Engaging Mental Health Online: Insights from beyondblue’s Forum
Influencers
Anthony McCosker, Swinburne University of Technology, Melbourne
Citation: McCosker, A. (2018) ‘Engaging Mental Health Online: Insights from
beyondblue’s Forum Influencers’, New Media and Society, online first: https://doiorg.ezproxy.lib.swin.edu.au/10.1177/146144481
Digital platforms offer an important means for improving the reach, scale and
accessibility of community-based support for those dealing with mental health
issues. They enable new forms of health participation. A research gap remains in
understanding the role of peer mentors in building effective digital environments
for mental health support. This paper presents part of a larger study centred on
the digital interventions of prominent mental health organisation beyondblue. It
combines qualitative content analysis and interviews with prominent peer
mentors. The analysis presents insights into how some peer mentors are able to
act as mental health influencers and examines their impact and role in activating
supportive mental health publics. Effective mental health influencers build
demonstrable non-professional expertise and authority, and through affective
practices play an active role in framing and re-framing mental health and
recovery, stimulating cohesion generating cycles of impact-feedback among
forum participants.
Keywords: mental health, online forums, expertise, peer mentors, influencers,
affect, moderation
Introduction
In 2014, the Australian Report of the National Review of Mental Health Programmes
and Services emphasised the ongoing importance of online forums among other digital
media tools for offering peer support and addressing mental health issues ‘in the
community’. Recommendation 11 stressed the need to: ‘Promote easy access to selfhelp options to help people, their families and communities to support themselves and
each other’ (National Mental Health Commission, 2014, Vol 1: 87). Likewise, the
National Institute for Mental Health in the UK points to the way digital technology ‘has
opened a new frontier in mental health support and data collection’ in its effort to
promote research exploring new technology-based interventions for mental health
support (National Institute of Mental Health, 2017). Similar proclamations in the US
follow decades of advocacy from patients and health organisations alike for the need to
address mental health issues through community-based and peer-run programs (Clay,
2005).
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Over the last decade, social media platforms have reconfigured communication
beyond geographical boundaries, and hence seem to offer a potential solution to
addressing public health issues at scale and through peer-led interventions. As Kivitz
notes, the internet and social media have ‘made new experiences of health and illness
possible’ (Kivitz, 2013: 223). But with the diversification of the ‘e-mental health
ecosystem’ spanning promotion, treatment, recovery and prevention (Burns et al., 2016:
589), mental health organisations have to make choices about how to allocate limited
funding to support services, raising questions about which digital tools to invest in, and
how effective they might actually be. Digital platforms not only provide an avenue for
health information access and sharing, they actively alter the ‘public-professional
relationship’ (Kivitz, 2013: 220-221) or the ‘expert-client relationship’ (Mowlabocus et
al., 2015), and introduce the potential for peer-led support practices (Tanis, 2008). In
fact, across high and low-income countries, many health organisations see peer
networks and health influencers as crucial for effective digital interventions (Castañeda
et al., 2010; Campbell et al., 2007). A research gap remains in understanding the role of
peer mentors in building effective digital contexts for mental health support, and
particularly the work of the variously named community champions, intermediaries or
health influencers that drive and modulate interaction and support often outside of
health organisations’ communication, outreach and health campaign efforts.
This paper presents part of a larger study of online mental health support centred
on the digital interventions of prominent Australian mental health organisation
beyondblue (McCosker, 2017; McCosker & Hartup, 2018). In this paper I draw on
qualitative content analysis and interviews with prominent peer mentors to explore
experiences and activities within beyondblue’s online forums. The forums offer a site in
which to examine the broader potential of peer mentors as health influencers in the
context of organised online mental health support. How do peer mentors and moderators
act as change agents in this context? What forms of influence and impact do they
achieve? What is the value and productive capacity of their affective labour to bring
into being and sustain supportive mental health communities? The analytical framework
developed and applied draws from a growing body of work addressing peer mentors and
health influencers, along with approaches to intermediation and moderation practices.
The analysis presents insights into how some peer mentors act as mental health
influencers in online, and the platform features that contribute to a supportive
environment for vulnerable publics. It details the generative qualities of the aversive
affects (McCosker, 2013) associated with mental ill health and the empathy practices
that underpin the expertise of mental health influencers. In this context, effective health
influencers build demonstrable non-professional expertise and authority, play an active
role in framing and re-framing mental health and recovery practices, and stimulate
cohesion-generating cycles of impact and feedback among forum participants.
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Online mental health support: Intermediaries and health influencers
There is strong evidence of the benefits of community-based health, social support and
peer networks in aiding the ongoing recovery aspects of mental ill-health in
combination with clinical or acute care (Campbell, 2005; Moorehead et al., 2013).
