“Serhun Al makes a major conceptual contribution by developing a fourfold typology of nationhood, while offering ‘hyphenated Turkishness’ both as a theoretical possibility and a better description of empirical reality in a changing society. Theorizing at the intersection of international relations and domestic politics, Al’s book inspires fresh thinking about Turkey’s past, present, and future.” Şener Aktürk, Koç University, Turkey “This book explains when states change their minority policies through an insightful historical analysis based on the Turkish case. It combines an indepth case study with rigorous theoretical and conceptual discussion. As such this study will be indispensable to scholars and students interested in nationbuilding, national identity construction, and state-minority relations.” Senem Aslan, Bates College, US “Serhun Al’s theoretically guided, empirically rooted and historically grounded work helps us to understand when and under what conditions state policies toward minorities change. He has produced an important and erudite contribution to a set of hotly contested topics in the study of state-minority relations by focusing on Ottomanism, Turkish nationalism, and multiculturalism. This is a very significant contribution to the literature on nationalism, state-minority relations and Turkish studies. This is a remarkable achievement.” M. Hakan Yavuz, University of Utah, US “Patterns of Nationhood and Saving the State in Turkey is a welcome contribution to the literature on nationalism, state-making and identity politics. Having a genuine comparative perspective from various geographical regions and an interdisciplinary analysis, Patterns of Nationhood establishes linkages between international norms and domestic political actors, while at the same time offering a fresh and astute look at identity-formation and the politics of nationalism from the late nineteenth century until the twenty-first century.” Umut Uzer, Istanbul Technical University, Turkey Patterns of Nationhood and Saving the State in Turkey Patterns of Nationhood and Saving the State in Turkey tackles a theoretical puzzle in understanding the state policy changes toward minorities and nationhood, first by placing the state in the historical context of the international system and second by unpacking the state through analysis of intra-elite competition in relation to the counter-discourses by minority groups within the context of the Ottoman Empire and Turkey. What explains the persistence and change in state policies toward minorities and nationhood? Under what conditions do states change their policies toward minorities? Why do the state elites reconsider the state-minority relations and change government policies toward nationhood? Adopting a comparative-historical analysis, the book unpacks these research questions and builds a theoretical framework by looking at three paradigmatic policy changes: Ottomanism in the mid-19th century, Turkish nationalism in the early 1920s, and multiculturalism in Turkey in the early 2000s. While the book reveals the role of international context, intrastate elite competition, and non-state actors in such policy changes, it argues that state elites adopt either exclusionary or inclusionary policies based on the idea of “survival of the state.” The book is primarily an important contribution to studies in ethnicity and nationalism. It is also an essential resource for students and scholars interested in Comparative Politics, Middle East Studies, the Ottoman Empire, and Turkey. Serhun Al is Assistant Professor in the Department of Political Science and International Relations at Izmir University of Economics, Turkey. His main research interests include the politics of identity, ethnic conflict, and security studies within the context of Turkish and Kurdish politics. He is the coeditor of a recent book entitled Comparative Kurdish Politics in the Middle East: Actors, Ideas, and Interests (Palgrave, 2018). Routledge Studies in Middle Eastern Politics 85 Minority Rights in Turkey Gözde Yilmaz 86 Municipal Politics in Turkey Charlotte Joppien 87 Politics and Gender Identity in Turkey Umut Korkut and Hande Eslen-Ziya 88 Israel’s Foreign Policy Beyond the Arab World Jean-Loup Samaan 89 Party Politics in Turkey Edited by Sabri Sayari, Pelin Ayan Musil and Özhan Demirkol 90 The Religionization of Israeli Society Yoav Peled and Horit Herman Peled 91 Participation Culture in the Gulf Networks, Politics and Identity Edited by Nele Lenze and Charlotte Schriwer 92 Patterns of Nationhood and Saving the State in Turkey Ottomanism, Nationalism and Multiculturalism Serhun Al 93 Power Sharing in Lebanon Consociationalism Since 1820 Eduardo Wassim Aboultaif For a full list of titles in the series: https://www.routledge.com/middleeast studies/series/SE0823 Patterns of Nationhood and Saving the State in Turkey