(PDF) Collapse of Crucial Resources and Culture Change: A Model for the Woodland to Oneota Transformation in the Upper Midwest

The Middle Archaic period in the Southeast, corresponding to the Mid-Holocene era, from 8000 to 5000 14C yr BP (ca. 8900–5750 cal yr BP) is a time of appreciable culture change. During this interval monumental construction began in a number of areas, long-distance exchange networks emerged, evidence for warfare appeared, and experimentation with agriculture was initiated. These trends continued and accelerated during the ensuing Late Archaic, and it was at the very start of this period, soon after 5000 14C yr BP (ca. 5750 cal yr BP), that pottery appeared. Variability is evident in the size and complexity of southeastern Middle Archaic societies, something that appears linked to changes in population interaction, climate, and resource structure. During the Mid-Holocene, use of the southeastern Coastal Plain decreased dramatically, and extensive use of shellfish resources appeared for the first time along the major rivers of the interior and in coastal areas. With the onset of essentially modern climate and resource structure after 5000 14C yr BP (ca. 5750 cal yr BP), a dramatic increase in regional population levels is indicated.

We present the available data pertinent to tis issue and argue that the discernible pattern justifies a model that posits an adaptive radiation on the part of newly arrived Mississippian food producers whose tenure overlapped with that of indigenous hunters and harvesters.

COLLAPSE OF CRUCIAL RESOURCES AND CULTURE CHANGE: A MODEL FOR THE WOODLAND TO ONEOTA TRANSFORMATION IN THE UPPER MIDWEST JamesL. Theler and RobertF. Boszhardt TheDriftless Area of the UpperMidwesternUnited States offers a case studyfor the transitionfrom hunter-gatherer (Late WoodlandEffigy Mound) to agricultural (Oneota) societies between ca. A.D. 950 and 1150, a period that coincided with northwardexpansion of Middle Mississippian culturesfrom the American Bottom. Previous studies have not adequately explainedthe regional disappearanceof EffigyMoundcultures,the appearance of Oneota cultures,or the culturalchanges that occurredduring this period. Our analysis considers ecological (deer andfirewood) and cultural (populationpacking, communityorganization,huntingtechnology,and warfare)factors to developa testablemodelapplicable to broaderregions. Wepropose that increasingLate Woodlandpopulations reachedthe region's "packingthreshold,"disruptinga flexible seasonal roundbased on residential mobility and triggering shortages of two essential resources, white-tailed deer andfirewood, which in turn led Late Woodlandgroups to abandon vast portions of the Driftless Area. The intrusion of Middle Mississippianpeoples from the south createdadditionaldisruptionand conflict. RemnantWoodlandand Mississippianpeoples amalgamatedbriefly in the region'sfirst villages, which were palisaded. After A.D. 1150, Oneota cultures emerged, reoccupyingspecific localities in clustered settlements. El Area Driftless (una zona no cubiertapor los glaciares) de la parte centraldel Norte de los Estados Unidosofrece un ejemplo de la transicionde una sociedad cazadora-recolectora(WoodlandEffigyMoundTardio)a una sociedad agricola (Oneota) entre 1050 y 1150 d.C, un periodo que coincidio con la expansionhacia el Norte de culturasMississippianMedio del Sur Americano.Estudiosanterioresno han explicado adecuadamentela desaparicion regionalde las culturasEffigyMound,la aparicion de las culturas Oneota, o los cambios culturalesque ocurrieronduranteeste periodo. Nuestro andlisis considera factores ecologicos (venadoy leha) y culturales(densidadde poblacion, organizacionde comunidad,tecnologia de caza, y guerra)para desarrollarun modelo que se puedeprobary que sepuede aplicar a regionesmas extensas.Proponemosque las poblaciones WoodlandTardioaumentaronhasta que llenaronla region,rompiendoel patronflexible de movilidadestacional y causandoescaseases de dos recursosesenciales, venadode cola blancay leha. Esta situacionobligo a los grupos Woodland Tardioa abandonarvastas extensionesdel Area Driftless.La intrusionde gruposMississippiandel Sur creo trastornosy conflictos adicionales.GruposremanentesWoodlandy Mississippiansefusionaronbrevementeen las primerasaldeas de la region, quefueron empalizadas.Despues del ano 1150 d.C. emergieronlas culturasOneota, reocupandolocalidades especificas en asentamientosagrupados. majorchange in humansubsistenceand settlementsystems occurredin the Driftless Area of the UpperMississippiRiver valley betweenca. A.D. 950 and 1150. The Late Woodland Effigy Mound culture of huntergatherers,whichwas heavilydependenton whitetailed deer, disappeared and was replaced by Oneotaculturesfocused on intensiveagriculture, wetland resource extraction,and bison hunting. The mechanisms involved in this Woodlandto Oneotatransitionhave been the subjectof analy- sis and debatefor over fifty years (e.g., Benchley et al. 1997;Benn 1995;Boszhardt1998;Brownand Asch 1990;Emerson1991;Gibbon1972;Gibbon and Dobbs 1991; Green2001; Griffin1960; Hall 1962; Henning 1970, 1995; Hurley 1975; Overstreet1981, 1995, 1998, 2000, 2001; Richardsand Jeske 2002; Rodell 2003; Salzer and Rajnovich 2000; Stoltman1986, 2000; ThelerandBoszhardt 2000; Tiffany2003;Wilford1955).Manyof these studieshavefocusedon ceramictypologyandconchronologies,with parfusing radiocarbon-based James L. Theler Departmentof Sociology andArchaeology,Universityof Wisconsin-La Crosse, La Crosse,WI 54601 Robert F. Boszhardt MississippiValleyArchaeologyCenter,Universityof Wisconsin-La Crosse, La Crosse,WI 54601 AmericanAntiquity,71(3), 2006, pp. 433-472 Copyright©2006 by the Society for AmericanArchaeology 433 This content downloaded from 138.49.101.50 on Fri, 16 May 2014 11:32:01 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 434 AMERICANANTIQUITY [Vol. 71 , No. 3, 2006 sinks," in which large land mammals become depleted(Kay 1998; Martinand Szuter 1999). In theUpperMississippiRivervalley,themostimportantfirst-linegameresourcein lateprehistorywas thewhite-taileddeer(Odocoileusvirginianus).Ethnohistoricalexamplesof groupsfacinggame-sink situationsin a packedlandscapewheremobilityis restrictedofteninvolveconflict.A classicexample is the historicwarfarebetween the Santee Sioux and the Chippewa in northwesternWisconsin (Hickerson1965, 1970; Kay 1979). Keeley (1996) and LeBlanc (1999) have reviewed pre-Colonialwarfare,concurringthat conflict was both common and deadly, and that archaeologistshaveoftenoverlookedthisaspectof pastcultures.Drawingon worldwideethnographic andarchaeologicalevidence,theyfoundthat( 1) all levels of humansociety were involvedin conflict (Keeley1996:27-32),(2) warfarewasnotunusual, and (3) per-capitacasualtyratesfor pre-Colonial Key Concepts warfarewere higher than for modern episodes, Centralto our model of culturalchange are con- includingthetwoWorldWars(Keeley1996:88-94; clusionsreachedby LewisR. Binford(2001) about LeBlanc 1999:9-10). Keeley and LeBlancevalusoci- atedcausalmodelsof war,includingenvironmenthe predictabletrajectoryof hunter-gatherer eties underpressurefrom increasedregionalpop- tal competition, revenge, and ritual. Both ulation density. Binford's global analysis of researcherssuggest that fighting over essential societies foundresidentialmobil- resourceswas a primefactorin manyconflicts,parhunter-gatherer thatassuredaccess to cru- ticularlyin times of stressbroughton by environto be the mechanism ity cial resourceclusters.Hunter-gatherers, including mentaldegradationor increasingpopulationthat thosewitha primaryfocus on largelandmammals, approachedthe carryingcapacityof the area(Keeexploit a relatively narrowniche and face con- ley 1996:115, 117-121; LeBlanc 1999:11-13). strictedmobilityas regionalpopulationincreases. They summarizewar methodsrangingfrom preknownhunter-gatherer arrangedbattlesto ambushesanddiscusshow warBasedon ethnographically of the landscapebeginsat about fare may be represented in the archaeological groups,"packing" 1.6 persons/100 km2 and reaches a "packing record.Most apparent,but generallyunderreprethreshold"at 9.1 persons/100km2.The environ- sented due to preservationand otherfactors,are mentalsettingof the DriftlessArea in the Upper examplesof traumaticdeathsuchas unburiedbodMississippiRivervalley (Figure1) is of a typethat ies, trophyskulls,scalpmarks,andskeletonswith is rare in Binford's sample (2001:444), and this embeddedprojectiles(see also Milner2005). Less regionmayhavesupporteda slightlyhigherhuman clear evidencefor prehistoricwar consists of setdensityatthepackingthreshold.Nonetheless,when tlementdatasuchas palisadedvillages,locationin this thresholdis reached,mobilityis severelycon- defensivepositionson the landscape,burnedsetstrainedand groups are forced to broadentheir tlements,andno-man's-landboundaryzones. Also of relevanceare Flannery's(1972, 2002) dietaryniche throughnew subsistencestrategies. Commonresponsestrategiesfor increasingniche syntheses of wide-ranging archaeological and breadthareintensificationof aquaticresourceuse ethnographicdatathatreveala broadpatternof settlementchangethatoften coincideswith the tranandhorticulture(Binford2001:434-437). societies. to agricultural One consequenceof a packedhunter-gatherer sitionfromhunter-gatherer tend found that first-line resources. is that of hunter-gatherers to share Flannery overhunting landscape This phenomenoncan createareas,called "game food resourcesin communalstoragefacilitiesthat ticularemphasison the rise andnorthwardexpansion of MiddleMississippianinfluencesfrom the AmericanBottom locality in the CentralMississubsippiRivervalley.Mosthavealsoincorporated sistenceandsettlementdatato varyingdegrees,but few have analyzedthis problematictopic from a moreholisticcultural-ecologicalapproach. Thispaperexaminesthe transitionfromWoodin to Oneotaagriculturalists landhunter-gatherers the Driftless Area by examining representative examplesof thesecultureswithintheregionalenvironmentalsettinganddevelopinga testablemodel thatincorporatesboth culturaland environmental factors.Themodelappliesculturaltheoriesregarding populationpacking(Binford2001), settlement systems(Flannery1972,2002), andwarfare(Keeley 1996;LeBlanc1999),alongwithecologicalfactors related to overexploitation of essential resources(Kay 1998;Martinand Szuter1999). This content downloaded from 138.49.101.50 on Fri, 16 May 2014 11:32:01 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Theler and Boszhardt] COLLAPSE OF CRUCIAL RESOURCES AND CULTURE CHANGE 435 Figure 1. Extent of the Driftless Area, effigy mounds, and Oneota cultures in the Upper Midwest. areoutsideof small (individual)houses, and their settlementsare typically small hamlets or compoundsconsistingof circularor oval living quarters.Emergentagriculturalsocieties, on the other hand,have an incentiveto producemore by storing extrafood resourcesin privatefacilities,often withinfamilyhousesthattendto be rectangularor squarein plan view. These initialvillages aretypically morepermanentresidencesandreflectpopulationaggregation. DriftlessAreaApplication: TheLate Woodlandto Oneota Transition The transformationfrom Late WoodlandEffigy This content downloaded from 138.49.101.50 on Fri, 16 May 2014 11:32:01 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 436 AMERICAN ANTIQUITY Moundculturesto Oneotaculturesin the Driftless Area between A.D. 950 and 1150 provides a regional applicationfor the concepts introduced above: Binford'spacking model, the concept of game sinks,the implicationsof warfareas synthesized by Keeley and LeBlanc, and the settlement patternshifts describedby Flannery.For most of prehistory,hunter-gatherer peoplesof theDriftless Areaweredependentfor food andclothingon one animalspecies, the white-taileddeer.The archaeological recordfor the region shows a fall-winter reliance on deer over a period of 5,000 years, extendingfrom the MiddleArchaicto the end of the Late Woodlandat aboutA.D. 1050 (Cleland 1966; Parmalee1959, 1960; Pillaert1969; Styles 2000; Theler 1987, 2000). The indigenousLate Woodlandexpressionin the southernone-halfof Wisconsinwas the Effigy Moundculture,best knownfor the constructionof thousandsof animal-shaped earthenmoundsacross the landscape (Birmingham and Eisenberg 2000:100-141, Figure5.4; Hurley 1975;Lapham 1855; Mallam 1976; Rowe 1956; Stoltmanand Christiansen2000). In theirsynthesisof the Late WoodlandstagealongtheUpperMississippiRiver, Stoltmanand Christiansen(2000) compileda list of 74 radiocarbondatesforEffigyMoundcontexts withinandnearthe DriftlessArea.Twenty-twoof these dateswere frommounds,and 52 were from habitationsites. The uncalibrateddate ranges (2sigma) Stoltman and Christiansen cite cluster betweenA.D. 700 and A.D. 1000/1030, forming thechronologicalbasisfortheirMatureLateWoodlandperiod(2000:507).StoltmanandChristensen (2000:514) interpretthe end of the Effigy Mound cultureas occurringat aroundA.D. 1050. Three dates from the Late Woodlandcomponentat the Cade5 site (47VE643) in the Bad Axe Rivervalley (ThelerandBoszhardt2000:301-302) support this terminalage estimatefor Effigy Moundlifeways in the DriftlessArea. RecognizedEffigy Moundphasesin the Driftless Area (Figure2) are the Eastmanphase in the south(Stoltman1990:252)andthe Lewis phaseto the north (Boszhardt and Goetz 2000). These phasesarespatiallyseparatedby a distinctboundary that correspondsto the Coon Creek valley, whichin effect formsa no-man's-landbufferzone (Benden 2004; Boszhardt2004a). The Eastman phase is dated to circa A.D. 750-1050, falling [Vol. 71 , No. 3, 2006 withinStoltmanandChristiansen's(2000) Mature LateWoodlandperiod.Thisphaseis distinguished by Madison ware pottery, short or no-tailed quadruped(oftencalled "bear")mounds,andboth unnotchedtriangular andside-notchedarrowpoints manufacturedalmost exclusively from locally availablecherts(Table 1). Eastmanphase subsistence indicatorsincludedeerandfish at bothinteriorandmainvalleysettingsandminoramountsof cornafterca. A.D. 950. Thepresenceof numerous Eastmanphaseshell-middensitesin theMississippi River floodplainnear Prairiedu Chien suggests thatfreshwatermussel harvestingintensifiedduring this period. The Lewis phaseis not well datedby radiocarbon assaysbutappearsto overlapthe latterportion of StoltmanandChristiansen'sMatureperiod,culminatingin the subsequentFinal Late Woodland period(Boszhardt2004a).The Lewis phaseis differentiatedfrom Eastmanon the basis of associated Angelo Punctated ceramics, long-tailed quadruped(often referredto as "panther")effigy mounds, and triangularpoints most commonly madeof orthoquartzite (probablyHixtonsilicified sandstonefrom the Silver Moundquarrieson the northeasternedge of the Driftless Area). Lewis phasesubsistencepatternsarenot well knownbut