When isolating the range of health benefits associated with digital technologies,
empowerment is often emphasised, with some also focusing on how health
empowerment plays out in practice or in specific online contexts, and the emotional and
affective labour that accompanies health participation (McCosker & Darcy, 2013;
Tucker & Goodings, 2017; Stage, 2017). Hardt and Negri (2004: 108) defined the
concept of affective labour as ‘the labour that produces or manipulates affects such as a
feeling of ease, well-being, satisfaction, excitement, or passion’. This resonates with
Hochschild’s (2003) accounts of the blurred lines between caring or health service work
and ‘feeling management’. These factors should be taken into account when considering
the benefits of digital platforms, which have been understood to increase information
access and sharing, strengthen self-reflexive, self-directed health practice, and increase
opportunities for finding supportive relationships beyond geographical or immediate
social networks (Moorehead et al., 2013).
Like all spheres of digitally mediated social life, health participation is uneven.
Digital technologies such as online forums, mobile apps, and social media platforms do
not automatically solve the issues of social inclusion and exclusion that affect those
living with mental health problems (Boardman et al., 2010), and may in some cases
exacerbate them (e.g., Royal Society for Public Health, 2017). However, one point of
focus is the role that peer mentors can play in engaging the ‘hardly reached’ (Sokol &
Fisher, 2016) in health outreach and support. Davidson et al. point out that while peer
support is generally attributed to the mental health service user movement in the 1970s,
it can be traced back at least to the writings of Jean Baptiste Pussin in the late 18th
Century, along with practices of hiring recovered patients to staff psychiatric inpatient
units in the US in the 1920s (2012: 123). Significant benefits have been identified in
peer support programs, where positive self-disclosure builds hope regarding control
over debilitating conditions and symptoms; role modelling introduces strategies for selfcare and recovery through embodied, experiential knowledge; and peer provider and
recipient relationships develop trust, exhibit empathy and conditional regard, and hence
better address conditions through professional services (Davidson et al., 2012; Clay,
2005).
There is growing interest in the ways health organisations might benefit from
peer mentors and health influencers. This includes the widespread use of ‘community
health workers’, especially in development health programs in the global south (e.g.,
Choi et al., 2016); ‘champions’ in programs such as chronic disease risk reduction
(Aoun et al., 2013), or ‘community health champions’ and ‘lay public health workers’
supported in the UK (Woodall et al., 2013); and ‘health influencers’ in tobacco control
(Castañeda et al., 2010; Campbell et al., 2007). ‘Patient navigators’ have played a
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similar role in stewarding marginalised people through complicated health systems and
institutional practices (Natale-Pereira, 2011). ‘Brokers’, ‘boundary spanners’ or
‘bridges’ are understood, often in relation to network theory (Barabási, 2003), to
facilitate transactions and information flow or enroll marginalised people into health
programs and services and are crucial for building collaborative networks in health care
contexts where isolation, silos, marginalisation and other forms of social and health
exclusion occur (Long et al., 2013). In health outreach and promotion, the intermediary
role of digital platforms combines with the ‘digital expertise’ of outreach workers
(Mowlabocus et al., 2015). Social capital and expertise are crucial to these roles and
encompass a level of health knowledge, but also the ability to navigate the perils of the
publicness of online support (Mowlabocus et al., 2015). In the case of online mental
health support, connectors, intermediaries or influencers designate those who act with a
degree of vernacular authority to bridge professional and non-professional divides,
establish and sustain supportive online communities and help to frame and re-frame
others’ experiences of mental ill-health.
Identifying expertise, qualifying influence
The analytical approach developed in this paper targets the embodied expertise and
influence of peer mentorship. While the ‘public-professional’ dichotomy has been
instrumental in health practices and power dynamics, there has been a ‘destabilisation of
expertise in the modern era’, particularly through the impact of digital platforms and
peer networks (Kivitz, 2013: 221). There is debate about the politics and power
dynamics in essentialising forms of lived experience (e.g. Voronka, 2016); however,
lived experience challenges notions of expertise, whether health, biomedical or cultural,
inspiring attempts to mobilise new forms of community-oriented and personalised
public health intervention through digitally mediated peer practices. Questions of risk
associated with support provided by non-medically trained intermediaries do persist
(Hendry et al., 2017), as expertise in this context involves a complex mix of trust,
authority and authenticity related to peer and social influence, rather than health
training. Forum members, for instance, apply a range of techniques to assess credibility,
and are particularly drawn to experiential information (Lederman et al., 2014).
Moreover, trust in ‘official’ sources of health communication can be diminished and
inverted by emergent social media norms, where peers provide greater access and cutthrough than other sources of ‘official’ health information (Albury et al., 2015; Byron,
2015).
