"The Università dei Pittori and the Accademia di S. Luca: From Its Installation in S. Luca sull’Esquilino to the Reconstruction of S. Martina al foro Romano", in "Accademia di San Luca in Rome. c. 1590-1635", a cura di P.M. Lukehart, Washington National Gallery of Art, Washington DC 2009, pp. 68-121

The Università dei Pittori and the Accademia di San Luca: From the Installation in San Luca sull’Esquilino to the Reconstruction of Santa Martina al Foro Romano | Isabella Salvagni May 24, 1588, the date of the papal bull of Sixtus v granting the church of Santa Martina to the Accademia and Congregazione di San Luca, is generally regarded as the official date on which the Accademia transferred its headquarters to the church near the Forum Romanum (“al foro Romano”; in medieval usage, “nel Foro Boario”).1 This would remain its seat for more than three hundred fifty years, until the urban planning projects of the 1930s obliterated nearly every trace of the stratigraphic urban tissue that had formed over the centuries in this part of the city (fig. 1). The church, one of the few buildings left standing in the Quartiere dei Pantani, was isolated by clearance of the surrounding urban fabric between 1932 and 1934 under the direction of Gustavo Giovannoni, with the participation of the Accademia’s Classe Accademica di Architettura, and can still be seen today at the edge of the forum (figs. 2 and 3). The Quartiere dei Pantani, created ex novo in the area of the Imperial Forums between 1584 and the beginning of the seventeenth century, was the first, as well as the most conspicuous and significant, example of the growth of the modern city resulting from the joint efforts of Cardinal Michele Bonelli (called Alessandrino), the magistri viarum, and the patrician citizens of Rome (fig. 4). This division into lots restored to Rome an area of the city that had been more or less abandoned for centuries, incorporating the evidence of its pagan past and rendering it nearly innocuous. Although apparently not forming part of Sixtus v’s plans for redefining the Holy City, it seems to have reattached the desolate area between the quarter of the basilica of Santa Maria Maggiore, which itself was finally undergoing expansion, with the long-populated area extending in the direction of the Vatican and Via Lata. It seems to be no coincidence that it was the urbanist pope Sixtus v —with his great interest in the design of the city and concern for the symbolic weight of its antique remains—who created the indissoluble link between the “Compagnia”2 di San Luca and the church of Santa Martina in 1588 by granting the newly constituted academy title to the “diruto” (crumbling) edifice on the southwest edge of the Pantani at one of the most significant crossroads in the city. At the same time he confirmed the role of the future < Livien Cruyl, view of the Forum Romanum, from Descriptio Faciei Variorum Locorum . . . Vrbis Romae, volume 4 of Johann Georg Graevius, Thesaurus Antiqvitatvm Romanarvm (Utrecht, 1697). Newberry Library, Chicago 1. Church of Santi Luca e Martina (left) and the headquarters of the Accademia di San Luca in the Forum Romanum (right) before twentieth- century demolitions. Archivio Storico dell’Accademia di San Luca, Rome, Miscellanea sede 70 1. Accademia as the official organ and authority for the “[artes] Pingendi, et Sculpendi, ac Designandi,” as decreed eleven years earlier by his predecessor, Gregory xiii. In the same way, the supposedly fortuitous rediscovery of the relics of the titular saint should perhaps not be considered extraneous to the completion of an urban renewal program, initiated some fifty years earlier, aimed at the symbolic regeneration and practical reorganization of the city. It provided the occasion for the grand reconstruction, beginning in 1635, of the Accademia’s church by Pietro da Cortona, a project that brought to a fitting conclusion the pope’s transformation of the area of the Roman and Imperial Forums with the rebuilding of all the churches facing the Via Sacra along the perimeter of the Forum Romanum. Paradoxically, although the area of the Imperial Forums is one of the most celebrated urban zones in the world, a debate currently revolves around it as the interests of history and archaeology clash over the planning of the historical center of Rome. Owing to the inexorable logistics of excavation, in this confrontation archaeology has prevailed over history, thus replicating on an even greater scale one of the many unhealed wounds that have been inflicted on the city.3 For this reason, the area of the forums has been little studied from the perspective of early modern urban history, in marked contrast to the 2. Plan of the block of buildings incorporating the church of Santi Luca e Martina and the headquarters of the Accademia di San Luca, early twentieth century. Archivio Storico dell’Accademia di San Luca, Rome, Miscellanea sede 71 | The Università dei Pittori and the Accademia di San Luca | Isabella Salvagni 2. 3. Study by Gustavo Giovannoni for the exterior redesign of the apse of Santi Luca e Martina following clearance of surrounding buildings, 72 3. altered photograph, c. 1932. Archivio Storico dell’Accademia di San Luca, Rome, Miscellanea sede 4. Church of Santi Luca e Martina, the Quartiere dei Pantani, and the area of the Forum Romanum before and after twentieth-century demolitions. Archivio Storico dell’Accademia di San Luca, Rome, Miscellanea Sede 73 | The Università dei Pittori and the Accademia di San Luca | Isabella Salvagni 4. 74 proliferation of archaeological studies fueled by recent excavations (fig. 5).4 The only indepth research dates to about twenty years ago, supplemented by a handful of more recent analyses, careful but somewhat limited (in terms of both period and topographic analysis).5 Analogously, little is known about the origins of the Università dei Pittori and Compagnia di San Luca, the institution from which the Roman Accademia derived. Setting aside a number of generic and sometimes quite imprecise studies in the literature, many of them based on information from Melchiorre Missirini’s outdated and imprecise Memorie,6 the most indispensable work remains Karl Noehles’ study of the history of the church of Santi Luca e Martina,7 supplemented and updated by more recent investigations.8 This essay partially summarizes the results of research into the history of the seats of the institution during its earliest period, first the church of San Luca on the Esquiline Hill, granted to the Università dei Pittori, and then the church of Santa Martina al foro Romano, which was rededicated to saints Luke and Martina when it was occupied by the Pittori. These two churches may be considered the symbolic and physical expression of the institution projected on an “urban” scale, but to understand the impact they had on the city and the contribution they made to the Catholic Church’s long-range plans for it, one needs to review the history of the organization itself. The Università (or Società) dei Pittori would in fact play an active role in Rome’s urban renewal, first with the reconstruction of the church on the Esquiline between 1555 and 1582 and then with the configuration of its seat near the Imperial Forums, an architectural ensemble consisting of its headquarters and the church, which would take definitive form beginning in 1635. The church of San Luca would be demolished by order of Sixtus v shortly after it was completely reconstructed by the Università, while the church of Santa Martina was rebuilt by the Università but then replaced by a completely new edifice designed by Pietro da Cortona. This essay aims to reconstruct these vanished architectural “entities”—in the philological as well as physical sense—and the path that led to their construction and/or transformation in relation to the history of the institution. It also provides the occasion to examine manifest incongruities in various assumptions inherited from nineteenth-century historiography and, in particular, to clarify the sequence of events and the roles of various protagonists in the founding of the Accademia and the evolution of its administrative structure. This effort is based on evidence contained in its statuti (statutes), especially from 1478, when the first known statuti of the Università were drafted, to 1627, when, during the reign of Pope Urban viii, the statuti of the Accademia were rewritten and confirmed and the definitive reconstruction of the church was begun.9 The study of the early Università and its transformation into an accademia —a process that took place gradually over the course of the sixteenth century—has been hindered by the loss of (or, more accurately, the failure thus far to retrace)10 almost the entire corpus of documents from the medieval period (with the exception of the statuti of 1478) and a large portion of those from the sixteenth century. As may be deduced from refer- 5. Forum of Caesar and the church of Santi Luca e Martina, 2009. Author photograph 75 | The Università dei Pittori and the Accademia di San Luca | Isabella Salvagni 5. 76 ences in the registri (record books), the few loose papers preserved in the archives of the Accademia, and evidence in the notarial documents (protocolli), these lost materials included the books of the consul (libri del console), the minutes of congregazioni (meetings) recorded by a notary,11 and the earliest documents belonging to the church of Santa Martina.12 Despite these lacunae, significant—albeit fragmentary—information can be gathered from the punctilious and systematic study of documents still in the possession of the Accademia, collated with papers preserved in other archives (primarily the notarial protocolli in the Archivio di Stato di Roma and the Archivio Storico Capitolino) and other material ranging from coeval manuscripts and printed works to the most recent scholarly studies. This attempt to shed light on some of the still unresolved issues, and the multiplicity of oversights and errors by past authors that continue to be reproduced, has been aided by discovery of a number of unpublished notarial deeds.13 I have catalogued these documents—mainly records of meetings, first of the Università and then of the Accademia, from the middle of the sixteenth to the first part of the seventeenth century—and have transcribed the most significant data contained in them.14 The brief discussion that follows is a review of some of the main threads of a study whose results are presented in greater detail elsewhere, and the reader is referred to those works for a more detailed analysis of specific issues. The first seat of the Università dei Pittori and the Congregazione di San Luca was, at least until 1585, the small church on the Esquiline Hill dedicated to Saint Luke, which was contiguous to and fell under the authority of the basilica of Santa Maria Maggiore (fig. 6). Both the Università and the Congregazione most certainly existed before 1478, the year in which a new set of statuti for the arte (guild) was drafted.15 However, the distinction between the two entities—the Università, whose scope was professional in nature, and the Congregazione, whose aims were devotional and charitable—would remain vague16 until the creation of the “Confraternitatem sub denominatione Sancti Lucæ” became associated with the “Academiam unam Artium” for the practitioners of “painting, sculpting, and drawing” (“pingendi et sculpendi ac designandi”), as sanctioned by Gregory xiii in a brief issued October 13, 1577,17 although the Accademia would be founded formally only some decades later. The first effort to reorganize the Università can be seen in the amendments and additions to the text of the 1478 statuti, which reinforced the dominance of the Pittori over the arti aggregate.18 It is quite probable that this was followed by further attempts to update the regulations, which had evolved directly from those governing the earlier corporation (established in the years following the Sack of Rome in 1527) and still retained many of 6. Leonardo Bufalini, Map of Rome, detail of the area around the basilica of Santa Maria Maggiore with the church of San Luca, 1551, woodcut. The British Library, London 77 the overtones of the medieval guild.19 The incentive for change was further stimulated by the desire, manifested in nuce, to establish a new professional status for the arts as an intellectual rather than a manual activity. The necessity for reform would lead not only to a revision of the statuti in 1546,20 but also to more pressing claims for a headquarters—still lacking after many years21 —that would be consonant with the new role the Università was defining for itself. The Università therefore was granted a church in the immediate vicinity of the basilica of Santa Maria Maggiore in a still semi-abandoned area that would, however, at the end of the sixteenth century be transformed by papal initiatives to expand the city in that direction. The pope’s choice was dictated not only by the presence there of a church dedicated to Saint Luke, the patron saint of the Pittori, but also by the symbolic link between the evangelist and the Virgin Mary, one of whose most important sanctuaries stood nearby—the basilica of Santa Maria Maggiore, erected by Pope Liberius in the fourth century. The traditional association between Saint Luke and the Virgin Mary was reinforced in the collective imagination by two of the basilica’s treasures: a miraculous image of the Madonna attributed to Saint Luke and a reliquary of the arm of the saints popularly believed to have painted it. This symbolic link between the church of San Luca and | The Università dei Pittori and the Accademia di San Luca | Isabella Salvagni 6. 