Ottomanism, Nationalism and Multiculturalism Serhun Al First published 2019 by Routledge 2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN and by Routledge 52 Vanderbilt Avenue, New York, NY 10017 Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business © 2019 Serhun Al The right of Serhun Al to be identified as author of this work has been asserted by him in accordance with sections 77 and 78 of the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers. Trademark notice: Product or corporate names may be trademarks or registered trademarks, and are used only for identification and explanation without intent to infringe. British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Names: Al, Serhun, author. Title: Patterns of nationhood and saving the state in Turkey: Ottomanism, nationalism and multiculturalism / Serhun Al. Description: Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon; New York, NY: Routledge, 2019. | Series: Routledge studies in Middle Eastern politics; 92 Identifiers: LCCN 2018043280 (print) | LCCN 2018046273 (ebook) | ISBN 9780429425004 (master) | ISBN 9780429756702 (Adobe Reader) | ISBN 9780429756696 (Epub) | ISBN 9780429756689 (Mobipocket) | ISBN 9781138354142 | ISBN 9781138354142 (hardback) | ISBN 9780429425004 (ebook) Subjects: LCSH: Minorities—Government policy—Turkey. | Nationalism—Turkey—History. | Multiculturalism—Turkey—History. Classification: LCC DR434 (ebook) | LCC DR434 .A44 2019 (print) | DDC 956.1/02—dc23 LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2018043280 ISBN: 978-1-138-35414-2 (hbk) ISBN: 978-0-429-42500-4 (ebk) Typeset in Times New Roman by codeMantra Contents Acknowledgments List of abbreviations 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 ix xiii Introduction 1 The state-minority relations and nationhood: the question of inclusion/exclusion 7 Patterns of legal and ethnic inclusion/exclusion: a conceptual framework of nationhood 21 Imperial Ottoman into a republican Turk: a brief history of transition 39 Anatomy of a nationhood: the essentials of post-Ottoman Turkishness 59 New world order, weak state, and the emergence of Ottomanism and Ottoman homeland (vatan) 75 Post-World War I order, nationalist elites, and the making of monolithic Turkishness 95 Post-Cold War order, decline of the Kemalists, and back to the Ottoman future of unity in diversity 121 Conclusion: ontological (in)security, the state, and minorities 148 References Index 159 175 Acknowledgments This book began as a dissertation at the University of Utah in Salt Lake City, where I started the doctoral program in political science back in 2009. It took around six years to build the intellectual and historical background, theoretical framework, and empirical data to finally complete the dissertation in 2015. Then I moved back to my hometown, Izmir, and joined the Department of Political Science and International Relations (IR) at Izmir University of Economics in 2016, where I tediously worked on turning the dissertation into this book. I am grateful to everyone who was involved in this long period of my life, during which I’ve become a curious social and political scientist who’s never tired of asking research questions and a motivated teacher who enjoys sharing his academic and life experiences with his students. In Utah, my dissertation committee provided all the intellectual and scholarly support towards the completion of my degree. My advisor, M. Hakan Yavuz, pushed me to understand contemporary Turkish politics within a broader historical and transnational perspective. Our everyday conversations about the ethnic, religious, and nationalist dimensions of the late Ottoman Empire and contemporary Turkey taught me how to overcome shortsighted analyses on modern Turkey. Peregrine Schwartz-Shea trained me methodologically and educated me on what good social science research should look like, beyond quantitative vs. qualitative paradigms. Claudio A. Holzner critically encouraged me to situate the Ottoman/Turkish political development into the broader questions of comparative politics, along with studies in ethnicity and nationalism. Howard P. Lehman brought his IR perspectives into my overall argument, and Wade M. Cole contributed with his great scholarship in the sociological dimensions of global human and minority rights, which opened up my work towards more interdisciplinary understandings. Other political science department members at Utah also provided great feedback and insights where I intermittently got stuck with particular questions. Edmund Fong’s profound feedback, with comparative insights from ethnic and racial relations in the United States, informed me how the mechanisms and patterns of state-minority relations in different x Acknowledgments geographical contexts can look alike. Steven Johnston’s reading suggestions on understanding patriotism and nationalism