The distinction I am drawing here between peer mentors and health influencer is
subtle. Both might offer social support in relation to their embodied experience,
potentially in an ‘official’ role as a Champion, for instance. However, the elements of
influence, authority and developed expertise offer a key point of distinction and are the
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target of this paper. The peer mentors and health influencers I refer to in this research do
not have a direct role in content moderation, which is the domain of content filters and
beyondblue’s community manager, but rather in interaction modulation, shaping
conversations and framing practices in the forums.
The concept of health influencer adopted here builds on the research
surrounding peer mentors in public health communication and outreach, but also shares
some characteristics of the fame and commercially oriented ‘ordinary celebrities’
(Turner, 2010) of contemporary media cultures, or ‘microcelebrities’ of Instagram,
YouTube or Twitter (Senft, 2012; Abidin, 2016; Mavroudis & Milne, 2016). In these
studies, ‘influencer’ describes social media actors who have developed a niche but
prominent level of notice and a large follower or friend base while sharing their
everyday lives across a range of platforms (Abidin, 2016). For Senft (2008, 2012) this
involves the use of mediated self-presentation to project a coherent branded identity
maintained as if an artist or entrepreneur (see also Marwick, 2013). Influencer practices
address the potential of social media for generating peer-led forms of social
participation in contexts that shift some emphasis toward participatory acts capable of
mobilising populations outside of traditional communication channels. Health
influencers have been shown to effectively mobilise informal communication networks
even where they lack core health knowledge (Castañeda et al., 2010). Expertise is of a
different kind to the knowledge-based training of health and medical professionals.
Health influencers intermediate, legitimate positive health frames and are able to build
effective communities of practice through skilled interpersonal action, and this is
enhanced when training is available (Castañeda et al., 2010).
The framework I apply emphasises the establishment of embodied expertise and
targets the strategies and devices that generate observable types of influence. Other
important analytical approaches could be taken here to account for the activities and
experiences of the forums focusing, for example, on cultural legitimacy and capital in
Bourdieu’s sense, the competing knowledge systems and discourse production
processes, or a more targeted focus on affective, emotional and immaterial labour (e.g.
Tucker & Goodings, 2017; McCosker & Darcy, 2013). I examine expertise and
influencer practices here as a pragmatic approach to understanding and applying the
insights of those who drive and sustain engagement in the forums. Cultural intermediary
theory and research offers some specific and useful reference points (Smith Maguire &
Matthews, 2012; Hutchinson, 2017); however, this research tradition is primarily
concerned with the contextual and mediating factors in markets and the link between
production and consumption (McFall, 2014). I draw from this approach Smith Maguire
and Matthews’s (2012) key elements of cultural intermediary to examine a) expertise, b)
framing and c) influence. Like other social media contexts in which community,
sociality or publics are dynamically formed and mediated by socio-technical and
affective factors (McCosker, 2015), there is an unevenness to participation characterised
by the prominence and influence of certain actors, and the intimacy, affect, intensity and
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transience of acts of participation. The aim is to characterise the participants and the
pathway from expertise to influence to enhance their effects.
Methods and data collection
One of the challenges of studying any online forum or community platform is
identifying and accessing the practices, motivations and perceptions of the key
influential participants, particularly in relation to sensitive social and health issues, and
where pseudonymity is mandated. This study applied digital ethnographic observation
of activity across beyondblue’s online support sites over several years. The starting
point was to identify and gain access to key informants and prominent, influential forum
participants, and then observe practices, events and activities in the forums over time.
The approach draws from social media ethnography (Postill & Pink, 2012), applying a
sensitivity to practices – what people do with and on social media – and the features of
the platforms that also act to shape and influence sociality, enabling the dynamic, and
often contested formation of vulnerable publics (McCosker & Wilken, 2017).
The methods combine interviews with peer mentors and key informants with a
quantitative and qualitative content analysis of a sample of forum data (5 forums, 14
threads, 1140 posts). Ten Community Champions were recruited by invitation via the
private Champions forum, a process facilitated by beyondblue’s community manager.
In-depth interviews focused on how Champions understand and undertake their role in
the forums, and the challenges and benefits of engaging with mental health issues
online. Interviews were conducted by phone due to the geographical distribution of
participants, between February and April 2017. Thematic analysis involved both
inductive and deductive processes, guided by a priori categories related to the analytical
framework discussed above. The Champions involved in the interviews are identified
by their pseudonymous forum usernames by their own preference, and in accordance
with the ethical consent obtained: White Rose, Kazzl, Wednesday, white knight, Just
Sara, Starwolf, geoff, MarkJT, Croix, Gruffudd. Other non-champion participants
quoted have been attributed an alternative pseudonym, or double deidentified.
beyondblue does not collect personal information or display any information for a
forum user other than a pseudonym. The Association of Internet Researchers Ethical
processes were considered throughout. While posts are publicly accessible through the
forum, sensitivity to the context and purpose of posting to the forum has been weighed
when relocating those posts to this research paper. As well as double deidentification,
the posts reproduced have been chosen as representations of the kinds of activities and
patterns observed and have minimal reference to specific circumstances or experience.