78 the basilica was perpetuated by the Università and took concrete form in 1577, when, to mark its elevation in status to an accademia, the members installed in their renovated church an altarpiece attributed to Raphael, Saint Luke Painting the Madonna and Child in the Presence of Raphael (see p. 175, fig. 5).22 The Università probably installed itself in its new seat in 1534.23 This modest church, originally of saints Cosmas and Damian, appears to have been dedicated to Saint Luke since at least the beginning of the thirteenth century, and passed into the possession of the chapter of Santa Maria Maggiore in 1371.24 In a notarial deed dated June 26, 1546—and therefore in the same year as the first presumed official renewal of the statuti of the arte—the canonical authorities ratified the granting of the title to this religious edifice to the Pittori. The agreement was cited and transcribed in a notarial document dated May 29, 1581,25 marking the conclusion of a protracted dispute between the Università and the chapter of Santa Maria Maggiore over the terms of the contract. The information from the legal proceedings, taken in conjunction with numerous other documents from the period, allows us to reconstruct the circumstances of this quarrel, at least tentatively. With the notary’s deed registered in 1546, the two parties had agreed to the relinquishment in perpetuity of the building (but not of its revenues) by the chapter to the Università for an annual rent of 1 “libbra” (pound) of pepper, a candle, and 1 scudo, to be paid to the canons and cantors of the basilica every year on October 18, the feast of Saint Luke. The contract also stipulated that the Università should celebrate a high mass on the feast of Saint Luke, as well as eight low masses on other holy days during the course of the year. In exchange for the fulfillment of these religious obligations, the Pittori were granted permission “to reconstruct and erect” the church “in whatever form might please its consoli,” without any interference from the canonical officials (“murare edificare, et in altum extollere et al.s in eo facere, meliorare, et reparare . . . parvam ecclesiam”). Little is known of what was done to the church between 1535 and 1551, but in 1555 the Pittori decided to embark on what could be regarded as a complete rebuilding of the old seat, nominating a special commission for the purpose.26 The key figure in this project was Domenico Rietti, of Siena, known as Domenico Zaga,27 who supervised the construction work from 1555 to 1578. He also served as camerlengo (treasurer) of the Università (1553–1573) and likely played a role of conspicuous importance in the affairs of the Università in general. The rebuilding of the church would tie up a large proportion of the economic resources of the arte, although it was for the most part financed by charitable donations, taxes imposed on its members, and generous contributions from some of the more well-to-do Pittori.28 In September 1558 a plan for the construction of the “new” building (as it was often referred to in the account books, to distinguish it from the “old” building) was presented to the cardinal vicar.29 Progress was extremely slow, however, proba- 79 | The Università dei Pittori and the Accademia di San Luca | Isabella Salvagni bly because of a lack of funds, and the Congregazione failed to celebrate the eight low masses required of it. In fact, from 1548 to 1581 the church was opened for mass only on the feast of Saint Luke, and this situation would lead to a contentious dispute with the church’s guarantor, the chapter house of the basilica. Furthermore, in violation of its own statutes, which stipulated that the church should serve as the sole headquarters of the Università, the group held most of its meetings elsewhere—at the convent of Santa Maria sopra Minerva between 1548 and 1571, at the Sapienza between 1576 and 1581, and on occasion in other localities.30 Work on the church gained some momentum with the support of Girolamo Muziano, who joined the Università in 155031 and by the 1570s had become quite a celebrated artist; next to Scipione Pulzone and Domenico Zaga, he was one of the most influential sponsors of the project. All the same, the final phase of the reconstruction would have to await 1577 and the brief of Gregory xiii sanctioning the creation of the academy. Tradition has ascribed the pope’s decision to the direct intervention of Muziano, in a somewhat unlikely theory lent credence by the fact that at one point he had served as the pope’s superintendent of public works.32 The papal decision did coincide with the end of Marcello Venusti’s term as console and his replacement by Scipione Pulzone, who threw all of his energies into the completion of the project.33 Pulzone was aided in this task by the additional revenues flowing into the coffers of the Università from various papal allocations, the sale of indulgences (which the association was careful to publicize during its saint’s day celebrations), and donations from the pious that began to arrive when the religious confraternity was established, even if it was not yet an autonomous or canonically recognized institution. On October 18, 1582, the feast of Saint Luke, the “fabricha nova” (new building) was declared finished, and many religious functions were organized to celebrate its opening. The edifice and its decorations were greatly admired, one cultivated visitor describing the church as “assai ben ordinata di parame[n]ti” and of “arme del papa” (well furnished with decorations . . . and the pope’s coat of arms).34 Also completed, at least formally, if not juridically, was the change in status of the institution from a corporation to an intellectual organization—an “Academia” for the arts “Pingendi, et Sculpendi, ac Designandi” (as defined in Gregory xiii’s brief ). From the outset, primacy was given to the painters and sculptors, as granted under the directives on confraternities of the Council of Trent, under the aegis of the pope, and the arti minori aggregate (and other potentially dangerous “secular” elements with aspirations of autonomy) were deprived of any voice within the organization. It must be clarified, however, that in order for such a transformation into an accademia to be effective from a juridical point of view, as described in the text of the same brief of Gregory xiii, the new statuti had to be revised and approved by the cardinal vicar: until that point, the Università—subject to the existent bylaws, ratified by the Senator of Rome — would retain the legal status of università. 7. Giovanni Antonio Dosio, Map of Rome, detail of the area around the basilica of Santa Maria Maggiore with the church of San Luca, 1562, pen and 80 ink with washes. riba Library Photographs Collection, Royal Institute of British Architects, London Here were being sown the seeds of strife that would characterize the relations between different groups within the arte for many decades to come, and it was this squabbling—as the antiquarian Pompeo Ugonio noted—that would delay the final completion of the headquarters on the Esquiline Hill: “Da q[uest]ta compagnia [la chiesa] e / stata cominciata à ristaurare, con nova fabrica, et adornar de / pitture. Ma p[er] non essere q[ues]ta sorte de Artefici d’accordo tra di loro / non si e mai potuta finire. . . .” (Church restoration was begun by this company with a new building, and adorned with / paintings. But because they were not in agreement, / this church could never be finished. . . .)35 The development of the church during the various phases in its reconstruction can be followed by studying the plan of Rome compiled by Leonardo Bufalini in 1551 and the pictorial maps by Giovanni Antonio Dosio, Mario Cartaro, and Étienne Dupérac published in 1562, 1576, and 1577, respectively (figs. 6–9). An idea of what the church must have looked like in the last quarter of the sixteenth century can be pieced together from the numerous receipts for work done on the building and the brief descriptions penned by Ugonio and Francesco del Sodo between 1575 and 1585.36 They present us with the picture of a structure that had been rebuilt “dalli fondamenti” (from its foundations), “moderna p[ur] piccola assai bella” (modern and, although small, quite beautiful), and adorned with frescoes by members of the Università of which unfortunately no record remains. These authors judged the new church37 to be worthy of inclusion among the most outstanding religious monuments in the city not because of its venerable history but because of the importance of its patron saint, as well as its fine architecture, which made a notable addition to the panorama of Rome, as is testified to in the maps of the period. The church property was surrounded by a wall that also enclosed a garden with its own farmhouse. Access was from the piazza of the basilica of Santa Maria Maggiore through a portal that opened onto a courtyard with a fountain. To one side, near the back wall of the nave, was a bell tower. The church was surmounted by a double-pitched roof; the facade, which had a single portal in travertine surrounded by stucco decoration, may have been embellished with frescoes.38 According to the descriptions of Ugonio and del Sodo, the interior consisted of a large nave with a vaulted ceiling, furnished with wooden benches and illuminated by torches in stanchions. Its walls were probably covered with frescoes by the members of the Università, and the painting of Saint Luke ascribed to Raphael hung above the altar.39 7. 81 | The Università dei Pittori and the Accademia di San Luca | Isabella Salvagni 8. Mario Cartaro, Map of Rome, detail of the area around the basilica of Santa Maria Maggiore with the church of San Luca, 1576, engraving. Biblioteca di Archeologia e Storia dell’Arte, Rome 9. Étienne Dupérac, Map of Rome, detail of the area around the basilica of Santa Maria Maggiore with the church of San Luca, 1577, etching with engraving. The British Library, London 82 8. From a mandato di tesoreria (order of the treasury) registered in July 1587, almost at the same time the accounts by Ugonio and del Sodo were written, we know the church was demolished.40 However, the long hiatus following the saint’s day celebrations in 1585, during which not a single mention of the church can be found in the books of the camerlengo, suggests that the decision to raze the church was made not long after the election of Sixtus v on March 24, 1585. That year would see the initiation of various projects nearby: the rebuilding of the chapel of the Nativity at Santa Maria Maggiore, followed by the enlargement of the Montalto-Peretti family’s villa on the Esquiline Hill, and the construction of a new straight artery through the zone, the Via Felice-Sistina. The church, whose reconstruction had formed the principal objective of the association at the cost of great effort and sacrifice during its early years, was therefore surrendered to the pope’s plans to rebuild Rome on a grand scale and confirm its status as the capital of the res Christiana.41 One of the visual focal points of his project was the piazza and basilica of Santa Maria Maggiore,42 from which a star-shaped system of streets would radiate across the city. Thus the piazza was designated as an anchor point in a grand design quite different from anything envisaged by his predecessors. The new plan, permeated by the spirit of reform that followed the Council of Trent, left little room 83 | The Università dei Pittori and the Accademia di San Luca | Isabella Salvagni 9. for the unpretentious church of the Pittori on the Esquiline, despite its symbolic links with the basilica and the fact that the reconstructed building—including no doubt the frescoes on the walls—was in perfect harmony with the dictates of the CounterReformation. In the climate of the triumphant Counter-Reformation sweeping through the Catholic Church, however, Sixtus v would grant the artists another new seat, and he determined to transform the old corporazione into a “renewed” Accademia. It was thus that the next phase of its history opened and the Pittori embarked on a fresh project of reconstruction. 84 The association was forced to abandon its site on the Esquiline between 1585 and 1587, only a few years after the signing of the agreement granting the Pittori title to the church, and just after the newly reconstructed building had been inaugurated. This was probably a consequence of the Curia’s plan to renovate the entire section of the city between the Esquiline, Viminal, and Quirinal hills, a project that would engulf the quarter around Santa Maria Maggiore and involve the creation of two major arteries—Via FeliceSistina and Via Panisperna, the latter intended to connect this outlying zone with the section of the city lying within the curve of the Tiber River (fig. 10). 10. 10. Attributed to Domenico Fontana, plan of the area around the basilica of Santa Maria Maggiore, with the intersection of Via Pia and Via Felice- Sistina. Archivio Storico dell’Accademia di San Luca, Rome, Miscellanea sede 11. Reconstruction of the Temple of Mars and the Forum of Caesar, from Pompilio Totti, Ritratto di Roma Moderna (Rome, 1645), fol. 47r. Library of Congress, Washington, d.c. 85 | The Università dei Pittori and the Accademia di San Luca | Isabella Salvagni Nevertheless, the pope put into action what was intended by his predecessor, and, in recompense for the loss of the church of San Luca, situated on the outskirts of the city in an area that might be described as nearly “disabitato” (uninhabited)—to paraphrase the term used by Richard Krautheimer 43 —he offered the Pittori another, remarkably analogous seat. His choice fell—entirely by chance among the many possibilities, according to the papal bull—on a halfruined and abandoned church with a vacant title, once again situated in a nearly desolate area on the margins of the city. Paradoxically, the church was situated 11. in a frontier land that originally formed the heart of the pagan city, and the existent edifice had been constructed over a classical temple near the Capitoline Arx and the Republican-era Comitium, a place of assembly for the citizens of Rome. Tradition would have it that the church of Santa Martina was founded in the seventh century during the reign of Pope Honorius i (625–638) on the remains of an antique pagan building,44 which Christian scholars of antiquity, at least until the nineteenth century, had identified as a temple of Mars (fig. 11), whence the origin, by a transposition of names, of the dedicatory saint, Martina. Alternatively, the site was associated with a so-called Tempio Fatale or with the Secretarium Senatus. The transmutation of the place name “ad Tria Fata” to “in tribus Fatis” and then “templum Fatalis,” later corrupted into “in tribus foris” (a reference to the three principal forums of Rome), plus the presence nearby of the carcer, or prison (dating to the age of the Regia, it was called the Carcer Tullianum after the legendary king Servius Tullius, and then in the Middle Ages the Carcere 12. Francisco de Holanda, Three Bas-reliefs with Narratives of Marcus Aurelius Transferred to the Campidoglio “anno MDXV ex divae martinae 86 templo.” Escorial, Codex Escurialensis 28-I-20, fol. 25v; © Patrimonio Nacional, Madrid Mamertino, or Mamertine Prison), and a statue of Marforius (believed to be an image of the god Mars that originally belonged—as suggested by the permutation of its name into “Martis fori”—to the forum) all gave rise, from the twelfth to the fifteenth century, to a series of legends and historical reconstructions that subsequent authors would continue to transmit.45 Added to this was the evidence of the inscription carved into the cornice of the tribune (incorporated into the apse of the church), which declared this to be the “Secretarium amplissimi Senatus,” rebuilt by the emperors Honorius and Theodosius after the original edifice had been destroyed in a fire.46 On the basis of these interpretations, by the beginning of the sixteenth century the notion had crystallized that a forum of Augustus existed ab antiquo at the foot of the Campidoglio, with a temple dedicated to the god of war at its entrance.47 This idea was supported, according to the authors of the period, by the bas-reliefs depicting martial scenes (fig. 12) that had covered the internal walls of the original church of Santa Martina, many of which were still intact when the building was ceded to the Università dei Pittori in 1588. Carrying their hypothesis yet further, the same authors claimed that these tavole—assumed to be the ex- votos of victorious generals or commemorations of the many triumphs of Mars—constituted evidence that the temple and the Roman Secretarium Senatus had stood side by side in the forum, because Mars was venerated as the defender and perpetuo segretario of the empire and the “most secret things” of the empire were traditionally stored for safekeeping in his temple. Three of the church’s bas-reliefs were sold in 1515 to the Conservatori of Rome and placed in the Palazzo Capitolino, where they can be seen today.48 Recent studies by Alessandro Viscogliosi—who compared sixteenth-century drawings showing the church and surrounding buildings by Antonio da Sangallo the Younger (1484–1546) (fig. 13) and Baldassarre Peruzzi (1481–1536) with ground plans of the isolato (block of buildings) made before the church’s demolition—lend support to the hypothesis (already proposed by Noehles) that these bas-reliefs originally belonged to the triumphal arch of Marcus Aurelius. Viscogliosi’s carefully argued thesis is that this arch was erected in 176 c.e. on the western perimeter of the Forum of Caesar, in alignment with the facade of the Curia and along the same axis as the back of the Forum of Augustus, where a temple of Mars the Avenger stood.49 Further evidence (of which Viscogliosi does not seem to have been aware) in confirmation of this can be found in the Descriptio Urbis Romae eiusque Excellentiae, a work written in the middle of the fifteenth century by Nicolò Signorili, who mentions an arch of Caesar, distinct from the contiguous 12. 