greatly informed my theoretical perspective. Steven E. Lobell’s teachings on IR theories, particularly realism and state security, contributed to my understanding of where debates in comparative politics and IR can intersect. Mark Button and Brent J. Steele were always available for all graduate students and their questions about the profession and academic progress. Moreover, Julie Stewart’s teachings in sociology with regard to inequality and social movements in Latin America broadened my intellectual and academic horizon beyond Turkey. Overall, these great scholars one way or another trained and educated me on how to think and write like a social scientist in general and a political scientist in particular, with theories, systematic methods, and broader questions beyond the Ottoman/Turkish context. I should also mention the magnificent Marriott Library and the staff there, who supplied all the primary and other resources I needed for the writing process. My cohorts and great friends in the graduate school all contributed to my colorful social and academic life in Salt Lake City and elsewhere: Masaki Kakizaki, Douglas Byrd, Ramazan Hakki Oztan, Saban Kardas, Hakan Erdagoz, Ilker Aslantepe, Anil Bolukoglu, Anil Aba, Alan Hali, Kerem Cantekin, Duygu Orhan, Seyhan Bozkurt, Onur Tasci, Monika Benova, Charlene Orchard, Jacob Garrett, Akiko Kurata, Perparim Gutaj, Seyhun Hepdogan, Dogan Demir, Matt Haydon, Bekir Halhalli, Moldiyar Yergebekov, Alper Dogan, Can Ozcan, Taylan Egen, Yucel Yigit, and many other great people of the beautiful state of Utah. Before moving to Utah, Jess Morrissette and George Davis at Marshall University prepared my academic infrastructure for the doctoral program in political science. In turning the dissertation into this book, I had a chance to receive valuable feedback and exchange ideas with many other scholars, including Şener Aktürk, Nicole Watts, Nukhet Ahu Sandal, Senem Aslan, Onur Bakiner, Gunes Murat Tezcur, Cem Emrence, Ryan Gingeras, Umut Uzer, and Mija Sanders. In my frequent visits to Diyarbakir to enter the world of Kurdish politics, Vedat Kocal has been a great local academic and social guide. In my visit to Erbil in Iraqi Kurdistan in 2016, Emel Elif Tugdar and Alan Hali helped me to put the Turkish and Kurdish politics into a broader regional context. My academic travels, talks, discussions, and exchanges of ideas in different locations across the globe, such as Los Angeles, Seattle, New York, Minneapolis, Tokyo, Washington, D.C., Istanbul, Ankara, Mardin, Diyarbakir, Erbil, and Tbilisi, all intellectually, empirically, and theoretically shaped my arguments in this book. I previously presented various parts of my work in different workshops and academic meetings. For instance, my research design mostly developed at the Institute for Qualitative and Multi-Method Research held at Syracuse University in June 2013. I also had a chance to discuss my Acknowledgments xi work and receive feedback from various colleagues at this two-week workshop, including Talha Kose, Dilan Okcuoglu, Ali Zeren, and Ruchan Kaya. Again, in 2013, my dissertation advisor, M. Hakan Yavuz, organized a conference in Tbilisi on the political history of the late Ottoman Empire, where I presented parts of this book, particularly on Ottomanism. I was fortunate to meet and discuss my work with some of the leading historians on the late Ottoman Empire, and these interdisciplinary conversations strengthened the historical narrative of this book. In July 2013, I presented my research at the workshop “Borders in Motion: New Dynamics of Inclusion and Exclusion across Europe and North America,” hosted by the Trans-Atlantic Summer Institute at the Center for German and European Studies at the University of Minnesota. As I received great feedback in this workshop from organizing faculty Matthias Rothe and Anika Keinz, my scholarly conversations with other participants, such as Daniel Karell, Osman Balkan, and Raphi Rechitsky, improved my work to a great extent. In 2014, I was invited to a workshop on Turkey and the Kurds at the University of Washington in Seattle, hosted by Nicole Watts and Resat Kasaba, where I discussed parts of my book. In 2015, I attended and presented parts of my book in a workshop entitled “Rethinking Nations and Nationalism,” organized by Project on the Middle East Political Science (POMEPS) at the University of Southern California in Los Angeles and hosted by Marc Lynch and Laurie A. Brand. As all the participants provided great feedback, particular discussions with Nicole Watts and Senem Aslan informed my research. While these entire academic endeavors one way or another contributed to finalizing my monograph, I should mention and thank the two anonymous reviewers for Routledge who provided detailed feedback and valuable comments on the arguments of this book. The book includes some parts from