The forums are publicly accessible by organisational policy because they also stand as a
resource for others to read, follow, and learn from, and this is made clear to participants
in the terms of use. Any possible harm in reproducing them in this research is also
weighed against those objectives. Communication with beyondblue’s community
manager regarding process and ethical oversite was constant, beginning with research
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design, formal ethical review, and through sign-off for any publications. The findings
have helped inform training workshops for Community Champions at the organisation.
Observations of the forums took place between 2015 and 2018, with a sample of
forum interactions extracted in December 2016. The selection is broadly representative
of forum activity, with three people-oriented forums that focus on the Champions,
young people, and partners and carers, along with two illness-focused forums. The
forums were: ‘Welcome & orientation’ (1 thread, 120 posts), ‘Depression’ (4 threads,
390 posts), ‘Anxiety’ (4 threads, 360 posts), ‘Young people’ (1 thread, 60 posts),
‘Supporting family and friends (carers)’ (4 threads, 210 posts). Analysis of the forums
occurred in two phases. An initial phase helped identify key influencers and explored
broad patterns of interactions and content themes. A second phase occurred after
interviews with Champions, where a coding frame was established to identify the
characteristics, practices and expressed impact of the forums’ influencers. This coding
frame was developed through a mix of inductive and deductive processes, and was
tested for consistency between two researchers, with sub codes adjusted through an
iterative process.
Moderated forums and distributed support: Enabling ordinary influencers
It is not surprising that online forums have emerged and remain a persistent, organic
source of community support from the early days of the internet. Forums have operated
in this capacity alongside bulletin boards, email lists and other tools for issue- or
interest-oriented sharing and interaction, well before current social media platforms
(Baym, 2015). In fact, notions of online community and participatory practices have
predominantly been understood with reference to forums, and they share continuity with
prominent ‘community forums’ like Reddit, to use Massanari’s term (2015). Forums
offer a shared sense of space, practices, resources and support (emotional, esteem,
information support), along with shared identities and interpersonal relationships
(Baym, 2015: 82-100). Health forums have been found to facilitate participation and
inclusion in health and wellbeing processes and information gathering, expand personal
networks, offer anonymity for stigmatised and vulnerable populations, increase access
to support mechanisms particularly for those isolated or of restricted mobility (Tanis
2008). Tucker and Goodings detail the ‘digital atmosphere’ generated by the
transmission of affects on forums like the UK-based mental health forum Elefriends, but
also the way ‘caring for oneself becomes bound up in the ambiguities of caring for
others’ (2017: 629). These findings resonate strongly with the beyondblue forums.
A growing number of around 88,000 people access beyondblue’s mental health
support forums monthly (McCosker, 2017). The forums have been in operation since
2003 and are currently managed by two paid moderators and around 20 unpaid
‘Community Champions’. beyondblue developed its Champions program in a relatively
ad hoc way, initially drawing from a small number of prominent forum influencers
already active – those who posted often and were well known to help and support
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others. All Champions have lived experience of mental ill health, as well as
demonstrated prominence overtime (digital expertise). They receive some training
through workshops run annually and also have access to a dedicated closed forum
where they can seek advice, information or strategies from the other Champions, or
interact with beyondblue’s community manager. Champions also have access to one-onone clinical debriefing if they are distressed by any interaction on the forum. An
automated, three-tiered filtering system assesses posts for levels of risk on the basis of
flagging protocols, with about 20% of higher risk posts held back for review. The
moderation protocol flags posts that among other criteria promote services or particular
pharmaceuticals, are aggressive, or talk about suicidality with specific reference to time
and place or methods. Users cannot themselves flag posts in the current iteration of the
forum; although Champions can and do direct concerns to the community manager.
Along with the community manager, clinically trained moderators can step in where a
high risk is identified. On the rare instance where an emergency situation is identified,
local authorities can be directed to a location derived from the IP address of the forum
member. Posts are limited to text, 2500 characters long, and are publicly accessible
through search engines; however, membership through a sign-on process is required in
order to post or reply, and membership is restricted to people located in Australia by IP
address.
