Economy identity and power. The Yser estuary in the early middle ages

Les cultures des littoraux au haut Moyen Âge Cadres et modes de vie dans l’espace maritime Manche-mer du Nord du IIIe au Xe s. Textes réunis par Inès Leroy et Laurent Verslype REVUE DU NORD Hors série. Collection Art et Archéologie. N° 24. 2016. Université de Lille. Sciences humaines et sociales PIETERJAN DECKERS* Economy, identity and power. The Yser estuary in the early Middle Ages INTRODUCTION 1. THE PHYSICAL LANDSCAPE The early medieval history and archaeology of the western part of coastal Flanders remain poorly known. Nonetheless, excavations and other archaeological research over the past 150 years have brought to light a body of evidence that, at the very least, allows us to assess the position of this area within its economic, social and cultural contexts - the southern North Sea area on the one hand and Merovingian and Carolingian Francia on the other. The refutation of the so-called « transgression paradigm » and the current understanding of the geomorphologic formation processes of the Flemish coastal plain have been extensively expounded elsewhere1, and will only be repeated here in a summary fashion. Generally speaking, by the 6th or 7th century AD the western coastal plain mostly consisted of intertidal mudflats and meandering tidal channels. From this point onwards, continuing sedimentation caused a gradual, but locally variable raising of the land toward supratidal levels. The « final fill » -stage of the tidal channels is dated between 550 and 750 AD although there is significant variation in datings, some as late as the 14th-15th century2. The aim of the present paper is to give a review of the evidence from this region in view of this question. Special attention will be given to a few key sites and areas that are being studied as part of the author’s ongoing PhD research. The subject area of this paper is the stretch of coast bounded by the French border in the west and the river Yser in the east. The southern boundary of this area is formed by the edge of the Pleistocene soils consisting of sand and sandy silt. However, occasional reference will be made to sites beyond these geographical limits. Chronologically, this paper roughly concerns the second half of the first millennium AD. The focus will lie on the least understood part of that period, namely the Merovingian and Carolingian periods (respectively 500-750 and 750-900 AD). From the late ninth century onwards, written evidence concerning the area begins to appear, supplementing the archaeological evidence. Given this state of knowledge, the archaeologist is confronted with a basic problem. Although the formation of the coastal plain during the period concerned is known in general terms, a detailed insight in the landscape at a smaller scale is mostly lacking. This is true both in a spatial sense, in that the lay of the land at a given locality remains in most cases unknown, and in a chronological sense, in that the both the methods (C14, OSL) and the materials (shells, organic material, sand) available for dating come with considerable interpretive problems and inaccuracies. The resulting chronology of landscape change may be relatively precise within a geological framework, but for an archaeologist, numerous questions about the natural surroundings of early medieval settlements may *. — Pieterjan DECkERS, Vrije Universiteit Brussel, Vakgroep kunstwetenschappen en Archeologie, Pleinlaan 5 5C432, B - 1050 Brussel. 1. — e.g. ERVYNCk e.a. 1999 ; BAETEMAN, SCOTT, VAN STRYDONCk 2002 ; BAETEMAN 2005, 2008a, 2008b. 2. — BAETEMAN 2008a, p. 1225. REVUE DU NORD - N° 24 HORS SÉRIE COLLECTION ART ET ARCHÉOLOGIE - 2016, P. 77-88 78 PIETERjAN DECkERS only be answered through detailed field observations, which are mostly lacking for the sites concerned. One such question is that of accessibility. Although there is little doubt that, before the start of embankment, any location in the coastal plain generally was easily accessible via tidal channels, the practical organization and perceived importance of access to a particular site are difficult to assess. How far could seagoing ships penetrate through these channels ? was transhipment necessary, and how was it organized ? were the inhabitants of the coastal wetlands of Flanders actively involved in maritime activity such as fishing and trading ? was access to a navigable waterway a determining factor in the location of a settlement ? How does this relate to settlement function ? A particular example is the site of LampernisseLeenhof ter wissche (cf. infra), which in its earliest phase was located along a small tidal channel. It is not known whether this channel was still active at this time, but it had certainly silted up by the 10th century, when the settlement expanded over it. Even the major axes of movement through the area are poorly understood. Most significantly, the river Yser is known to have shifted to the present course from an earlier position in its Pleistocene paleo-valley, mouthing into the large inlet between Veurne and wulpen3. The exact timing of this shift, which would have significantly altered the transport routes through this area and to the Pleistocene hinterland, remains unknown. However, a terminus ante quem around 1000AD may be assumed, as the earliest dike-building along the banks of the present-day mouth of the Yser probably dates to that time4. 