do not appearto includeintensivefreshwatermussel harvesting. As notedabove,theEffigyMoundcultureended about A.D. 1050 (Stoltman and Christiansen 2000:514).TheFinalLateWoodlandperiodis representedby a brief amalgamationof variousLate WoodlandandMississippianpeoplesin the southern margin of the Driftless Area at circa A.D. 1050-1 150, as documentedat two palisadedsites: Fred Edwards (47GT377) and Hartley Fort (13AM103).The mixedceramicsat these villages includeseveralLateWoodlandwares,MiddleMississippianstyles,andWoodlandandMississippian hybrids.Projectilepoints includeMadisonTriangular and Cahokiaand Grantside-notchedvarieties, nearlyall of which are manufacturedfrom local cherts.Houses at FredEdwardsandHartley Fortexhibitthefirstrectangularstylesin theregion, wall-trenchand nonincludingsemisubterranean trenchpost structures(Finney 1993; Finneyet al. 1993; Finney and Stoltman 1991; Stoltmanand Christiansen2000; Tiffany 1982). Following the abandonmentof these sites by ca. A.D. 1150, This content downloaded from 138.49.101.50 on Fri, 16 May 2014 11:32:01 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Theler and Boszhardt] COLLAPSE OF CRUCIAL RESOURCES AND CULTURE CHANGE 437 Figure 2. Location of key Driftless Area sites mentioned in text in relation to the Late Woodland Lewis and Eastman phase of the Effigy Mound culture. Woodlandculturesceased to exist in the Driftless Area. Sites exhibitingdistinctivetraitsof the subsequentOneotatraditionwereestablishedatboththe southernandnorthernmarginsof theDriftlessArea by A.D. 1200 (Emerson1991;Gibbon1979; Gibbon and Dobbs 1991; Rodell 1991; Theler and Boszhardt2000:308). In additionto characteristic ceramics(shell-temperedglobularjars), domestic architecture(oval wigwams and longhouses),and iconography(bison images), Oneotaculturesare distinguishedfrom their Woodlandpredecessors villages by theoccurrenceof sprawlingagricultural clusteredin specificlocales anda subsistencesys- This content downloaded from 138.49.101.50 on Fri, 16 May 2014 11:32:01 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions AMERICAN ANTIQUITY 438 [Vol. 71 , No. 3, 2006 Table 1. Comparisonof Key Aspects of the Lewis and EastmanPhases. Aspect Location Ceramics Effigy mounds Projectilepoints: Form/type Serration Raw material Lewis Phase NorthernDriftless Area (above Coon Valley) Angelo Punctated Long-tailed(panther)and birds EastmanPhase SouthernDriftless Area (below Coon Valley) Unnotchedtriangular(Madison) Unnotchedtriangular(Madison) and side-notched (Cahokia/Grant) Rarely serrated Most unnotchedare local chert; all notched are chert Often serrated Many are silicified sandstone ternthat includedridged fields plantedin maize, squashand,afterA.D. 1300, beans(Gallagherand Arzigian1994;Gallagheret al. 1985;Gallagherand Sasso 1987;HartandScarry1999).While numerous MatureLateWoodlandoccupationshavebeen foundthroughouttheDriftlessArea,the interiorof theregionhasyieldedevidenceforonly ephemeral useby Oneotapeoples.NominalOneotaindicators fromtheinteriorconsistof a few diagnosticsherds representingisolatedvessels andoccasionalbison petroglyphs,andbothtendto be confinedto rockshelters. vilEvidencefromOneotasummeragricultural lages in the La Crosselocalityof westernWisconsin revealsintensiveharvestingof diversewetland resourcesfrom the Mississippi River floodplain, storageof producein thousandsof pits, and relatively minorquantitiesof ungulateremains(e.g., Andersonet al. 1995;Arzigianet al. 1989, 1994; Boszhardt 1994; Boszhardtet al. 1985; Gibbon 1970; O'Gorman 1993, 1994, 1995; Stevenson 1994).Withonlyminorevidenceforlatefall-winter occupationoccurringat these sites, it seems that theseOneotacommunitieslargelyabandonedtheir farming villages during the cold season and migratedwestof theMississippiRiverto huntbison andotherungulates,a patternwell documentedin the early historicperiodof the region (Boszhardt 1994,2000;BoszhardtandMcCarthy1999;Theler 2000; Theler and Boszhardt2003; M. M. Wedel 1986). Prior Models of the Late Woodlandto Oneota Transition The Oneotacultureas an archaeologicalmanifestationwas firstrecognizedin the 1920sby Charles Keyes based on Ellison Orr'srecoveryof distinctive shell-temperedceramics duringexcavations Madison ware (often complex cord/fabricimpressed) Shortor no-tailed (bear) and birds along the Upper Iowa (formerly the "Oneota") Riverin northeasternIowa (Keyes 1927). In some featuresat these sites,Oneotapotterywas foundin directassociationwith early historicFrenchartifacts, andby the 1930s MildredMott (Mott 1938; M.M.Wedel1959)hadaffiliatedthesecontactsites with the Ioway Tribe using the direct historical approach.In the 1940s and 1950s, Lloyd Wilford encounteredOneotacomponentsat severalsiteshe excavatedin Minnesota.At some of these, Oneota culturalremains were associated with materials influenced by Middle Mississippian complexes fromtheAmericanBottom,butat othersearlyhistoric(French)artifactswere foundin Oneotacontexts.Based on these findings,Wilford(1955:131, 138-141) suggesteda sequenceof OneotadevelopmentbeginningwiththeCambriaphasein southcentralMinnesota,leadingto the Silvernalephase at Red Wing along the Upper Mississippi River and the Blue Earthphase at the southernedge of the state,andfinallyto the protohistoricOrrphase in theRootRivervalleyof southeastern Minnesota. Debate on the origins of Oneota cultures increasedwith JamesB. Griffin's(1960) paperin which he interpretedthe fortified Late Woodland/Middle Mississippian village of Aztalan Wisconsinas anoutpostof (47JE1)in southeastern "OldVillage"Cahokia.He arguedthatfollowing Aztalan'sdemise,remainingsocietiesin theUpper Midwest retainedsome Mississippiantraitssuch as shell-tempered potteryandcornagriculture, producing the archaeologicalexpression known as Oneota.In RobertHall's (1962) taxonomicsynthesis following excavations at CarcajouPoint (47JE2) in southeasternWisconsin, Hall established a horizon sequence for the culture:first, EmergentOneota,as representedby components such as the early Oneotaoccupationat Carcajou This content downloaded from 138.49.101.50 on Fri, 16 May 2014 11:32:01 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Theler and Boszhardt] COLLAPSE OF CRUCIAL RESOURCES AND CULTURE CHANGE Point,Silvernalephase sites at Red Wing, andthe John Chapman(11JD12) and Lundy (11JD140) sites at the mouth of the Apple River in northwesternIllinois;second,the Developmentalhorizon, as indicatedby GrandRiver Oneotasites in easternWisconsin;and finally,a Classic horizon, exemplifiedby a latercomponentatCarcajouPoint, LakeWinnebagophase sites in east-centralWisconsin,andtheearlyhistoricsitesin northeastIowa andadjacentsoutheasternMinnesota. An importantaspectof Hall'sworkat Carcajou Point was the inclusion of the first radiocarbon dates for Oneota (Hall 1958, 1962). During the next decade,as additionaldatesbecame available for bothOneotaandMiddleMississippianassemblages, controversydeveloped over whetherthe earliestOneotacomponentsexistedbeforeor after Middle Mississippianemerged in the American Bottom and appeared at Aztalan. Through the 1960s and 1970s studentsof DavidBaerreisat the Universityof Wisconsin-MadisonstudiedOneota sitesin Wisconsin,Iowa,andMissouri.Theresulting dissertationsandpublicationsincludedgeneral acceptanceof a chronologyin whichtheEmergent Oneotahorizon precededMiddle Mississippian, and also provided an initial understanding of Oneotasubsistenceandsettlementpatterns(Baerreis and Bryson 1965; Gibbon 1969, 1972; Henning1970;Hurley1975).DuringthisperiodRonald Mason (1966) excavateda series of sites on Wisconsin's Door Peninsula, defining the OneotarelatedMero complex;WilliamHurleydescribed Oneotamaterialsfrom centralWisconsinand the Armstrongsite (47PE12) along the Mississippi RiverbetweenRed Wing and La Crosse (Hurley 1975 and 1978, respectively);David Overstreet (1981) provided a summaryand hypothesis of Oneotadevelopmentin easternWisconsinbasedon excavationsatthePipesite(47FD10);DavidGradwohl (1974) directed initial investigations of MoingonaphasesitesalongthecentralDes Moines River;Amy Harvey( 1979) publisheda description of the Dixon (13WD8) and Correctionville (13WD6) Oneotasites in northwesternIowa;and JosephTiffany( 1979) initiatedworkatOneotasites in southeastern Iowa.Theseandotherprojectscontinuedto providechronologicalinformationon the evolutionof theOneotaculturethroughnewradiocarbondatesanddetailedceramicanalyses. By the 1980s andinto the 1990s, Oneotastud- 439 ies increaseddramatically,in partdue to Cultural ResourceManagementprojects,includingextensive work at the Red Wing (Gibbon and Dobbs 1991) and Blue Earth(Dobbs 1984) localities in Minnesotaand the La Crosselocality in Wisconsin (e.g.,Andersonetal. 1995;Arzigianetal.1989; 1994;Boszhardt1994, 1997;Boszhardtetal. 1985; Gallagheret al. 1985, 1987; Gallagherand Sasso 1987; Gallagherand Stevenson1982; O'Gorman 1993, 1994, 1995; Sasso 1993; Stevenson 1985, 1994). Among the many importantOneota sites excavated during this period were Old Spring (47WN350) in eastern Wisconsin (Overstreet 1989), Hoxie Farm (11CK4) and Oak Forest (11CK53) near Chicago (Brown and O'Brien 1990), severalMoingonaphasesitesin centralIowa (Benn 1991; Moffat 1998), McKinney (13LA1) (Tiffany1988) andWeverTerrace(Henning1995) in southeasternIowa,Dixon in northwesternIowa (Fishel 1999), and the NorrisFarms36 cemetery (11F115) in centralIllinois (Santureet al. 1990). At the same time, researchexpandedon understandingthe northerndistributionandassociations of MiddleMississippianmaterialsthroughoutthe UpperMidwest and theirimplicationsfor understandingterminalLateWoodlandculturesandthe originsof Oneota(e.g., Boszhardt1998;Emerson andLewis1991;Hall 1991;Overstreet1998,2000; Stoltman1991a).Relevantstudiesincludea series of sitesexcavatedin thecentralIllinoisvalley(Conrad1991;Harn1991;McConaughy1991),theMill Creek complex in northwesternIowa (Tiffany 199 1a, 199 lb), therecognitionof theBennettphase in northwesternIllinois (Emerson1991), modern excavationsat Aztalan (47JE1) (Goldstein 1991; Goldsteinand Freeman1997; Richards1992), a summationof earlyMiddleMississippianmounds and ceramicsat Trempealeau(Greenand Rodell 1994), excavations at the Fred Edwardsvillage (FinneyandStoltman1991) andGottschallRockshelter(47IA80) (Salzer 1987, 1993; Salzer and Rajnovich2000) in southwesternWisconsin,and excavationsat the HartleyFortsite in northeastern Iowa (Finney 1992; Finney et al. 1993; Tiffany 1982). By themid-1990s,withnearly400 radiocarbon dates available(Boszhardtet al. 1995), debateon Oneotaoriginshadbecome dividedinto two main camps:those acceptingthe existenceof pre-Middle MississippianOneota(e.g., Dirst1998;Gibbon This content downloaded from 138.49.101.50 on Fri, 16 May 2014 11:32:01 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 440 AMERICANANTIQUITY andDobbs 1991; Henning 1998; Hollinger1993, 1995;Mason 1990; Overstreet1989, 1995, 1998; Richardset al. 1998; Richardsand Jeske 2002; Salkin2000), andthosequestioningorrejectingall such dates (e.g., Benchley et al. 1997; Boszhardt 1998, 2004b; Brown and Asch 1990; Stoltman 2000:519;Tiffany 1986;StoltmanandChristiansen The 1998:156). chronological implications are essentialfor assessing the end of Late Woodland andemergenceof Oneota.In essence, do the purportedearliest(pre-A.D. 1050) Oneotamanifestations(e.g., CarcajouPoint,OldSpring,andMero I [47DR83] in easternWisconsin,and early Silof vernaleatRedWing)representa transformation between A.D. Late Woodland indigenous peoples 950 and 1050 that was enhancedby subsequent MiddleMississippiancontact(Benn 1995;Gibbon 1969; Gibbonand Dobbs 1991; Overstreet1981, 1995;Rodell 2003)? An alternativescenarioconceives the foundingof pre-MississippianOneota componentsinWisconsinviamigrationof evenearlierOneotagroupsfromthesouth(Overstreet1998, 2000, 2001). Conversely,if Oneotacameintoexistence afterthe developmentof MiddleMississippian complexes in the American Bottom, then OneotacultureprobablyderivedfromLateWoodlandpeoplesadoptingsome Mississippiancharacteristics through contact and only became a recognizableexpressionaroundA.D. 1150-1200 as Cahokianinfluenceswaned (Boszhardt1998, 2004a, 2004b;Green2001; Stoltman1986,2000). In additionto incorporatingradiocarbondates andceramiccomparisons,a numberof researchers haveutilizedotherdatato gaininsightintothetransition from LateWoodlandto Oneota.For example, Benn (1995) and Hollinger(1993) evaluated genderroles as reflectedin householdpatternsand ceramicmanufactureto infershiftsbetweenpatriand matricenteredpolitical/economic systems. Benn(1989) also examinedtheideologicalexpressions of birdmensymbolismemergingfrom Late Woodlandceramics to Oneota catlinite tablets. Salzer (1993) focused on stratigraphicevidence and a pictographpanel at the GottschallRockshelterto suggest Late WoodlandEffigy Mound authorshipof the paintingsthere and continuity throughOneotaculturesto the historicHo-Chunk (previouslyknownas theWinnebago).Salzerinterprets the pictographcompositionas representing the Chiwere Sioux mythic story of Red Horn. [Vol. 71 , No. 3, 2006 Salzer'spre-MiddleMississippianchronological hasbeenquestionedon stratigraphic interpretation and stylistic grounds (Boszhardt 1998, 2004b; BrownandKelly2000; Green2001;Mason1993). Green(2001), however,continuedto exploreRed Horn and other ideological expressions in Late Woodland Effigy Mound and Oneota cultures through the archaeological and ethnohistoric record,withparticularemphasison earth/skydualism. Overstreet (1995, 1998, 2000) emphasized in conjunctionwithceramic, domesticarchitecture lithic, andradiocarbondatafromeasternWisconsin to develop hypotheses regardingEmergent Oneotabefore Middle Mississippiancontact,but dateshe citesactuallyshowthepertheradiocarbon tinent components to be post-A.D. 1150-1200 (Benchley et al.1997; Boszhardt 1998, 2004b; Overstreet2001). Forexample,of the severalhundredradiocarbondatescurrentlyavailablefor the Oneotaculture,approximatelyforty of them,primarilyin easternWisconsin,havebeen invokedto of thisculture interpretthe earliestrepresentations withor even earlierthanLate as contemporaneous Woodland/Middle Mississippianoccupationsdated to A.D. 1050-1 150 (Overstreet1995, 1998,2000). Yettherangesof allof theearlyOneotadatesextend afterA.D. 1150, indicatingthat they are equally likely to representa post-LateWoodland/Mississippiantime frame(Boszhardt2004b). Similarly, the typesCarcajouPlainandCarcajouCurvilinear areoften cited as the earlieststyles of Oneotapottery in easternWisconsin(Hall 1962; Overstreet 1989, 1995, 1998, 2000, 2001; RichardsandJeske 2002), yet all dated single-componentsites that haveproducedtheCarcajoutypesarefirmlyestablished in time between A.D. 1200 and 1300 (Boszhardt2004b). Significantly,this time range includesthe type site (Old Spring,47WN350) for