three previous publications: “An Anatomy of Nationhood and the Question of Assimilation: Debates on Turkishness Revisited,” Studies in Ethnicity and Nationalism 15(1): 83–101, (2015); “Hyphenated Turkishness: The Plurality of Lived Nationhood in Turkey,” Nationalities Papers 44(1): 144–164, (2016); and “Young Turks, Old State: The Ontological (In)security of the State and the Continuity of Ottomanism,” in War and Collapse: World War I and the Ottoman State, eds. M. Hakan Yavuz and Feroz Ahmad (Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press, 2016), pp. 135–160. I thank Wiley, Taylor & Francis, and University of Utah Press for permission to reuse pieces from those publications. I would also like to thank all the members of the Department of Political Science and International Relations at Izmir University of Economics, who kindly welcomed me and provided all the research possibilities in completing this book. Finally, my family members in the United States also supported me in every way throughout my almost ten-year journey in the States. My uncle, xii Acknowledgments Ilhan Kucukaydin, has always been a mentor for me and encouraged my work intellectually and emotionally, and my aunt, Senel Poyrazli, supported me in my academic development. Of course, without the support of my parents, Kocali and Sefika, and my siblings, Yekta and Yelda, this project would definitely be incomplete. Last but not least, my wife, Marla, was the one who witnessed closely my graduate school years in Salt Lake City and then agreed to move with me to Turkey. Her courage and strength inspire me in all aspects of my life. We now have a two-year old son, Ander Aras, who is definitely the joy of our life. I dedicate this book to them. Serhun Al Izmir, August 2018 List of abbreviations AKP ANAP CHP CUP DDKO Justice and Development Party (Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi) Motherland Party (Anavatan Partisi) Republican People’s Party (Cumhuriyet Halk Partisi) Committee of Union and Progress (İttihat ve Terakki Cemiyeti) Revolutionary Eastern Cultural Hearths (Devrimci Doğu Kültür Ocakları) DEP Democracy Party (Demokrasi Partisi) DP Democrat Party (Demokrat Parti) DYP True Path Party (Doğru Yol Partisi) EU European Union HEP People’s Labor Party (Halkın Emek Partisi) MHP Nationalist Action Party (Milliyetçi Hareket Partisi) NATO North Atlantic Treaty Organization PKK Kurdistan Workers’ Party (Partiya Karkerên Kurdistan) RP Welfare Party (Refah Partisi) RPP Republican People’s Party (Cumhuriyet Halk Partisi) TBMM Grand National Assembly of Turkey (Türkiye Büyük Millet Meclisi) TİP Workers Party of Turkey (Türkiye İşçi Partisi) TRT Turkish Radio and Television (Türkiye Radyo Televizyon Kurumu) TSK Turkish Armed Forces (Türk Silahlı Kuvvetleri) UN United Nations Introduction Research puzzle and the argument Under what conditions and why do the state elites change their policies toward nationhood? With the Official Languages Act of 1969, Canada shifted to two official languages after the concerns over the French-speaking Québécois and uses an ethnic classification in its population census to reflect the cultural diversity of the nation.1 The United States has no official language, but started to exercise affirmative action in the 1960s in order to overcome the historical discrimination toward those groups who were excluded from American national identity. The United States also embraces an ethnically/ racially classified population census system.2 France has only one official language and there is no classification of ethnicity in the census and there is no affirmative action based on ethnicity or race.3 France also bans religious symbols, such as veils, in public schools.4 Sri Lanka, with Sinhala-speaking majority (74%) and Tamil-speaking minority, shifted to two official languages in the 1980s.5 The Australian state officially began to define the nation as multicultural in the 1970s.6 After centuries of a hierarchical and confessionalbased autonomy system, the Ottoman Empire first introduced the overarching Ottoman nationhood beyond ethnic and religious affiliations in the 1 Eve Haque, Multiculturalism within a Bilingual Framework: Language, Race, and Belonging in Canada (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2012); Stephen May, Language and Minority Rights: Ethnicity, Nationalism and the Politics of Language (New York: Routledge, 2012). 2 John D. Skrentny, The Minority Rights Revolution (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2004). 3 David I. Kertzer and Dominique Arel, eds., Census and Identity: The Politics of Race, Ethnicity, and Language in National Censuses (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2002). 4 Joan Wallach Scott, The Politics of the Veil (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2007). 