2. ASPECTS OF HISTORY AND HISTORIOGRAPHY Early conceptions of the western part of the Flemish coastal plain during the Merovingian and Carolingian period were exclusively based on scarce historical sources, referring to sheep pastures (marisci) and wool production, controlled by large ecclesiastical institutions such as the abbey of St. Bertin (Sithiu) at St. Omer. Given the (near-) absence of historical indications for settlement within the coastal plain, this sheep-rearing was thought to have 3. — BAETEMAN 1999, p. 44, 68. 4. — TYS 2004, p. 48-49. 5. — e.g. VERHULST 1962, p. 91-92 ; VERHULST 1981, p. 131 ; VERHULST 1995, p. 90. 6. — VERHULST 1995, p. 118. 7. — e.g. HILLEwAERT, HOLLEVOET 2006. 8. — DE MEULEMEESTER 1977 ; DE MEULEMEESTER 1981, p. 46-53. 9. — TERMOTE 2008, p. 93. been organized in a transhumantic system based at agricultural estates on the edge of the Pleistocene sandy region5. Indeed, numerous 6th-7th century toponyms, in particular of «-(inga)heim » -type, are situated in the immediate hinterland of the coastal plain6 (fig. 1). From an archaeological point of view, the intensity of Merovingian settlement on the Pleistocene edge of the Flemish coastal plain is particularly apparent further east, between Oudenburg and Bruges7. In the west, such evidence is largely lacking for now. However, in the immediate surroundings of a village bearing an «-ingaheim » -toponym, Alveringem, four large round structures have been identified, possibly the remains of circular fortresses built in the late 9th or 10th century8. Although no excavations have taken place and Alveringem only appears in the written record much later (1066 AD), a central role is further implied by its status as a mother parish for settlements within the coastal plain9. The recent find at Bulskamp further west of a Merovingian tremissis, dateable to 575-675 AD, in association with Merovingian and Carolingian metal artefacts10 presumably indicates the location of a cemetery overlooking the coastal plain. Occupation of the coastal plain itself was thought to have started only in the second half of the 9th century, when the first place-names are attested there11. Interestingly, these earliest historical attestations occur in the western coastal plain ; place-names further east generally appear in the written record from the second half of the 10th century onwards. In the past decade, however, increasing archaeological finds and the aforementioned new understanding of the geomorphological history of the coastal plain have led to the realization that early medieval presence in the coastal wetlands was stronger than previously thought12. A first review of the early medieval archaeology of the western part of the coastal plain already pointed in this direction13. Regional surface surveys and excavations as well as historical-geographic research have revealed intensive early medieval activity in the Oudland areas of the coastal plain from, at least, c. 700 AD onwards14. Not surpri- 10. — VERBOVEN 2008. 11. — VERHULST 1962, p. 92-94. 12. — ERVYNCk e.a. 1999. 13. — TERMOTE 1990a. 14. — Concerning surface surveys : e.g. DE DECkER, BOURGEOIS 1999 ; PIETERS e.a. 2006 ; concerning excavations : e.g. PYPE, DEwILDE 2001 ; about historical-geographic research : TYS 2003. ECONOMY, IDENTITY AND POwER. THE YSER ESTUARY IN THE EARLY MIDDLE AGES 79 FIG. 1. —Western part of the Flemish coastal plain, with Merovingian toponyms and places mentioned in the text. Layout of tidal channels redrawn from Baeteman (2008a). singly, a tendency has arisen to interpret such evidence as indicative of permanent settlement, rather than the seasonal exploitation envisioned by Verhulst. The lack of written sources concerning this early settlement was now interpreted as an indication of its autonomous, allodial character. Thus, the inhabitants have been depicted as free landholders with access to the overseas exchange system and well-integrated into a social network of coastal communities around the North Sea15. brought to light for salt production