the McKernphase, which had been proposedas representingan EmergentOneotahorizonin eastern Wisconsin between ca. A.D. 900 and 1100 (Boszhardt2004b; Overstreet2001). The alleged distinctions between lithic assemblages from "McKernphase"componentsandpost-A.D. 1200 GrandRiver phase components from the same locality have also been shown to be invalid (Boszhardt2004b). Stoltman(1991a, 2000) designed a series of contact-scenariomodels to explore Middle Mis- This content downloaded from 138.49.101.50 on Fri, 16 May 2014 11:32:01 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Theler and Boszhardt] COLLAPSE OF CRUCIAL RESOURCES AND CULTURE CHANGE 441 sissippianinfluencesin the Upper Midwest that entrydescribesanexcursionfromPrairieduChien haveimplicationsfortheLateWoodlandto Oneota to the KickapooRiverandback: transition.Eachis basedon degreesof MississipThecountryis dividedintonumeroushills,or pian influenceor contact,rangingfrom minimal ratherridgesof variousshapes& dimensions (e.g., local imitations of Middle Mississippian butgenerallyof an equalaltitude,by valleys ceramics)to extensivecontact/colonization(e.g., & ravines,someof whichhavefinestreamsof thepresenceof importedRameyceramics,rectanspringwaterrunningthro'them.Thehills are gular wall-trench house floors, and platform feet generallyelevatedfrom3 to4 or5 hundred mounds). Most recently, Benden (2004) has abovethe valleys,handsomelyroundedupon reportedan early (ca. A.D. 1050) MiddleMissistheirtops, but abrupt& precipitouson their sippiancomponentattheFisherMoundssite comsidesandalmostinaccessibleexceptthro'the plex (47VE825) within the no-man's-landbuffer numerousravinesby whichtheyarecut.The between the Eastmanand Lewis Effigy Mound vallies[sic]aremanyof thembroadandappear phasesin the DriftlessArea (see Figure2). Addiwell adaptedto tillage & pasture.The hightionally,Boszhardt(2004a) describes a possible landsalso appearwell calculatedfor theraisfeastingepisode betweenRameyhorizonMissising of grain.Thecountryis generallyPrairie sippianpeople and Lewis phase Late Woodland land,butthehills &valleysarein someplaces people at the Iva site (47LC42) in the La Crosse coveredwitha scatteringgrowthoffine timlocality.These sites addto the databaseof Middle berconsistingof White,Red,&PostOak,HicMississippiancontactwith Final Late Woodland cory [sic], WhiteWalnut,Sugr.Tree,Maple, groupsin the Upper MississippiValley between White& blue ash,AmericanBox, &c. [Kane A.D. 1050 and 1150 andsupportthe interpretation et al. 1978:86;emphasisadded]. thatOneotadid not emergeuntil nearthe end of the Rameyhorizon(ca. A.D. 1175). Gallagherand Stevenson (1982) summarized floralandfaunalresourcesof the La pre-European Crosse withinthe DriftlessAreaby subdilocality The Driftless Area Environment vidingthelandscapeintoeconomicresourcezones TheDriftlessArea(Martin1965:82-83;Omerniket associated with upland, terrace, and floodplain al.2000:91) is a geographicislandthatcovers35,000 niches. Eachzone offereddifferentresources,but km2,75 percentof whichis in Wisconsin,with the the uplandridges and terracestendedto be occuremainderin the neighboringstatesof Minnesota, pied by prairie-savanna vegetationcommunities, Iowa(Prior'sPaleozoicPlateau;Prior1991:84-97), while floodplainscontained a variety of warmandIllinois.By definition,the DriftlessArealacks season resourcesand were forested.The prairieevidencefordirectglaciationduringthelaterstages savannauplandsandterracesofferedsporadicnut of the Pleistocene,but it does containglacialout- masts (hickory,walnut,and acorn),berries,birds, washin majorvalleysandhasuplandloess deposits small mammals,white-taileddeer, and elk. The (Mickelsonet al. 1982). The topographyof this floodplainsof the Mississippi River and smaller providedbountifulfish,freshwatermusregionmay be characterizedas an uplandplateau tributaries heavily dissected by small-stream development sels, cattail,arrowleaf,wild rice, grapes,resident resultingin steep-sided,dendriticvalleyswith nar- and migratorywaterfowl,beaver,muskrat,otter, rowuplandridgesandbedrockescarpmentshaving othersmallmammals,andwhite-taileddeer.Freshup to 150m of relief.Thetwo majorriverscrossing watermusselswereparticularlyplentifulin a contheregionaretheWisconsin,whichdrainsmuchof stricted segment of the Mississippi River near the centraland southwesternportionsof the state, Prairiedu Chien,at the confluenceof the Wisconsin River.Many floodplainresourceswere availandthe Mississippi(see Figure2). The topographyandvegetationof the Driftless ableonlybetweenspringandfallbecausethemajor Areawere describedin 1817 by StephenH. Long, riversin this regionfreeze over duringthe winter. whoheadedtwoU.S. Corpsof Topographical Engi- Smaller,spring-fedstreamsdraininginteriorvalneerssurveys(1817 and 1823) intotheUpperMis- leys, however,often remainopen throughoutthe the upperreachesof interior sissippi River region. His July 24, 1817, journal winter.Furthermore, This content downloaded from 138.49.101.50 on Fri, 16 May 2014 11:32:01 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 442 AMERICANANTIQUITY valleys typicallycontainswampyfloodplainsthat reflectterminalPleistocenepondsthatbecamebogs duringtheHolocene.Floodplainforestswouldhave supportedsome oak andwalnutbut consistedprimarilyof ash,riverbirch,silvermaple,cottonwood, andotherdeciduoustrees.The islandsof the Mississippi and Wisconsin Rivers likely supported forestsfor muchof the late Holocene,andgallery forestswouldhave extendedup tributaryvalleys. Winterin the DriftlessArea In the UpperMidwest,winteris the crucialseason for survival,and comprehendingthe harshconditions in the DriftlessAreais essential.The winter monthsof December,January,and Februaryare cold andsnowy.As thejet stream characteristically movessouthoverthisregion,arcticairfollowsduring this seasonof shortdays,weak solarradiation, and snow cover.Most wintersexperienceat least one majorblizzard,withheavysnowfallandstrong northwindsthatcausethe snowto drift.Typically, these eventsarefollowedby prolongedperiodsof subzerotemperaturesandhazardousoutdoorconditions.By latewinter,the snowcoveroftencrusts over,makingfoot travelextremelydifficult.Average monthly temperaturesfrom 1971 to 2000, based on six weather-recordingstations spread acrossthe DriftlessArea,show Decemberwith an averageof -6.7°C (20°F),Januarywith the coldest averageof -10.0°C (14°F), and Februarywith an average of -6.TC (21°F) (Moran and Hopkins 2002:123, 128-129, 294, AppendixD). By way of comparison,the area of the American Bottom/ Cahokiais about8°Cwarmer,withanaverageJanof about-1 . 1°C(30°F).Theaveruarytemperature annual snowfall in the DriftlessAreabetween age 1961 and 1990rangedfrom53 to 127 cm, withthe eight snowiestwintersfrom 1950 to 2000 having totals of 165 to 203 cm (Moran and Hopkins 2002:135,Table5.2, Figure5.6). We recognize that climatic conditions in the Driftless Area have varied during the climatic episodesof the Holocene,includingthe warm-dry Altithermalfrom ca. 8,000 to 5,000 B.P., and the brief warm-moistNeoAtlanticperiod at ca. A.D. 1000 (McDowell 1983; Wendlandand Bryson modelfor 1974).However,a recentarchaeoclimatic the La Crosselocality withinthe DriftlessAreaat A.D. 1000 (McEnaneyand Bryson 2005) reveals only slightlyhighermean temperatures(less than [Vol. 71 , No. 3, 2006 1°C) when comparedto the modernrecord.This brieftemperature spikebothfollowedandpreceded coolertrendsfromA.D. 600 to 800 andA.D. 1200 to 1800, with significantlycooler July temperaturescorrespondingto the NeoBorealperiodthat peakedbetweenca. A.D. 1500 and 1600. TheLate Holocene SavannaLandscape For much of the Holocene, oak savannasexisted betweenthe easternforestsandwesterntall-grass prairiesin the UpperMississippiValley.Savannas aredefinedas containingmorethanone treeper .4 ha (1 acre)but less than50 percentcanopycover (Curtis 1959:330). Depending on setting, tree in thisregionwerefire-resistant speciesrepresented bur,white, andblack oak.Associatedwith savannas were largetractsof tall-grassprairiewith less than 1 tree per .4 ha, and fire-sensitivehardwood forestsin protectedtopographicniches (Anderson 1998; Curtis 1959:464-465; Davis 1979:86; Omerniket al. 2000:91; Will-Wolf and Stearns 1998).InWisconsin,savannasareestimatedto have coverednearly22,700 km2(5.6 million acres)in the early 1800s, with 75 percentof these areasin the southernhalf of the state (Anderson1998:3; Curtis1959:326,FigureXVI-2). Located at the eastern margins of the Great Plains,Wisconsin'ssavannaoriginatedabout8,000 years ago underthe warm-drywesterlies of the Altithermalclimaticepisode(Anderson1998:8-9; Bartlein and Webb 1982:76-78; Webb et al. 1983:147, 162).Thelongevityof thissavannacommunityis evidencedby vegetationregimesdocumented at Europeancontact,pollen studies, and soil-developmentpatterns(Anderson 1998:7-8; Hole 1976:51).Thecontinuedexistenceof savanna communitiesunderincreasinglymoist conditions in southwestern Wisconsinafter3,500B.P.required human interventionthroughintentional persistent 1998:8-9; Curtis 1959:464; (Anderson burning Winkler1985:204). Curtis(1959:295-305, 334-337) makesit clear thatWisconsin'soak savannasand prairieswere maintained by periodic burning. Anderson (1998:11-12) discusses the necessity of nearannual,low-intensityfiresset by NativeAmerican peoples to maintainthe post-Altithermalsavanna. Curtis (1959:456-468) and others also attribute burningto Native Americans,who set fire to the savanna and grasslands, a process that both This content downloaded from 138.49.101.50 on Fri, 16 May 2014 11:32:01 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Theler and Boszhardt] COLLAPSE OF CRUCIAL RESOURCES AND CULTURE CHANGE increasedforage for deer and elk and served as "firedrives"forhunters.A similarpatternof Nativeinduced burning in the early European-contact periodis documentedin much of NorthAmerica (Denevan 1992:372-373; Dods 2002:479-484; Kay 1996:492;Krech1999:101-122;McCullough 1979:21;Nelson 1997:97;Pyne 1982:71-83;Redman 1999:65-66; Schorger1953:203). One indicatorthat supportsthe inferencethat Native Americansmaintainedthe Driftless Area savannasduringthe late Holoceneis the dramatic change in regional vegetationinitiatedby EuroAmericansettlementaround1850. Historicplowing,roads,andcoordinatedfiresuppressionresulted in oak woodlands sproutingfrom the savannas within a few decades (Anderson1998:13;Curtis 1959:334-336;Muir 1965:183-184).Today,after 150 years,most of the region'suncultivatedlandscapeis coveredwith matureoak forests,some of whicharesucceedingto maple(Curtis1959:466). A maple-basswoodforest,documentedin theheart of the DriftlessAreaby GovernmentLandOffice surveyorsin 1844-1845, is thoughtto havedevelopedafterA.D. 1100 dueto a naturalfirebreakcreated by the Kickapoo River valley (Anderson 1998:9)and theabsenceof NativeAmericanburning following abandonmentof the areaduringthe transition(KlineandCottam Woodland-to-Oneota 1979:866). The End of Effigy Mound Culture and Changes in the Seasonal Round The most conspicuousfeatureson the archaeological landscapeof the Driftless Area are animalshapedearthenmounds.Theyhavebeen a focus of attention for over 150 years (Birminghamand Eisenberg2000;BoszhardtandGoetz2000; Green 2001; Hurley 1975; Lapham 1855; Lewis 1884-1888; Mallam 1976; Rowe 1956; Taylor 1838;ThelerandBoszhardt2000; Thomas1894). Associatedceramicsandradiocarbondatinghave placedeffigymoundsin theMatureLateWoodland periodbetweenca. A.D. 750 and 1050 (Stoltman and Christiansen2000:Tables19.1, 19.2). Effigy moundsareconcentratedon the savannalandscape of southernWisconsin and also occur along the Mississippi River and its tributariesin northeast Iowa(Mallam1976:68-71), northernIllinois,and southeastMinnesota(see Figure 1) (Birmingham 443 and Eisenberg2000; Hurley 1975; Rowe 1956). They often occurin groupsthatcontainan assortmentof shapes,includingconical,linear,andvarious effigy forms (Mallam 1976:86; Rowe 1956:15). Some groups,however,particularlyat interiorlocations,have only animalforms(Theler and Boszhardt 2000:304-306, 2003:128, 138139). Most effigies clearlywere intendedto represent animals,but the particularspecies are often unclear(Green2001; Lapham1855:70;Thomas 1894:532). The most characteristiceffigy forms representbirdsandmammals(Figure3), possibly clanspirit-beings ratherthannaturalanimals(BirminghamandEisenberg2000:113-133; Green2001; Hall 1993;Mallam 1976;Rowe 1956). Effigy moundpeoples initiallyfollowed a traditionalseasonalround.In the spring,microbands left the interiorand congregatedin larger macrobandsat locationsalong majorwaterwayswith warm-season, resource-rich floodplains (Benn 1979:68;Mallam 1976:36). One such locationin southwesternWisconsinwas the Prairiedu Chien terraceandadjacentfloodplainattheconfluenceof the Wisconsinand MississippiRivers.Numerous excavatedWoodlandsites in the Prairiedu Chien locality show a focus on warm-season aquatic resources,principallyfish andfreshwatermussels with some use of turtles,waterfowl,andmammals (Stoltman 1990; Theler 1987). When the macrobandsreformed,social commitmentswere fulfilled (Benn 1979:68-69;Mallam1976:39;Wobst 1974)andthedeadwereburied(CharlesandBuikstra1983;Mallam1976:38).In the wintermonths, theUpperMississippiRivertypicallyfreezesover, allbutnegatingtheavailabilityof aquaticandriparian resources(Mallam1976:38).Cold-seasondispersal into microbands and warm-season aggregationintomacrobandsappearsto haveoriginated far back in the Archaic tradition(Storck 1974;Theler 1987;ThelerandBoszhardt2000). Basedon higherfrequenciesanda broaderspatial distributionof LateWoodlandsites, it appears that humanpopulationincreasedin the Driftless Area and elsewherein the UpperMidwest in the latterportionsof theMatureperiod(Alex2000:116; Green 1986:24;Greenand Nolan 2000:371-372; Stoltman1990:252).Furthermore, two linesof evidenceindicatethatsomeinteriorDriftlessAreavalleys becameoccupiedyear-roundfor the firsttime aroundA.D. 950. First,bothcold-season(deer)and This content downloaded from 138.49.101.50 on Fri, 16 May 2014 11:32:01 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 444 AMERICAN ANTIQUITY [Vol. 71 , No. 3, 2006 Figure 3. Effigy-only mound group (Tollackson, 47VE927) in the North Fork of the Bad Axe Valley, Vernon County, Wisconsin. warm-season(fish and corn) subsistenceremains have been recoveredfrom habitationsites dating to this period(Theler1987;ThelerandBoszhardt 2000:302-303).Inaddition,numerousexamplesof effigy-onlymoundgroupshave been documented deep into interior valleys (Lewis 1884-1888). Becausemoundconstructionin thisregionis effectively precludedfrom NovemberthroughMarch, when the groundis frozen (Moranand Hopkins 2002:123, 294), the effigy-only groups indicate Late Woodlandwarm-seasonactivitiesat interior locations. Thus, during the latter portion of the MatureEffigyMoundperiod,as populationswere increasing,some interiorlocationsbecame occupied year-round. One example of this new settlementpatternis This content downloaded from 138.49.101.50 on Fri, 16 May 2014 11:32:01 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Theler and Boszhardt] COLLAPSE OF CRUCIAL RESOURCES AND CULTURE CHANGE found in the Bad Axe Rivervalley. The Bad Axe drainageentersthe MississippiRiverbetweenthe moderncities of Prairiedu Chien and La Crosse, Wisconsin(see Figure2). The Bad Axe drainage covers492 km2andis dividedintonorthandsouth forksof nearlyequal size (210 km2and 220 km2, respectively).Basedon Binford'smodel,ata packing thresholdof 9. 