87 | The Università dei Pittori and the Accademia di San Luca | Isabella Salvagni 13. Antonio da Sangallo the Younger, Measured Plan of the Churches of Santa Martina and Sant’Adriano, from Alfonso Bartoli. Gabinetto dei Disegni e delle Stampe, Galleria Uffizi, Florence; Scala / Art Resource, New York 88 13. Arch of Septimius Severus, whose piers could still be seen embedded in the walls of the Christian church.50 Viscogliosi suggests that the builders of the early church incorporated into its facade two arches from the presumed monument to Marcus Aurelius, which had been damaged in a fire in 283. The presence of the fifth-century inscription referring to the Secretarium Senatus, together with the extensive marble decoration (mentioned in various sources, but documented in particular detail in the records concerning the dismantling of the church’s stonework during the last decade of the sixteenth century), supports the hypothesis that the church was built in the late eighth century, incorporating the remains of the Secretarium Senatus.51 On the basis of this new hypothesis, the Secretarium, erected near the fifteenth taberna in the Forum of Caesar, would have originally subsumed the triumphal arch and formed—it is not yet known in what period—a single administrative complex with the adjacent Curia. 52 89 | The Università dei Pittori and the Accademia di San Luca | Isabella Salvagni Here, in the middle of the sixteenth century, the church of Santa Martina and the church of Sant’Adriano formed a unified complex located at the foot of the Campidoglio along the Via Sacra, at the point where this road joined the Clivus Suburanus-Argiletum, the ancient thoroughfare that connected the northeastern part of the city and Santa Maria Maggiore with the Forum Transitorium and, across the Argiletum, the Forum Romanum (fig. 14). This intersection, which dated to the period of the Roman Republic, would continue to serve during the Middle Ages as one of the most important hubs of the capital, the intersection of two arteries that also marked the routes of religious processions. Furthermore, during the Middle Ages the section of the Argiletum lying within the Forum Transitorium and delimited by two arches (fig. 15) became the site of the city’s most important cattle and meat market. The various place names “in Macello” that have come down to us testify to the large number of slaughterhouses located in the vicinity of the Campo Vaccino (cattle field), in what had once been the Forum Romanum but was now transformed into a grazing ground and livestock market at the edge of the inhabited part of the city.53 The Forum Boarium, as the area has been designated on early modern maps, constituted such a well-known site that as late as 1618 Matthäus Greuter depicted it in his large panorama of the city (fig. 16). Gravitating around this pasture and market were the economic interests of the new secular aristocracy represented by the Conservatori of Rome, which from the twelfth century had its seat in the Campidoglio, a place chosen to denote its rediscovered identity as a collectivity, in which the corporations of the Mercanti and the Bovattieri played an important role. Thus, although the papal government, beginning with the initiatives of Nicholas v (1447–1455), had managed to restore the sovereignty of the Catholic Church over the forces of society that it viewed as a threat to both its symbolic and economic hegemony, during the last two decades of the sixteenth century the political associations of this part of the city were still unmistakably secular and pagan. The popes’ incursion into the Pantani—the vast, economically depressed, and semideserted area comprising the Imperial Forums, made up of poor dwellings huddled along the edges of gardens and orchards (fig. 17)—can probably be linked to the Catholic Church’s goal of consolidating control over the city, signs of which could already be seen along the margins of the zone in the wake of the Council of Trent. The Dominican order, which would play a leading role in the Inquisition, established a foothold in Rome in the 1560s when it took over the convent of Saint Catherine of Siena, built on the ruins of Trajan’s Market, and the monastery of saints Domenicus and Sixtus situated nearby. At the same time, Pius v divested the Knights of Malta of their priory—for centuries located in the Forum of Augustus—and conferred it on the cardinal nephew Alessandrino Michele Bonelli, who, like himself, was a Dominican. With this move the pope launched his project to transform the forum into the largest center for the forced 14. Étienne Dupérac, Map of Rome, detail of area around the church of Santa Martina, the Suburra, the Pantani, and the Forum Romanum, 1577, etching with engraving. The British Library, London 90 14. conversion of Jews in the Christian world (a plan that would later be reduced in scale), administered by the Pia Casa dei Catecumeni e Neofiti. This religious order, by the concession of Gregory xiii, would soon build its own church dedicated to the Madonna dei Monti on the Clivus Suburanus, the axis crossing the Forum Romanum (fig. 18). The conquest by the Catholic Church of this antique part of the city would conclude with the project of Cardinal Alessandrino, begun in 1584, to rebuild the Quartiere dei Pantani in the area of the Imperial Forums.54 This new quarter would extend from the Torre dei Conti to the Via Sacra and from the Curia to the Forum of Trajan, with a network of streets radiating out from its center and the intersection of two new streets—Via Bonella and Via Alessandrina—both named after the cardinal. Bonelli began by obtaining the approval of both the magistri viarum and the landowners in the area, and then suc- 15. Reconstruction by Rodolfo Lanciani of the plan of the Quartiere dei Pantani and the Argiletum in the Middle Ages, showing slaughterhouses (1 –9, 16, 17) and houses (12 –15, 18 –23). From “Le escavazioni del Foro,” Bullettino della Commissione archeologica Comunale di Roma 29, fasc. 1 (January–March 1901): 21 –51 91 | The Università dei Pittori and the Accademia di San Luca | Isabella Salvagni 15. ceeded in completing his project within just a few decades by introducing a novel form of compensation: in place of wages, laborers were offered leases of land with permission to build. Thus construction work was assigned directly to the congeries of skilled masons, most of them immigrants from the north, who had been attracted to Rome by the prospect of employment and would now begin to settle in this neighborhood (fig. 19).55 The installation in 1585 of the Università dei Falegnami, or carpenters’ guild, at the edge of the forum would seem to confirm that a large number of the residents were engaged in the building arts. It was the cardinal who divided the unified complex of the churches of Santa Martina and Sant’Adriano by having his new via recta pass directly between them as it crossed the forum, truncating the ancient path of the Clivus Suburanus-Argiletum, which 16. Matthäus Greuter, Map of Rome, detail of the area of the Campo Vaccino and the Quartiere dei Pantani, 1618, engraving. Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale, Rome 92 16. would now, with the two arches of the Forum Transitorium demolished, terminate at the wall of the convent of Sant’Adriano. Via Bonella thus became the cardo (in antiquity, the principal street crossing a city or encampment from north to south) of the new quarter and the axis that, passing through the zone of the Suburra (now also undergoing expansion) from the basilica of Santa Maria Maggiore, led to the Forum and the Campidoglio. Even if the projects of Cardinal Bonelli and Pope Sixtus v were not coordinated, it is plausible to interpret them as being complementary in the sense that both were aimed at joining the Quartiere dei Pantani and the zone of the Esquiline and connecting them with the city center. In this context it cannot be considered a 17. Reconstruction by Susanna Passigli of the area of the Pantani in the Middle Ages, based on the Catasto Pio-Gregoriano, showing churches (marked with black dots), houses, and streets (shaded dark gray). From “Urbanizzazione e topografia a Roma nell’area dei Fori Imperiali tra xiv e xvi secolo,” Mélanges de l’École française de Rome: Moyen Âge 101, no. 1 (1989): 273–325; Library of Congress, Washington, d.c. 93 | The Università dei Pittori and the Accademia di San Luca | Isabella Salvagni 17. 18. Locations of the monastery of Santi Domenico e Sisto (a), the convent of Santa Caterina da Siena (b), the Pia Casa dei Catecumeni e Neofiti (c), and the church of the Madonna dei Monti (d), shown on a nineteenth-century elaboration of Leonardo Bufalini’s Map of Rome (1551). From La Pianta di Roma di Leonardo Bufalini: Da un esemplare a 94 penna già conservato in Cuneo, riprodotto per cura del Ministero della Pubblica Istruzione (Rome, 1879) d a b c 18. coincidence, therefore, that in 1588, with the reconstruction of the forum area in full spate, Sixtus v decided to cede the church of Santa Martina—a building prominently set at the head of the new Via Bonella, but in ruins and hence awaiting its own redefinition—to the new accademia, now invested with a more authoritative institutional role under the direct sponsorship of the pope. It should be recalled that for the transition from università to accademia to become a legal reality, the papal brief of 1577 required that a completely new set of statutes be drawn up. At the same time, however, a significant change in procedure had been introduced. Whereas in the past (for example, with the statutes of 1546, several times revised and still in force in 1588)56 any revisions in the statutes were submitted for approval to the secular city authorities (embodied in the Senator of Rome), and the document was registered by the notaries of the Senator, now the pope assumed exclusive authority over 19. Anonymous, detail of the area including Santa Martina and Sant’Adriano with the new division of lots at the end of the sixteenth century, c. 1584. Archivio Segreto Vaticano, Archivio Della Valle–Del Bufalo, busta 100, fasc. 28, fol. 435r 95 | The Università dei Pittori and the Accademia di San Luca | Isabella Salvagni 19. 96 the institution through his cardinal vicar, to whom was entrusted the task of their approval and registration with the notaries of the cardinal vicar. For this reason all the known versions of the statutes that lack such approval must be considered legally null and void. In this way, as part of a long-term plan conducted indirectly and on more than one front to assert the Curia’s hegemony over key aspects of the cultural and economic life of the city, Sixtus v managed to gain control over what was potentially the most dangerous of the professional corporations—the Università dei Pittori. Charged with the “intellectual” surveillance of its members through its teaching, disciplinary, and regulatory activities, the organization was responsible for the period’s chief form of mass communication, but now had to submit to the rigid dictates of the Council of Trent, which were being applied by the ascendant Counter-Reformation church. In exchange for their loss of autonomy—sacrificed to the requests for control ordered by the council and put into effect by the triumphant Counter-Reformation—the artists were granted a higher professional and social status, painting was recognized as a “noble” profession rather than a mechanical craft, and the intellectual worth of the artist’s work was acknowledged.57 This new change in status from artisan to artist found expression within the Università in its decision to place above the altar of its church the painting attributed to Raphael, the Renaissance master who in Rome personified more than any other artist the dignity of the profession. If the aforementioned attempt at a redirection of the Università dei Pittori under papal control was effectuated by the assignment of an appropriate seat, the establishment of that headquarters provided the springboard for a complete reorganization from università into accademia. From the pope’s perspective, however, the decision represented merely one component in a broader plan whose objectives, translated into concrete terms, were urban renewal, the transformation of the Holy City on a European scale, and the definitive cancellation of all traces of the city’s secular and pagan past. In fact, the Università dei Pittori would not be the only descendant of the medieval corporations to establish its headquarters in the area of the forums. Others already present or soon to be established were the università and associated confraternities of bakers, weavers, chemists, and carpenters, some of which would make similar efforts to reorganize and modernize their organizations. In 1585, and therefore almost concurrently with the arrival of the Università dei Pittori, the Università dei Falegnami (carpenters), which had broken away from the Università dei Muratori (masons) and their shared headquarters in the church of San Gregorio Magno a Ripetta, began its renovation of the oratory of its patron saint—San Giuseppe dei Falegnami—in the church of San Pietro in Carcere, built on the site of the Mamertine Prison. Together the church of San Pietro and that of Santa Martina would form a propylaeum marking the beginning of Via di Marforio, the road that ran from the Via Sacra along the foot of the Capitoline Hill and joined the streets leading toward Via Lata, the 20. Catasto Pio Gregoriano, 1819 –1822, Archivio di Stato di Roma, Presidenza Generale del Censo, Rione I Monti, fol. 9r. Ministero per i Beni Culturali e Ambientali, Rome 20. 