and other activities during the Iron Age and Roman period16. The early medieval objects from the site, including thirteen coins17 and a number of bronze brooches18, are all surface finds. In spite of claims that this site, like the rest of the coastal plain was abandoned in the late 3rd century19, a few 4th century glass sherds and some 5th6th century objects render a continuous use of this location possible20. The most significant finds assemblage from the Merovingian period in the study area stems from the dune area between De Panne and the French town of Bray-Dunes. Excavations at this site, situated on one of the few remaining « Old Dune » areas, have The site has generally been presented as a wic-like trading settlement21, but there is little evidence to corroborate this interpretation. Early medieval pottery is virtually absent, in sharp contrast with that of earlier periods. The artefacts, including the coins, are thus best interpreted as grave goods. In fact, a few inhumation graves have been found by amateur archaeologists in the 1970s. 15. — LOVELUCk, TYS 2006. 16. — FAVOREL 1961 ; DE CEUNYNCk, THOEN 1981 ; THOEN 1978, 1987. 17. — CUMONT 1907 ; VAN GANSBEkE-GROTHAUSEN 1968, p. 61-63 ; OP DEN VELDE, DE BOONE, POL 1984, 143 ; SCHEERS 1991, p. 40. 18. — Partly described in VAN BELLINGEN 1988 ; THöRLE 2001. 19. — THOEN 1978, p. 201. 20. — DECkERS 2010, p. 160. 21. — TERMOTE 1990a, p. 109-110 ; 1992, p. 39-40. 3. THE MEROVINGIAN PERIOD (500-750 AD) 80 PIETERjAN DECkERS Although the primary function of this site was demonstrably as a cemetery, some of the finds point to the integration of this community into overseas social and economic networks throughout the early medieval period. A few sherds « of Anglo-Saxon type »22 and, allegedly23, a button brooch are amongst the earliest of such finds, showing affinity with England and the northern French littoral. In the late 7th and 8th centuries, twelve sceattas of Frisian types, a denarius from Limoges and a small number of glass sherds24 indicate contact with the North Sea trading network in which the great emporia were the central nodes. The cemetery at De Panne, a place of social and ideological significance, may well have become a meeting and trading place for coastal communities living in the immediate vicinity (including, at this stage, in the coastal wetlands – cf. infra) and further away25. Occasional interaction with the North Sea trading network at or nearby such a location seems likely and would explain the presence of objects belonging in this network, notably coins and glass. However, this interaction may have consisted of other activities than monetary exchange, such as rendering certain services (provisioning, pilotage) as well as piracy and salvaging from wrecks26. In a more general sense, this burial site is indicative of the occupation of the now-eroded coastal barrier throughout the Merovingian period. Other stray finds along the coast, such as the tremisses from Nieuwpoort27 and Raversijde28, confirm this view. The situation in Flanders was therefore not unlike that in the western Netherlands, where intensive occupation of the coastal barrier has been attested during the Merovingian period29. 4. LANDSCAPE AND SETTLEMENT (700-1000AD) : THE CASE OF WULPEN By the beginning of the eighth century, occupation of the tidal areas of the coastal plain had begun. A good insight into settlement development on a microregional scale is offered by the territory of the present village of wulpen, based on a surface survey report30 and analyzed using the present state of knowledge on early medieval ceramics and landscape development. 22. — TERMOTE 1985a, p. 3. 23. — This find was identified by an amateur metal detectorist, but is now lost. 24. — DECkERS 2010, p. 161. 25. — e.g. wILLIAMS 2004, p. 127 ; SEMPLE 2004, p. 139. 26. — DECkERS 2010, p. 161-164. 27. — VANHOUDT 1988, p. 78 ; SCHEERS 1991, p. 40. 28. — DE BOE 1967 ; VANHOUDT 1988, p. 73 ; SCHEERS 1991, p. 40. Plotting only those find spots which, due to the number and density of sherds, can be identified as « sites » and « probable sites », and dating these sites according to the presence and absence of chronologically diagnostic pottery types31, it is possible to reconstruct the development of settlement in this area. The earliest site (w161/162) is dateable (at the latest) in the first half of the 8th century and is located on a raised bank of the wide tidal channel area forming the lower Yser. By the end of the ninth century, several other sites and probable sites have emerged, all located on the banks of tidal inlets and filled-in smaller channels, surrounding an open expanse of tidal deposits (fig. 2A). During the 10th-11th centuries, this tendency to