1 personsper 100km2,eachfork of the BadAxe wouldhave supporteda maximum hunter-gatherer populationof about20 people.The characterof thisvalleyis typicalof dozensof DriftlessAreadrainagesystemsthatemptyintotheMississippi and Wisconsin Rivers. Archaeological surveysand excavationsin the Bad Axe drainage haverecoveredevidenceof year-roundLateWoodland occupancy between A.D. 950 and 1050, includingharvestof deer,fish, and nuts, and corn horticulture.Most informativeis the heavy concentrationof effigy-onlymoundgroupson all landformsin the drainage(BoszhardtandGoetz 2000; ThelerandBoszhardt2000:299-305). Wisconsin'sDriftless Throughoutsouthwestern Area, multipleeffigy-onlymound clustersoccur, manyof themsituatedwithininteriordrainagesor on interfluvialridges (Figure4b). The differential spatial patterning,such as the Lewis/Eastmanphasedichotomy(BoszhardtandGoetz2000), and thepresenceof numerouseffigy moundson ridgetop trailroutes(Lapham1855;Rowe 1956;Taylor 1838), supportan interpretationthatone purpose of the moundswas to marksocial territories.For example,atleast69 effigymoundsaredocumented throughoutthe Bad Axe drainageon the northern boundaryof the Eastmanphase (Boszhardtand Goetz 2000:271).We suggest thatthe effigy-only moundgroupswere constructedduringthe terminal portionof the indigenousMatureLateWoodlandoccupationof theDriftlessArea,andthatthese moundsserved,in part,to marka landscape(e.g., Charlesand Buikstra1983:130)thathad reached the packingthreshold(Binford2001). A significantconsequenceof year-roundoccupationof interiorvalleys by Late Woodlandpeopleswasthedemiseof theannualsubsistencecycle. Groupsthathad traditionallymoved in an annual roundfrom warm-seasonmacrobandgatherings on the Mississippi floodplain to cold-season microbanddeer-huntingcamps in the dissected interiorwould increasingly encounteroccupied areas. As less-mobile populations continued to 445 increase,"daughter"groupswould splinteraway to occupy other interiorvalleys on a year-round basis (Mallam 1976:55). As the Driftless Area became "packed,"some groupswere restrictedto stayingalongtheMississippiRiverthroughoutthe year.Indeed,it is at this time thatwe see the first evidenceof people stayingon floodplainsites during the cold season (Theler and Boszhardt 2000:297). At the same time, these floodplain groups responded to the packed landscape by adopting corn horticulture and dramatically increasing their harvest of freshwater mussels (Theler1987:120).In addition,afterA.D. 950, as groupmobilityconstricted,cornwas incorporated intotheeconomyof allEffigyMoundgroups(Arzigian 1987; BirminghamandEisenberg2000:102; Green2001). Interiorvalleysof theEastmanphase territory(e.g., the Bad Axe) were "owned"and markedfor the firsttime by effigy mounds(Theler andBoszhardt2000). As noted earlier, the evidence for territorial boundariesbetweenEastmanandLewisphasepeoples atthistimeis compelling(BoszhardtandGoetz 2000), and these territoriescould be defendedby the relativelynew regionaladaptationof the bow and arrow.Circumstantialevidence in supportof this interpretationis found in the chronological sequenceof chipped-stonearrow-tiptypes for this region, beginning with the type Honey Creek aroundA.D. 500-700 (Boszhardt Corner-Notched Mead 2003a:73-74; 1979:145-148). However,by the end of the Mature Late Woodland period, unnotchedMadisonTriangular pointsbecamecommon (Boszhardt2003a:77-78). Ethnographicand archeological evidence indicate that unnotched arrowtips (e.g., MadisonTriangular)were often designedfor warfare,in contrastto notchedpoints preferredforhunting,becausetheunnotchedpoints wouldreadilydetachfromthe shaftandremainin the wound (Boszhardt2002:62; Keeley 1996:52; Milner 2005:151; Pyszczyk 1999:169). Consequently,the incorporationof unnotchedMadison technolTriangularpointsintothe bow-and-arrow Mound at the same time that of ogy Effigy people round and increases the annual impeded population boundarieswere developed,suggeststhatconflict was on the rise. By A.D. 1050-1100 an annualcycle of residentialmobilityforDriftlessAreahunter-gatherers had ended and the constructionof effigy mounds This content downloaded from 138.49.101.50 on Fri, 16 May 2014 11:32:01 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 446 AMERICAN ANTIQUITY [Vol. 71 , No. 3, 2006 Figure 4. Four-stage model of the Woodland to Oneota transition in the Driftless Area. This content downloaded from 138.49.101.50 on Fri, 16 May 2014 11:32:01 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Theler and Boszhardt] COLLAPSE OF CRUCIAL RESOURCES AND CULTURE CHANGE ceased.The finalWoodlandpeople to occupyportions of the DriftlessArea appearto have represented some type of Late Woodland and Mississippiancombinationin twofortifiedvillages: FredEdwardsandHartleyFort(Figure4c). Unlike theEastmanphaseoccupations,thesesitesyielded evidence of (1) a wide range of cultivatedplant species, includingcarbonizedcorn (ubiquitousin featurecontexts at Fred Edwards);(2) palisades; (3) rectangularhouses;(4) deep storagepits (Arzigian 1987:232,239;Finney1993;FinneyandStoltman 1991); and (5) evidence for Mississippian interaction(Benn and Green2000; Finney 2000; FinneyandStoltman1991).AfterA. D. 1150,most of theDriftlessAreaappearsto havebeenvirtually abandoneduntilthehistoricera,whileearlyOneota groups establishedagriculturalcomplexes at the northernandsouthernmarginsof this region(Figure4d; ThelerandBoszhardt2000:308). 447 2005) to build up fat reservesfor winter.During this period,acornscan compriseup to 80 percent of the diet, with the mast of the white oak preferred,as it containstheleasttannicacid(Dahlberg and Guettinger1956:63-66; Jackson 1961:419; Rue 1978:248-250).Whiteoakwasa majorspecies of Wisconsin'soriginalsavannahabitat(Anderson 1998; Curtis 1959) and was the only species of wood representedin charcoalsamplesidentifiedat the LateWoodlandCade 5 site (47VE643) in the BadAxe Valley(ThelerandBoszhardt2000:302). The numberof deer thatcan be supportedin a given areais not dependenton the summerrange butis limitedby the winterrange.In mild winters, deerroamovermuchof theirsummerterritory,but in cold, snowy wintersthey contracttheirrangeto about10 percentof the areaused in the warmseason. Duringthese harshperiods,they congregate in locationsthatoffershelterfromthewinterwind, with availablespringwaterand maximumforage (Dahlbergand Guettinger1956:145-148; Nelson The White-Tailed Deer 1997:43-48; Osborn2003:196). In the Driftless Area,thepreferreddeerhabitatduringseverewinHabitat ter conditionsis the gallery woods along valley Modernland use and agriculturalpracticeshave bottoms, particularlythe swampy floodplainsin transformedthe vegetation communities of the the upperreaches of many interiorvalleys. Deer UpperMidwest,includingthe DriftlessArea,and concentratedin theselimitedareaswouldbe highly by extensionthe densityandbehaviorpatternsof vulnerable to predationby humans (Beier and white-taileddeer.Nonetheless,we can character- McCullough1990;Jackson1961:419). ize the basic winterbehaviorof these animalsin the region to appreciatetheir vulnerabilityunder Regional CulturalImportance habitatconditionsthatlikely existed at the end of White-taileddeer were the most importantcoldthe EffigyMoundculture(ca. A.D. 1050). season animal resource during the Archaic and The white-taileddeer is an edge animal that Woodland traditions in the Driftless Area, as generally avoids open grasslands and closed, demonstratedby a dominanceof processeddeer maturewoodlands,with its primehabitathavinga bones in faunalassemblagesfromfall-winterkills mosaic of vegetationcommunitiesthatprovidesa at interiorsites (Berwick 1975; Parmalee1959, maximum amount of nutritionalbrowse. These 1960; Pillaert 1969; Storck 1972; Theler 1987, peripheralcommunitiesare often associatedwith 2000:127). The fall-winterdeer furnisheda nearareassubjectedto repeatedburning(Jackson1961; perfectpackage,readilytransportable andsupplyMcCullough1979:18-22; Osborn2003:195). ing quality meat, fat, and nutrient-richmarrow Adultdeertypicallyeat 2.7 to 3.6 kg of food a (MadrigalandHolt 2002). Moreover,deerprovide day in the northernMidwest,and theirfood sup- the optimal skin for making clothing (Gramly ply tends to be abundantduringthe spring,sum- 1977). While elk were harvestedin limitednummer, and fall. Deer readilyconsumemore than a bers throughoutthe DriftlessArea, it is clear that hundreddifferentplantspecies,browsingtheleaves deerwerethefocusof thecold-seasonharvest(Cleandtips of hardwoods,shrubs,anda wide variety land 1966;Theler 1987, 2000). of herbs and conifers.As the succulentplantsof The historicalrecordfor easternNorthAmersummerwane,deerconcentrateon fat- andstarch- ica indicates that the most prevalentaboriginal rich acornmast as available(Koenig and Knops methodsfor harvestingdeerincludedstalkingand This content downloaded from 138.49.101.50 on Fri, 16 May 2014 11:32:01 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 448 AMERICANANTIQUITY [Vol. 71 , No. 3, 2006 Figure 5. Probable Late Woodland pictograph from Tainter Cave (47CR569) depicting late winter deer hunt. a variety of drive techniques. Drives typically involveda numberof men who employed strategic use of fire,dogs, orfencingto forcedeerto prepositioned hunters (Waselkov 1978:15-18). In Wisconsin,thesetechniqueswereusedwithsnares set on trailsandthe killing of deertrappedin deep snow(Schorger1953:197,198,201-204). A probableLateWoodlandrockartpanelin TainterCave (47CR569)(Figure5), located in the centralpart of the Eastmanphase territory,documentsbow hunterssurroundingand shootinga herd of deer, includingpregnantdoes, in the late winter/early spring (Boszhardt2003b; Theler and Boszhardt 2000). White-TailedDeer PopulationDynamics As thecrucial,first-lineWoodlandwinterresource, white-taileddeerareat the cusp of ourhypothesis fortheLateWoodlandto Oneotatransition.Whitetaileddeerhave an incrediblecapacityfor population growthundersuitableconditionsin termsof cover, food, and predators.An example of their potentialfor rapidpopulationincreasewas documented at the George Reserve in southeastern Michigan.GeorgeReservecovers 464 ha of land in 1928by a 2.3farmeduntil1900andsurrounded The Reserve fence. initially conGeorge m-high tained no deer, but two male and four female white-taileddeerfroma wildpopulationwereintroducedinto the enclosure.The reservehad no naturalpredators(i.e., wolves) orhuntingby humans. The firstdeer census of the reserve,held in 1933, found an astoundingincreaseto 160 deer in less than five years (McCullough 1979:8). A similar experimentwas undertakenattheSandhillWildlife Areain centralWisconsin,wherein 1972, anentire herdof 593 deer was removedby huntingfrom a fenced area of 3,813 ha. By 1974, 30 deer were countedin the containmentarea,butno additional huntingwas permitteduntil 1977, by which time theherdhadgrownto anestimated413 deer(Creed 2001:55-56; McCaffery2001:142-143). In the last decadesof the twentiethcentury,the white-taileddeerpopulationof the DriftlessArea, This content downloaded from 138.49.101.50 on Fri, 16 May 2014 11:32:01 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Theler and Boszhardt] COLLAPSE OF CRUCIAL RESOURCES AND CULTURE CHANGE andof muchof the UpperMidwest,rose dramatically.Thecurrenthighpopulationdensitypresents a challengeto gamemanagerswho dealwithdamage to crops and native vegetationcommunities, increaseddeer-vehiclecollisions, and the potentiallycatastrophicconsequencesof ChronicWasting Disease. Despite the longest huntingseasons of themodernera,whichtookover500,000 whitetailsin Wisconsinin 2004 (WisconsinDepartment of NaturalResources2005), moderndeerpopulationsareconsideredoutof controlin termsof a balancebetweentheirpopulation,habitat,andhumans (Nelson 1997). Giventhecurrentabundanceof deerin theDriftlessArea,it wouldseemreasonableto presumethat deerwereabundantthroughouttheHolocene.Population projectionsby Dahlbergand Guettinger (1956:14,Fig.1) suggestthatinA.D. 1800, thedeer densityin the DriftlessArea would have been 20 to 50 deerper 2.59 km2(1 mi2).This estimatehas been repeatedin the wildlife literatureof Wisconsin (Jackson 1961:416, Map 77) and used by archaeologists (Mallam 1976:71; Theler 1987; ThelerandBoszhardt2000). However,these estimateswere basedon the "mythof a pristinehabitat" (Denevan 1992; Stahl 1996:106), without considerationof the dynamicqualitiesof regional vegetationcommunities(Anderson 1998; Curtis 1959) or the effects of aboriginalhumanpopulationsas thekeystonepredator(Kay 1979:413;Kay 1998:491^92). Historicaccountsindicatethatdeerwererarein the DriftlessAreajust priorto widespreadEuropean settlement.In 1822, both NativeAmericans and Euro-Americanlead miners of the region encountereda greatscarcityof gamealongtheMississippiRiver(Kay 1979:197).The UpperMississippiRivervalleyin generalcontainedfew deerinto the 1830s. For the 1836 summerhuntbelow Fort Snelling (St. Paul, Minnesota), Indian Agent LawrenceTaliaferro reportedthattheSiouxhadnot killed a single deerandthatall the game hadbeen sweptoutof theMississippiandsmallerstreamvalleys of the region(Hickerson1965:49). Themostsuccinctandinformativeearlyhistoric accounton the rarityof deerandthe NativeAmericanrelationshipto theirlow numbersin the DriftlessAreacomesfromWilliamKeating,who served as StephenH. Long'sgeologistandhistoriographer on an 1823expeditionto thesourceof theSt.Peter's 449 (Minnesota)River.The overlandroute took the partyfromChicagoto FortCrawford(atPrairiedu Chien, Wisconsin), across the southernDriftless Areaduringthe summerof thatyear.Keatingsays, On the routefromChicagoto FortCrawford we saw but one deer,at which,however,we had no opportunityof shooting.We likewise observedbuta singlewolf, whichwas of the kindcalledPrairiewolf [coyote?].If to these we addthebadger,whichwaskilledonthe 17th of June[1823],we shallhavethelistof theonly seenuponupwardsof twohundred quadrupeds miles of prairieland.Theextremescarcityof gamein a countryso remotefroma whitepopulationas this is, must be strikingto every observer;andit becomesthe moreso, if we takeinto consideration the abundanceof fine which