Survey work undertaken in 2016 found most members accessed the forums
because they ‘felt depressed or anxious and I wanted support’ (55%), ‘wanted to
connect with others anonymously’ (33%), or ‘felt suicidal’ (26%) (Hall & Partners
Open Mind, 2016: 13), the latter being higher for 18-24-year-olds (36%) who post at
much higher rates to the ‘Suicidal Thoughts and Self-Harm’ forum (McCosker &
Hartup, 2018). Notably, a substantial number (18%) explicitly ‘wanted to provide help’
to others. A range of factors contribute to enabling engagement with the forums but
central would be the requirement for anonymity. Unlike platforms with a real name
premise (van der Nagel & Frith, 2015), the forums require pseudonyms to encourage
intimate self-disclosure without the social and identity risks associated with mental illhealth’s persistent stigma. Interview participants uniformly saw this as essential. For
Starwolf, anonymity ‘is actually a necessity. That’s what allows people to open up’. For
Gruffudd, ‘it’s important for trust and confidence… When people find the forums, life
isn’t great. They have relatives or employers giving them a pretty hard time. And they
are a little bit worried about that conversation being shared with those people’.
Establishing expertise
In any social context there is commonly an ‘asymmetry of influence’ (Smith Maguire &
Matthews, 2012), and this holds true for forums generally (Baym, 2015). For digital
environments, the important question is how expertise is established, or how some
individuals become distinguished through implicit and explicit claims to privileged
experiences and through legitimising techniques and affective, influential digital acts.
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Factors contributing to this asymmetry of influence might include experiential
knowledge (including cultural or vernacular knowledge), duration of participation,
social capital or network size and visibility, acknowledged skills, capacities or
proximity to service providers. Legitimacy, authority and expertise are characterised in
online forums by demonstrable skill and the sustained application of affective labour in
managing micropublic conversations about sensitive and context-specific issues.
beyondblue’s forums foster a particular kind of asymmetrical influence among
members most explicitly through markers of expertise and experience indicated by a
profile badge (Community Champion, Valued Contributor, blueVoices Member), and
visible number of posts. While some noted that badges have been contentious at times,
they emphasised that they are almost always ‘deserved’ and saw the important role they
play in conveying a sense of ‘reward’ for effort and involvement over time,
‘recognition’, ‘validation’, ‘acknowledgement’, and in signaling the esteem associated
with Champion roles. Badges in this sense can be understood as ‘professionalising
devices’, a contingent accomplishment attributed by beyondblue moderators but also
legitimised by forum members through cycles of feedback and acknowledgement of the
impact that Champions have for others at times of need. For Gruffudd, ‘It’s why it’s
quite nice to be a rainbow champion, have a brightly coloured bus that’s a little bit
different.’ This has a double effect of signaling a safe environment for new LGBTI
members, and a specific kind of support-expertise: ‘if someone from an LGBTI
background is coming into the forums, there’s someone else there that’s identifiable
without having to ask. And then it’s okay and it’s clearly a safe place because that
conversation is already there’ (Gruffudd).
In the forum analysis and interviews with Champions, a number of themes and
practices emerged that gave insight into how expertise was established. Over a long
period, those who achieved the status of Valued Contributor or Champion relay in
intimate detail personal mental health and life circumstances often involving times of
severe mental ill-health and transitions toward successful coping and recovery practices.
Just Sara describes this last quality of transition, and its non-linear characteristics:
when you first become a CC, there’s a transition that has to happen, and it’s
going from a ‘needy’ Member to a Member with accountability and
responsibility. And you sort of lose yourself a bit in that transition, because all
your time is spent helping others, and you’re still going through your own stuff.
You just can’t lose your own needs. (Just Sara)
This involves a kind of managed or performed intimacy through which peer influencers
are able to connect on an intimate level while retaining some distance. Just Sara goes on
to explain this:
personal experience is very important. I usually gauge whether or not to tell a
little bit about myself. I used to, in the beginning, tell a lot about myself, and
then I thought no, there’s too much redirecting there, so I usually just put a few
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statements about my experience if I need to. (Just Sara)
The ‘Introducing’ thread repeatedly pairs personal mental health issues and
difficult life experiences with coping and recovery strategies as credentialing practice or
indicators of expertise. In one post Lori says: ‘I am 18 years of age … I have experience
with depression and anxiety myself and if there’s ever a time when I can help another I
will…’ (Lori7, Forum: Welcome & Orientation). Age, depression and anxiety feature
upfront here as the identifiers of supportive capacity. In some cases, a professional
credential is put forward, such as role as nurse, psychology student. Just Sara noted that:
It basically has replaced my career. I’ve always been in the helping professions
… Becoming a Champ, although it was quite confusing in the beginning because
I went through a lot of emotional stuff, it has become my work, and very, very
important to me. (Just Sara)
Embodied personal experience is central to how forum influencers operate, as Croix
notes in interview: ‘If it’s talking about being hospitalised, fine. If it’s talking about
being suicidal, fine. …Whereas some things are so alien that I really feel that it’s a last
resort for me to [respond]’. For Kazzl personal experience establishes authority and
relatability: ‘I think it’s, what’s the word I’m looking for, credibility in what we say to
people, because by sharing our own experiences they can see the credibility in what
we’re saying’. But embodied experience is not in itself enough to distinguish key
influencers. Champions and other influencers demonstrate an ability to draw on and
express personal mental health experiences in a way that builds trust, encourages
communication and nurtures relationships among forum members to counteract the
negative social norms around mental ill-health. A significant part of the authority
achieved by influencers derives from their capacity to transform the aversive affects of
their own encounters with mental illness into a mechanism for connecting – or
connecting with – others. Kazzl sees the role as both ‘validating people’s experience’
and challenging the persistent idea ‘that it’s a character flaw, it’s a weakness’ (Kazzl).