settle preferably on roddons and raised banks continued. However, in this period the first finds appear on the heavy clay soils of the tidal area, indicating that these had reached a supratidal level by now and, perhaps, that local embankment had started (fig. 2B). The general spread of other find spots with diagnostic pottery types largely confirms this chronological sequence, with more intensive use or occupation of the lowlying tidal area only starting in the 10th century. It must be stressed that, without excavation, it is impossible to ascertain the function of these find spots. As mentioned earlier, recent research has tended to underline the permanent nature of early settlement in the coastal plain. This settlement mostly took the form of single farmsteads, as recent excavations at Oostduinkerke-Hof ter Hille have shown32. On the other hand, it is far from improbable that all or some of these sites were (initially ?) used on a seasonal basis, aimed at specialist activities such as sheep rearing and salt production33. whether or not there was permanent occupation from the Late Merovingian period onwards, it may be inferred from the significant rise in the number of sites from the 8th-9th to the 10th-11th centuries that the population growth of this area far exceeded that posited for this period in general34. Clearly, the wulpen area attracted people from the outside during the 8th to 10th centuries. Even disregarding the small survey area, these tendencies cannot be extrapolated to the entire western 29. — BAzELMANS, DIjkSTRA, DE kONING 2004. 30. — VANCOUILLIE 1986. 31. — In this case, burnished wares were considered representative for the 8th-9th century and hand-made pottery with dark core for the 10th11th century (cf. infra). 32. — A. LEHOUCk pers. comm. 33. — See RIPPON 2000, p. 50-53. 34. — FOSSIER 1999, p. 62. ECONOMY, IDENTITY AND POwER. THE YSER ESTUARY IN THE EARLY MIDDLE AGES 81 FIG. 2. — Survey area of Wulpen, with find spots dating between 750-900 (A) and 900-1050 AD (B), based on original data from Vancouillie (1986). The darkly shaded area represents deposits from a tidal channel active until at least the 11th century. Geomorphological data from the Soil Map of Flanders. part of the coastal plain. wulpen appears to stand out as a relatively densely populated area from early on. Perhaps local differences in tidal influence and sedimentation processes rendered this area available for early exploitation and settlement. Certainly, access to a major transport corridor, the lower Yser, immediately to the west, as well as the availability of peat at shallow depth beneath the clay soils made this a suitable area for settlement. This early attractiveness is probably reflected in the historical record, as a document from 1116 concerning a conflict with the religious community of St. walburga in Veurne may imply that property claims of St. Bertin in wulpen precede the foundation of the former in the early 10th century35. Furthermore, it has been postulated that wulpen was the mother parish of St. walburga36, although some scholars disagree37. 5. LATE MEROVINGIAN AND CAROLINGIAN SETTLEMENT Early sites elsewhere in the western coastal plain appear to follow the pattern set by wulpen, situated on raised banks or roddons and with access to both peat in the tidal zones and the channel system of the 35. — See MEIjNS 2000, p. 339-340. 36. — HUYGHEBAERT 1981. 37. — e.g. CARNIER 1996, p. 631 n. 823. 38. — TERMOTE 1985a, p. 13-16. 39. — F. VERHAEGHE pers. comm. ; TERMOTE 1993, p. 16 n. 19. lower Yser. Furthermore, like wulpen, the locations of these sites are often consistent with the earliest historical attestations in the region. VeurneBeoosterpoort, for instance, is situated just south of the survey area of wulpen, and a small rescue excavation here yielded 8th-9th century as well as later pottery38. The territory of zoutenaaie too reportedly features finds of 8th century pottery39. A late 10th or 11th century vita Audomari has the saint perform one of his miracles on an estate at zoutenaaie in the 7th century, although the historicity of this claim is debatable40. Lampernisse, until recently the most extensively excavated site of this period within the area of study41, is first mentioned in historical sources in 857 AD as property of the abbey of St. Bertin42. The site’s phasing and chronology are not entirely clear, but following a first occupation period in the (late ?) 8th-9th century, it was abandoned for some time before being re-occupied as a moated site, probably by the 10th century43. The abbey of St. Bertin thus held considerable property along the eastern bank of the Yser estuary. There is less evidence available for the western bank, 40. — CARNIER 1996, p. 425 n. 15. 