97 | The Università dei Pittori and the Accademia di San Luca | Isabella Salvagni Vatican, and the inhabited part of the city. At the same time, with the church of Sant’Adriano (fig. 20), the church of Santa Martina (soon to be rededicated to saints Luke and Martina) would form a second propylaeum indicating the start of Via Bonella. Crossing the forum in the direction of the rione Monti, this new via recta continued toward the arch of the Pantani (or Catecumeni), which in the Middle Ages had been cut into the wall of the Forum of Augustus, and joined, through a network of narrow streets, the system of arteries that led in one direction across the Suburra in the direction of the Esquiline and in the other toward the new artery of Via Panisperna, toward the Viminale, and, beyond this point, once past the hill of Magnanapoli, toward Via Pia and the Quirinal. Within this 98 new system of streets, the church of saints Luke and Martina formed the “hinge” of an imposing double set of propylaea, new gates marking the entrance from the south to the capital of the Christian world. Still to be examined is the complex network of political and economic relationships suggested by the recurrence of certain names—figures from prominent families and institutions that were either directly involved in these urban transformations or present in the area. One example is the della Valle family; exponents of the new Capitoline aristocracy, they had prospered in the mercantile and cattle trades, becoming wealthy enough to buy a title from the emperor in 1433. They would go on to play a leading role in the practice of land speculation in the Quartiere dei Pantani. The family, which had resided in the neighborhood of the oratory of San Giuseppe dei Falegnami since the middle of the fourteenth century, belonged to the Università dei Macellai, the powerful butchers’ corporation, which, since the medieval period, had owned considerable property in the Archanoe quarter behind the Argiletum, from which it ran its flourishing business, in addition to participating no doubt in the cattle trade in the nearby Campo Vaccino.58 Valerio della Valle—who served several times as governatore of the Compagnia di San Giuseppe dei Falegnami at this time and appears as one of the cosignatories, on October 11, 1585, of its capitoli regarding the construction of the new oratory59 —still lived near the forum60 and was the largest landowner in the area of the church of Santa Martina and the Forum of Caesar. On July 27, 1592, he granted his neighbors, the Pittori, a perpetual lease on two sites behind the church,61 and it was on this land that several decades later the Accademia would begin to construct its new headquarters. Next to the church—with its architectural, political, and symbolic significance in the context of Pope Sixtus v’s overall plans for the reconstruction of the city—the subplot concerning the establishment of the Accademia in its new headquarters remains of great interest. As documents show, the institution would traverse a difficult period, beset by economic difficulties as it attempted to meet the costs of reconstructing a church that was completely in ruins, while at the same time respecting its religious obligations and completing its own reorganization. The undisputed protagonist in the first part of this story was Girolamo Muziano, whose support, as we have seen, was instrumental in the rebuilding of the church of San Luca. It should be noted that there are some significant errors in the traditional scholarship concerning Muziano’s role. For example, in an overly simplistic and incorrect interpretation of the facts, tradition has credited him with being the founder of the Accademia in 1577. Furthermore (as noted above), there is no evidence that Muziano submitted a petition to Gregory xiii regarding the establishment of the Accademia, and, contrary to what has generally been asserted, he was not yet console at the time. Finally, the thesis in a romantic vein posited by nineteenth-century scholars such as Missirini and transmitted down to us, which attributed to Muziano the choice of the church of Santa Martina as the 99 | The Università dei Pittori and the Accademia di San Luca | Isabella Salvagni seat of the new academy, is entirely unfounded.62 The decision was made by the pope, as we have seen, on the basis of a much more complex set of factors and motives. Nevertheless, the fact remains that Muziano played a determining role in the reorganization of the academy and in the first phase of work on the church immediately after the Accademia moved to its new location in the Forum Romanum. It was Muziano who assumed the responsibility of deciding what to do with the crumbling ruin when the transfer of title took place in December 1588 and the Accademia was inexplicably deprived of all its revenues, despite the terms of the bull issued by Sixtus v just months earlier (May 1588) ceding the property in its entirety to the Accademia and Congregazione di San Luca. It transpired that Michele Timotei, the retired rettore (rector) of the church of Santa Martina, was allowed to continue receiving the revenues from this benefice for the remainder of his life,63 possibly in response to a supplica sent to the pontiff on June 23, 1588, from the cleric himself, but above all through the intercession of an influential prelate with whom Timotei was living at the time of the concession.64 The fact that the Accademia had no claim on these revenues was confirmed during the congregazione held on December 21, 1588, when it took possession of the property,65 and formally acknowledged in the notarial deed signed by all parties on July 22, 1589.66 At the time the revenues amounted to a modest 60 ducats of camera annui (annual rents), as cited in the papal bull of May 1588,67 deriving from a few dilapidated houses and barns located on the same isolato (block of buildings) as the church, and some vineyards within and outside the city walls to which Timotei still retained title. However, it turned out that, in addition to the loss of this income, the academy was obliged to pay an annual rent of 12 scudi to each of the two parishes (San Lorenzo ai Monti and San Nicola in Carcere) that from then on shared parochial jurisdiction with Santa Martina. This posed a considerable burden at a time when the organization’s resources were being stretched to the limit by the bureaucratic costs of incorporating the new institution, which included the immediate disbursement of nearly 300 scudi to have the bull registered, copied, and consigned—expenses that were duly entered in the ledger by the camerlengo Adriano Rainaldi between July 15, 1588, and June 1589.68 Nevertheless, it was the cost of transforming the ancient church, which still retained many traces of the preexisting Roman structure, into an appropriate headquarters that would weigh most heavily on the institution. As we will see, however, it was this residue of the past that would help to pay for its reconstruction. On April 8, 1589, an inventory of the movable property belonging to the church was drawn up; undersigned by Timotei, it lists decorations, liturgical objects, furniture, and paintings. In July 1590 the members of the Università submitted a petition to the cardinal vicar requesting that he ratify the tax of 2 percent that the Università customarily demanded for the appraisal of works of art exceeding 25 scudi in value, but that were not in fact disbursed to the Università since no law had been passed.69 They resubmitted the 100 petition in 1592/1593 to the cardinal protector, Federico Borromeo, but had to wait nearly six years, until 1595, for it to be approved.70 This concession is extremely important because it ensured that the Università had a monopoly on appraisals of paintings executed in Rome, that the appraisals were entrusted to appropriately elected experts, and that the Università would receive the huge sums derived from them. This was one of the first of many stratagems devised by the Università to generate the income needed to realize its objectives, which included not only the rebuilding of its headquarters, but also the reorganization of the institution in legal and administrative terms, with a set of statutes lawfully approved defining its new structure and functions as an accademia rather than a università, and attaining a more appropriate status for its members. On December 4, 1589, almost twelve months after the Accademia had been granted the property, a plan for the reconstruction of the church of Santa Martina was prepared.71 It may be noted that at the time the structure (like most of the churches in the Forum Romanum) was almost completely hidden from view, with small houses crowded around it against a confused background of buildings of different heights and dimensions, most of them overlooking the piazza of the Campo Vaccino, with empty tracts of land stretching behind them (fig. 21). From the ledger books for the years 1590–159672 it is clear that the church of Santa Martina retained much of the stonework from the original Roman structure, consisting of travertine blocks and marble bas-relief decoration that had been only partially dismantled in the past. The program of renovations for the new church—officially ratified on April 2, 1590, by the notary Ottaviano Saravezzi in the presence of Girolamo Muziano and Giacomo Squilli73 —consisted of two tasks, both of which were entrusted to the master mason Giuseppe de Viadana: first, dismantling the existing walls, then reconstructing the church, now dedicated to Saint Luke, on a higher foundation than that of the original church, which was level with the other buildings in the Quartiere dei Pantani. By this means the Università succeeded in making the reconstruction work pay for itself, at least in part; not only could the workers be remunerated in the form of building materials, but the remaining travertine blocks might be sold for thousands of scudi. Between 1590 and 1596 enormous quantities of stone were removed and sold to sculptors and stoneworkers; documents mention the names of Stefano and Marcantonio Longhi, Tommaso della Porta, Stefano Buzi, the brothers Francesco and Ottavio Scardua, Giulio Coltrisei, Alessandro Cioli, Andrea di Michelangelo, and Giulio Saltri. The blocks, after being measured (usually by Giovanni Antonio de Pomis, but sometimes by Francesco da Volterra), were transported to construction sites all over the city, where they were used in 21. Marteen van Heemskerck, The Forum Romanum and Capitoline Hill Seen from the Palatine Hill, pen and brown ink and brown wash. Kupferstichkabinett, Staatliche Museen zu Berlin; Bildarchiv Preussischer Kulturbesitz / Art Resource, New York 101 building the churches of the Confraternita del Gonfalone, San Giacomo degli Incurabili, Santa Maria in Trastevere, Santa Maria di Monserrato, Santo Stefano del Cacco, San Lorenzo, and many other churches. In accordance with the contract, a portion of the revenues from the sale of these blocks was used to pay Giuseppe de Viadana and his partner, Filippo Quadri, who worked on the project until 1592.74 The marble bas-reliefs embedded in the walls were also greatly prized, for their martial themes had kindled the popular imagination of the citizens of Rome. Indeed, it is known that during the consiglio (meeting) held on September 22, 1592, the Conservatori of Rome approved the purchase from the church of Santa Martina of another two marble reliefs depicting armed men bearing trophies, which, because of their affinities with the works already in their possession, were thought to celebrate Marcus Aurelius.75 As noted by the academician Flaminio Vacca in his Ricordi, written sometime before 1594,76 the two panels were instead sold to the sculptor Tommaso della Porta, whose payment of the handsome sum of 44 scudi for “doi storie rotte” (two broken [panels of ] stories) was entered in the academy’s ledger on October 16, 1592.77 On the sculptor’s death, the pieces were appropriated by Scipione Borghese and added to his collection at the Villa Borghese, where they may be seen today.78 The monetary value of these bas-reliefs is confirmed in another documented incident. The master mason de Viadana accidentally damaged one of the surviving marble | The Università dei Pittori and the Accademia di San Luca | Isabella Salvagni 21. 22. Attributed to Francesco Capriani da Volterra, Plan for Santa Martina, c. 1592. Graphische Sammlung Albertina, Vienna, AZ1279r 102 panels, very probably the “Historia marmorea fracta,” with an estimated value of 50 scudi, recorded as having been broken during the work on the church. He promised compensation in the form of labor for the value of the piece in an agreement signed on July 7, 1591, in the presence of several ecclesiastical officials who represented other institutions, including Curzio Cinquino, the canon of Santa Maria Maggiore, who had been appointed by the basilica’s viceregente to oversee the construction; the console Francesco Castello; the camerlengo, Adriano Rainaldi; and Pasquale Cati, one of the appraisers of the Università.79 On January 29, 1589, Girolamo Muziano mortgaged his property in the Borgo Sant’Agata in order to raise money (assets that he would later leave to the Accademia in his will), and this income would help relieve the institution’s financial situation somewhat.80 Even more substantial support was forthcoming from the pope when, in a brief of October 15, 1592, Clement viii granted plenary indulgences to those who visited the church of San Luca on the feasts of the Assumption and Saint Luke.81 The reorganization of the confraternity and the presentation of its capitoli to the Accademia during the congregazione held on March 7, 1593, in the “cappella di San Luca” in the church of Santa Maria d’Aracoeli, would also contribute to the prosperity of the institution by attracting donations from the pious.82 Noehles identified what he believed to be a first complete plan for the reconstruction of the church of Santa Martina in a drawing that he dated (discounting any minor work done previously) to 1592 and attributed to the architect and painter Ottaviano Mascherino of Bologna (fig. 22).83 However, documents cited in this essay and others show that an initial project (as described above) had already been carried out on the existing church between 1590 and 1592, the last misura (calculation) of the work done by the mason Giuseppe de Viadana being recorded on September 29, 1592, by Giovanni Antonio de Pomis.84 Furthermore, the contract signed on April 2, 1590, at the home of Muziano specifically mentions an “architetto della Congregazione” who was deputized to oversee the project, Francesco Capriani da Volterra.85 It was only when the Accademia entered into possession of Muziano’s legacy on July 27, 1592,86 that negotiations with the della Valle family were set in motion to acquire the land around the church in preparation for the new and greatly expanded edifice that would serve as its definitive headquarters. In August 1592 a model of the new building, constructed in wood by Giovanni Battista Mon- 22. 