5 Sujit Choudhry, “Constitutional Politics and Crisis in Sri Lanka,” in Multination States in Asia: Accommodation or Resistance, eds. Jacques Bertrand and Andre Laliberte (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2010), pp. 103–135. 6 Jatinder Mann, The Search for a New National Identity: The Rise of Multiculturalism in Canada and Australia, 1890s–1970s (New York: Peter Lang, 2016). 2 Introduction nineteenth century.7 In the 2000s, after decades of ethnic-based imagined “German-ness,” the German state has begun to grant citizenship to the children of Turkish worker migrants, the largest non-German community in Germany.8 Turkey, historically an assimilationist state, has also begun promoting minority languages, particularly Kurdish, through state-funded television channels in the early 2000s.9 These policies represent a diversity of nation-building and nationhood policies that states adopt, internalize, and reconsider over time in which the boundaries of inclusion and exclusion are set. While some of these policies were embraced in the beginning of the social engineering projects of state- and nation-building, many others were adopted gradually in the historical evolutions of nations. In other words, despite being persistent, nation-building and nationhood policies are rarely conclusive but rather they are subject to change over time. Thus, while some states largely remained loyal to their historical nation-building projects and the boundaries of nationhood, many others moved away from them and changed their path-dependent policies, especially with regard to the historical position of minority groups. Why do some states change their nationhood policies that reconsider and reorganize their ethnic and religious social world, while others show resistance to such changes? In general, the puzzle is about the policy change in the institutional design of the state and its nation-building raison d’être over time. This book seeks to offer a theoretical framework in order to explain the policy changes from a comparative-historical perspective, with specific attention to the cases of the late Ottoman Empire and modern Turkey. Under what conditions and why do states change their policies toward nationhood and minorities? What is the underlying motivation of state elites in such policy changes? These questions not only aim to explain why and with what motivation the policy change occurs—they also consider the issue of the approximate timing of the change. States attempt to make societies “legible” and simplified through social engineering tools, such as an official language, in order to consolidate their routine functions, such as taxation and the prevention of rebellion.10 The idea of a modern nation congruent with its state has been part of the simplification processes in which a homogenous cultural community has been the ultimate goal. Yet the idea of a homogenous nation with a monolithic national identity has remained an ideal type in most cases within which assimilation has been the social engineering tool of the state. While some 7 Will Hanley, “What Ottoman Nationality Was and Was Not,” Journal of the Ottoman and Turkish Studies Association, Vol. 3, No. 2 (2016), pp. 277–298. 8 Şener Aktürk, Regimes of Ethnicity and Nationhood in Germany, Russia, and Turkey (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2012). 9 Ibid. 10 James C. Scott, Seeing Like a State: How Certain Schemes to Improve the Human Condition Have Failed (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1998). Introduction 3 states have been successful in building relatively homogenous nations with a motivation for an unrivaled ethnicity and nationhood, others have encountered alternative identity claims both from within where the peripheral ethnic groups have become politicized and from outside as new immigrants have challenged the institutionalized national identities. Moreover, some other states have practiced the options of accommodation or exclusion rather than assimilation. In cases where assimilation policies have failed, the nation-state as an ideal project has found itself in an identity crisis. At that point, the option of cultural pluralism in the public sphere for political contestation has come to the front. The politics of cultural pluralism,11 multiculturalism,12 and the politics of difference13 have become the new policy options for the states, especially in liberal democratic ones. These debates question the state as a culturally neutral entity in general and the assimilative state policies toward minorities in particular. If states take these arguments into consideration and political reform occurs, the puzzle, then, is to explain under what conditions the path-dependent policies of the founding nation-building motivations and the boundaries of nationhood encounter critical junctures. Thus, the question here is not just about why the change occurs, but it is also about