41. — VERHAEGHE 1977, 1980. 42. — GYSSELING, kOCH 1950, p. 57. 43. — ERVYNCk e.a. 1999, p. 111. 82 PIETERjAN DECkERS both archaeologically and historically, although Veurne (cf. infra) and possibly Steenkerke44 were early possessions of the abbey. Further west, a Carolingian brooch was found nearby a dedicated to St. Audomar at Adinkerke45, perhaps indicating 9th century origins. Burnished wares (also called black and grey wares) are the most characteristic pottery type at archaeological sites from this period. Various geographical origins have been proposed for this (mostly) fine, highquality pottery type46, but a northern French origin seems most likely. Burnished wares disappeared by the end of the 9th century47, providing an approximate terminus ante quem for sites where pottery from this group is found. Their date of appearance is less certain, but they were probably first produced in the 6th or 7th century. Certainly, given their prevalence in Middle Saxon London and Hamwic, production and trade of these wares reached a peak during the late 7th to mid-9th centuries48. Another dating argument for the sites in the western coastal plain, although one ex silentio, is the (virtual) absence of the usual Merovingian pottery types of the Flemish coastal area and Scheldt Valley, handmade pottery with organic and grog tempering respectively49. The exception is the already mentioned site at wulpen, where a small quantity of grog-tempered pottery has been reported. It cannot be ruled out that the Merovingian pottery of this area was sand-tempered, and therefore difficult to distinguish from the reduced sandy wares that dominated the Flemish pottery assemblages from the 9th to 13th centuries. However, a more likely explanation for the nearabsence of chaff- and grog-tempered wares is that the occupation of western part of the coastal plain only started, at the earliest, around the mid-8th century. This may be significantly later than areas further east, where chaff-tempered pottery is rather abundant. The absence of Rhenish imports, notably Badorftype pottery, is another feature distinguishing the western and central/eastern coastal plain. Badorf sherds were found50 on the beach near Middelkerke 44. — TERMOTE 2008, p. 95. 45. — TERMOTE 1985b. 46. — HODGES 1981, p. 21-28. 47. — DEMOLON, VERHAEGHE 1993, p. 394. 48. — For London : BLACkMORE 2003, p. 238-239 ; and Hamwic : TIMBY 1988, p. 92-98. 49. — HAMEROw e.a. 1994 ; VAN DOORSELAER, ROGGE 1991. 50. — Some caution is needed, however, as whitewares of northern French origin may in the past have been mistaken for Rhenish pottery. 51. — Discoveries in Middelkerke (TYS 2003, p. 231), Leffinge (PIETERS e.a. 2006 ; TYS 2003, p. 232-242) and Uitkerke (HERMANS in prep.). and on several sites in the vicinity of Leffinge and Uitkerke and Rhenish imports are well-attested at the aforementioned excavations in the BrugesOudenburg-area51. The western and central/eastern parts of the Flemish coastal area appear to belong to different distribution zones – a possibility already referred to, in a more general sense52. This hypothesis may be expanded towards the locally produced wares, albeit in a more tentative fashion. whereas the central and eastern parts of the coastal area appear to belong to an « Anglo-Saxon » cultural zone characterized by the production of chaff-tempered pottery, the latter’s absence and the presence of a small quantity of grog-tempered pottery in the west perhaps indicates a stronger continental affiliation. As such, the Flemish coastal plain may have been divided into two spheres of influence which were both economic and social in nature ; one North Sea/Rhenish, the other northern French. This socio-economic boundary roughly coincides with that between the pagi Isseretius and Mempiscus (belonging to the bishopric of Thérouanne) in the west and the pagus Flandrensis (bishopric of Tournai) in the east53, perhaps implying that the differences between the two areas are reflected in the political and administrative organisation. 6. INTERACTION WITH THE HINTERLAND Only one site on the edge of the Pleistocene sandy region has featured extensive excavation54, shedding light on the interaction between the coastal plain and the interior. werken appears first in the written record in 828AD55. Archaeological excavation here brought to light a rich 8th-9th century settlement underlying a motte-and-bailey of 10th to 12th century date56. The site is situated along the Handzamevaart, the nowcanalized tributary of the river Yser, at the crossing point of the Roman « Steenstraat » towards Bruges, a diverticulum of the road Cassel-Tournai57. A recent study of the pottery from the bailey area58 has shown that, amongst the imports, black- and greywares are numerically the most important, followed 52. — DEMOLON, VERHAEGHE 1993, p. 393. 