverResisted”:Servilelaborandpenalservitudeundercolonialisminnineteenth-centuryPuertoRico’inSalvatoreandAguirre(eds),The
BirthofthePenitentiary,pp.123–68,offersasynthesisofpenalservitudeandcolonialisminthelatenineteenthcentury.
TheliteratureaboutcriminologicalandracialdiscoursesinCuba,especially
AlejandraBronfman,MeasuresofEquality:Socialscience,citizenship,andraceinCuba,
1902–1940,ChapelHill,NC:UniversityofNorthCarolinaPress,2004,helpsus
understandthecontextforprisonreforminthatcountry,evenifwelackspecific
studiesabouttheprison.
InEcuador,theworkofAnaMaríaGoetschel,‘EldiscursosobreladelincuenciaylaconstitucióndelestadoecuatorianoenelsigloXIX(períodosGarciano
yliberal)’,Master’sthesis,Flacso(Quito),1992,illuminatestherelationshipbetweenliberalismandpenalreforminthenineteenthcentury.
ForColombia,avaluablestudyofnineteenth-centuryprisonsinAntioquia
is found in Rodrigo Campuzano Cuartas,‘El sistema carcelario enAntioquia
duranteelsigloXIX’,HistoriaySociedad(Medellin),7(December2000),pp.87–
HistoriaySociedad
122;whileforVenezuela,ErmilaTroconisdeVeracoechea,Historiadelascárceles
enVenezuela,1600–1890,Caracas:AcademiaNacionaldelaHistoria,1983,has
reconstructedthehistoryofprisonsfromcolonialtimestothelatenineteenth
century.
Finally,aseriesofcollective,usuallymulti-nationalvolumeshasgreatlycontributedtoourknowledgeofcrime,banditry,policingandpunishmentinthe
region:CarlosAguirreandCharlesWalker(eds),Bandoleros,abigeosymontoneros.
Criminalidad y violencia en el Perú, siglos XVIII–XX
XVIII–XX, Lima: Instituto deApoyo
Agrario,1990;LymanL.Johnson(ed.),TheProblemofOrderinChangingSocieties:
Essays on crime and policing inArgentina and Uruguay, 1750–1940,Albuquerque,
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PrisonsandPrisonersinModernisingLatinAmerica
NM:UniversityofNewMexicoPress,1990;RicardoD.SalvatoreandCarlos
Aguirre(eds),TheBirthofthePenitentiaryinLatinAmerica:Essaysoncriminology,
prisonreform,andsocialcontrol,1830–1940,Austin,TX:UniversityofTexasPress,
1996;CarlosAguirreandRobertBuffington(eds),ReconstructingCriminalityin
LatinAmerica,Wilmington, DE: Scholarly Resources, 2000; Ricardo D. Salvatore,CarlosAguirreandGilbertM.Joseph(eds),CrimeandPunishmentinLatin
America:Lawandsocietysincecolonialtimes,Durham,NC:DukeUniversityPress,
2001;SandraGayolandGabrielKessler(comps),Violencias,delitosyjusticiasenla
Argentina,BuenosAires:Manantial/UniversidadNacionaldeGeneralSarmiento,
2002;JorgeA.TrujilloandJuanQuintar(eds),Pobres,marginadosypeligrosos,TepatitlándeMorelos,Jalisco:UniversidaddeGuadalajaraandPatagonia,Argentina:
UniversidadNacionaldelComahue,2003;andErnestoBohoslavskyandMaría
SilviaDiLiscia(eds),InstitucionesyformasdecontrolsocialenAméricaLatina:1840–
1940.Unarevision,BuenosAires:PrometeoLibros,2006.