103 | The Università dei Pittori and the Accademia di San Luca | Isabella Salvagni 104 tano, was paid for;87 it is known that twice before June 1591 this model was carried from Montano’s workshop, which was near the Pantheon, to the church of Santa Martina.88 These facts would appear to provide only partial support for the hypothesis of Noehles. It seems that, once installed in the Forum Romanum, the Accademia quickly drew up an initial plan for the reconstruction of its headquarters (the program for which is documented on December 4, 1589), whose “scatola architettonica” (architectural framework) was simply adapted to the preexisting structure. Noehles’ claim that Mascherino was the author of this early project is based on his identification of the drawing of 1592, which presents two different architectural plans for a religious edifice.89 The layout of one of these corresponds perfectly with that of the church in the Sangallo plan (discussed by Viscogliosi), confirming that the drawing in the Albertina is indeed of the church of Santa Martina, and shows how it appeared at the end of the sixteenth century.90 All the same, arguing against Noehles’ thesis is the fact that, while Mascherino was registered as a pittore of the Università in 157691 and is mentioned in December 1576 as having designed a banner with the image of the academy’s patron saint,92 until the year 1604, when he was elected principe, he is never mentioned in the records of the congregazioni or in any of the documents concerning the reconstruction of the church. In contrast, Francesco da Volterra is cited on various occasions and in the specific capacity of architect, beginning with the agreement signed in April 1590. A deed of sale dated July 27, 1592, for property purchased from the Della Valle family bears his signature as “architetto deputato.”93 Furthermore, the records of the Accademia show that Francesco da Volterra played an active role within the Università from 1590 to 1594, and the fact that he acted as misuratore (architect certifying the calculation) of the work done by the masons on April 16, 1590,94 presupposes that he was directly engaged in some responsible capacity in the project for the new church. Therefore, the first phase in the process of rebuilding the Accademia’s headquarters consisted of a project (confirmed by the fact that not only a plan, but also a wooden model was prepared) for the adaptation of the ancient church (completed or in process), which was drawn up or, in any case, executed by Francesco da Volterra. His name is mentioned elsewhere in the records of the Accademia: he was present at the congregazione held on October 31, 1593, before the Accademia was formally constituted;95 he donated a number of “cartoni” (cartoons) to the academy that are listed in the inventory of 1594;96 and on September 12, 1593, he paid the tax levied by the academy on its members to cover the costs of paving the area in front of the church with cobblestones.97 It is also possible that Giovanni Battista Montano—a fellow member who would be invited by Federico Zuccaro to give a lecture before the newly constituted Accademia on May 8, 1594,98 and whose name appears alongside that of Volterra as one of the sponsors of Alberti’s book on the academy99 —collaborated with him during this phase. 105 | The Università dei Pittori and the Accademia di San Luca | Isabella Salvagni Although analysis of the drawing in the Albertina shows that it dates to the period just before or during the dismantling of the ancient church, it may perhaps be connected with the initial phase supervised by Volterra or with an intermediate phase between 1592 and 1596, the year in which the dismantling of the original church is considered to have been completed. It is possible to speculate that after 1592—with the patronage of Clement viii,100 the improved finances of the academy, and the election of Federico Zuccaro as principe —a more detailed project was drawn up, and this might correspond to either the already mentioned drawing or a second plan in the Albertina, dated 1593 and attributed by Noehles to Mascherino as well (fig. 23).101 It is certainly no coincidence that the first mass in the “new” church of San Luca was celebrated, by Michele Timotei, in 1592 on the feast of Saint Luke, in a ceremony that the academy acknowledged was made possible by the generous legacy of Muziano.102 If the hypothesis that the Albertina drawing corresponds to the very earliest phase of work on the church, directed by Volterra, is correct, the drawing could perhaps be attributed to him and not to Mascherino, as has been believed until now. Further, even the particular treatment of lights and shadows in the drawing differs markedly from the drawings by Mascherino in the Accademia’s collections. In discussing the chronology of events, one must also take into account the fact that deep rifts began to form, beginning with the so-called foundation by Zuccaro, divisions so open and marked that they were noted by Alberti in his book. As a result, the members failed to approve a new set of statuti,103 and these internal differences probably contributed to the delay in rebuilding and furnishing the academy’s headquarters. It is also possible to argue that the design for the hypothetical second project—whether the drawing identified by Noehles in the Albertina or a now-lost plan that included four drawings listed in the inventory of 1624 compiled for the principe Simon Vouet104 —was drawn up shortly after the death of Francesco da Volterra, whom Mascherino may have replaced as the academy’s official architect. It is even more plausible that such a plan would have been revised while Mascherino was principe. He took a great interest in all of the Accademia’s projects, and his ambition was to be remembered by posterity as an architect even though he had been admitted to the academy as a painter. With this in mind, he left his entire studio to the Accademia upon his death, a legacy that his widow, Domenica, would cede (unlike some of the other academicians’ beneficiaries) more than willingly on April 13, 1608, in the presence of the executor, Antiveduto Gramatica, and the rettore of the Congregazione di San Luca, Orazio Borgianni. The bequest included four architectural plans, as well as the artist’s collection of architectural drawings and books on geometry and architecture.105 In any case, whether the project was one of those attributed by Noehles to Mascherino, or even perhaps one drawn up by a group of architects (a practice that would 23. Atributed to Ottaviano Mascherino, Plan for Santa Martina, c. 1602–1604. Graphische Sammlung Albertina, Vienna, AZ Rom 673 106 23. 24. Plan and elevation of the block of buildings incorporating the church of Santi Luca e Martina, before 1634. Collezione Sardini-Martinelli, Civiche Raccolte d’Arte, Gabinetto dei Disegni, Castello Sforzesco, Milan; © Comune di Milano The economic difficulties that beset the Accademia in its early years prevented it from creating and projecting a suitable image of itself. Not only did the newly formed organization lack a worthy seat for its religious functions as provided for in the brief of Gregory 24. 107 | The Università dei Pittori and the Accademia di San Luca | Isabella Salvagni often be adopted by the Accademia in the years to come), if it was implemented at all, it would have been in a partial fashion, the goal being to adapt the already existing building to the religious needs of the Accademia at minimal expense. Little other work was undertaken for years, and in fact during the congregazione held on September 21, 1618,106 and the apostolic visit that took place on August 12, 1625, observations were made regarding the unfinished state of the church.107 Visual testimony of this may be found in a drawing by an anonymous artist that shows the church, in plan and elevation, standing near the Forum Romanum and surrounded by houses and fields, just before it was razed to make way for Pietro da Cortona’s new edifice (fig. 24).108 108 xiii; the members did not even have a place for their own meetings and other activities. At first the church of Santa Martina was used for their congregazioni, but beginning in October 1591 the members would convene in an adjacent “house” belonging to the church,109 for which a modest annual rent was paid to Michele Timotei.110 In one of the upper rooms “sulla chiesa, dette ‘in alto’” (above the church, called “on high”) in use since June 1591, an altar with two columns was set up, and in October 1593 the painting of Saint Luke and the Virgin was hung there.111 The “stanza della Congregazione” was probably the “fienile” (hayloft) on the upper floor of one of the houses listed among the church’s properties, overlooking the piazza of the Campo Vaccino (fig. 25). In this room, which the members had adapted as best they could to their purposes, the meeting that conventionally marks the birth of the Accademia was held on November 14, 1593, presided over by Federico Zuccaro. Thus, notwithstanding straitened means, woefully inadequate facilities, and the many difficulties still facing it, the academy was officially and rhetorically, but not in reality, constituted by its members, of whom Federico Zuccaro was the most authoritative representative, deserving full credit, according to Alberti, for having established the first official, public headquarters of the new Accademia.112 In fact, beginning in 1593, the receipt of rents for several houses and other properties situated near the church is recorded in the camerlengo’s books, and since there is no evidence that these were either acquired or inherited by the Accademia, it may be hypothesized that an agreement was reached with Michele Timotei concerning at least the partial ceding of the revenues connected with the church. This would appear to be corroborated by the “strumento di restituzione dei beni della chiesa” (instrument of restitution of the properties of the church) mentioned in the list of documents consigned to Giovanni Paolo Picciolli, the new rettore of the “Societatis sancti Lucae dd. Pictorum” on November 8, 1598, in the presence of the academy’s notary.113 By the time of Timotei’s death in 1618,114 however, the reversion of all the revenues attached to the church property would make little difference to the Accademia, for its solvency was assured by the various benefices endowed by the pope, other sources of income, and the reorganization of the institution itself. In any case, the payments that derived from the many thousands of scudi collected from the sale of travertine and of marbles from the ancient church of Santa Martina, the proceeds from the appraisals, and the entrance fees generated from devotion and from the cult assured that in a few years the institution and its members would be both in a solid economic position and in control of the Roman art market, which went far beyond the small loss of revenues from the church that were temporarily conceded to Timotei. Indeed, new plans for the headquarters were being contemplated, and already in 1617 the academy had slowly begun acquiring property and land adjacent to the church in preparation for the monumental reconstruction of the edifice by Pietro da Cortona.115 25. Étienne Dupérac, Church of Santa Martina between the Arch of Septimius Severus and the Church of Sant’Adriano, engraving, originally published in I vestigi dell’antichità di Roma, 1575. From Pietro Ferrerio, Palazzi di Roma de piu celebri Architetti, vol. 1 (Rome, 1655), National Gallery of Art, Washington, Mark J. Millard Architectural Collection, David K. E. Bruce Fund, 1985.61.572 109 These plans were made possible by a new institutional framework: between the end of the papacy of Clement viii and the ascent to the throne of Paul v, the transformation of the Università dei Pittori into the Accademia di San Luca with the approval of its first set of statutes was finally concluded in 1607. During this process the struggle for power ceased, thanks to the intervention of the cardinal protector, Francesco Maria del Monte, who helped resolve some of the conflicts within the group.116 At this point the members could turn their attention to the reorganization of the Accademia, beginning with a first revision of its statutes. After considerable disagreement over various proposals between 1617 and 1619, a new statuto was approved in 1621 that would in large part be reconfirmed (at least as far as the definition of the most important administrative positions was concerned) in 1627 during the papacy of the Barberini pope Urban viii.117 The Accademia had received the sanction of the pope and been granted a church as a symbol of the institution, but finding suitable accommodations for its own activities would be a much more difficult problem to resolve. The official seat, as recorded in the Accademia’s statuti of 1607, was nothing more than a renovated hayloft.118 It would be only after the new church had been completed—its symbolic importance being paramount to the image of the organization—that the members could finally, in the middle | The Università dei Pittori and the Accademia di San Luca | Isabella Salvagni 25. 26. Plan of the Campo Vaccino, showing the tree-lined avenue of Pope Alexander vii with architectural landmarks, second half of the 110 26. seventeenth century. Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Fondo Chigiano, p vii 10, fol. 94r notes Translated from the Italian by Lisa Chien and Peter Lukehart This essay is a synthesis of some aspects of the history of the Università dei Pittori and the Accademia di San Luca, which are treated in a more ample study of their church and academic headquarters that began in 1996 with the publication of Isabella Salvagni, Palazzo Carpegna, 1577 – 1934 (Rome, 2000). For the long and complex process by which the Accademia was constituted and the history of its seats, on the Esquiline Hill and at the Forum Romanum, from the end of the fifteenth century to the beginning of the 1930s, see Isabella Salvagni, “La chiesa dei santi Luca e Martina ai fori Imperiali e l’Accademia di San Luca, dall’Universitas all’ Accademia: Istituzione e sedi tra primo Cinquecento e gli anni Trenta del Novecento,” doctoral thesis, Storia e conservazione dell’oggetto d’arte e d’architettura (Terza Università di Roma, 2004– 2005), on deposit at the Biblioteca Nazionale in Rome and Florence, Bibliotheca Hertziana in Rome, and the Biblioteca dell’Accademia Nazionale di San Luca; and two forthcoming monographs: Isabella Salvagni, Dall’Universitas Picturae ac Miniaturae all’Accademia di San Luca: Istituzioni e sedi tra primo Cinquecento e gli anni Trenta del Seicento (Rome, 2009; hereafter Salvagni 2009a); and La sede dell’Accademia di San Luca al foro Romano: Dal primo nucleo seicentesco alla demolizione degli anni Trenta del Novecento (Rome, 2009; hereafter Salvagni 2009b). I refer the reader to these publications, in particular Salvagni 2009a, for in-depth analysis of the topics dealt with here. For further discussion of certain aspects of the history of the foundation of the Accademia, see the following studies by the present author: “I ticinesi a Roma tra corporazione e accademia: Il caso dell’Accademia di San Luca,” in Svizzeri a Roma: Nella storia, nell’arte, nella cultura, nell’economia dal Cinquecento ad oggi, ed. Giorgio Mollisi, in Arte & Storia 35 (September– October 2007): 74 –86; “Architettura ed ‘Aequa potestas’: Juvarra, l’Accademia di San Luca e gli architetti,” in La forma del pensiero: Filippo Juvarra, la costruzione del ricordo attraverso la celebrazione della memoria, ed. Cristina Ruggero (Rome, 2009, 33 –53; hereafter Salvagni 2009c); “La crisi degli anni ’90: L’Accademia di San Luca e gli architetti,” in “Cosa è architetto”: Domenico Fontana tra Melide, Roma e Napoli (1543 –1607), Proceedings of an International Meeting, Mendrisio, Accademia di architettura, September 13 –14, 2007, ed. Giovanna Curcio, Nicola Navone, and Sergio Villari (Lugano, 2009; hereafter Salvagni 2009d); and “Pour l’histoire de l’Académie de Saint-Luc: Notes pour une révision,” Revue de l’art (2009; hereafter Salvagni 2009e). Luigi Spezzaferro, to whom I owe an affectionate debt of gratitude, died prematurely while this volume was being completed. He discussed with me many of the themes presented here and, as he was wont to do, provocatively and generously shared additional comments and reflections, which have substantially enriched the results of my research. abbreviations aasl: Archivio Storico dell’Accademia di San Luca g: Giustificazioni acsmm: Archivio del Capitolo di Santa Maria Maggiore asc: Archivio Storico Capitolino 111 | The Università dei Pittori and the Accademia di San Luca | Isabella Salvagni of the seventeenth century, undertake the building of the academic residence behind the church. The reconstruction of the church coincided with the papacy of Urban viii and the completion of the Catholic Church’s own program of redefining the image of the forums by building its monuments over their ruins (fig. 26). The project to renew the image of the Holy City on a grand scale, begun less than eighty years earlier with the Quartiere dei Pantani, was brought to a triumphant conclusion by Pope Alexander vii (1655–1667) with the transformation of the Via Sacra into the first tree-lined avenue in the city of Rome. This thoroughfare provided a new “theatrical” entrance to the city, which was captured for posterity in a detailed print by Livien Cruyl and would be canceled only by the first “archaeological” excavations conducted in the area more than a century and a half later (see essay frontispiece).119 cc, Cred.: Camera Capitolina, Credenzone asr: Archivio di Stato di Roma cnc: Collegio dei Notai Capitolini 112 nac: Notai dell’Auditor Cameræ tnc, uff.: Trenta Notai Capitolini, ufficio uccv: Ufficio della Curia del Cardinal Vicario asv: Archivio Segreto Vaticano adv –db: Archivio Della Valle–Del Bufalo bav: Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana bv: Biblioteca Vallicelliana 1 aasl, no. 3 (missing); copy in aasl, busta 69, fasc. 313 –314; copy in the vernacular in aasl, fasc. 314; busta 166, fasc. 37; busta 186, fasc. 1. Curiously enough, research has thus far failed to discover any trace of the bull of Sixtus v among the documents deposited in the Archivio Segreto Vaticano. It must be noted, however, that there is a conspicuous gap in the series of Registri Vaticani corresponding to the period in which this bull was issued. 