53. — DECLERCq 1995, p. 11. 54. — A small-scale excavation has been undertaken at woumen, revealing evidence for 8/9th-century and later activity at a motte-andbaily site perhaps not dissimilar to werken (TERMOTE 1990b). 55. — BERINGS 1985, p. 71. 56. — VANTHOURNOUT 1991 ; VAN STRYDONCk, VANTHOURNOUT 1996. 57. — THOEN 1978, p. 74-75. 58. — VAN BELLINGEN 2008. ECONOMY, IDENTITY AND POwER. THE YSER ESTUARY IN THE EARLY MIDDLE AGES by a group of white, rouletted pottery similar to the La Londe production59 and therefore dateable to the 8th or 9th century. Rhenish imports occur, but far less abundantly. The earliest dateable finds are a sceatta of Interlace type, 710-750 AD60 and Merovingian handmade pottery, mostly grog-tempered. From this, it may be concluded that werken was contemporaneous with the earliest stage of settlement within the coastal plain. Following the line of thought presented in the previous section, this is a site mostly belonging to a Neustrian socio-economic sphere of influence. However, small amounts of « North Sea/Rhenish » items (including some chaff-tempered pottery) are not out of place, in view of both the site’s location near the boundary of this sphere of influence and its location on an overland route parallel to the coast. Given this strategic location and the presence of numerous imports, werken presumably functioned as a small trading or transhipment site. As such, there may have been connections with the royal fisc at Roeselare (first mentioned in 821 AD) and with the monasterium at Torhout, which was established in the mid-7th century61. This religious establishment is usually brought into connection with a landing place at Bruges62. However, given the shorter distance (c. 15 km, a day’s return journey63 it seems plausible that, at least in the 8th century, werken fulfilled this role64. Bearing in mind the distribution zones identified above, it may be possible to shed more light on this issue by considering the proportions of northern French vs. Rhenish imported pottery at future excavations at Torhout. 7. POST-CAROLINGIAN DEVELOPMENTS Politically, the late 9th century sees the rise of the counts of Flanders who, partly through usurpation of existing estates, partly through reclamation of new land in the coastal plain, amass a huge domain by the end of the 10th century65. The products of this expansive property, primarily wool, obviously required an 59. — ROY 1993. 60. — VANTHOURNOUT 1990. 61. — HUYGHEBAERT 1960 ; BERINGS 1985, p. 52-55. 62. — RYCkAERT 1995, p. 123. 63. — NAYLOR 2004, p. 22. 64. — Unfortunately, it is unclear to which pagus Torhout belonged. Both the pagus Isseretius and the pagus Flandrensis have been argued for (MEIjNS 2000, p. 320 n. 886). 65. — TYS 2004. 66. — e.g. VERHULST 1999, p. 70. 67. — wATTENBACH 1887, 1, p. 509. 68. — See Niermeyer (1976, s.v. portus). De Panne too has occasionally been identified as Iserae Portus (e.g. DE MEULEMEESTER 1996, p. 380-381 ; TERMOTE 1992, p. 60). The name is used again in the mid- 83 outlet. It is within this context that the emergence of Veurne is usually set, although its roots probably go back to the mid-9th century. Veurne has regularly been identified as Iserae portus66, the place where, according to the Miracula Sancti Bertini, a Viking band landed in 860 AD on their way to the abbey of St. Bertin67. However, this relies on a mistranslation of the word « portus » as trading port – the text itself leaves little doubt that it refers to a geographical feature, the estuary of the river Yser (which undoubtedly featured many natural landing places)68. The early documentary evidence for Veurne is extremely limited. The toponym Furna is first recorded in 877 AD, when « sedilia » are mentioned amongst the possessions of the abbey of St. Bertin69. within the context of this document70, the term « sedilia » may be interpreted as a place of some economic and/or administrative importance to the abbey, as it is used to refer to only two further locations, both situated on the waterfront : Loom ad Sentinas (LoonPlage, Grande-/Petite-Synthe) and Merkisa (Marquise)71. The centre of the town consists of a circular fortification measuring almost 240 m across72, which, it is generally assumed, is one of the castella recens facta built by the Count to defend against the Viking threat73. There has been some debate about the location of early Furna and its relation with the fortress, since no pottery predating the 10th century has been found in Veurne74. For now, however, the most likely location for Furna in the second half of the 9th century is present-day Veurne, all the more so because the above-mentioned early 12th century written source75 mentions old property of St. Bertin both within and next to the circular fortress. Nonetheless, Furna remains a somewhat paradoxical place, lacking all evidence for occupation, but clearly holding great interest for the political elite. Therefore, it may be interpreted as a logistic and 12th century for the newly-founded harbour town of Nieuwpoort at the mouth of the river Yser – which, by then, has shifted to its present-day course (AUGUSTYN 1992, p. 265-267). 