grass grows upon it. We know of no othermannerof accountingfor this scarcity, thanby attributing it to thepacificstateof the Indiantribesthatown thesehuntinggrounds. of enemies, Beingfreefromall apprehensions hunt without and reserve, destroythe they more than it can be rapidly reproduced. game withwhite Theyappear,sincetheirintercourse men,tohavelostthesagaciousforesightwhich previouslydistinguishedthem. It was usual withthem,formerly,to avoidkillingthe deer duringthe ruttingseason;the does thatwere withyoungwerein likemanneralwaysspared, except in cases of urgency;and the young butatprefawnswerenotwantonlydestroyed: sent,the Indianseemsto considerhimselfas a strangerin thelandwhichhis fathersheldas theirown;he sees his propertydailyexposed of whitemen,andthereto theencroachments forehuntsdownindiscriminately everyanimal thathe meetswith;beingdoubtfulwhetherhe will be permittedto reap,theensuingyear,the fruitsof his foresightduringthe present,and fearinglest he may not be sufferedto hunt, foranotherseaundisturbed, uponhisproperty son.Tothiscause,andto the increasein their numbersproducedby a longcontinuedpeace, the scarcityof gameat prewe mustattribute sentobserved[Keating1959:239-240]. The historicdemise of deerdescribedby Keatto the acquisitionof firearms ing is not attributable by theIndians.Flintlocktrademusketswerea pres- This content downloaded from 138.49.101.50 on Fri, 16 May 2014 11:32:01 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 450 AMERICANANTIQUITY tige item for individuals (Lohse 1988:396) and were used for their"shockvalue"in warfare(Ray 1974:73; Taylor 2001:115-117). The noise and unreliabilityof tradeguns (Ray 1974:75)untilthe late nineteenthcentury(Lohse 1988:396) caused tribessuchas theMenomineeto maintaintheirtraditionalandmorereliablebow-and-arrow hunting technologyinto the 1840s (Keesing 1987:114). Keatingwas correctin his forecast of Indian land loss. South of the WisconsinRiver,the HoChunk and the Potawatomi ceded their lands througha seriesof treatiesin 1829, 1832,and1833. The BlackHawkWarof 1832 becamethe catalyst for the cession of Ho-Chunklands coveringWisconsin'sDriftlessAreanorthof theWisconsinRiver in 1837. This land was surveyedin the 1840s by the GovernmentLandOffice and offeredfor sale to Euro-Americansettlersbefore 1850 (Grossman 1998). TheHistoric Rise and Fall of Deer Populations:A Modelfor Prehistory Outsideof Prairiedu Chien,few Euro-Americans lived in the DriftlessArea northof the Wisconsin River before 1850. The decline of importantfur species such as beaverduringthe furtradecreated a marketfor deerskinsto produceleather.Between 1810 and 1830, UpperMississippitraders,mostof them operatingout of Prairiedu Chien, obtained thousandsof deerhidesfromIndianhunters(Hickerson 1970:115;Phillips 1961:87, 130-131, 148, 361-362, 636; Schorger1953:207-209).As noted above, duringthe 1820s huntingpressureassociatedwiththe furtradehaddecimatedthe deerpopulation.However,as demonstratedat the George Reserveandthe SandhillWildlifeArea,deerpopulationscan reboundquickly with adequatefood andcoverandreducedhuntingpressure.Afterthe 1840sremovalof manyof the Ho-Chunk,the deer Wisconsinhada decade populationof southwestern to reboundpriorto widespreadsettlementby EuroAmericanfarmers.By the mid-1840s, deer herds were againreportedon the prairiesof southwestern Wisconsin (Schorger 1953:201). One local newspaperreported,"Since the Indianshave left this part of the country,wild game has become plenty,"and, "Deerare now [1848] found in this vicinity [Prairie du Chien] in large numbers" (Schorger1953:201). Withina few years of initial land sales, west- [Vol. 71 , No. 3, 2006 ern Wisconsinbecame more densely settledthan everbefore,this time by Euro-Americanfarmers. Forexample,afterthe areawas openedfor public land sales, the populationof VernonCounty,Wisconsin, which encompasses the Bad Axe River valley, increasedtwentyfold (from 223 to 4,826 people) in the eight yearsbetween 1847 and 1855 (Union Publishing Company 1998 [1884]). Althoughdeerwere plentifulin the DriftlessArea by 1848,Euro-Americansettlementrenewedpressure on the herd throughboth unregulatedhunting andculturallyinducedchangeto thevegetation communities due to plow agriculture and the demand for building materials and fuel. These pressures, coupled with the severe winter of 1856-57, led to a well-documentedcollapseof the regionaldeer population,which did not rebound until the mid-twentiethcentury. Deer are most vulnerableto predationin deep snow thatbecomescrustedover,allowingthemto be killed by the simplestof methods.These conditions force deer to remain in a very confined space,similarto "deeryards"commonin northern Wisconsin (Dahlberg and Guettinger 1956: 145-149).Inthesesituations,deerarenearlyimmobilized,being restrictedto limitedareasandpaths thathave been madein deep snow. Schorger(1953:209)writes: A crustondeepsnowwasoneof theworstconditionsthatthedeercouldmeet.Theywerean easy preyto wolves andto hunterson snowshoes.Andersonhada tradingpostontheMinnesotaRiverthewinterof 1806-07.InMarch a crustformedon the snow and the Indians tomahawkedeverydeerthatcouldbe found. The winterfollowingnot a singledeercould be found. By thetimeof theharsh,snowywintersinthemid1850s, westernWisconsinwas widely settledby Euro-Americanfanners.Thewinterof 1856-57 was notableforthedeepsnow,whichdevelopeda heavy ice crustthatcould supportmen, dogs, andwolves (MoranandHopkins2002:116-1 17),butnotdeeror elk. Therearemanyreferencesto the effectsof this winteron Wisconsindeer.Forexample, JosephV.Jonescameto Durand,PepinCounty [in the northernportionof theDriftlessArea] in 1856. Thatwinterthe snow was six feet This content downloaded from 138.49.101.50 on Fri, 16 May 2014 11:32:01 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Theler and Boszhardt] COLLAPSE OF CRUCIAL RESOURCES AND CULTURE CHANGE deepon thelevel so thatthe deerwereunable to travel.Manywerekilledwithclubs.Thesituationwasequallybadin GrantCounty[southern DriftlessArea] where the deep, crusted snow permitteda great slaughter.Accounts indicatethatstrandeddeerwereexterminated by simplyknockingthemon theirheads.In November1857,deer,thoughformerlyabundant in RichlandCounty [centralDriftless Area]werereportedscarce.Thedeepsnowof the previouswinterled to theireasy destructionby wolvesandwantonkillingby hunters [Schorger1953:209-210]. Afterthe winterof 1856-57, deer were rareor absentfrommanylocationsin the regionuntilthe mid-twentiethcentury(Dinsmore1994; Schorger 1953).As notedabove,the potentialfor a rebound in the DriftlessArea deer populationduringthe firstcenturyof thepost-Euro-Americansettlement erawas suppressedby persistenthuntingandland clearanceassociatedwith agriculture.It is notpossible to predictthe frequencyof poor winterconditions for deer in the Driftless Area because climaticregimeshavechangedovertime. But historic recordsindicatethat episodic deep, crusted snows occurredaboutonce every 10 to 15 years, such as duringthe wintersof 1856-57, 1868-69, and 1887-88 (Schorger1953:210-211). Crucial Resources and the End of Effigy Mound LateWoodlandpopulationswere initiatingmaize horticulture and seasonally targeting aquatic resources,includingintensiveharvestof mussels, by A. D. 950 (Arzigian 1987; Theler 1987:112113).Thesesubsistenceshiftsareindicativeof pressureon first-linelargemammalresources(Binford 2001:442-444). We suggest that by A.D. 1000 many"owned"DriftlessAreavalleys (such as the BadAxe), as well as terraceandfloodplainsections along the Mississippi River, were occupied by Effigy Moundpeoples year-round,and that their crucialresourcezones were markedanddefended (Thelerand Boszhardt2000). The regionalvegetation was primarily oak savanna and upland prairies,maintainedby frequentburning.The crucial winterresourcesfor humanpopulationswere deer and firewood.With valleys occupied year- 451 round,stresson bothof theseresourceswouldhave increasedas humanpopulationsgrew. Deer Itis usefulto examinethepotentialpopulationdensity andnutritionalvaluefor deer.As notedabove, it is ourcontentionthatearlierestimatesof 20 to 50 per 2.59 km2 (1 mi2) for the deer populationof southwesternWisconsinwere fartoo high for preEuropeanconditions.A morereasonablepopulation densityis perhaps5 deeror less per2.59 km2,given the predominatelyprairie-savanna settingand the dependenceof white-taileddeer on wintercover (BeierandMcCullough1990:43).The NorthFork of the BadAxe River,with a basinsize of 210 km2, wouldhavesupporteda localpopulationof perhaps 400 deer.As notedearlier,Binford'spacking-model thresholdof 9. 1persons/100km2formarginalenvironmentswould be reachedwith a populationof about20 people.If we allow for a sustainablecull rateof 25 to 33 percentperyear(McCullough1979), then 100 to 132 deer would be availableannually for a hypotheticalLateWoodlandgroupof 20 individuals. Granary(1977:602) suggests the Huron needed an averageof 3.5 deer hides per year per person,so clothingfor20 personswouldrequireharvesting at least 70 deer each year.If we raise the estimatedLateWoodlandhunter-gatherer population in the presumednon-marginalNorthForkof the Bad Axe to 30 people (a packingthresholdof 14.3 persons/100km2),then 105 deerwould need to be harvestedfor clothing.This level approaches theprojectedsustainablecull ratefor the local deer herd. On average,the protein necessary to support one personis about50 g per day.Fresh,lean venisoncontainsabout21 g of proteinper 100g of meat (having 74 percent moisture) (Wattand Merrill 1963:65).Thus,one wouldneedto consumeabout 238 g of lean venison per day to satisfy protein needs.A white-taileddeerin thefallon averageprovidesabout23 kg of leanmeat,representing50 percent of the animal's field-dressed (eviscerated) weight. This estimate is based on averaged male/femaleweightsby year-classfor Novemberkilled, field-dresseddeerharvestedat the Sandhill WildlifeArea(Kubisiak2001:81, Figures5.8,5.11) andappliedto a year-classpopulationprofileof 65 deer mandibles(32 lefts and 33 rights)recovered from the Woodlandcomponentsat the Gottschall This content downloaded from 138.49.101.50 on Fri, 16 May 2014 11:32:01 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 452 AMERICAN ANTIQUITY Rockshelter(47IA80)in theDriftlessArea(Theler and Stevenson2002). Theprojected23 kg/deerof venisonwouldsupply 100 person-daysof protein.For a groupof 20 people (usingBinford's9.1 persons/100km2),the 70 deer needed to supply an adequatenumberof hides for clothing would provideenough protein to support20 people for 350 days. At the higher packingthresholdof 14.3persons/100km2,30 people in theNorthForkof theBadAxe wouldrequire 105 deer for hides and to provideproteinfor 350 person-days.Again, this necessaryharvestquantity falls withinthe maximumsustainablecull rate of the local deerherd.In additionto lean meatand hides, deer also provideda storehouseof fat and nutrientsin the bone marrow. Procuringdeer throughvarioushuntingtechniquessuchas drivesorindividualhuntswouldhave been facilitated by bow-and-arrowtechnology, which firstappearsin the archaeologicalrecordof the DriftlessArea at ca. A.D. 500-700 (Boszhardt 2003a:73-74;ThelerandBoszhardt 2003:135-137). Advantagesof the bow and arrowover spearsand dartsincludemultiple,rapid-fire shotsandaddedprecision due to back sighting (Green and Nolan 2000:370-371).This technologyenhanceshunting capabilitiesof individuals(Benn1979:66)andsmall groups (Green and Nolan 2000:370-371). With increasedhumanpopulationindicatedby year-round settlementsacrossthelandscapeandincreasedhuntteching effectivenessprovidedby bow-and-arrow nology,LateWoodlandgroupshadthecapabilityto harvestenoughdeerto meettheirproteinandclothlevelsof the ing needsandsurpassthe sustainability deerherdovera broadarea.Forgroupsrestrictedto theMississippiRiverfloodplainon ayearinhabiting roundbasis,procuringenoughdeerwouldhavebeen problematic,particularlyduringthe winter,when few otherresourceswere available. Firewood Archaeologistshave rarelyaddressedthe importance and implicationsof firewoodsuppliesrelative to prehistoric settlement. However, Waldo Wedel (1986) did considerthis issue for the late prehistoricpeoplesof the UpperRepublicanRiver of Nebraska: Most prehistoriclodges in the Republican countrywest of the 100thmeridianhada floor [Vol. 71 , No. 3, 2006 areaof approximately 600 squarefeet (54 sq. m) and a volumeof around6,000 cubicfeet (168 cu m). At a probablyvery conservative twenty-fivekilograms(55 lbs)of firewoodper day,the familyor familiesoccupyingsuch a structure wouldconsumeupto 20,000pounds (9,200kg)of woodperyear,roughlytheequivalentof fivecordsof mixedelm, cottonwood, A hamletof threeto five andotherhardwoods. households occupied by 30 to 50 persons would then have burned60,000 to 100,000 poundsor 30 to 50 tons of wood per annum [W.Wedel1986:232]. Fromthehistoricalrecord,however,it is clear that even among the much larger historic Indianvillages in the easternplains, where trees grew much more abundantlyand to a muchgreatersize,thesearchforfuelwoodwas sucha majorproblemthatits collectingmay haverequiredseveraltripsa dayandoccupied as muchof theworkingtimeof thewomenas any othersingle workdayactivity[W.Wedel 1986:233]. havealsoevalFortheCahokiaarea,researchers uatedproblemsof securingfirewoodfor cooking and winterheating,and wood for buildingmaterial (LopinotandWoods 1993; Simon 2003). Milner (1998:126-127) suggests that most buildings were built with saplingsof a mix of species and that driftwood furnished fuel wood. Milner (1998:91) reportsthat "onlyrarelydid the buildings [houses] containhearths"and suggests that "earthinsulation,heavy clothing and covers, and bodywarmthsawthesepeoplethroughwintersthat were sometimesbitterlycold."At Aztalan,domestic houses had well-definedfireplaces(Wittryand Baerreis1958:62-72), as did someLateWoodland "keyhole"-shapedhouses at the Statz (47DA642) andMurphy(47DA736)sitesin DaneCounty,Wisconsin (Hawley 2002; Meinholz and Kolb 1997:52-66), suggesting that these were winter dwellings. As noted earlier,Wisconsin winters are substantiallycolder than those of the Cahokiaarea. landSecuringenoughwoodfroma prairie-savanna scape to carrya groupthrougha typical western Wisconsinwinterhadto be equallyas challenging as acquiringenoughdeer.A potentialindicatorof This content downloaded from 138.49.101.50 on Fri, 16 May 2014 11:32:01 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Theler and Boszhardt] COLLAPSE OF CRUCIAL RESOURCES AND CULTURE CHANGE wood harvestis the quantityof woodcuttingtools foundon local sites. In the DriftlessArea,ground stone celts of the Woodland tradition (Ford 1969:49-53) arerarein the archaeologicalrecord (Table2) (Arzigian 1981; Freeman 1969; Geier andLoftus 1975;Holtz andBoszhardt1998;Hurley 1965;SalzerandRajnovich2000; Sasso 