This validation becomes reciprocal over time, through cycles of feedback and forms the
basis of a durable portfolio of authority and expertise.
Framing and re-framing mental health: Durability, credibility and empathy
A second element of focus is the role that forum influencers play in framing practices,
which refers to both the act of expertly articulating mental health experiences and
recovery strategies, and the durable frames, points of reference, key posts, ideas,
practices and behaviours that hold sway or take shape as norms or conventions –
particularly through the interpersonal flow of affects and the generation and
management of empathy. Individuals who achieve a level expertise and influence do so
in large part by effectively framing and reframing ideas, ways of thinking and
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behaviours; and likewise, because they have established expertise and authority they are
better able to make choices and strategies credible to others. In this way they are
implicated in providing legitimacy to practices, or even generating conventions (Smith
Maguire & Matthews, 2012: 557). Framing and empathy practices function as primary
affective techniques, providing a basis for facilitating ‘the “sociality” of emotion’, as
Ahmed puts it (2014: 8) that sustains engagement within the forums.
The forum analysis and interviews revealed Champions’ active role in providing
articulate, evocative, experience-oriented accounts of the symptoms and affects related
to mental health problems in ways that other members respond to. Blondguy is known
for his evocative language and ability to articulate the qualities of mental illness. In one
thread, in response to an ongoing discussion about how to support an unwell partner, he
explains: ‘Depression can close in on us like a fog. It dulls or removes senses, short
circuits emotions, makes thoughts all warpy and steals energy’ (Blondguy, Forum:
Depression). Some draw attention regularly to the chemical and biophysical aspects and
effects of mental illness as a way of shifting frames of reference away from
interpersonal problems or expressions of low self-worth: ‘It feels that way because the
chemistry in your head is a bit out of kilter at the moment, it won’t be forever’
(Wednesday, Forum: Depression). Alternative non-medical framing of the effects of
anxiety also helps, for example, to explain behaviour patterns and reflect on recovery
strategies: ‘Anxiety is the pits. The mouse on the wheel around and around and around
is the anxiety’ – a metaphor Corn returns to on other occasions, and others respond
positively to (Corn, Forum: Anxiety).
In framing recovery practices for others, Champions repeatedly refer to
strategies developed from a mix of their own practiced approaches. This is exemplified
by the regular reference to mindfulness or techniques like cognitive behavioural therapy
(CBT). Champion Mark JT offers a fairly prescriptive example of techniques that work
for him: ‘Do you practise mindfulness? If not, start. It is awesome and one of three key
subjects that i do daily to keep and continue to build my resilience’ (Mark JT, Forum:
Depression).
Some posts and ideas achieve durability despite the relative transience of posts as new
content emerges. For example, framing her top recovery strategies, White Rose offers a
list that is both personal and generally applicable; the top 4 on her list are:
1. Sit outside and watch/admire my garden.
2. Meditate. I can also do this outside once general peace of the garden has settled
me.
3. Phone a friend. No guarantee someone will be available so I tell myself I can
talk later.
4. I like craft work, especially if it needs a lot of attention. This stops me focusing
on my misery. (White Rose, Forum: Depression)
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White Rose and others refer back to this post or versions of it regularly, and each of the
elements remain central to her approach to helping others address their own
circumstances. Such a post stands as a point of reference or convention, against which
the legitimacy of personal recovery approaches is oriented and understood or negotiated
by others. Members refer back to White Rose’s list as an already substantiated version
of a point they are making:
Hi Mary [White Rose]. Thank you so much. I love the way you explained
everything and it all makes sense to me. […] I Can relate to your strategies and
will definitely try them. I Will revisit your post when i am feeling lonely next
time so thank you. (Penny, Forum: Depression)
White Rose (who also goes by another alias, Mary), clearly understands the durability
of some posts, as this reply to her advice regarding a psychologist’s appointment
suggests: ‘Mary that’s not a bad idea about printing out my original post and taking it
with me ... would she read it? I could read it out to her perhaps.’ (Moonshadow, Forum:
Depression). The relative stability and archival form of the forums, the visibility of
threads overtime, but also these deliberate techniques in fixing affective reference
points in posts, establish a base for rendering frames, strategies and interactions durable,
and represent the primary digital labour and expertise of peer influencers.