2 The term Compagnia as used here derives from the text of the bull of Sixtus v cited in note 1. Until the actual juridical constitution of the Accademia, sanctioned by the approval of the nuovi statuti, which this study contends occurred only in 1607, the institution is defined in the documents somewhat indifferently as “Università,” “Compagnia,” or “Società,” terms that reinforce its designation as a trade organization (arte or guild); see the detailed discussion of this argument in Salvagni 2009a and in note 16 below. 3 On this theme, see Andreina Ricci, “Luoghi estremi della città: Il progetto archeologico tra ‘memoria’ e ‘uso pubblico della storia’,” Topos [Topos] e progetto 1 (1999): 96 –127. 4 The results of the excavations carried out at the forums of Trajan, Augustus, Nerva, and Caesar have been summarized mainly in Riccardo Santangeli Valenzani, “I Fori Imperiali in età post-classica: I Fori di Cesare, Nerva e Pace,” in Cripta Balbi –Fori imperiali: Archeologia urbana a Roma e intervento di restauro nell’anno del grande Giubileo, ed. Serena Baiani and Massimiliano Ghilardi (Rome, 2000), 79 –82; Alessandro Viscogliosi, I fori Imperiali nei disegni di architettura del primo Cinquecento: Ricerche sull’architettura e l’urbanistica di Roma (Rome, 2000); Silvana Rizzo, “Indagini nei fori Imperiali: Oroidrografia, foro di Cesare, foro di Augusto, templum Pacis,” Bullettino dell’Istituto Archeologico Germanico, Sezione romana 108 (2001): 215 –244; and Letizia Pani Ermini, “Forma Urbis: Lo spazio urbano tra vi e ix secolo,” in Roma nell’Alto Medioevo, Settimane di studio del Centro italiano di Studi sull’Alto Medioevo 48, vol. 1 (Spoleto, 2001), 255 –324; see also the works cited in the bibliographies of these studies. The results of the excavations have recently been the subject of discussion in a series of conferences held in Rome, which will be published in the near future. 5 See Liliana Barroero et al., Via dei Fori Imperiali (Rome, 1983); Susanna Passigli, “Urbanizzazione e topografia a Roma nell’area dei Fori Imperiali tra xiv e xvi secolo,” Mélanges de l’École française de Rome. Moyen Âge 101, no. 1 (1989): 273 –325; Augusto Roca De Amicis, “I Pantani e la Suburra: Forme della crescita edilizia a Roma tra xvi e xvii secolo,” in Inediti di storia dell’urbanistica, ed. Mario Coppa (Rome, 1993), 103 –145; Pier Luigi Tucci, “L’area del Templum Pacis all’inizio del Seicento: Dall’orto della Torre dei Conti alla ‘Contea’,” Archivio della Società Romana di Storia Patria 124 (2001): 211 –276; Viscogliosi 2000; and Augusto Roca De Amicis, “Quadrante xx,” in La Roma di Paolo v nella pianta di Matthäus Greuter, ed. Augusto Roca De Amicis (Rome, 2009). 6 Melchiorre Missirini, Memorie per servire alla storia della Romana Accademia di San Luca (Rome, 1823). Sergio Rossi recently published a short study on the history of the Università e Compagnia di San Luca from the fifteenth century to the end of the sixteenth, based exclusively on an analysis of original sources drawn from the academy’s archives: “La Compagnia di San Luca nel Cinquecento e la sua evoluzione in Accademia,” Ricerche per la storia religiosa di Roma 5 (1984): 367 –394, reprinted in Sergio Rossi, Il fuoco di Prometeo: Metodi e problemi della storia dell’arte (Rome, 1993), 79 –120, although I disagree with his critical interpretation of the material. The assertions in Marco Gallo, “Orazio Borgianni, l’Accademia di San Luca e l’Accademia degli Humoristi: Documenti e nuove datazioni,” Storia dell’arte 76 (1992): 299 –300, regarding the Compagnia di San Luca, its purposes, and the distinctions between the various administrative functions within the institution during the early seventeenth century are unfounded; some of these conclusions are based on Gallo’s analysis of an erroneous affirmation by Missirini. Equally gratuitous is Gallo’s assertion that the second registro of the camerlengo (aasl, vol. 42), unlike all the others, pertains solely to the Compagnia di San Luca and not to the Università as a whole. 7 Karl Noehles, La chiesa dei SS. Luca e Martina nell’opera di Pietro da Cortona (Rome, 1970). 8 The bibliography here is limited 9 On the institution’s transforma- tion from università to accademia, studied by examining the succession of statuti drawn up during the period from the foundation of the institution by Federico Zuccaro to the 1630s, and the disputes that erupted between contending groups within the institution as each statuto was presented, in addition to Salvagni 2009a, see Isabella Salvagni, “Gli ‘aderenti al Caravaggio’ e la fondazione dell’Accademia di San Luca: Conflitti e potere (1593–1627),” in Intorno a Caravaggio: Dalla formazione alla fortuna, ed. Margherita Fratarcangeli (Rome, 2008), 41 –74, 83 –118; and, by the same author, “Presenze caravaggesche nell’Accademia di San Luca: Conflitti e potere tra la ‘fondazione’ zuccariana e gli Statuti Barberini (1593–1627),” in Caravaggio e l’Europa: L’artista, la storia, la tecnica e la sua eredità, Proceedings of an International Meeting, Milan, Palazzo Reale, February 3–4, 2006, ed. Luigi Spezzaferro (Milan, 2009; hereafter Salvagni 2009f ), 109 –136. 10 The documents listed, which presumably were originally kept at the Accademia or by its respective officials — the camerlengo, console, or notary— can no longer be found in its Archivio Storico, a large part of them having been lost, it is not yet known when or in what circumstances. This situation is in marked contrast to that of several other corporations of mestiere (trades and professions) in Rome, whose 11 Three registri are known to exist, the earliest dating from 1549: aasl, vol. 41, fol. 49v; and asr, tnc, uff. 11 (Ottaviano Saravezzi), 1585, vol. 5, fol. 691r. The only records from the sixteenth and the early part of the seventeenth century preserved in the archives are the books of the camerlengo for 1534 –1592 and 1593 –1625 (aasl, vols. 41 and 42) and the Libro degli Introiti (vol. 2), whereas there are no traces, even in the notarial archives consulted by the author, of the cited books “del Console” or of the congregazioni until 1634, with the exception of those recorded in aasl, vol. 2A for 1618 –1621. Furthermore, there are no extant detailed records of the numerous sessions of the congregazione mentioned in the first book of the camerlengo, apart from the one or two meetings per year recorded in the protocolli (records) of the notaries attached to the Università (see below). 12 There are repeated references to books of assets of the church and lists of assets in the documents, starting in 1583 (aasl, g viii, fasc. 3); then in 1588, 1590, and 1592 (aasl, vol. 41, fol. 97r–v); in November 1598 (asr, tnc, uff. 11 [Ottaviano Saravezzi], 1598, vol. 40, fol. 297r); and in two inventories, one drawn up in 1602 (aasl, vol. 2, fol. 1r) and the other on November 4, 1607 (asr, tnc, uff. 11 [Ottaviano Saravezzi], 1607, vol. 75, fols. 386r–387r). 13 Because of the broad nature of the theme and the long period of time over which this study has been conducted, I only recently learned of the research that is being carried out on the protocolli from ufficio 11 preserved in the Archivio dei Trenta Notai Capitolini (all members of the Saravezzi family), now in the Archivio di Stato di Roma, by Peter Lukehart, who has also been studying the history of the Accademia di San Luca for many years and whom I thank for having invited me to contribute an essay to this volume. 14 The new records found pertain to the congregazioni held from 1553 to 1575 and from 1585 to 1609, and are listed in Salvagni 2004 –2005, appendix; for a transcription of most of the congregazioni recorded by Ottaviano Saravezzi, see also the Web site The History of the Accademia di San Luca, c. 1590–1635: Documents from the Archivio di Stato di Roma (www.nga.gov/casva/ accademia/). These documents can be integrated with the material presented in the study by Matteo Lafranconi who, based on the information provided in the dated but meticulous study by Noehles (1970, appendix of documents), supplemented by the findings of Noëlle de La Blanchardière, “Simon Vouet, prince de l’Académie de Saint-Luc,” Bulletin de la Société de l’histoire de l’art français, 1972 (1973): 79 –94, and Zygmunt Waz bin ski, Il cardinale Francesco Maria Del Monte, 1549 –1626, 2 vols., Studi, vol. 137 (Florence, 1994), 1:219–230 and 2:558–566, has reassembled the series of notarized documents relating to the congregazioni contained in the protocolli of ufficio 15 of the Trenta Notai Capitolini deposited in the Archivio di Stato di Roma, furnishing apposite lists and transcriptions. See Matteo Lafranconi, “L’Accademia di San Luca nel primo 113 | The Università dei Pittori and the Accademia di San Luca | Isabella Salvagni to topics discussed in this essay and omits the extensive literature on other aspects of the history of the Accademia that have been studied by other scholars. archives still hold documents regarding a large proportion of their activities during the early modern period (see, for example, the case of the Università dei Falegnami, discussed in the essay by Paul Anderson in this volume). 114 Seicento: Presenze artistiche e strategie culturali,” doctoral thesis, 2 vols. (Università degli Studi di Napoli “Federico ii,” 1999–2000), as well as the author’s account of his work, “L’Accademia di San Luca nel primo Seicento: Presenze artistiche e strategie culturali dai Borghese ai Barberini,” in Bernini dai Borghese ai Barberini: La cultura a Roma intorno agli anni Venti, ed. Olivier Bonfait and Anna Coliva, Proceedings of a Meeting at the Académie de France à Rome, Villa Medici, February 17–19, 1999 (Rome, 2004), 39 –45. This new material fills in some of the lacunae mentioned above regarding the early years of the Università and the Accademia di San Luca, providing valuable information and facilitating the reconstruction of their history. On the role of the notary in the activities of the academy, see Laurie Nussdorfer, “Writing and the Power of Speech: Notaries and Artisans in Baroque Rome,” in Culture and Identity in Early Modern Europe (1500– 1800), ed. Barbara Diefendorf and Carla Hesse (Ann Arbor, Mich., 1993), 103–118, and the essay in this volume by the same author, whom I thank for helpful discussions on this complex topic. 15 aasl, statuti of 1478. The original manuscript bears the approval date of December 17, 1478. A transcription may be found in “Les arts à la cour des papes,” Bibliothèque de l’École française 28 (1882): 101 –111. The presumed statuti of the Accademia have been analyzed, summarized, and partially translated by Monica Grossi and Silvia Trani, whom I thank for bringing me up to date on the work being conducted in this area and for showing me their own studies (see their essay in this volume). That the Università already existed as an entity before the drafting of the 1478 statuti is attested to by references in the document to the earlier rules of the corporation. 299 –300. The question deserves to be studied on its own and in greater depth, focusing on the nuances in meaning underlying the names at various points in the history of the institution. 16 This grew out of the medieval 1577. A transcription of the papal brief may be found in Godefridus Joannes Hoogewerff, Bescheiden in Italië omtrent Nederlandsche Kunstenaars en Geleerden, vol. 2 (The Hague, 1913), 4 –5. practice that required every secular association to include religious activities in order to guarantee the spiritual welfare of its members. That the dividing line between the two entities in this case would remain unclear for a long time is borne out by the fact that the designations “Universitas picturæ a[c] miniaturæ” and “Societtatte Santte Lucha evangelista” were used interchangeably in the statuti of 1478; likewise, the corporation was referred to as both the “Societas pictorum Congregationi S.ti Lucæ” and “Pictores et alij Societatis et congregationi beati Lucæ evangelistæ” in the notary records of the congregazioni. Analogously, there is no distinction in the administrative or accounting records between the Università and the Confraternita (the books of the camerlengo adopted a single designation— “Venerabile Compagnia di Sallucha e Consolatto”), although a differentiation in rank between the members belonging to one or the other of the two associations and their relative roles is indicated. Pevsner, on the other hand, posited the existence of a clear hierarchical structure beginning in 1596, in which the “major” artists were associated with the Accademia and the “minor” artists were relegated to the “less important” confraternity; Nikolaus Pevsner, Academies of Art, Past and Present (Cambridge, 1940), 63. His thesis has been taken up by others: Rossi 1984, 383 –384 and 1993, 99 –100; and Gallo 1992, 17 aasl, Documenti pontifici, 18 These additions are clearly iden- tifiable in the last four capitoli of the statuti of 1478 and concern the admittance of new professions into the arte and a change in the number of officials from two to four. At the end of the fifteenth century the groups in the association included miniatori, ricamatori, and imperniatori, in addition to pittori, but with the new statutes bandierai and battiloro were allowed to join as well. Originally the organization had been directed by two consoli who carried out the functions of camerario, who were responsible for the finances of the Università, and a sindaco, who audited the accounts. Now there were three consoli and another official with the title of sindaco. One of the consoli was chosen from among the pittori and had more power and responsibility, for he also fulfilled the duties of a camerario. 19 aasl, vol. 2, fol. 2r. In the incipit to the 1552 registro degli introiti, for which he was responsible, the console Benedetto Bramante noted that the year 1527 marked a watershed in the history of the institution between what had gone before and the need to establish a set of regulations for the new Università. In his text, which was studied by Hoogewerff (1913, 21 –22), Bramante stated that he intended 20 The 1546 version of the statuti is known only from a vernacular copy in the archives of the Accademia that is erroneously dated 1478 on the title page (aasl, Statuti, 1478/ 1); this document was identified and studied by Rossi (1993, 79 –120). Changes to the organization included another increase in the number of officials, which now consisted of a console generale elected from among the pittori and miniatori; three consoli chosen from among the bandierai, battiloro, and ricamatori, respectively; a camerlengo; and two sindaci. 