1989; ScottandBoszhardt1992;Theler1981, 1987;Wittry 1959b).The patternof sparsecelt occurrences is repeatedforthesucceedinglateprehistoric(A.D. 1300-1600) Oneotasettlementsin the La Crosse locality (see Table2). Extensiveexcavationsat a numberof sites have producedfew or no celts (Andersonet al. 1995;Arzigianet al. 1989, 1994; Boszhardt1994:35;O'Gorman1993, 1994, 1995; Stevenson1994).Elsewhere,Oneotasiteshavealso producedfew celts (see Table2) (BluhmandFenner 1961; Bluhm and Liss 1961; McKusick 1973:15, 46). It is likely thatwood for warmthand cookingin the interiorvalleyswas derivedlargely fromnaturallydroppedbranchesandtreefalls. Celts appearmore frequentlyat Upper Midwesternsites withclearMississippianconnections andextensivepalisadewallpost constructions(see Table2). The best knownof these sites is Aztalan, where at least 49 celts were recoveredin excavations before 1960 (Barrett1933:275-276; Maher and Baerreis 1958:19-21). These investigations uncoveredsections of large stockadeposts (often a foot in diameter),andBarrettsuggeststhesewere felled from living trees with a stone axe and fire (1933:50, Plate 10, Figure 1). Barrett(1933:44) calculatedthe totallengthof theAztalanstockade featuresat 2,987 m (9,800 feet) and estimatedan averageof one post per linearfoot (Barrett1933: 49). Based on these figures, nearly 10,000 trees wouldhavebeen cut to constructthe palisadefealocaturesatthissite.Indeed,thelong-confounding tion of Aztalanon a minor stream(the Crawfish River)and at the base of a hill may reflectproximity to adequatewoodlotsrequiredfor construction of its massivestockade. Celts arealso relativelycommonat contemporary Late Woodland/Mississippianvillages with stockadesin the Upper Mississippi River valley, includingtheFredEdwardssite (Finney1993:182) andHartleyFort(JohnCordell,personalcommunication 2004; Finney et al. 1993:5; McKusick 1973:8). In addition,celts are presentat the palisadedportionof the Bryansite (21GD4)nearRed 453 Wing,associatedwiththeMississippian-influenced Silvernale phase component (Gibbon 1979:31; Gibbon and Dobbs 1991:289-291). Large numbers of celts have also been found at Cahokiaand nearbyrelatedMississippiansitesin Illinois,where house posts, palisades, and massive ceremonial posts were cut (Iseminger et al. 1990; Milner 1984:87-88, 1998:87; Pauketat 1987:213-237; YoungandFowler2000). To bettergauge the apparentdifferencein frequenciesof celts between stockadedLate Woodland/Mississippian villages and preceding WoodlandandsucceedingOneotacultures,a ratio was developed for representativesites based on areaexcavated,whereknown(Table2). Forexample, approximately920 m2 of the MiddleWoodland Millville site (47GT53) was excavated, producinga single celt, or a ratioof 1 celt per 920 m2.At the OneotaTremainesite (47LC95), over 120,000m2were investigated,includingthe excavation of nearly 1,000 features, with only two unused celts recovered. Including both of the Tremainecelts andthe minimumstudiedareaproduces a ratioof 1 celt for every60,000 m2.In contrast,theratioof celtsto excavatedareaatpalisaded Late Woodland/MiddleMississippianvillages is substantiallylower,reflectinga greaterfrequency of celts. Forexample,at FredEdwardssevencelts were found in approximately1,500 m2, or 1 celt for every214 m2.At HartleyForta celt bit andtwo possiblecelt midsectionswererecoveredin 150 m2 of excavated site area. Accepting the minimum numberof celts possible at HartleyFortcreatesa ratioof 1 celt for every 150 m2. Cuttingan adequatesupply of firewoodfor a small wintersettlementof 20 to 30 people would be nearlyimpossibleeven withthe highest-quality ground-stone tools. For earlyEuro-Americansettlers armedwith metal axes, the chore of supplying winter fuel was demanding.Yet the crucial natureof this resourceis reflectedin the fact that initial Euro-American settlement between the AppalachiansandtheGreatPlainswas determined moreby the availabilityof wood forfuel andbuilding thanby soil fertility(Hoffman1966:312-313; Perlin 1989:352). The Bur and white oaks nativeto the Wisconsin savannasarenaturalpruners(Anderson1998: 4-5; Zalucha 1994:313) and can provide a prolonged supply of droppedwood. However,when This content downloaded from 138.49.101.50 on Fri, 16 May 2014 11:32:01 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions [Vol. 71 , No. 3, 2006 AMERICANANTIQUITY 454 | I ? & <* I ! 3 I 3 § 1 |5 li1!!!!! ? IS « * o8 = 2 8 ? I 1 ^ E I o I,! O » V a i * w gs $ <N I «§§l|ili^ oi £ S pq E E I^ 8 tc S 1^1^* 3 s a 1*11 1 ^t p 1 1 1 I §<b§3S55 | I * S£" Q to O <£ a /«-s T3 p 1 I ^ tS I S 2 2 g ot r^ ofc^o G O •c & S u J, ^ ^ 2 |o ^ Jj J, 09 +-J 8 5 i> ^ u l i u |i §i I i! i ij i 1 &£££^! 3^33=33^ ^ ^ M -a-a-a-a-as.I I inmi I Illilifi S C 5 "-N 0 ^ c3 1 "81 il!:I c3 Oh c« a 22 jz 1 "8S 1 1 QJ C3 g i l|j This content downloaded from 138.49.101.50 on Fri, 16 May 2014 11:32:01 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Theler and Boszhardt] COLLAPSE OF CRUCIAL RESOURCES AND CULTURE CHANGE smaller valleys became occupied year-roundby LateWoodlandpeoples, the demandfor firewood may have led groups to begin girdling trees to expandthe firewoodsupply.Girdlingcould have been accomplishedwith chipped-stonechoppers ratherthancelts(e.g., BluhmandFenner196 1:155; GeierandLoftus1975:149;Gibbon1970:138-140; Mead 1979:162). This behavior, coupled with annualburningof the savannagrasslands,would have been a recipe for disaster,rapidlydepleting niche-specificwoodlotsin anincreasinglydenuded landscape.FewDriftlessAreapollen/charcoalprofiles areavailable,butone fromaninteriorbog site alongTamarackCreekshowsa sharpspikein charcoalatcircaA. D. 1000-1050 (Davis 1979).Accelerated wood use would have reduced not only firewoodand nut-mastreservesbut also essential coverfor deer.Growinghumanpopulationsrequiring more wood and therebyreducingdeer cover, coupledwithincreasedhuntingefficiencyfromthe bowandarrow,meansthatDriftlessAreadeerpopulationsmighthaveexperiencedconsiderablestress as the MatureLateWoodlandperioddeveloped. 455 UpperMississippiRivervalley.Thesemusselsare relativelylow in nutritionalvalue (Parmaleeand Klippel 1974:432) yet can be dried and stored (Theler 1987:55-57). As such, they representa warm-season,second-line contingencyresource thatcould be exploitedto increaseniche breadth. An exampleof the contingencystatusof freshwater mussels was recordedby ZebulonPike during his 1805 expeditionuptheMississippiRiver.Upon arrivingat the lower end of the DriftlessArea on September1, he wrotein hisjournalthattwo of his menhadbecomeseparatedonAugust24: "Thetwo soldiershadbeen six dayswithoutanythingto eat, exceptmussels..."(Pike 1966 [1810]:11). For the Upper Mississippi River, it has been suggested that high-density mussel aggregates ("mussel beds") were harvestedduring the late summerto fall low-waterperiod,to providea storablewinterresource(Theler1987:55-57).Theharvest andprocessingof musselsworkswell withthe late-seasondemandson cornhorticulturists. Intensificationof freshwatermusselexploitationduring the LateWoodlandstagein the UpperMississippi Valley is revealedby a dramaticincreasein the numberandsize of shellmiddens(Boszhardt1982; Responses to Packing Stoltman1990;Theler1987). This shift coincides Binford(2001) lists patternedresponsesin human withtheperiodin whichtheDriftlessAreaappears societies to havebecomepackedandlikelyreflectsa decline behaviorthatoccurwhenhunter-gatherer reachthepackingthreshold.Theseincludesubsis- in regionalfirst-lineresources(especially whiteextrac- taileddeer),whichhadbecomeinadequateto meet tence shiftsto intensifiedaquatic-resource tion, and horticulture.Flannery(1972, 2002) has subsistence needs. We view sharply intensified summarizedconcomitantchanges in settlement mussel utilization as an example of Binford's patternsduringthe transitionfromhunter-gatherer (2001) model for aquaticresourceintensification hamlets to early agriculturalvillages, including whenpopulationsreachthepackingthreshold,and architecturalshifts from roundhouses and com- a signatureof human populationsunder stress, munalstorageto squarefamilyresidenceswithpri- wheremobilityis reducedandnichebreadthmust vatized internal storage. Furthermore,Keeley be broadened.A similarsituationis reflectedin the (1996) andLeBlanc(1999) haverecognizedclues archaeologicalrecordfor the Upper Mississippi forincreasingwarfarethatis usuallylinkedto com- RivervalleyduringtheArchaicto EarlyWoodland petitionfor criticalresources,particularlyin times transition (Theler 1987:82, 119; Theler and of stress.Evidencefor conflictincludesdefensive Boszhardt2003). As notedearlier,Effigy Moundgroupsin both settlementlocationsand constructionof fortifications. The following summarizesarchaeological interiorandmainriversettingsincorporatedmaize evidence for such culturalresponses duringthe productioninto their economy at ca. A.D. 950 LateWoodlandto Oneotatransitionin the Upper (Arzigian 1987; Stoltman and Christiansen Midwest. 2000:512).Pre-plowmaize horticulturewas labor intensive(Reidhead1981:201-206) andproduced SubsistenceShifts relativelylow yields (Schroeder1999).Again,we Shells of freshwatermussels are presentin vary- interpretthis subsistenceshift to have been influing quantitiesatmanyprehistoricsites alongin the encedby humanpopulationsreachingthepacking This content downloaded from 138.49.101.50 on Fri, 16 May 2014 11:32:01 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 456 AMERICANANTIQUITY thresholdandfacingreducedavailabilityof thetraditionalfirst-lineresource,white-taileddeer (see, for example, Binford 2001; Kay 1998:488-489; MartinandSzuter1999 on human/animalinteractions of this type). SettlementChangesand the VillageEnigma Woodresourceswere sharplycircumscribedin the settingof theLateWoodlandDriftsavanna-prairie lessArea.Webelievethislimitationhelpsto address theenigmaof whyno sedentaryEffigyMound"villages"havebeenfoundin theregion(Stoltmanand Christiansen2000:514). Effigy Mound peoples would have needed to shift habitationsites on a yearly basis, abandoninglocations as firewood becamedepletedandmovingto nearbyareaswhere wood resources remained.When the landscape becamepacked,this settlementshiftwas restricted to each "owned"drainage.The Late Woodland habitationdepositsin the BadAxe Valleyillustrate thispattern,withdebrisdistributedas a thinveneer over manykilometersof bottomlandandterraces. TheLateWoodlandpackingmodelfortheDriftless Area has relevanceto largerregions of the Upper Midwest and other culture areas where lifeways gave way to agriculture. hunter-gatherer As notedearlier,someresearchershaveinterpreted a Late Woodlandpopulationincreasebased on a higherfrequencyof sites and on spatialdistributionsindicatingtheoccupationof nichesnotinhabited by earlierWoodlandcultures(e.g., Greenand Nolan2000;MoffatandBoszhardt2005; Stoltman 1990;Studenmund2000:332).OthershaverecognizedincreasedLateWoodlandsitefrequenciesbut of low populationdenhaveretainedinterpretations sitiesdueto lackof "villages,"e.g., BennandGreen (2000:482)for Iowa,Brashleret al. (2000:557)for lowerMichigan,Emerson( 1999) andEmersonand Titelbaum(2000:422) for northernIllinois, and Stoltman and Christiansen(2000:513-514) for southernWisconsin.The Late Woodlandcultural sequenceof each of these regions,like thatof the DriftlessArea,begins with an earlystagethatwas embellishedafterca.A.D. 950 by thefirstpresence of corn andnew styles of LateWoodlandpottery. All of theseLateWoodlandculturesendedwiththe terminationof MiddleMississippiancontactand, subsequently,Oneotagroupsoccupiedthe Upper Midwest. The model we are presentingfor the Driftless [Vol. 71 , No. 3, 2006 Areais basedon a LateWoodlandhunter-gatherer populationincreasethatinitiallyled to buddingoff of groupsto adjacentareasto maintaintraditional subsistence patterns(e.g., Stoltman and Christiansen2000:513).As thelandscapefilled,thepopulation reached a thresholdat which a seasonal roundbasedon residentialmobilitywas no longer possible,forcinggroupsto adoptsettlementstrategies withinconfinedsubregions(e.g.,Emersonand Titelbaum2000:422fornorthernIllinois).Archaeologically, this shift would be reflected by an increaseacrossthe landscapein sites of the same relativesize as thoseof precedinggenerations(e.g., Green and Nolan 2000), ratherthan population nucleationwithinvillages. Additionally,the innovationof LateWoodland keyhole-shapedhouse-floorplans has been interpretedas an indicatorof morepermanentoccupations.At the Statzsite (47DA642) in southeastern Wisconsin,a hamletof six circularand semirectangularkeyholestructureswas exposedandexcavated (Meinholz and Kolb 1997). These small houses (rangingin lengthfrom 1.84 to 2.7 m and in width from 1.46 to 2.72 m) were paired,suggesting summerand winterresidences;however, seasonalindicatorswere poorly preserved.There wereno associatedstoragepits, althoughcornwas recoveredin minoramounts.The Statz site communitywas interpretedas supportinga LateWoodlandpopulationof about18 people (Meinholzand Kolb 1997:159-161) sometimebetweenca. A.D. 800 and 1100 andcomparesto egalitarianhuntergatherer settlements summarized by Flannery (2002).Keyholestructureswerealsofoundatthree LateWoodlandKekoskeephasesites in southeasternWisconsin:WeisnerIII(47DO399),Elmwood Island (47DO47), and Mile Long (47WI110) (MeinholzandKolb 1997:162-163;Salkin2000). Green and Nolan suggest that semisubterranean keyhole houses built by Late WoodlandBauer Branchpeoples were used as winter-seasonshelters in the open terrainof western Illinois (e.g., GreenandNolan2000:371-372). MoresuchstructureshavebeendocumentedfortheLateWoodland Patrickphasein theAmericanBottomattheRange (11S47), Sponeman(11MS517), and Fish Lake (11MO608)sites (Meinholzand Kolb 1997:164basinthatmight 165).A circular,semisubterranean atthe encountered house was also a small represent Cade 5 site (47VE643) in the Bad Axe Valleyof This content downloaded from 138.49.101.50 on Fri, 16 May 2014 11:32:01 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Theler and Boszhardt] COLLAPSE OF CRUCIAL RESOURCES AND CULTURE CHANGE 457 the DriftlessArea.This4-x-3.5-mbasincontained Finally,in many of these regions,the terminacorn and produceda tenth-centuryradiocarbon tion of the Woodlandtraditioncoincides with the date,a side-notchedarrowtip, andceramicsaffil- endof theStirlingphase/Rameyhorizonatca.A.D. iatedwith the Eastmanphaseof the EffigyMound 1175. In nearlyall cases, sites archaeologistsrecculture(ThelerandBoszhardt2000:303,Figure9). ognize as Oneotainfill specific locales within or Furthermore,the reductionin mobility as the adjacentto these regionsby A.D. 1200, representLate Woodlandlandscapebecame packedwould ing substantialpopulationcongregations;see, for have led to territorialboundaries,which are indi- example,Brashleret al. (2000:553-555)forMichicatedfortheEffigyMoundculture(Boszhardtand