Forum influencers are particularly skilled at re-orienting others’ negative
experiences and helping other members to think more positively and strategically in
redressing their particular circumstances and problems through techniques of empathy.
These techniques involve the management or modulation of the negative affects and
emotions associated with critical moments of mental ill health. In interviews,
Champions Kazzl and Geoff explain how they go about this:
[I] ask them to think back to before they became so depressed and what kinds of
things they enjoyed doing, because it’s something that we can forget, that life
can be actually pleasurable; and then just say to them what do you like to do and
take it from there. (Kazzl)
[I try] to put myself into their situation. Make them understand that I’ve been
through it as well and come out the other end. It’s always negative thoughts, and
I can well and truly understand that. Just trying to relay to them that what
they’re going through is terrible, but then I try and think back to what I went
through, then mention what I’ve been through, not as me saying it, but what they
could do instead. (Geoff)
In these instances, and in each of the interviews, Champions relay the importance of
empathy practices. They talk about empathy as a vital attribute and competency, a tool
for maintaining connections with other members long enough to understand and reframe problems. As Starwolf explains: ‘this is what gives people, gradually sometimes,
12
the incentive to open up a little bit more. Feeling that they are not judged, they’re
understood and somebody cares. It’s just a matter of building up a trust relationship’
(Starwolf). Not only do techniques of empathy in interactions facilitate connections and
relationships overtime, they are generative of developed expertise and authority. For
Kazzl this involves two stages: using empathy to ‘reflect back to them what they’re
experiencing’, and then drawing them out: ‘I don’t think you can ever really resolve
something that’s going on in one post, so I always try and get them to tell me more,
draw them out, though not “please can you tell me everything”’ (Kazzl). What became
clear through the interviews, and observing empathy practices in the forums, is that
influencers excel at generating and mobilising empathy as a form of skillful affective
labour, the result of which is to bring into being and sustain supportive mental health
communities. This is facilitated by recurring cycles of feedback-impact.
Cycles of feedback: Levers of influence
The impact of forum interactions and drivers of influence are always uncertain but
involve observable cycles of feedback. The work of influencers in these cycles is to
structure ongoing modes of engagement, develop and manage relationships and
strengthen community norms or conventions. These practices ultimately shape
conversations as a kind of community-driven ‘public mental health pedagogy’ (Fullagar
et al., 2017). The cycles of impact-feedback resonate with work on affective economies,
where the sentiment, or the feeling of affirmation (in a context of aversive emotional
and affective states and experiences) attains an autonomy and circulates (Massumi,
2002), but also constitutes the sociality of emotion (Ahmed, 2014), its publicness and its
public modulation. That is, expressions of feedback circulate an affective, relational
force that sustains the ‘feeling’ of community. Smith Maguire and Matthews note that a
central aim of cultural intermediaries is to ‘make their impact durable…such that it
extends beyond their particular interactions and accomplishments and takes on the
quality of a convention’ (2012: 557). The various signs of impact observable in the
forums offer a clue as to how this happens in practice. I categorise the impact signaled
and exchanged through feedback as acknowledgement and recognition, agreement, and
actioning. These forms of exchange carry an important visibility or publicness and take
a cyclical and durable form.
Acknowledgement and recognition of others’ input or specific comments is the
most common form of impact-feedback. It expresses a fundamental appreciation and
maintains a connection. It may be relayed in an expression of thanks – generally or
targeting an individual: ‘Thank you so much for your post and your generous words.
The BB forum has kept me going so it works both ways’ (Wednesday, Forum:
Depression). Or it may involve ‘calling out’ others: ‘Hi Wednesday Thanks big time for
replying :-) James, Bluguru and Carol are legends on the forums that I have learnt a lot
from since they been “on the air” It really makes me feel mega grateful that they are
13
here’ (blondguy, Forum: Depression). That recognition might signal the impact of the
forum community as a whole: ‘Thank you, it means a lot, even to have support from a
stranger xx’ (Rach1, Forum: Young People).
Agreement takes the signal of impact further than recognition or expressions of
appreciation. These are buttressing statements: ‘You’re right sometimes it is just having
someone to listen that helps’ (Wednesday, Forum: Depression). They also help to
acknowledge and maintain contact and supportive relations, but can gesture toward a
reinforcement or even shift of thinking, with the possibility of more positive action:
‘Geoff and Mary - I will try to not hang onto any self-control seeing the psych. I don’t
put on a facade deliberately believe me - I don’t think I could tomorrow anyway’
(Moonshadow, Forum: Depression).