when the change occurs since path dependency and critical junctures are important in comparative-historical research. I choose three cases of paradigmatic shifts in state policies toward nationhood from the late Ottoman imperial context until contemporary Turkey. These cases can shed light on the contemporary identity issues that many post-Ottoman states encounter in the Middle East in general and Turkey in particular: 1 2 In terms of the in-depth analysis, the first case of the book deals with the shift from the Ottoman millet system to the official state policy of Ottomanism in the mid-nineteenth century, which promoted patriotic Ottoman nationhood across Muslim and non-Muslim ethnic and religious lines. This initiative resulted with the Ottoman Nationality Law of 1869. What kind of factors led the Ottoman political elites in embracing such a paradigmatic change after the centuries-long path dependency in the traditional millet system? What was their logic and motivation in such change? The second case analyzes the paradigmatic change from supranational Ottoman identity to assimilation-based national Turkish identity in the 1920s, within which the origins of contemporary Turkey’s Kurdish 11 Crawford Young, The Politics of Cultural Pluralism (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1979). 12 Charles Taylor and Amy Gutmann, eds., Multiculturalism and the Politics of Recognition (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1992). 13 Iris Marion Young, Justice and the Politics of Difference (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1990). 4 3 Introduction minority challenge were seeded. Despite the fall of the Ottoman Empire after the World War I, sticking to the Ottoman identity of the state was still an option but the political elites chose not to. Why? What led them to embrace a new national identity? The third case is the Turkish state’s initiative, beginning in early 2000s, to promote minority languages through official television channels and elective courses in public schools, particularly with regard to the Kurdish citizens, which is a paradigmatic shift in a historically assimilative state. How did the decades-long path dependency of strict assimilation come to a critical juncture? Why did not the state elites reconsider and change their minority policy before the 2000s? The issue of approximate timing is essential here. Why did the Turkish state start broadcasting in minority languages during the 2000s rather than in the 1980s or 1990s? Or why did the state elites adopt Turkishness not in the late nineteenth century but in the 1920s, before the establishment of the Republic? Or why did the Ottoman state adopt Ottomanism in the 1840s and 1850s but not in the late eighteenth century? Overall, I explore these questions through comparative-historical analysis and within a specific analytical framework that provides four ideal-type institutional designs of nationhood (in relation to minorities) that I will elaborate on more in Chapter 2. By analyzing these three paradigmatic changes in the state-minority relations and the question of nationhood, I argue that there is a common pattern of mechanisms that lead to nationhood and minority policy change which include three particular conditions: 1 2 3 A favorable international context for change; The influence of domestic non-state actors in increasing the leverage for change; The anti-status quo elites controlling the state by eliminating the pro-status quo veto players. I frame these conditions as external necessities and internal opportunities. As the first two conditions make change a necessity for the state, the third condition creates the opportunity for change. In the absence of the first two conditions, the third condition becomes a null element because the anti-status quo elites build their discourses in relation to the international political and normative context (e.g., assimilationism vs. multiculturalism) on the one hand and the influence of non-state actors on the other. In terms of the main motivation for change, I argue that state elites adopt either exclusionary or inclusionary policies toward minorities based on the idea of “survival of the state.” Based on the nexus of international normative context and domestic political realities, state elites believe that ontological security of the state would be at risk if they don’t take any measures toward their nationhood and minorities. If international Introduction 5 context is more favorable to exclusion, they tend to exclude minority identities from the boundaries of nationhood. However, if the international normative context is more favorable to inclusion (e.g., Wilsonian norms, UN norms, EU norms), they tend to orchestrate minority reforms toward inclusion. In any case, the concern of the state elites is primarily the “survival of the state.” They act more pragmatically