Tensions in Renaissance Cities Exhibit Catalog

Catalog for an exhibit hosted at the University of Chicago Special Collections Research Library, for the 2017 Renaissance Society of America Conference Lavish courts and towering cathedrals, entrancing polyphony and artistic masterpieces—our romantic fascination with the cultural glories of the Renaissance often eclipses one truth, recorded by astute observers of the age like Machiavelli, that the era of Michelangelo and Shakespeare was, in many ways, darker than the “Dark Ages” which it named. The crisis had one unexpected cause: progress. In the centuries after the Black Death, regenerating urban centers, strengthened by financial and commercial innovations, linked together to form an increasingly interconnected society. Soon English wool was no longer finished at home, but exported to be woven and dyed in Italy, before shipping out across trade networks which stretched from the Middle East deep into the New World. As Europe’s economic bloodstream strengthened, the same increase in trade and travel which let architects build with exotic stones and scholars recover lost Greek manuscripts also transmitted diseases with unprecedented speed and ferocity, while larger, denser cities were richer breeding grounds for violence and contagions. As wealth and power flowed in, richer states could muster larger armies, innovative weaponry could shed blood on unprecedented scales, and ambitious rising families could hire mercenary forces larger than frail governments could withstand. This exhibit lays out a geography of tensions which characterized Renaissance cities. In a world still plagued by war and banditry, urban growth often meant density rather than sprawl, as swelling populations jockeyed for space within the circumferences of city walls. Crowded and wealthy cities became powder kegs, where old tensions—between men and women, citizens and visitors, Jews and Christians, religious and secular authorities—channeled the energies of new and increasing factional and economic rivalries. Shakespeare’s Montagues and Capulets are fictitious portraits of a real phenomenon, and such violence often brought ruin on far more than just two houses. Great families led patronage networks which included hundreds of clients from many social classes, whose members lived only a few blocks from their bitterest rivals, and whose alliances reached out into dozens of neighboring towns and distant capitals. Tensions between cities intensified as well, as economic interdependence, and printing which enabled the faster circulation of news and new ideas, allowed tumults in one city to bring strife to another half a world away. Cities competed to frame their political identities, claiming uniqueness and dignity by presenting themselves as the capitals of particular trades, religious movements, cultural innovations, or political structures, often in ways which contradicted or challenged the identities claimed by their neighbors. Art, literature, and culture recorded these tensions and also relieved them, offering bloodless avenues for competition, and a release valve for the pressure that kept Renaissance cities forever on the edge of violence.

Produced to accompany the exhibit “Tensions in Renaissance Cities” March 27th to June 9th 2017, University of Chicago Library, Special Collections Research Center The following individuals each made a valuable contribution to this project: Project Supervisor Ada Palmer Exhibition Curators Hilary Barker and Margo Weitzman Exhibition Designer Joseph Scott Catalog Editor Julia Tomasson Rare Books Librarian Catherine Uecker Editorial Assistants McKenna Brewer and Jo Walton Section Authors: Mexico City Between Two Antiquities Stuart McManus Venice Looks East Rose Malloy and Michael Hosler-Lancaster Converting Constantinople Nora Lambert A Jewish Humanist Between Cities and Between Worlds Tali Winkler Male Voices Deining Urban Women Elizabeth Tavella Confraternities and Renaissance Republics Lucia Delaini & Hilary Barker Psalms in Catholic Paris and Calvinist Geneva Aimee González Genius London Caryn O’Connell The Genius of Places Caryn O’Connell and Nicholas Bellinson London Deiant Nicholas Bellinson Magic in Humanist Florence John-Paul Heil Public Satire in Renaissance Rome Brendan Small Rome and its Ruins Hilary Barker Patronage and Power Eufemia Baldassare and Ada Palmer The Legacy of Petrarch Cosette Bruhns Florentine Humanism in Triumph and in Conlict Margo Weitzman © The several contributors 2017 No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in or introduced into a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means (electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise), without the prior written permission of the copyright owner, except by a reviewer who may quote brief passages in a review. Enquiries concerning reproduction outside the scope above should be sent to individual chapter authors, or to Ada Palmer, University of Chicago, Department of History, 1126 E. 59th Street, Chicago, IL 60637. Limited edition of 1000 copies, printed by Swift Impressions in Chicago, USA. ISBN 978-1-944140-04-5 TENSIONS IN RENAISSANCE CITIES March 27-June 9, 2017 University of Chicago Acknowledgments This project was made possible by the support of: The Andrew W. Mellon Foundation The Lumen Christi Institute The Morris Fishbein Center for the History of Science and Medicine The Nicholson Center for British Studies The Smart Museum of Art Grants for Faculty Initiatives The Stevanovich Institute on the