gan, Emerson (1991) for northwesternIllinois, Goetz2000;Mallam1976:44-53),theDes Plaines Emersonand Titelbaum(2000) for north-central complexin northernIllinois(Emerson1999;Emer- Illinois,Alex (2000) and Green (2001) for Iowa, sonandTitelbaum2000:421), theAdams-Tampico Jeske (2001, 2003) for southeasternWisconsin, and Bauer Branch-MaplesMills/Mossville cul- Boszhardtand Goetz (2000) for westernWiscontures in western Illinois (Green and Nolan sin,andGibbon(1979),GibbonandDobbs(1991), 2000:370-372),andvariousgroupsin theSaginaw andRodell (1991) for Red Wing. Valleyand Straitsof Mackinacregionsof Michigan (Brashleret al. 2000:570;HolmanandBrash- MississippianInfluences ler 1999:220).Theresourcepressureensuingfrom and the Transformationto Oneota this packing of the landscape,enhancedby the TheperiodbetweenA.D. 1050and1200witnessed hunting(Greenand a culturalrevolutionin theAmericanMidwest.Duradvantagesof bow-and-arrow Nolan2000:370-371), is reflectedin theincreased ing this period Middle Mississippian societies extractionof fish and shellfishand the incorpora- emergedandclimaxedat Cahokiaandthroughout tion of cornhorticulture(Brashleret al. 2000:557; the AmericanBottom, spreadingtheir influence Stoltman 1990; Theler 1987). Binford's (2001) throughthe northernMidwest.Cahokia'sStirling packingmodelpredictsjust sucha phaseceramic-horizonmarkers(PowellPlainand hunter-gatherer responseand sets the stagefor full-scaleadoption Ramey Incised) have been found at nearlyevery of intensiveagriculture(see also O'Brien 1987). majoroccupationdatingto this period,fromMill The earliestvillages in the DriftlessAreawere Creekin northwesternIowa (Tiffany2003:31) to FredEdwardsandHartleyFort,bothof whichcoin- Aztalanin southernWisconsin,andbeyond(Finney cided with MiddleMississippiancontactat about 2000;Hall 1991;Kelly1991;Overstreet2000:431). A.D. 1050-1150 and also with the abandonment In the DriftlessArea,MiddleMississippianinterterritories.Thesevil- actionis documentedat FredEdwardsandHartley of muchof theirsurrounding lages reflect both population aggregation and Fort.The potteryat both sites reflectsa blending increasedstoragewithinandadjacentto rectangu- of Woodlandand Middle Mississippianstyles in larhouses,bothkey aspectsof thetransitionto vil- paste, form, surface treatment,and decoration. lages accordingto Flannery (2002), and imply Powell andRameyexampleswere importedfrom privatizationandincentivefor surplusproduction. the AmericanBottom, and local imitationsalso For example,excavationof a portionof the Fred occur (Stoltman 1991b). Collared "Woodland" Edwardssite encounterednine semisubterranean types with both grit and shell temperhave been rectangularhousebasinsrangingfrom3.5 to 6.38 found at Fred Edwards, and varieties of cordm in lengthand2.24 to 4.39 m in width,withinter- impressedwaresareplentifulatbothvillages.Few nal or external storage pits. In addition, Fred of the latterarecomfortablyclassifiedas Madison Edwardshad a plaza withinits palisade.The pat- ware (Finneyand Stoltman1991; Tiffany 1982), tern of initial populationnucleationinto villages the type potteryfor the indigenousEastmanphase Illi- of the Effigy Moundculture.Instead,Finneyand duringthisperiodis duplicatedin northeastern nois andeasternWisconsin(Douglas 1976;Salkin Stoltman(1991) and Stoltmanand Christiansen 2000). The fact thatmany of these early villages (2000:516-5 17) see strongeraffinitieswithMaples containa mixtureof WoodlandandMississippian Millspotteryof theCentralIllinoisRivervalleyand ceramicsandwere palisadedsuggestsa periodof arguethatFredEdwardsrepresentsa site-unitintrusionintothesouthernDriftlessArea.Tiffany(1982) profoundsocial interactionandthreat. This content downloaded from 138.49.101.50 on Fri, 16 May 2014 11:32:01 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 458 AMERICANANTIQUITY documentedMill Creek pottery from northwest Iowa at HartleyFort,andBenn and Green(2000) interpretthe Hartley Fort assemblage as representinga combinationof local LateWoodlandand Mill Creekpotters,with some tradeimportsfrom Mississippiangroups.Itis intriguingthatthesetwo terminalLate Woodlandvillages contain such a wide-ranging admixture of ceramics and have demonstrateddirect connections between each other (Stoltman 1991b), yet are palisaded. It appearsthat the occupantsrepresentan amalgamationof peoplefrommultipleWoodlandandMiddle Mississippianbackgrounds,but it is not clear whomtheyperceivedas a threat.This pointis discussedfurtherin the warfaresectionbelow. Why the interiorof the DriftlessArea appears to have been largely abandonedat the end of the LateWoodlandEastmanphase,not to be reoccupieduntilthe historicera,is a significantquestion. We proposethatthis abandonmentwas a response to an overharvestof the white-taileddeerpopulation,leadingto thecollapseof thiscrucialresource. Game sinks,regionsdepletedof largelandmammals by human predation(Kay 1979:413; Kay 1998:488-489), are well documented in North America (Drake 2001:48-49; Hickerson 1965, 1970;MartinandSzuter1999).DuringtheMature LateWoodlandperiod,groupsappearto havebeen occupyingall majorlandscapeniches year-round, havingreachedand surpassedthe packingthreshold. As deer,the principlewinterfood and clothing resource, became scarce throughpersistent huntingandregularburningof the savanna,so too didfirewood,thesecondessentialresourceforwinter survival.Withoutan adequatedeerpopulation, and with a dwindlingwood supply,the Driftless Areawouldhavebecomenearlyuninhabitablefor Late Woodlandhunter-gatherersconstrainedby limitedmobility. AroundA.D. 1150, majorsettlementsarose at themouthof theAppleRiverandatRedWing.Both localitiesareon theUpperMississippiRiver,atthe southernandnorthernedges of the DriftlessArea, andhadreadyaccess to bison (see Figures2, 4d). Theinitialphasesateachlocality(BennettandSilvernale,respectively)reflectMiddleMississippian interaction,based on the presenceof Powell and Ramey pottery,tri-notchedprojectilepoints, and platformmounds. Silvernalephase sites at Red Wingalso haveyieldedpotterythatsuggestsinflu- [Vol. 71 , No. 3, 2006 ence from a varietyof othergroupssuch as Mill Creek and remnantEffigy Mound people of the northernDriftlessArea(Lewisphase).In addition, the palisadedBryan site (21GD4) at Red Wing yieldedseveralcord-markedsherdscomparableto the Grantcord-marked typeatFredEdwards(GibbonandDobbs 1991:Figure13.7).A uniqueexample of the Woodlandto Oneota transitionis the presence of Mississippian and Oneota pottery withina panthereffigymoundattheDiamondBluff site (47PI2)atRedWing(Rodell1991,2003;Stoltman andChristiansen2000:518). mounds As notedearlier,long-tailed"panther" are associatedwith the Lewis phase in the northernDriftlessAreabutarevirtuallyabsentfromthe Eastmanphaseareain the southernDriftlessArea (BoszhardtandGoetz 2000). Conversely,collared potterytypes, particularlyAztalanCollared,have beenfoundata numberof siteswithintheEastman phase territoryof the southern Driftless Area, includingatseveralrocksheltersandFredEdwards, yet Aztalan Collared is nearly absent from the Lewisphaseterritory(Kelly2002). Basedon proxdistinctnatureof pottery, imityandtheterritorially mounds,andpointtypesof terminalEffigyMound peoplein the southernandnorthernDriftlessArea, we suggestthatEastmanphasepeoplejoinedother LateWoodlandandMississippiangroupsthatcoalesced to become Oneota at Apple River, while Lewis phasepeople abandonedthe northernDriftless Area to join othersand establishthe Oneota settlementsat Red Wing (Theler and Boszhardt 2003:308).ThisshifthappenedbetweenA.D. 1100 and 1200, or perhapseven morerapidly,in a revolutionaryfashion,ataboutA.D. 1150.By thistime the coreof theDriftlessAreahadbecomean abandonedno-man's-landandwouldremainso untilthe historicera (see Figure4d). By A.D. 1200, at both Apple River and Red Wing,fully developedOneotamanifestations(the Mills and Adams phases, respectively)had suppreplantedtheirMiddleMississippian-influenced decessors. At these localities, the populations occupiednucleatedsettlementsandpracticedintensive corn agriculture while heavily exploiting resourcesof theMississippifloodplain.TheOneota economy differedfrom its LateWoodlandpredecessors in the degree of corn agriculture(including extensiveridged-fieldsystemsconstructedand tendedwith bison scapulahoes), a warm-season This content downloaded from 138.49.101.50 on Fri, 16 May 2014 11:32:01 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Theler and Boszhardt] COLLAPSE OF CRUCIAL RESOURCES AND CULTURE CHANGE focus on a wide rangeof wetlandresources(with less emphasison freshwatermussel harvesting), and the additionof bison hunting(Brown 1982). The earliest indicationof late prehistoricPlains influencesand bison along the UpperMississippi Valleyis the presenceof bison leg andneck bones at the CarrollRockshelter(13DB486) in northeast Iowa,wherethesewereapparentlyassociatedwith a terminalLateWoodlandfeaturedatedto cal.A.D. 902-1146 (Collinset al. 1997).At approximately the sametime (ca.A.D. 1050-1 150),bison scapula hoes appearedat the Mississippian-relatedEveland and Orendorf(11F1284) sites in the central Illinoisvalley (Conrad1991:155),andbison long bones were recovered from the contemporary Lundy site (11JD140) along the Apple River in northwesternIllinois (Colburn 1990; Emerson 1991:172).Evelandalso producedMill Creekpottery (Hall 1967), furtherreflectingcontact with northwesternIowa. Bison scapulahoes are also common at Red Wing and all later Oneotacomplexes alongthe MississippiRiverandto the west, and bison begin to appearin rock art duringthis period (Boszhardt 2000, 2003b; Theler and Boszhardt 2003:220-221). The exploitation of bison almostcertainlyinvolvedcommunalmovement at specified seasons, as recordedat earliest (pre-horse)historiccontact. Warfare Oneaspectof Keeley(1996) andLeBlanc's(1999) summationsof primitivewarfareis how conflict sociaffectsinteractionbetweencontemporaneous offer numerous eties. Both authors examples of between hostilityandpeace, groupsthatalternate maintain trade for needed balancing desires to alliances with causes of or resources protective also note that but conflict, they waning groupsalso and materials people throughplunder exchange andcapture.As regardsthelatter,theypointoutthe commonpracticeof victorstakingwomenandchildren captive (Keeley 1996:86-87, 125-126; LeBlanc 1999:17), and note that archaeologists should be cognizantof traitscarriedby captives (e.g., potterystyles)thatbecomeincorporatedinto the victors' materialrecord. Habicht-Mauche's (2000) reevaluationof interactionmodelsbetween southernPlainsbison huntersandeasternPueblos in late prehistoryconsideredcaptivewomen as an explanation for the widespread occurrence of 459 Pueblo cooking pots on sites of Plains bison hunters.This patterncoincided with a period of stress,andwhileethnographicandalternativeinteractionmodels for this regionemphasizecooperative alliancesbetween these groups,thereis also evidencefor conflictand attacks(e.g., Spielmann 1991). LeBlanc(1999)emphasizestheneedto consider potentialwarfareindicatorsfroma long-termperspective.In his studyof the AmericanSouthwest, he detected an evolutionfrom palisadedsites to clusteredsettlements,thelatteraffordingprotection in numbersand sometimesnegatingthe need for defensive structures.In the Upper Midwest and UpperMississippiRivervalley,warfarehas rarely beenfullyincorporated intoattemptsto understand prehistoricculturaldynamics(Milner2005; Milner et al. 1991:594-595). With few exceptions, such as Barrett's(1933) referenceto cannibalism at the palisadedLateWoodland/Mississippian site of Aztalanin southeasternWisconsin,and Milner et al.'s (1991) analysis of Oneota/Mississippian conflict in the CentralIllinois River valley, this commonand deadlyform of interactionhas been neglectedby archaeologistsin this region. From the long-termperspectiveadvocatedby LeBlanc(1999), evidenceof conflictin the Upper Midwest occurs at least as early as the Archaic hunter-gatherersocieties (Freeman 1966:63-64; Milner et al. 1991:595; Overstreet1980:69-71). SomeevidenceforconflictappearsduringtheEarly andMiddleWoodlandstagesof thisregion(McKusick 1964:478-479),withpopulationincreasesduring the Late Woodlandstage culminatingin the constructionof the firstpalisadedvillages around A.D. 1050. ExamplesincludeAztalanand Weisner III (Salkin 2000) in southeasternWisconsin, Fred Edwards in southwesternWisconsin, and Hartley Fort in northeasternIowa. As Keeley (1996:55)pointsout,constructionof a fortification is the costliestformof preindustrialmilitarytechnology.Whileprovidingnumerousstrategicadvantages, forts are potentially detrimentalnot only becauseof the laborandmaterialcost of construction but also because they lock the inhabitantsto one locationon the landscape.The increasedfrequency of celts at Late Woodland/Mississippian palisadedvillages noted above is one indicatorof the cost of constructingsuch defensivestructures, as is the estimateof 10,000 treesrequiredfor con- This content downloaded from 138.49.101.50 on Fri, 16 May 2014 11:32:01 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 460 AMERICAN ANTIQUITY [Vol. 71 , No. 3, 2006 structingthe Aztalanpalisadelines. Fortifications Woodland/Mississippianhabitationsites in this in non-statesocietiesarealsomorecommonin dis- region, and vice versa, reveals absolute mutual putedbordersettings(Keeley1996:56).Theoccur- exclusion. Given Keeley (1996) and LeBlanc's rence of palisadedLate Woodland/Mississippian (1999) synthesesshowingthatwarfareservesas a villages acrosssouthernWisconsinandnortheast- mechanismfor interactioneven amongstenemies ernIowasuggeststhattheEffigyMoundregionwas (e.g., captives and plunder),employing Occam's becominga contestedzone on the northernfron- razor,the simplest explanationfor the complete lack of evidence for Late Woodland/Mississiptierof MiddleMississippianinfluence. The firstpalisadedvillages in this region con- pian-OneotainteractionbeforeA.D. 1150 is that tain mixed terminalLate Woodlandand Middle Oneotadid not yet exist. The sole known excepMississippianculturaltraits.Because interaction tion is the inclusionof OneotaandMiddleMissiscan occurbetween allies or adversaries,it is pos- sippianfuneraryvessels withinthepanthermound siblethattheblendedLateWoodland/Mississippian at the DiamondBluff site, locatedat the northern materialsfound within the palisadesrepresentan extremeof the DriftlessArea. Thatlone example alliancebetweenLateWoodlandandMiddleMis- suggestsoverlapof terminalLateWoodlandLewis sissippiangroupsagainsta commonenemy.Alter- phaseeffigymoundconstructionandemergent(Silnately, the sharedtraitsmay indicate interaction vernalephase) Oneota at the time when Ramey betweentheLateWoodlandandMississippiansoci- HorizonMiddleMississippianinfluencesbeganto