and strategically rather than being blindfolded nationalists or wholehearted democrats. Then, the conventional dichotomy of security versus liberty should not necessarily be seen mutually exclusive in this context since liberty can also be an instrument of security. The central arguments of the book rely on a tedious historical analysis of persistence and change in nationhood and minority policies from the early nineteenth century to the early 2000s in the Ottoman/Turkish political context. Sources used include archival documents, official publications in the late Ottoman Empire and modern Turkey, speeches of political elites, journals and newspapers, parliamentary proceedings, and secondary sources. I choose these cases, differing in time and direction of change, for three specific reasons. First, the reason for choosing the Ottoman Empire is that minority policies are not limited to the modern nation-states. Both in an imperial state and in a nation-state, patterns of change in nationhood policies take place and the causes behind them entail in-depth analysis. The confessional-based Ottoman millet system that gave autonomy to the Greek Orthodox, Armenians, and Jews is considered to be non-assimilative and a unique system of managing diversity in a non-Western context.14 On the other hand, although Turkey’s nation-building project began based on firm assimilation, the state-framed nationhood has been gradually deconstructed. An explanation over the similar raison d’être of states’ changing policies toward nationhood and minorities regardless of imperial or nation-state setting is likely to take the research agenda beyond nation-states and their discontents. Second, the comparison between the late Ottoman Empire and contemporary Turkey is likely to shed light on the two different social worlds of the governing diversity and nationhood. Third, the differences in the historical periods when policy changes take place strengthen the research design in terms of comparative-historical analysis. Although contextual analysis is an emphasis in this research, explaining policy changes similar in nature beyond certain historical contexts and time periods provide insights for understanding the general conditions that make states change their policies toward nationhood. 14 Bhikhu Parekh, Rethinking Multiculturalism: Cultural Diversity and Political Theory (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2000); Karen Barkey, Empire of Difference: The Ottomans in Comparative Perspective (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2008). 6 Introduction However, the theoretical argument of the book with regard to continuity and change in state-minority relations goes beyond these cases as the book offers comparative insights that would relate to other cases and geographical areas, such as North America, Western Europe, and Latin America. Organization of the book In Chapter 1, the theoretical framework and the existing literature are discussed, along with their limitations. In Chapter 2, I elaborate on my typological framework of nationhood within which I analyze the patterns of change. In Chapter 3, a brief historical background of the late Ottoman and early Turkish Republic political context is discussed. In Chapter 4, I introduce the formation and anatomy of modern Turkish nationhood. While Chapter 5 deals with the transition from the Ottoman millet system to Ottomanism, Chapter 6 discusses the pattern of change from Ottomanism to Turkishness. Chapter 7 shows path dependency of Turkishness throughout the twentieth century and how it shifted to hyphenated framework of nationhood after the 2000s. Chapter 8, which is the conclusion chapter, provides the main arguments of the book in relation to the historical patterns of change within the late Ottoman and modern Turkish political trajectory. All translations of the Turkish texts throughout the book belong to me unless otherwise stated. References Primary Sources Documents and Texts Ahmed Cevdet Pasha. 1953. Tezakir [Memoirs]. ed. Cavid Baysun. Ankara: Turk Tarih Kurumu. Ahmed Cevdet Pasha. 1980. Ma’ruzat [The Petition]. ed. Yusuf Halacoglu. Istanbul: Cagri. Akarli, Engin Deniz, ed. 1978. Belgelerle Tanzimat: Osmanli Sadrazamlarindan Ali ve Fuad Pasalarin Siyasi Vasiyetnameleri [Political Testaments of Ali and Fuad Pashas]. Istanbul: Bogazici University Press. Akcura, Yusuf. [1904] 1976. Üç Tarz-ı Siyaset [Three Kinds of Policy]. Ankara: Turk Tarih Kurumu Basimevi. Akcura, Yusuf. [1904] 1981. “Three Kinds of Policy.” Oriente Moderno, Anno 61, Nr. 1/12 (Gennaio-Dicembre), pp. 1–20. Akcura, Yusuf. [1923] 2004. Muasir Avrupa’da Siyasi ve Ictimai Fikirler ve Fikri Cereyanlar [Political and Social Ideas and Intellectual Currents in Contemporary Europe]. ed. Adem Efe. Istanbul: Yeni Zamanlar. Akdogan, Yalcin. 2010. 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