69. — GYSSELING, kOCH 1950, p. 77. 70. — « Sedilia » is usually translated as « built-up plots in an urban settlement » (e.g. MEIjNS 2000, p. 334 n. 922 ; kOCH 1970, p. 321), although in this case a more cautious interpretation is appropriate. 71. — kOCH 1970, p. 320. 72. — TERMOTE 1993, p. 16-20 ; DE MEULEMEESTER 2002, p. 224-226. 73. — HENDERIkx 1995, p. 94-96. 74. — LEHOUCk 2001, p. 34-35 ; LEHOUCk, DE MEULEMEESTER 2006, p. 218-219. 75. — MEIjNS 2000, p. 339-340. 84 PIETERjAN DECkERS administrative centre, for instance a transhipment site where the produce of the surrounding area was stored76 and tolls were collected, but initially with few other functions. As such, it is perhaps telling that, in a document dating to c. 885 AD, Veurne neither receives the status of vicus like Bruges and Antwerp, nor that of an agricultural villa77. Only in the course of the 10th century, a settlement with urban characteristics emerges78. Around 918, the Count donates the important relics of St. walburga – a saint commonly associated with trading settlements along rivers and estuaries – to the collegiate church inside the fortress79. Archaeological evidence remains scarce, however, although hand-made dark-core80 and shell-tempered wares attest to activity in this period. Also indicative of investment and expansion is the construction of a raised plateau of about 4 ha along the eastern access road to the fortress, which, judging by a few sherds tempered with coarse shell fragments, may be dated to the same period81. This coarsely tempered shelly ware occurs at several rural sites during this period, notably the aforementioned Leenhof Ter wissche at Lampernisse and Veurne-Beoosterpoort. A particular type of vessel is characteristic for this fabric : a form of cauldron with steep walls and a flat base. Many sherds appear to show burn marks or sooting on the inside of the walls, particularly near the base, giving rise to some speculation as to its function. An artisanal purpose, in particular related to salt production, has been proposed82. whatever the case, as similar finds have been made in northern France, the presence of these vessels attests to continuing ties between the two areas. CONCLUSIONS Two main strands of thought may be identified in this brief review of the early medieval archaeology of the western part of the Flemish coastal plain. A first concerns the pottery of the region ; a second has to do with the development of settlement in the landscape, and its relationship with power. 1. Through a preliminary analysis of the variation through space and time of the origins and relative importance of imported pottery, two spheres of influence may be identified in the Flemish coastal plain in the 8th and 9th century : a western distribution zone connected with northern France, and an eastern zone 76. — Cf. COOLS 1994, p. 55. 77. — GYSSELING, kOCH 1950, p. 138 ; kOCH 1949. 78. — DE MEULEMEESTER 2002, p. 226-228. 79. — MEIjNS 2000, p. 336-337. more closely linked with the North Sea/Rhenish trading network. The same distinction may well apply to the locally produced pottery, with both Merovingian and 10th century wares seemingly conforming to this pattern. However, this research needs to be expanded throughout a wider area of the coastal plain as well as its Pleistocene hinterland. This will have implications for the identification of regional exchange networks and the trading places that formed the nodes of these networks, for the social as well as economic nature of the interaction occurring along these networks, and even for the perception of and values associated with exchanged goods. Furthermore, the technological and morphological idiosyncrasies of locally and regionally produced pottery need to be studied, in order to strengthen or refute the hypothesis of differing cultural spheres of influence, and the degree to which these coincided with economic distribution zones. 