21 There is no reference in the statuti of 1478 to the existence of a fixed seat for the Università; indeed, it is noted that an appropriate church that would permit the institution to fulfill its religious duties needed to be chosen (“eligendæ”), at the discretion of the Università. 22 The painting on wooden panel, which was restored in 1571, was placed above the altar of the academy’s church for the feast of Saint Luke, October 18, 1577; aasl, vol. 41, fols. 74r, 83v, and 84r. On the painting and its attribution, see Pico Cellini, “Il restauro del S. Luca di Raffello,” Bollettino d’arte 43 (July 1958): 250–262; and Zygmunt Waz bin ski, “San Luca che dipinge la Madonna all’Accademia di Roma: Un ‘pastiche’ zuccariano alla maniera di Raffaello?,” Artibus et Historiæ 12 (1985): 27 –37. Waz bin ski mistakenly concludes that the work was painted by Zuccaro in 1593, the date of what he believed to be the first reference to the work in the literature. 23 Despite the lack of documented evidence, much of the current literature (omitted here for reasons of space, the reader being referred to Salvagni 2009a) dates this concession to the year of the statuti, that is, 1478. The alternative date of 1534 is supported, however, not only by the considerations discussed in this essay, but also by references to the acquisition of the church in the Libro del Camerlengo; aasl, vol. 41, fols. 1r and 3r. 24 The church dedicated to saints Cosmas and Damian, which was built on the site of a fifth-century oratory, had been in existence at least since the end of the twelfth century, when it is mentioned in the catalogue of Cencio Camerario (Christian Hülsen, Le chiese di Roma nel Medioevo [Florence, 1927], 14). In the catalogue of Turin dating to c. 1320, the church is instead dedicated to Saint Luke (Hülsen 1927, 32). Gregory xi suppressed the parish of San Luca and annexed the church to the basilica of Santa Maria Maggiore in a bull issued October 26, 1371; see Bullarium Diplomatum et Privilegium Sanctorum Romanorum Pontificum, vol. 4 (Turin, 1859), 532 –533. The dates and names of the two churches were often confused by contemporary scholars. Pirotta’s suggestion that the church of San Luca was granted to the Università dei Pittori in 1371 is absolutely without foundation, being based on a mistaken interpretation of the papal document; Luigi Pirotta, “L’Accademia Nazionale di San Luca entra nel suo 700mo anno di vita (1371 –1971),” Strenna dei Romanisti 32 (1971): 301–304. 25 asr, tnc, uff. 20 (Giovanni Domenico Peracca), 1581, vol. 41, fols. 214r–228r; asr, cnc (Giuliano Corbino), 1581, vol. 640, fols. 381r–386r and 395r–397r; copy in acsmm, Istrumenta, vol. 17 (Arm. 27, no. 629), fols. 84v–99r; copy in aasl, vol. 165/1, fols. 43r–70r. The existence of this notarized act, registered in the copies indicated here, was mentioned by Francesco Azzurri, president of the academy, at its adunanza generale on April 20, 1895 (aasl, busta 159, fasc. 7). Azzurri announced that he had discovered the document in the archives of the chapter house of the Liberian Basilica (that is, Santa Maria Maggiore), but without providing any more precise indications. Scholars since then have continued to cite the act generically or without any archival call number, as in Pirotta 1971, 301 –302; Carlo Pietrangeli, “Origini e vicende dell’Accademia,” in L’Accademia Nazionale di San Luca (Rome, 1974), 6; and Rossi 1984, 380, 382. 26 Only brief citations of the nu- merous documents in the archives, ranging from decrees approved during the congregazioni to records of the congregazioni themselves (1553 –1575) and entries in the camerlengo’s book regarding payments for work done (1535 –1582), will be given. For more specific references and information, the reader may consult the pertinent literature on the topic. 115 | The Università dei Pittori and the Accademia di San Luca | Isabella Salvagni to record all of the “introiti”— referring to the tax demanded of professional artists for the patente or license issued by the Arte —from 1534 onward, making a distinction (following a dispute that arose in 1535) between those who had to pay 1 scudo and those who had to pay 2 scudi, depending on whether their studios had been established before the Sack of Rome, or they had done important work in the city, or they had arrived after 1527. 116 27 Domenico Zaga, a little-studied 29 The plan is referred to in the 35 This citation is drawn from the artist, received important commissions for major decorative cycles in the late sixteenth century. Emerging from the studio of Perino del Vaga, he was responsible for frescoes at the Castel Sant’Angelo— the Sala di Perseo and the Sala di Apollo in the Farnese apartments and the Sala della Giustizia— as well as for part of the decoration of the Villa Farnese at Caprarola, together with Taddeo and Federico Zuccaro. Domenico Zaga, who became a member of the Università in 1543, assumed important responsibilities within the institution, paying his requisite introito (matriculation fee) just at the time the guild was being reorganized for the first time, an undertaking entrusted to Perino del Vaga and the artists in his circle. He was console from 1562 to 1563 and console pro tempore in 1564, replacing Girolamo Siciolante da Sermoneta. He was camerlengo almost uninterruptedly for the twenty-year period from 1553 to 1573 and sindaco and consigliere from 1551 to 1552. See also Ulrich Thieme and Felix Becker, Allgemeines Lexikon der Bildenden Künstler von der Antike bis zur Gegenwart, vol. 28 (Leipzig, 1934), 347; Rossi 1993, 121 –143; Salvagni 2009a, 2009c. notary act dated May 29, 1581 (cited), and also in aasl, vol. 41, fols. 2v and 58r. description of the church written by Pompeo Ugonio between 1575 and 1588, perhaps before the publication of his Historia delle stationi di Roma (Rome, 1588); bav, Barberinus latinus 2160, fol. 126r. 28 To cite merely one example, a document was signed on October 22, 1570, by twenty-three members of the Università, all of them painters, who promised to contribute a considerable sum annually, each in accordance with his means (aasl, no. 6). Among the most generous donors were Giulio Clovio, Girolamo Siciolante, Girolamo Muziano, Scipione Pulzone, and Domenico Zaga. Missirini (1823, 4) cites this subscription, backdating it— because of an error in his deciphering of the document — by an entire century, to 1470. 30 These meetings are regularly mentioned in the first Libro del Camerlengo, aasl, vol. 41. 31 The records show that under the name of “Jeronimo Venitiano pittore che fa li paesi,” Muziano paid his membership fee of 2 scudi in two installments, the first on September 24, 1550, and the second on September 13, 1561; aasl, vol. 5, [10]; vol. 2, fols. 33v–34r. 32 This supposed petition is men- tioned in all the sources and literature on the artist, initially based on the affirmation of Baglione, and then on the learned arguments made nearly two centuries later by Missirini, which have since been repeated in the literature on the subject. See Giovanni Baglione, Le vite de’ pittori, scultori et architetti: Dal pontificato di Gregorio xiii del 1572 in fino a’ tempi di Papa Urbano Ottavo nel 1642 (Rome, 1642), 49 –52; Missirini 1823, 18–23. Thus far, however, no evidence to support the existence of such a petition has been found, in either the archives of the academy or the records of the Archivio Segreto Vaticano. 33 Marcello Venusti served as con- sole from October 7, 1576, to October 6, 1577 (aasl, vol. 41, fols. 13v– 14r, 82v–84r) and Scipione Pulzone from October 6, 1577, to October 4, 1579 (aasl, vol. 41, fols. 14v–16r, 84r–86r). Rossi (1993, 100) mistakenly asserts that Muziano was already console when Gregory xiii issued his brief regarding the academy, whereas the artist was elected two years later on October 4, 1579; aasl, vol. 41, fols. 16v, 87r. 34 aasl, vol. 41, fol. 92r. 36 “Compendio delle Chiese con le loro fondationi . . . nuovamente poste in luce dal R.M. Francesco del Sodo . . . ,” in bv, ms Vallicellianum G33, fol. 102v. 37 The ledger entries concerning the payment for masonry work refer to an “old” church and a “new” building, thus confirming that the new seat was built ex novo; aasl, vol. 41, fol. 88v. 38 In the descriptions by Ugonio, who mentions the paintings that adorned the building, and del Sodo, who praised the beauty of the church, there is nothing to contradict the hypothesis that the exterior as well as the interior may have been decorated with frescoes, as was the custom in this period. One example was the project for the facade of the church of Saints Quirico and Giulitta drawn up in 1584, in which Pasquale Cati, or “Pasqualino depintore,” who joined the Università in February 1577, participated; aasl, vol. 2, fol. 72r. See Isabella Salvagni, “La chiesa dei santi Quirico e Giulitta ai fori Imperiali: Testimonianza sommessa di un palinsesto millenario,” in La città assente: La via Alessandrina ai fori Imperiali, ed. Bruno Tocano (Sarzana, 2006), 287 –356. 39 For discussion of the painting, see note 22 above. 40 Cited in Rodolfo Lanciani, Storia degli scavi di Roma, vol. 4 (Rome, 1913), 165. 46 The inscription was read and bibliography on Sixtus v, regarding his projects for the regeneration of the image of the city of Rome, see Luigi Spezzaferro, “La Roma di Sisto v,” in Momenti di architettura, Storia dell’arte italiana, vol. 12 (Turin, 1983), 363 –405; and Luigi Spezzaferro, “Baroque Rome: A ‘Modern City,’” in Rome–Amsterdam: Two Growing Cities in SeventeenthCentury Europe, ed. Peter van Kessel and Eljsia Schulte (Amsterdam, 1997), 2–12. deciphered for the first time by Bracciolini; see note 45 above. 42 The project for the piazza and street is illustrated in a drawing attributed to Domenico Fontana (see fig. 10) in the archives of the Accademia (aasl, busta 146, no. 20; currently Miscellanea sede). A detail of this ground plan has been published in Pirotta 1971, 301 –302. 43 Richard Krautheimer, Rome: Profile of a City, 312– 1308 (Princeton, n.j., 1980; Italian edition, Roma: Profilo di una città, 312 –1308 [Rome, 1981]). 44 There are numerous, and often confused, references in both the antique sources and those contemporaneous with the founding of the church of Santa Martina, which is cited for the first time in the eighth century in the Liber Pontificalis, relative to the biography of Pope Adrian i (772 –795). For a list of all the sources, see Hülsen 1927, no. 107, 381 and the references therein. 45 To cite one example from the beginning and one from the end of this period, see Graphia Aurea Urbis (post-1130) and De Varietate Fortuna, written by Poggio Bracciolini in the middle of the fifteenth century; Roberto Valentini and Giuseppe Zucchetti, Codice topografico della città di Roma, vol. 4 (Rome, 1953), 90, lines 6–7, and 242, lines 11 –15. 47 Among the principal sources, Senatus,” in Lexicon Topographicum Urbis Romæ, ed. Eva Margareta Steinby, vol. 4 (Rome, 1999), 262, and the references therein. see Francesco Albertini, Opusculum de Mirabilibus Novae et Veteris Urbis Romae (Basil, 1519); Bernardo Gamucci, Libri Quattro della città di Roma, raccolte sotto brevità da diversi antichi et moderni scrittori, per M. Bernardo Gamucci da San Gimignano, vol. 1 (Venice, 1565), 25; Andrea Fulvio, L’antichità della città di Roma . . . , vol. 4 (Venice, 1513), 56 –157; and Bartolomeo Marliano, L’antichità di Roma di M. Bartholomeo Marliano, tradotti in lingua volgare per M. Hercole Barbarasa da Terni (Rome, 1548), 36, 59. 52 This hypothesis and the relative sources on which it is based are discussed in detail in Salvagni 2004–2005, chapter 2. 48 For a brief account, see Marina 55 A case in point is provided by Cafiero, “I rilievi della Chiesa di S. Martina,” in Rilievi storici capitolini: Il Restauro dei pannelli di Adriano e Marco Aurelio nel Palazzo dei Conservatori, ed. Eugenio La Rocca and the Conservazione dei Beni Culturali [exh. cat., Palazzo dei Conservatori, December 11, 1980 –February 28, 1987] (Rome, 1986), 38 –45. the Longhi (as recent research by Margherita Fratarcangeli has confirmed), who resided in this area and around whom a veritable entourage of family members and fellow townspeople gravitated. The isolato around the church of Santa Martina was constructed by muratori (masons) from Lombardy, who obtained leases for land on which they quickly built their own houses. 49 Viscogliosi 2000, 31 –39, and the catalogue entries for the drawings cited. 50 Valentini and Zucchetti 1953, 192, lines 20–23; 193, lines 13 –18. 51 It is highly improbable, particularly given the curved shape of the apse, that the inscription found in situ in the tribune when the church was ceded to the Accademia originally came from another building. For the various theories proposed recently with regard to the existence and location of the Secretarium Senatus, see Ernest Nash, “Secretarium Senatus,” Colloquio del sodalizio tra studiosi dell’arte 3 (1970 –1972): 68 –82; Augusto Fraschetti, La conversione: Da Roma pagana a Roma cristiana (Rome, 1999), 218 –236; Filippo Coarelli, “Secretarium 53 See Rodolfo Lanciani, “Le es- cavazioni del Foro,” Bullettino della Commissione archeologica Comunale di Roma 29, fasc. 1 (January–March 1901): 21 –51, and in particular chapters 6 (“Il Campo Torrecchiano”) and 7 (“Il Fundicus Macellorum de Arcanoe”). 54 On this subject, see Roca De Amicis 1993. 56 In addition to the numerous revisions appended to the statuti of 1478, the last of which was added in 1578, the documents in the academy’s archives record that this set of statuti was reconfirmed in June 1579, and they were clearly still in effect in September 1588 when an official copy was made; aasl, vol. 41, fols. 85v, 96v–97r. 57 This course of events, which would be realized gradually over a period of several decades from the middle of the sixteenth century to the beginning of the seventeenth, can be followed by means of the 117 | The Università dei Pittori and the Accademia di San Luca | Isabella Salvagni 41 In addition to the voluminous 118 trail of documents produced by the papal chancery and the Accademia itself, beginning with the series of papal decrees and culminating in the first statuti of the Accademia dei Pittori e degli Scultori, approved in 1607. For a more detailed analysis, see Salvagni 2009a, and Salvagni 2004 –2005, chapter 3. 58 A recent overview of the corpo- rations of the mercanti, bovattieri, and macellai (merchants, cattle dealers, and butchers) may be found in Isa Lori Sanfilippo, La Roma dei romani: Arti, mestieri e professioni nella Roma del Trecento, Nuovi studi storici, vol. 57 (Rome, 2001). 59 asr, tnc, uff. 11 (Ottaviano Saravezzi), 1585, vol. 5, fols. 834r–835r. This contract was drawn up between the Università dei Fale-gnami, represented by della Valle and Fabrizio Carboni, and the master masons Ercole de Sardi and David da Borgo Morcotis of Comasco, in execution and implementation of an earlier agreement initialed on January 21, 1585, and following a misura (see note 84 below) made on July 29, 1585; asr, tnc, uff. 11 (Ottaviano Saravezzi), 1585, vol. 5, fols. 836r–839r, 842r–843r. 60 Cf. asr, uccv, uff. 31 (Ascanio Maziotti), 1589, vol. 45, fols. 647r–648r. On the membership of Valerio della Valle in the Università dei Falegnami and the role that he played in it, the results of an indepth study by Paul Anderson, now in its concluding phase, are awaited. 