etiesthroughtakingplunderandcaptives.As noted decline in the Upper Mississippi Valley around earlier,some researchers(e.g., Overstreet2000; A.D. 1150. WithOneotanot evidentbeforeA.D. 1150, the RichardsandJeske 2002; Salkin2000) have sugof LateWoodlandandMiddleMisthat Late hybridization Woodland/Mississippian gested palisaded villages were constructedin response to threats sissippiantraitsin palisadedsites datingto A.D. fromOneotagroups,butthisinterpretation requires 1050- 1150 appearsto indicateinteractionbetween contemporaneityof LateWoodland,MiddleMis- these culturesvia mechanismsof warfare.A similarphenomenonwas documentedbetweenSpoon sissippian,and Oneotapopulations. All of the palisadedvillages datingto ca. A.D. River Mississippianand Bold CounselorOneota 1050-1150 in this region contain final Late groupsattheadjacentMortonVillage( 11P 19) and Woodland (collared ware) and Mississippian NorrisFarms36 cemetery(11F115) sites in cenmaterials, including hybrid forms of pottery. tralIllinoisaroundA.D. 1300.This settlementwas None has produceda single Oneota sherd from situatedon a defensiveuplandpoint of land, and associated contexts, and diagnostic Late Wood- the ceramic assemblages exhibit a blending of land/MiddleMississippianartifactsare likewise OneotaandMiddleMississippianstyles(Milneret completely absent from Oneota site contexts in al. 1991:592; Santure et al.1990). Furthermore, the region(Overstreet2000:429). Thus,it is clear skeletalevidencefroma largecemeterypopulation that Late Woodland and Middle Mississippian reveals a high incidence of traumaticdeath,supthatwarfareplayeda role societies were contemporaryandinteractingwith portingtheinterpretation one another, although the form of interaction in the sharedculturalceramicstyles. Continuingthe chronological review of evi(peaceful trade through alliances or plunder throughwarfare)is uncertain.If the association dence for conflictin the DriftlessArea,afterA.D. and blending of Late Woodlandand Mississip- 1200, Late Woodlandand Middle Mississippian pian traitswithin these palisadedvillages reflect expressions ceased to exist and the region was an alliance,it is unclearwho the adversarymight largelyabandoned.FromA.D. 1200to Frenchcontact(ca.A.D. 1650),Oneotagroupsoccupiedmuch have been. thatpalisaded of theUpperMidwest,andtheytendedto formclusAs notedearlier,theinterpretation Late Woodland/Mississippiansites were estab- tered settlements.As LeBlanc (1999) showedfor lishedas a responseto nearbyOneotagroupsis con- the late prehistoricSouthwest,settlementclusters tradictedby radiocarbondates and ceramic and likely reflecteda form of defensiveorganization, thecompleteabsence underthe strategythatlargerpopulationswereless lithicevidence.Furthermore, of any Oneotapotteryfrom all of the knownLate vulnerableto attack.While some Oneotavillages This content downloaded from 138.49.101.50 on Fri, 16 May 2014 11:32:01 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Theler and Boszhardt] COLLAPSE OF CRUCIAL RESOURCES AND CULTURE CHANGE were palisaded (e.g., Bryan [21GD4] near Red Wing; Valley View [47LC34] at La Crosse, and Yucatan Fort [21HU18] in southeastern Minnesota),many were not. These threeexamplesof palisadedOneotasites areall situatedin defensive settings(terracesor ridgetops with adjacentsteep sides).Bryan(ca.A.D. 1200) andValleyView (ca. A.D. 1600) encompassedintensive occupations andthereforeconformto Keeley's (1996:57) concept of fortified settlements. The protohistoric YucatanFort,on theotherhand,is anisolatedenclosureseveralhundredfeet abovea concentrationof valley-bottomsettlementsandappearsto represent a fortifiedrefuge (Trow 1981). The vast majority of Oneotasettlementsthathavebeen investigated, however,showno evidenceof palisades,andmany covertens of hectares.Forexample,the Tremaine site complex nearLa Crosse occupies at least 60 hectares,with no evidencefor a palisaderevealed despiteseveralextensiveexcavations(O'Gorman 1995). Nonetheless,severalburialsfrom that site show evidence of traumaticdeath from conflict (O'Gorman1995:193-195), andas Milner(2005) pointsout, the directevidencefor bow-and-arrow in the skelewarfareis probablyunderrepresented tal databy a factorof at least three. Summary and Conclusions Table3 summarizescharacteristicsof the replacementof Woodlandculturesby Oneotaculturesin the Driftless Area. This transitionillustratesthe appropriateapplicationof Binford's(2001) packMartinandSzuter's ingmodelforhunter-gatherers, of sinks (1999) concept game depleted of large of the transitionfrom the characteristics mammals, hamlets to agriculturalvillages as hunter-gatherer synthesized by Flannery (2002), and potential implicationsof warfarein accordancewith Keeley (1996) and LeBlanc (1999). In sum, as huntergathererpopulationdensities increasein a given area,residentialmobilitybecomesconstrainedand formerresourceniches are no longer accessible through the traditionalseasonal round. At this first-line,largeland-mammal "packing-threshold," resources become scarce (Kay 1998:488-489; Martinand Szuter 1999), and other subsistence options will be exercised. These options often include a shift to aquaticresourcesand/orhorticultureto increaseniche breadth(Binford2001: 461 434^439). A common response is an economic shift to intensifiedfloodplainresourceextraction, agriculture,and a transitionfrom hamletsto villages. TheLateWoodlandEffigyMoundphenomenon developedout of a several-centuryperiod of low populationdensityfor which thereis little indicationof a packingthresholdbeingapproached. After A.D. 800, effigymoundswereconstructedthroughout the southernhalf of Wisconsin.Differencesin the distributionof certainmound forms between glaciated eastern and unglaciatedwestern Wisconsin,andbetweennorthernandsouthernportions of the DriftlessArea (Birminghamand Eisenberg 2000:113-125;BoszhardtandGoetz2000) suggest the developmentof social territorieswithin the EffigyMoundculturearea.The lasteffigy mounds were visible responsesby groupshavingreached a packing threshold. Effigy-only groups were placed acrossthe DriftlessArea landscape,marking discretesocialterritoriesoccupiedyear-round. By A.D. 950, a numberof changeshadbeenincorporatedinto Late Woodlandlifeways, including widespreadadoptionof the bow and arrow,corn horticulture,and intensifiedharvestof floodplain resources,with a particularemphasison freshwatermussels. Initial Late Woodlandsettlementsfollowed a seasonalroundof macrobandcongregationalong major rivers during the warm season and microbanddispersalintointeriorvalleysduringthe winter,whererockshelterswere soughtas convenient wintercamps with a focus on deer hunting. When the landscapebecame packedby ca. A.D. 950, thisseasonalroundbecameuntenable.Mature LateWoodland(EffigyMound)settlements,coincidingwithrestrictedmobility,wereopen-airhamlets made up of small circularor keyhole basin houses with minimalstoragefacilities.Along the Mississippi River, these year-roundsettlements were focused on freshwatermussel harvest and otheraquaticresources,andcornsupplementedthe economy for the firsttime in the region.But winter deer hunting also occurredat the floodplain camps, as groupsin the majorvalleys no longer had access to interiordrainagesalreadyoccupied by other groups. Interiorvalleys, such as that of theBadAxe River,werealso occupiedyear-round, andsubsistencestrategiesalso involvedincreased use of local wetlandresourcesand the incorpora- This content downloaded from 138.49.101.50 on Fri, 16 May 2014 11:32:01 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions [Vol. 71 , No. 3, 2006 AMERICAN ANTIQUITY 462 Table 3. CulturalChangein the DriftlessArea During the Late Woodlandto OneotaTransition. Phase/ Culture Diagnostic artifacts • • Local grit-temperedpottery (Madison ware/AngeloPunctated) Corner-notchedand unnotchedarrowtips • • • Subsistence • • • • • Settlement • • • • • Population Interaction Traditionalseasonal round breaksdown Deer, particularlyat interior valley settlements;no bison Some wetlandresources Intensivemussel harvest as "starvation"food along Mississippi River only Some corn afterA.D. 950 Effigy mounds to interior valleys by A.D. 950 Circularkeyhole houses No storagepits Hamlets Non-palisadedhamlets A.D. 1150-1250 Oneota (Apple River/RedWing) A.D. 1050-1150 Fred Edwards/HartleyFort A.D. 750-1050 Eastman/LewisPhase • • • • • • • • • • • pottery(Aztalan Grit-tempered Collared,MaplesMills,GrantCord Impressed,HartleyCross-Hatched, • FrenchCreekCordImpressed) (Powell, Shell-temperedpottery Ramey), and local imitations (sometimes hybridsof above) Side-notchedand unnotched arrowtips Year-roundoccupationof confined villages; huntingin local ungulaterefugia Deer; no bison Some wetlandresources Few mussels for temper Cornhorticulture (No information) Rectangularhouses Many storagepits Confinedvillages of mixed groups Fortifications • • • • • • • • • • Interiorof DriftlessArea abandoned Populationcongregation • • • DriftlessArea largely abandoned • Populationnucleation • • • Minor warfare No trade • • Conflict and warfare Trade tion of corn. Based on an absence of exotic raw materialsand extraregionalartifactstyles at both mortuaryand habitationsites, the Effigy Mound peoplesof southwesternWisconsinappearto have had little contactwith peoples outside the region untilthe very end. Theprogressionto crucialwhite-taileddeerpopulation collapse follows the landscape-packing model proposed by Binford (2001). Initially, hunter-gatherer populationdensity grows, with a resources.At thepoint focuson largeland-mammal at whichthe humanpopulationbecomes"packed" on the landscape,the regionallarge-mammalpopulationsdecline, and hunter-gatherer groupsshift to the increasedexploitationof aquaticresources, suchas fishandshellfish,theintensifiedutilization New seasonal round:summer wetlandexploitationand agriculturein clusteredvillages; winterbison hunts Bison; some elk and deer Intensivewetlandresourceuse Some mussels for temper Intensivecorn agriculture Oval mounds to cemeteries Wigwams and longhouses Numerouslarge, deep storage pits Sprawlingagriculturalvillages Some fortifications Driftless Area packed afterA.D. 950 Populationexpanding, buddingoff • Shell-temperedRamey (before A.D. 1200) to globular-shaped, shell-temperedOneotaware Unnotchedarrowtips • • Some warfare Trade of plants, and the adoptionof horticulture.This patternis exactly what is observed in the Late Woodlandarchaeologicalrecordof the Driftless Area. Evidence for increasinghumanpopulation densitycoincideswithshiftingsubsistenceandsettlementpracticesandculminatesin the suddendisappearanceof the EffigyMoundculturaltradition. Thefinalwinterdeerkill by LateWoodlandgroups that precipitatedthe truncationof the Eastman phaseof the EffigyMoundtraditionwill probably not be observedin the faunalrecord.To test our model, long-term fieldwork and fine-resolution analysismustcontinueteaseoutdiachronicpatterns of settlementand subsistence. The archaeologicalrecordindicatesnearabandonmentof theDriftlessAreaby indigenousWood- This content downloaded from 138.49.101.50 on Fri, 16 May 2014 11:32:01 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Theler and Boszhardt] COLLAPSE OF CRUCIAL RESOURCES AND CULTURE CHANGE landpeoples at aboutA. D. 1050-1 100, which we interpretto be concomitantwith the depletionof deerandfirewood,bothessentialforsurvivingWisconsinwinters.AroundA.D. 1050-1 150,andcoincidingwith the Lohmann-Stirling phasetransition at Cahokia, settlementswere establishedin the southernportionof the DriftlessArea.These settlementsconsistedof palisadedvillageswithlarger houseshavinginternalandexteriorstorrectangular age pits, typicalof emergentagriculturalsocieties (Flannery2002). The two knownterminalWoodland villages in the southernpartof the Driftless AreaareFredEdwardsandHartleyFort.Bothcontain rectangularor squarehouse structureswith storagepits, attributesthatconformwith stronger familysocioeconomicsystemsthatincludeprivate storage,increasedproduction,andprobablytrade (Flannery2002). BothFredEdwardsandHartleyFortwereinhabited by an amalgamationof groupsexhibitingties toWoodlandproducersof complexcord-impressed waresfromthe south(Cantonware)andpossibly remnantMadison ware from the Driftless Area, collaredwares(e.g., AztalanandStarvedRock)to theeast,theMillCreekcultureto thewest,andMississippiansocietiesin theAmericanBottom.These finalLateWoodlandexpressionswere established in remoteinteriorsettings,probablyselected for defensiveconsiderations.These fortifiedoccupations coincidedwith a periodof conflictandtribal movementperhapscomparablein terms of strife to whatwe see historicallyfor groupssuch as the Mesquakie(EdmundsandPeyser 1993). The isolatedlocationsof FredEdwardsand HartleyFort also mighthavebeen situatedwithinor adjacentto deerrefugia,betweengame sinks.The portionsof the DriftlessAreasettledby the compositeWoodland and Mississippianpeoples at Fred Edwards andHartleyFortare analogousto the bufferzone betweenthegamesinksof thewarringSanteeSioux andChippewa(Hickerson1965, 1970),whichcreated an ungulate-richrefugium(Kay 1998:488489; Martinand Szuter1999). AroundA.D. 1150, and coinciding with the decline of the Middle Mississippian polity at Cahokia and the American Bottom, the Fred EdwardsandHartleyFortsiteswereabandonedand Woodlandculturesceased to exist in the Upper MississippiValley.As Oneota settlementsarose, initiallyatRedWingandAppleRiver,populations 463 congregatedin sprawlingagriculturalsettlements supportedby intensivecorn agricultureand wetland resourceextraction,complementedby seasonalbison hunts.The intensivenatureof Oneota agricultureis reflectedin theconstructionof extensiveridged-fieldsystems,therecoveryof hundreds of bison scapulahoes, the presenceof thousands of storagepits, the ubiquitousinclusionof cornin refusecontexts,andtheadditionof beansafterA.D. 1300. MostOneotavillagesarenotconfinedwithin fortifications.Instead,Oneotavillagestendto consistof clusteredfarmsteadsmadeof a varietyof surface post structures,includingoval wigwams and longhouses,all with numerousdeep storagepits associated.Duringthis period,much of the Driftless Area was abandoned,with only ephemeral Oneotaexcursionsforhunting,lithicresourceprocurement,or ritualuse of rockshelters. Acknowledgments.We thank Danielle Benden, William Green, Matthew G. Hill, Michael Jochim, Timothy MeAndrews, Katherine Stevenson, James B. Stoltman, JosephA. Tiffany,and Don G. Wyckoff for their thoughtful critiques of this paper. John Cordell supplied unpublished data on celts from HartleyFort. Jean Dowiasch and Rachel Klebacka assisted with graphics. In addition, five anonymous reviewersprovidedthought-provokingcomments that enhanced the final draft. The Spanish translation of the abstractwas craftedby LindaForman. 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