2. The western part of the coastal plain differs from the central and eastern area not just in its economic and – possibly – cultural affiliations, but also in its chronology of settlement. whereas chaff-tempered wares appear quite profusely in the east, contemporaneous wares are virtually absent in the west. Conversely, historical evidence for activity in the west is relatively early, and spatially consistent with the archaeological data. This not only allows to identify a core area of settlement in particular on the eastern bank of the former Yser estuary, but also raises questions about the relationship between the inhabitants of this landscape and the socio-political elite whose interest is reflected in the written record. whereas the lack of historical evidence for early activity in the central and eastern coastal plain is usually seen as an indicator of the autonomous, allodial status of those involved, the converse may thus be true for the area under study. In particular, the abbey of St. Bertin appears to have been closely involved from early on, perhaps even forming a principal instigator of the exploitation and occupation of the coastal wetlands surrounding the Yser estuary. As a concluding remark, the interrelated nature of power, economy and culture may be explored. Is it possible that the 8th-9th century settlers of the western part of the Flemish coastal plain were affiliated with the abbey of St. Bertin, as opposed to the free land- 80. — DE GROOTE 2008, p. 325-333. 81. — TERMOTE 1993, p. 20. 82. — ROUTIER 2006, p. 269-270 ; DEMOLON, VERHAEGHE 1993, p. 397. ECONOMY, IDENTITY AND POwER. THE YSER ESTUARY IN THE EARLY MIDDLE AGES holders further east, who were able to maintain a distinct identity reflected in their integration into a socioeconomic network spanning both sides of the North Sea ? How were landholding institutions like St. Bertin able to directly or indirectly influence economic networks and material culture ? To what extent was access to imported goods dependent on patronage by, in this case, ecclesiastical establishments ? was there a relationship between political or administrative divisions on the one hand, and local identities and the access to certain networks of exchange on the other ? Lastly, how does the micro-region studied here tie in to the larger framework of the socio-cultural configuration of the whole Channel/southern North Sea zone in the 8th and 9th centuries ? Differences in political allegiances, economic exchange as well as cultural affiliations allow to distinguish between a Frankish/Merovingian area along the Channel coasts (e.g. wood 1983), and a Frisian/Anglo-Saxon zone further north (Hodges 1982, 39-46 ; Hines 1996, 57). As such, the differences identified between the western and eastern coastal area of Flanders, which are examined here mostly within a regional context, may well have significance on a much grander scale. Keywords : Merovingian and Carolingian periods, coastal Flanders, pottery, wetland exploitation and occupation. Acknowledgements The research reported in this paper is part of the author’s doctoral research at the Vrije Universiteit Brussel (2014), funded by FwO – Research Foundation Flanders. 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John Naylor 59 Yann Hollevoet (†) 69 Pieterjan Deckers 77 Patrice Herbin, Tarek Oueslati, avec la coll. de Brad White 89 Samuel Desoutter, Emmanuel Elleboode, Mathieu Lançon, Jean-Claude Routier 127 Les opérations archéologiques préventives entre Canche et Authie Nouvelles problématiques de recherches en basse vallée de l’Authie. L’occupation tardo-antique de la Rue du Warnier, commune de Nempont-Saint-Firmin (Pas-de-Calais). L’occupation du haut Moyen Âge sur le site de La Calotterie « Chemin de Visemarais » (France, Pas-de-Calais). Premiers résultats de la fouille réalisée sur les parcelles AC 40 et AC 3p. Bilan des opérations archéologiques de l’Inrap à La Calotterie (2005-2007). Samuel Lelarge 169 Delphine Cense-Bacquet Jean-Claude Routier, Pierre Barbet, avec la coll. de Bruno Foucray 187 217 Indicateurs culturels et économiques : productions artisanales Une fosse de rejet de l’atelier de bronzier mérovingien d’Hames-Boucres (Pas-de-Calais). L’officine de potiers de La Calotterie (Pas-de-Calais). Ier s.-début du IVe s. ap. J.-C. Les sites antiques de consommation : Quend (80) et Attin (62). Vers la définition d’un faciès céramique du littoral de la Manche pour la période valentino-théodosienne. Le mobilier de type anglo-saxon provenant de la nécropole de « La Fontaine aux Linottes » à La Calotterie (Pas-de-Calais). Témoins des contacts entre le sud-est de l’Angleterre anglo-saxonne et la vallée de la Canche (VIe-VIIe s.). Les productions céramiques médiévales de La Calotterie (62). Résumés. ISSN : 1295-1315 ISBN : 979-10-93095-06-6 Sophie François 255 Jérémie Ketels 269 Cyrille Chaidron, Sonja Willems 275 Jean Soulat avec la coll. de Anne Bocquet-Lienard, Xavier Savary Anne Bocquet-Liénard, Jean-Claude Routier 295 311 327 Prix : 45 Є