Costa, Sierra, Montaña: Coast-Hiland Interactions in the Middle Lurin Valley during the Initial Period

Costa, Sierra, Montaña: Coast – Highland Interactions in the Middle Lurín Valley during the Initial Period (1800 – 800 BC) By Christopher Milan, Yale University The Middle Lurín Settlement Pattern Project (PAVMEL, the Spanish acronym) is my dissertation research project. The goal of the project is to look at the relationship between early civic-ceremonial centers and hamlets on the central coast of Peru and the role of early centers in uniting dispersed settlements. In order to do this I have surveyed the middle section of the Lurín valley along with excavations at 5 sites that date to the Initial Period (1800-800 BC) and Early Horizon (800-200 BC). My research looked at how the construction of a U-shaped civic-ceremonial center affected nearby settlements. Normally we presume that monumental architecture was the center of a polity with a set territory and affiliated hamlets, a very top down model. But almost all this research comes from centers themselves, there is little in the way of studies of hamlets and their relationship to nearby centers. But I am not here to talk about that. Instead I would like to talk about a problem that arose during my field research. During excavations at these sites I uncovered two populations, one from the coast and one from the highlands. In this paper I will look at how the two groups interacted and the larger implications for the formation of complex society in the central Andes. Contact between these two groups was regular and the construction of early monumental architecture integrated the two groups into a larger social system. Research was conducted between November of 2009 and July of 2010. First a survey of the entire middle section of the Lurín valley was conducted between the modern towns of Rio Seco and Antioquia. We also excavated 5 sites that date to the Initial Period and/or Early Horizon: Malpaso, Anchucaya, Quebrada San Francisco, Sisicaya and Chillaco. Excavations revealed two ethnic groups: one from the coast and associated with U-shaped centers; and second that is associated with highland groups. There are several lines of evidence that can be used to recognize these different ethnic groups: residential architecture, ceramic styles, and diet. Using these three lines of evidence we can start to discuss the interaction between these two groups and how this interaction was an integral part of early Andean society. The coastal group is associated with the Manchay culture. The Manchay culture is used to denominate the people that occupied the Chillon, Chancay, Rimac and Lurin valleys during the Initial Period (Burger and Salazar 2008). They are characterized by the construction of large U-shaped civic-ceremonial centers. The earliest centers include Huaca Florida (Patterson 1985) in the Rimac Valley, San Jacinto in the Chancay valley, and Mina Perdida in the Lurín valley. The number of centers per valley varies. In the Rimac valley there were at least 17 centers, while in the Lurín valley there are only 8 centers. This number is more impressive because many, if not most, were in use at the same time. The architecture of U-shaped centers follows a very set form. They consist of a central mound with two flanking arms. One is larger than the other, and usually one is connected to the central mound. In between the mounds is a leveled plaza. The plaza is not simply the space between the mounds, it is a deliberately constructed space that was part of rituals. Another major feature is a central staircase that runs from the plaza to the top of the main mound and into a central atrium. The final important feature is the constant episodes of modification and reconstruction. For example the staircase at Mina Perdida was modified eight times, and the atrium on the main mound of Cardal was renovated three times. Domestic architecture from coastal sites is quadrangular and consists of either adobes or stones in mortar. The residential sectors at U-shaped centers are often located directly behind the main mound. Again this was the case at the sites of Cardal and Mina Perdida. The ceramics from coastal sites varies from site to site. But based on the work of Burger and Salazar (1991; 1992; 2008; 2009) in Lurín and Silva (1996) in the Chillon we know that the assemblages of each site are distinct. Certain decorative techniques are dominant at one center while completely absent at others. The coastal site par excellence in the middle Lurín valley is Malpaso. It is a U-shaped center located in front of Quebrada San Vicente, 31 km from the coast making it the most inland U-shaped center in the Lurín valley. It has its main mound and a right and left wing. The left wing is smaller than the right. The residential sector is located behind the main mound a set of terraces. There are a couple of anomalies to the center. The first is the fact that both arms appear to be connected to the principal mound. Another odd feature is the wall that bisects the main mound. Finally, there is a circular feature at the base of the principal mound that is probably a modern modification. Behind the main mound is the residential sector. It is on the alluvial fan on a set of terraces. We excavated a 5 x 7 m unit that covered three terraces. We found two structures on those terraces. The structures are