When cycles of feedback move toward specific enacted responses, or actioning,
influence becomes explicit and visible to others. Actioning signals impact and influence
in a way that indicates not only agreement and appreciation, but material change. As
one of many examples of actioning, Shephard relays his attempts to overcome negative
thoughts and follow the advice of a non-Champion forum influencer Sun:
Even though i feel emotional i am doing what you suggested [Sun] and just
letting go of my negative thoughts, most of the negative thoughts i have are
generally not based on reality and are useless but I seem to fall for them way to
many times. (Shephard, Forum: Depression)
Impact is not always made visible for Champions and forum influencers (to their
frustration), but when it is it affects motivations, interaction and support strategies.
Influence is multi-directional in this sense, and cyclical. Its particular intensities can
flow toward forum influencers, or from them to other members. white knight recounts
one instance of where feedback has affected him personally:
I had a young girl of 16 and she posted back after 18 months and she said that
“I’d like to say thank you to white knight, because his reply to me about 12
months ago” I’ve printed it out and I put it on the door of my bedroom and I
read it every day. (white knight)
This kind of feedback also affects the way Champions adjust their approach to specific
people. Just Sara says: ‘I’ll get some feedback to say you’ve been really helpful, or
that’s not what I meant when I was talking. So there is feedback to give me an idea of
my role.’ (Just Sara). A key skill for peer influencers is knowing how to manage and
modulate feedback. Gruffudd explains the multiple layers of referential reinforcement
from his perspective:
When you see someone make a positive statement or a statement saying that
they enjoy something or value something [from the forum], repeating that back,
summarising that back to them and letting them just see their own words and
14
value that, it’s a powerful thing, really. (Gruffudd)
As public expression, feedback plays an important role in reinforcing and
building a personal and public sense of value as Champion. That is, it not only ‘makes it
all worthwhile’ as Starwolf puts it, these are the visible markers of legitimacy, authority
and expertise – they ‘visiblise’ expertise and influence. Because the forums are
searchable and stand as a record of conversations, and generalisable emotional and
mental states, their impact can be made durable over time. Impact is hence able to move
beyond the immediate sphere of interaction and influence through this expressed
durability.
Conclusions: From engagement to influence
Mental health organisations have used social media mechanisms like forums for some
time now to scale services and maximise affordances such as anonymity and 24/7 peerbased support. With tensions around the negative emotional impact of dominant social
media platforms like Facebook, Instagram and Twitter, the community orientation of
health forums deserves greater scrutiny. Furthermore, ‘we need to take seriously the
cultural production of legitimacy’, as Smith Maguire and Matthews have argued in their
review of research on the characteristics and effects of cultural intermediaries (2012:
558). The same could be said for health influencers and of the impact of the affective
labour they expend. In the context of online mental health support, understanding the
production of legitimacy, expertise and influence among peer mentors is a crucial step
toward building better digital interventions. While a critical lens could be levelled at
organisations’ reliance on free labour for mental health support, by doing so they offer
an opportunity to intervene differently in the flow of negative affect and painful
emotional states.
With scaled online mental health support comes the question of who is able to
take on the role of supporting others through chronic mental health conditions in the
community, through community forums and other social media channels. Contributing
to an emerging field of work on moderation and work on influencers, the analysis shows
that health influencers act in beyondblue’s mental health forums in ways that establish
authority and legitimacy, frame and re-frame actions through empathy practices that
sustain impactful connections. Champion white knight, sums up the capacity, drive and
skill sets involved:
I may not be able to work but I have this information to spread and assist if I
can. Having mental illnesses doesn’t mean it’s all bad news. Mental illness has
provided me with empathy, kindness and care. These are the things I can do
without feeling drained and tested. (white knight, Forum: Welcome &
Orientation)
15
Motivations for participating in this way vary, but the impact and benefits are
demonstrable: ‘By assuming socially valued identities, [supportive peer mentors] are no
longer restricted to passive patient roles relying solely on mental health professionals
for direction and advice’ (Campbell, 2005: 34, citing Roberts et al., 1991). As an early
advocate of peer mentor programs put it: ‘Our emotional life is no longer somebody
else’s, the medical profession’s specialty. We are the experts’ (Zinman, 1987: 11; cited
in Campbell, 2005: 40). Influence and impact derive from a practiced and cultivated
expertise, the developed set of skills or competencies for dealing with mental health
issues through public digital platforms, along with an explicit willingness to apply these
in helping others through the forums. A broader program of research can examine
specific aspects of social support in relation to suicidality and self-harm (McCosker and
Hartup, 2018), as well as platform features and moderation or modulation practices that
alter the experiences of those who engage in the forums. In addition, beyondblue like
other health organisations are exploring options for automated and AI driven support
services pointing to a significant area of research need as these services push what is
possible by mobilising social support online.
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