61 asr, nac, uff. 2 (Francesco Ugolini), 1592, vol. 6920, fols. 388r–389r, 398r; cited in aasl, busta 75, fasc. 57; busta 166, fasc. 47; cited in asv, adv –db, busta 100, fasc. 38. 62 Baglione credited Muziano with submitting a petition to the pope requesting that he grant the academy a new seat to take the place of the now-demolished church of San Luca (Baglione 1642, 52). Missirini also maintained that Muziano, following Gregory xiii’s brief, “cominciò a darsi moto per rinvenire la Chiesa, e il luogo ove l’Accademia fondare, ed è fuor d’ogni dubbio che il primo che gittasse gli occhi sulla Chiesa di Santa Martina per ivi fissare la sede della arti fu il Muziano,” subsequently asking and obtaining from the pope the title to this church for the Accademia (Missirini 1823, 21–22). Instead, as we have seen, the artist was still working zealously after 1577 and at least until 1582 to bring the construction of the church of San Luca to a successful conclusion. 63 In his essay in this volume, Pietro Roccasecca, basing his argument on documents preserved in the Archivio Storico dell’Accademia di San Luca, proposes a hypothesis completely different from that of this author. According to Roccasecca, the loss of rents from the church of Santa Martina conceded to the Università dei Pittori with the bull of Sixtus v in 1588, which were subsequently granted to Timotei during his natural life, would determine the economic future of the academy to such a degree as to make it necessary to formulate new statutes in order to resolve the problem of interpretation of the papal bulls and briefs. Such a claim, which seems forced and simplistic, beyond the fact that it is not supported in any way by extant documentation, is consequently vitiated on several fronts. It overlooks completely the historicopolitical context of reference at the center of which these events developed, directly informed by the action of three of the most important popes of the Catholic Church at the turn of the seventeenth century: Sixtus v, Clement viii, and Paul v. As opposed to Roccasecca’s reading, it is easy to deduce that contrary to the economic interests and to the control of the enormous artistic production concentrated in the numerous pontifical work sites active in Rome at this moment, the loss of 60 scudi per year is completely irrelevant (if one considers as an economic comparison that the rent for the stanza for the meetings cost the Università 16 scudi per year). This loss is furthermore amply compensated by guaranteed benefices to the painters and to the sculptors by the tax on appraisals, by the income from indulgences, and from the many thousands of scudi realized on the sale of travertine from the church of Santa Martina, as illustrated in the present text. In addition, the statutes constitute a series of norms having judicial value for the governance of single institutions that have nothing to do with the interpretation of papal bulls and briefs. Such documents are by their very nature incontrovertible and not subject to interpretation since they were promulgated with the maximum authority of the Catholic Church, or rather, the pope, or in any case were subject to the discipline of law and not to rules promulgated by private citizens; moreover, there are no references to bulls or briefs in any version of the statutes. Finally, the statutes that Roccasecca defines as those of 1617 are in reality only proposed edits for the revision of the statutes of 1607 and thus not legally binding. The formulation of the statutes approved in 1607 and the subsequent reforms completed in 1617 and 1621 were the object of 64 The petition of Michele Timo- tei, not previously mentioned in print and dating to June 23, 1588, was found to be preserved in the Archivio Storico dell’Accademia di San Luca (aasl, no. 3). Timotei occupied, it is not known in what capacity, a room in the palace of Cardinal Colonna, and it was here that on April 8, 1589, he dictated to the notary, with Muziano present as witness, an inventory of the revenues connected with the church of Santa Martina; asr, tnc, uff. 11 (Ottaviano Saravezzi), 1589, vol. 12, fols. 741r–742r. 65 This decision was ratified in three motions, all bearing the same date; asr, tnc, uff. 11 (Ottaviano Saravezzi), 1588, vol. 11, fols. 855r– 856r, 858r, and 859v. 66 The subsequent title deeds were signed on January 15 (asr, tnc, uff. 11 [Ottaviano Saravezzi], 1589, vol. 12, fol. 123r–v), and July 22 (asr, tnc, uff. 11 [Ottaviano Saravezzi], 1589, vol. 13, fols. 505r and 530r). 67 These revenues are not only cited in the Accademia’s bull of 1588 but are frequently listed in the financial records of the church, primarily in the relevant volume of the camerlengo’s account books (aasl, vol. 42), in which the official recorded the monies received, which were subsequently paid out to the former rettore, Timotei. 68 The first expense, in the amount of 110 scudi, was recorded on July 15, 1588 (aasl, vol. 41, fol. 28v; transcription in Rossi 1993, 97 –99, who cites the source as fol. 27v). This was followed by the registration in the period between August 26, 1588, and June 1589, of 211.50 scudi (aasl, scat. 72, fasc. 32), and between August 26, 1588, and October 1589 of 273.66 scudi (aasl, vol. 41, fols. 96v–97r). 69 aasl, scat. 69, fasc. 317. 70 This petition was renewed in 1592–1593 (aasl, scat. 69, fasc. 317) and was finally granted in February 1595 (aasl, vol. 41, fols. 96v–97r). 71 “Capitoli e conventione e patti di opera di muro da farsi p. la chiesa di S. Lucha sopra la chiesa di Santa Martina vicino al Archo di Lutio Setimio” (aasl, g i, no. 3). 72 Numerous entries regarding the travertini recovered from the original building can be found in the pages of the camerlengo’s books for the years cited (aasl, vols. 41, 42). Concerning the dismantling work, the reader is referred to the specific studies on the topic. Of the long list of relevant documents, only a handful dating from the years 1593–1595 have actually been studied; these were published en bloc by Noehles and analyzed by Viscogliosi (Noehles 1970, 333– 334, doc. 4, and Viscogliosi 2000, 35, notes 44 –46). Some fragmentary information can also be found in Enrico Valeriani, “Alcune nuove fonti d’archivio per la storia dell’antica chiesa dei Santi Luca e Martina,” Ricerche di storia dell’arte 1/2 (1976): 149–156, but the author does not provide any comment on or critical interpretation of the data. 73 asr, tnc, uff. 11 (Ottaviano Saravezzi), 1590, vol. 15, fols. 606r–609r. 74 The last payment was made on October 31, 1592 (aasl, vol. 41, fol. 98r). 75 asc, cc, Cred. i, vol. 30, fol. 52r, cited in Cafiero 1986, 45 n. 6, and in Viscogliosi 2000, 36 n. 59, neither of whom specify the archival source (Camera Capitolina and Credenzone). 76 “Ricordi di un’Antiquario / dall’Anno 1500 all’anno 1594, Flaminio Vacca,” in asc, cc, Cred. xiv, vol. 48, cat. 1197, fols. 15v– 16r; published in Flaminio Vacca, Memorie di varie antichità trovate in diversi luoghi della città di Roma scritte da Flaminio Vacca. nell’Anno 1594 (Rome, 1704), no. 68. 77 aasl, vol. 41, fol. 28v. 78 On the collection of Scipione Borghese, to which these stone panels, and indeed della Porta’s entire legacy, were added, see Viscogliosi 2000, 36–37 nn. 59–60. 79 asr, tnc, uff. 11 (Ottaviano Saravezzi), 1591, vol. 20, fol. 49r–v. 80 asr, tnc, uff. 11 (Ottaviano Saravezzi), 1589, vol. 12, fols. 227r–228r. 81 aasl, Documenti pontifici, 1592. 119 | The Università dei Pittori and the Accademia di San Luca | Isabella Salvagni contentious struggle between diverse factions within the academy for control of the Roman art market; see, on this subject, the early discussions on the argument introduced in analysis of the events related to the famous libel trial between Baglione and Caravaggio that took place in 1603 and to the subsequent trial for assault brought on by Baglione, who attributes the libelous comments to Merisi in the fall of 1606 (Luigi Spezzaferro, “Una testimonianza per gli inizi del caravaggismo,” Storia dell’arte 23 [1975]: 53–60), the role of mediation undertaken by Cardinal Del Monte (Luigi Spezzaferro, “La cultura del cardinal Del Monte e il primo tempo di Caravaggio,” Storia dell’arte 9/10 [1971]: 57 –90), and the most up-to-date and complete overview in Salvagni 2004 –2005 and 2009f. 82 On this topic, see the essay by Peter Lukehart, “Visions and Divisions,” in this volume. See also Salvagni 2004–2005, chapter 3, and the different conclusions drawn. 83 Noehles 1970, 43 –47 and fig. 120 38. A more detailed analysis can be found in Salvagni 2004–2005, chapter 3. 84 aasl, g i, no. 12. The term misura is used in sixteenth- and seventeenth-century documents to indicate a calculation of masonry work based on time, labor, and materials and signed by an architect. 85 This particular information is unpublished, and to date in the (extremely limited) bibliography on Francesco Capriani da Volterra the church of Santi Luca e Martina is not mentioned among the projects executed and the building sites supervised by him. Tafuri affirms that the architect collaborated with Zuccaro in founding the Accademia (Manfredo Tafuri, “Capriani Francesco da Volterra,” Dizionario Biografico degli Italiani, vol. 19 [Rome, 1976], 189 –195), while Marcucci simply states that he was a member of the Accademia, citing “l’iscrizione al 1593” (Laura Marcucci, “Francesco da Volterra: Un protagonista dell’architettura posttridentina,” Storia, architettura, saggi 8 [1991]: 356). On Francesco da Volterra as architect of the Congregazione di San Luca and on his successor, Ottaviano Mascherino, as well as on the presence of architects in the Università dei Pittori and the Accademia di San Luca, see Salvagni 2007, 2009c, 2009d. 86 On July 29, 1592, the notary de Fonte was paid for making a copy of Muziano’s will, a necessary formality for the Accademia to take possession of his legacy (aasl, vol. 41, fol. 97v); this copy is preserved in the academy’s archives (aasl, vol. 165/1, fols. 1r–6r), and the details of the will were published in Ugo Da Como, Girolamo Muziano (Bergamo, 1930), 192–193. See also Paola Di Giammaria, Girolamo Muziano: Brixien Pictor in Urbe da Brescia a Roma ([Rome], 1997), 163 –169. Missirini cites this will— by the act of the notary “Tomaso della Fontana”— dating it to April 15, 1592 (Missirini 1823, 22). On October 25 of the same year, the camerlengo Adriano Rainaldi collected the first rents on the property inherited from Muziano (aasl, vol. 41, fols. 28v, 98r). 87 aasl, vol. 41, fol. 97v (Noehles 1970, 333, doc. 3). 88 aasl, g i, no. 70. 89 Graphische Sammlung 100 On the relationship between the academy and the papacy of Clement viii (1592–1605), see the fundamental study by Luigi Spezzaferro, “Il recupero del Rinascimento,” in Dal Cinquecento all’Ottocento, vol. 1, Cinquecento e Seicento, Storia dell’arte italiana, vol. 6 (Turin, 1981), 183–274, and the more recent work by Marcello Beltramme, “Le teoriche del Paleotti e il riformismo dell’Accademia di San Luca nella politica artistica di Clemente viii (1592 –1605),” Storia dell’arte 69 (1990): 202 –233; Beltramme provides a thorough analysis, but his discussion of the statuti is still based on the erroneous affirmations of Alberti and Missirini. 101 Graphische Sammlung Alber- tina, Vienna, 673 (Noehles 1970, 43 –47, fig. 43). 102 aasl, scat. 72, fasc. 67. Albertina, Vienna, 12792 (Noehles 1970, 43 – 47, fig. 38). 103 See note 9 above. 90 Viscogliosi 2000, 41 –51. 25, 1624, was first published by Noehles (1970, 336, doc. 17); asr, tnc, uff. 15 (Francesco Spannocchia), 1624, vol. 102, fols. 210r– 211v, 214r. 91 aasl, vol. 2, fols. 72v–73r. 92 aasl, vol. 41, fol. 82v. 93 asr, nac, uff. 2 (Francesco Ugolini), 1592, vol. 6920, fols. 388r–389v, 398r. 94 aasl, g i, no. 5. 95 asr, tnc, uff. 11 (Ottaviano Saravezzi), 1593, vol. 27, fols. 344r–345r. 96 aasl, Inventari, no. 1. 97 aasl, vol. 42, fol. 6v. 98 Romano Alberti, Origine, et pro- gresso dell’Academia del Dissegno, de pittori, scultori, et architetti di Roma (Pavia, 1604), 54. 99 Alberti 1604. 104 The inventory, dated October 105 asr, tnc, uff. 11 (Ottaviano Saravezzi), 1608, vol. 76, fols. 818v, 841r. The reference to the will can be found in aasl, busta 146, fasc. 8. I am engaged in a study on the bequest of Ottaviano Mascherino and the formation of the original nucleus of the collection of architectural drawings within the context of the research of the Progetti di Ricerca di Interesse Nazionale (prin) on the subject of the library of the architect, directed by Giovanna Curcio at the Istituto Universitario di Architettura di Venezia, the results of which were presented at a study day held on November 9, 2007, at the Facoltà di Architettura, Università degli Studi di Palermo. They will be gathered for the forthcoming publication “Dalla biblioteca di Ottaviano Mascherino alla Biblioteca Romana Sarti: Appunti sulla formazione della Biblioteca dell’Accademia di San Luca.” 107 asv, Misc. Arm. vii, vol. 113, fol. 278r–v (Noehles 1970, 336, doc. 18); copy in asv, Misc. Arm. vii, vol. 4, fols. 1105r–1107r. 112 Alberti 1604. 113 asr, tnc, uff. 11 (Ottaviano Saravezzi), 1598, vol. 40, fol. 297r–v. 114 aasl, busta 177, unnumbered colta Bertarelli–Fondo Martinelli, ms i, 25; Erich Hubala, “Entwürfe Pietro da Cortona für SS. Martina e Luca in Rom,” Zeitschrift für Kunstgeschichte 25 (1962): 140 –141. fasc.; on January 17, 1622, the academicians paid Timotei’s nephew and heir, Alessandro Antolini, a sum of money in settlement of the dispute over the revenues from the church property, which apparently had continued even after the death of Timotei (aasl, g ii, no. 24). 109 While the previously cited con- 115 On July 5, 1617, Paolo Vespa ac- gregazioni were held (with the notary Saravezzi present) in the church, beginning on October 6, 1591, the house above the church was used instead; asr, tnc, uff. 11 (Ottaviano Saravezzi), 1591, vol. 21, fols. 58r–v, 73r. quired the first house adjacent to the church in Via dei Pantani. This purchase is noted in asr, tnc, uff. 15 (Erasto Spannocchia), 1617, vol. 99, fols. 365r–368r, 397r– 398r; Lafranconi (1999 –2000, 2:n. 97) mistakenly records the date as 1627. 108 Castello Sforzesco, Milan, Rac- 110 The first rent receipt for the “case, che lei [the Accademia] ha, et tiene sotto la proprietà di detta mia chiesa” signed by Timotei bears the date December 4, 1591 (aasl, g i, no. 71); this is followed by many others in the collection of Giustificazioni and in the relevant Libro del Camerlengo. 111 In June 1591 payments “fare portare nelle stanze adalto le doi colonne dellornamento dellaltare” were registered (aasl, g i, no. 70). On October 30, 1593, Filippo Quadri was paid for installing the painting of Saint Luke (aasl, vol. 42, fol. 82v); this document is cited in Waz bin ski 1985, 27 –37, and is used erroneously by the scholar to 116 This point is also discussed in Waz bin ski 1994, but with many oversights and errors in interpretation. 117 See note 9 above. 118 The statuti were approved on August 23, 1607; aasl, Statuti 1607. 119 bav, Fondo Chigiano, p vii 10, fol. 94r; Richard Krautheimer, Roma di Alessandro vii: 1655– 1667 (Rome, 1987), 118–121, fig. 86. 121 | The Università dei Pittori and the Accademia di San Luca | Isabella Salvagni 106 aasl, vol. 2a, fols. 13v–14r. date the painting to 1593. On October 31, 1593, a meeting in the room “della Congregazione” is registered (asr, tnc, uff. 11 [Ottaviano Saravezzi], 1593, vol. 27, fols. 344r– 345r).