quadrangular, and have an area of about 4 m by 3 to 3.5 m. They are built using stones with mortar, plaster covers the walls. This is similar to architecture that Burger and Salazar (1991) found at Cardal. A final item to note is the quantity of shell that was found at the site. The shell belongs to a local type of clam called macha, Mesodesma donacium. It was found on the coast of Lima sometime between 1000 and 600 BC. In one context of the left wing of the monumental architecture we found a large deposit of shells. The largest single context included 40 kg of seashell, the majority of which was burnt. This would imply strong ties to coastal fishing communities that would bring seashell over 30 km to Malpaso. It is worth noting that seashell, again, mostly macha, was found at every site excavated. Anchucaya, a nearby hamlet, also had a large quantity of seashell. Ceramics at Malpaso had a variety of decorations, but the most popular decoration was zonal punctation. Other decorative techniques found at Malpaso include the rocker stamping, elaborate incisions, bichromes with incisions, and stamped circles. These techniques are found at other centers on the coast, most notably Ancon. Little is known about highland occupation around Lima. I can think of precious few sites that we would associate with highland groups. With so little data to identify spot a highland occupation, how can we recognize highland groups? Facetiously, we look for sites that are not “coastal sites”. These are sites with a different material culture, different residential architecture, and even different subsistence. Two sites associated with highland groups are, ironically enough, Tablada de Lurín and Cerro Punto Blanco; both located in the lower part of the Lurín valley (Jimenez 2009). Chillaco is a highland settlement located in the middle Lurín valley, about 50 km from the coast. It is on an alluvial fan on the eastern side of quebrada. The site is currently used as a cactus farm where locals cultivate cochineal beetles. It is a very rocky site with abundant surface material. Scheele (1970) first excavated the site in the late 60’s. He noted there were over 40 sunken circular features. Unfortunately those sunken circular features were hard to detect by the time we began excavations there, because cacti had been planted over almost all of them. We opened 10 test pits, and in those we found evidence for structures in 4 of those pits. The circular structures were semi-sunken and built using loose stone. They vary in diameter. The smallest one excavated had a diameter of 1.5 m; Scheele said the average diameter of a structure was about 4 m. Excavations in two units found larger structures, but because of the size of excavations the diameter of these structures could not be determined. The smaller ones were most likely used for storage, while the larger ones were the residences. Flannery (2002) did a study of the Middle East where he located at circular residential structures. He found that the size of circular structures varied, and that a house actually consisted of multiple houses. I am open to the idea, especially given the proximity of some of the smaller structures to the larger ones. Circular domestic architecture is typical of the highlands during this time period. It is found at both Tablada and Cerro Punto Blanco. Scheele encountered loose stone circular structures at the nearby site of Palma, and while the site is all but obliterated, there are a few structures still visible. Furthermore, circular houses were found at the ceremonial center of Atalla in Huancavelica by Matos (Burger and Matos 2002). Differences in household architecture have been used to identify different ethnic groups before. Goldstein has made a note of this in Moquegua in the south coast of Peru, and Stanish (2000) make a strong argument for this in there study the southern Andean highlands. The ceramics at Chillaco are varied but also show ties to highland groups. Again we see bichromes, but these are different than the ones seen from Malpaso. There are not incisions separating the two colors. It is an odd distinction but one worth making. At the U-shaped center of Manchay Bajo bichromes were found, and incisions are used to separate the colored sections. This is what we find at Malpaso. Bichromes found by Matsumoto at Campaynoc Rumi and by Browman in Mantaro are not incised. Finally, we do find some seashell at Chillaco, but we find a greater quantity of camelid bones. The presence of camelid bones again suggests ties to the highland. The difference in diet reflects different subsistence strategies, and more importantly access to resources found in specific climates. These two sites represent the clearest cut cases of different ethnic groups occupying the middle Lurín valley. But the ethnic makeup of the middle Lurín valley is more complicated than that. The two ethnic groups had regular interaction with each other; but I am interested in looking at how these groups interacted. Did a ceremonial center like Malpaso function as a boundary between highland and coastal settlements? Or did the function as sites of multi-ethnic integration? And furthermore, how does the settlement pattern of the middle Lurín valley reflect the rise of complex society in the Andes? We find evidence of highland influence on the coast. The first line of evidence is the presence of highland resources at a number of coastal sites. At Cardal trace amounts of potato starches were found on burnt cooking vessels. At Malpaso we find camelid bones. It is natural to presume that coastal and highland groups exchanged resources. Evidence of coast-highland exchange has been well documented throughout the Andes in all different time periods. Ceramics found at Malpaso also suggest regular contact with the highlands. The ceramics shown above are what I consider aberrant decorative techniques. The first has an appliqué band, for lack of better terms, with fillet like incisions on it. This is a rather common decorative technique in the upper part of the Lurín drainage. Patterson’s 1966 survey found multiple sites with these types of ceramics. The second one is a brown bowl with broad fillet like incisions on the exterior surface. Excavations at Chillaco and Sisicaya contained fragments from similar vessels. Conversely the ceramics collected from Chillaco included a number of fragments with zonal punctation. Two sherds, one from Malpaso and another from Chillaco have a similar zonal punctation motif. Another motif found at both sites includes stamped circles with dots in the center. This is a decorative technique common during the Early Horizon (800 – 600 BC) and found at a number of sites on the central coast of Peru ranging from Ancon, to Garagay, to Curayacu (Engel 1956). The ethnic make-up of the middle Lurín valley is fairly clear, however the interaction is a bit more difficult to quantify. By looking at the distribution of settlements and the presence and/or absence of material we can start to get at this topic (for a discussion of a similar topic see Marcone 2005 or Patterson et.al. 1982). Based on what is present we can see that past Malpaso a highland presence becomes more stable. That is to say that in the lower valley there are a couple of seasonal or specialized settlements but sites like Chillaco and Palma represent normal hamlets with a permanent occupation based on an agricultural economy. Is there a fixed boundary between highland and coastal territory? That is a very difficult question to answer. There are a few sites in between Chillaco and Palma that were excavated. Anchucaya is a hamlet that Mesia (2000) believed for a U-shaped center. It is problematic since most of the early occupation was disrupted by terracing that happened during the Late Intermediate Period or Late Horizon (ca. 1000 – 1532). Very little early material was recovered, and we did not find any residential contexts. That said, there are some interesting finds. Sizable amounts of sea shell were recovered in a number of the excavations. The domestic wares are similar to those found at Malpaso as well. Another early site excavated was the Cemetery of Sisicaya. The site is one of the most gruesome I have excavated. Modern machinery has basically reduced the site to a single archaeological layer that contains of mixture of early and later material with no secure contexts. At this site very little seashell was recovered. The ceramics found are mostly decorated with broad pre-firing incisions. A little bit of seashell was found, as were camelid remains. Are these sites affiliated with either the coast or highlands? It’s difficult to say. Continued excavations at Anchucaya may resolve that question, but I doubt we will ever know for sure in Sisicaya. But more important than that is the fact that both sites have some ties to Malpaso. The ceramics recovered from both sites have their similarities to ceramics recovered from Malpaso and they both had access to sea resources. The role of Malpaso is central to examining ethnic interaction in the middle Lurín valley. Traditionally, archaeologists look at ceremonial centers as the byproducts of complex societies. Trigger (1990) most notably used the term conspicuous consumption to describe the construction of monumental architecture. More importantly, a center, regardless of the nature of the society that built it, is the place where disparate populations can converge (Dillehay 2004). Although a coastal center, highland communities had ties to Malpaso. It was the place that provided them with access to coastal styled wares and marine resources among other things. A ceremonial center was not essential to the ethnic interaction in the Lurín valley, but it did streamline activity. So, we have gone from looking at diet and households to the formation of social organizations that included multiple settlements. By looking at the data from a variety of households and small settlements we can step back and develop models for the interactions between multiple settlements in larger ethnic groups. The argument presented seems rather straightforward, but it can only be made through investigations at multiple sites. If we did not consider the roles of hamlets in the larger settlement pattern of the middle Lurín valley we could not properly discuss its ethnic make up or the role of early centers in uniting this diverse population. Most of the time archaeologists focus on the monumental sites, the center. Data collected from smaller settlements such as hamlets provide data that serve as a counterpoint to centers. Centers represent the view from the top, but the material collected from there does not provide a complete view of a nuanced society. 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