Formation of Knowledge The University of Chicago College Research Fellows Program The University of Chicago History Department The University of Chicago Library, Special Collections Research Center and participants from many University of Chicago institutions including: The Committee on Social Thought The Department of Art History The Department of English The Department of History The Department of Music The Department of Romance Languages and Literatures The Stevanovich Institute on the Formation of Knowledge Postdoctoral Fellowship Program and from the Northwestern School of Communication Department of Rhetoric and Public Culture enabled by The Big Ten Academic Alliance Traveling Scholar Program N OT E S F R O M T H E C U RAT O R S The Agency of Texts in the Renaissance By Margo Weitzman T he Renaissance was, among other things, a textual revival of antiquity—one that was centered in but not exclusive to Italy. It is convenient that so many of the participating curators in this exhibit are Italianists, which is why many of the cases focus on the small bootshaped country. Yet this geographic focus ofers many pan-European angles of examination because the transformations in Italy also touched cultural, literary, visual, and religious history across Europe during the ifteenth and sixteenth centuries. Although Italy is frequently synonymous with the Renaissance due to its central role in cultural developments during this period, it was by no means the only country touched by the transformation of architecture, visual art, and intellectual programs. Italy’s inluence is evident in the pervasive rebirth of ancient literature.The spark of humanist erudition began with Petrarch’s insatiable desire to resurrect antiquity in the fourteenth century and came to fruition with Poggio Bracciolini’s perusal of monasteries across Western Europe in search of ancient texts. Bracciolini helped build the libraries of wealthy Florentine elite, including that of the Medici, one of the wealthiest and most inluential families in European history. Humanist translations, poetry, and missives; models of Ciceronian Latin; and Neoplatonic educational archetypes that broke from Aristotelian practice all reached west as far as England, where traces of Boccaccio’s Decameron are found in Chaucer’s Canterbury Tales. Italian cultural changes played a pivotal role in the classicization of the New World and brought to Europe further inluences from Constantinople, a perceived locus of ancient texts and classical heritage whose scholarship and intellectual inluences were imported by Italian humanists, and through Constantinople’s connections with Venice. The advent of the printing press in 1450, which rapidly took root in Italy, assisted in the wide dissemination of texts, and each of the cities explored in this exhibit carved out its history within the context of a literary boom. By studying such mobile artifacts as books, we ind clues within their translation, reinterpretation, and appropriation that help us {2} better understand cultures of the past. For instance, Tali Winkler explores how a Rabbi and scholar of the Hebrew tradition gained a place among the Christian humanists of his day and thus became suspect among his own people. Elizabeth Tavella examines the ways texts were used in Paris and Venice to enforce societal rules—from medicine to social behavior—in order to subvert women. Aimee Gonzalez uses the size of graduals and psalters as physical evidence for the diferences in devotional practices between Calvinists and Catholics in Geneva and Paris. The importance of texts cannot be understated. Books were luxuries and symbolized wealth and sophistication; the contents of a book were automatically an authority in whatever subject they presented. But humanism as a movement was more than books. It was a state of mind. The humanist turned inward in self-examination, celebrated philosophical inquiry, re-examined life’s purpose, and created tension with the Christian faith that permeated early modern quotidian life. As Greek epics and philosophical meditations were transcribed in Latin, sculptures were chiseled following classical forms and erected in public spaces. Humanism had a visual efect on cities—especially epicenters like Florence, Rome, and Venice—as well as an intellectual one. Painting shifted away from the conventions of the medieval era to increased naturalism—from saints set against other-worldly gold leaf backgrounds to lush earthly settings with Christ and the Virgin depicted as relatable human beings on earth. Pagan mythology appeared in painting, drawing, and prints and was disseminated widely along with their texts. The Medici, in their drive to save what was believed to be lost, rebirthed antiquity through their commission of translations, sculpture, art, and architecture throughout Florence and Rome. From the elite to the peasant, Florentines and Romans experienced what we know as the Renaissance within their own city streets. Florence even used humanism to protect the sovereignty of the city. Lacking a substantial army and fearing invasion from Milan and Pisa, Florence used humanism and the resurrection of antiquity as an alternative defense mechanism, charming their enemies who did not dare destroy a town modeled after Classical Rome. As humanism’s spread made other European powers hungry for antiquity, they preferred alliances and cultural exchange with Florence that could provide a steady low of artists, scholars, tutors and artifacts, rather than looting the city, which would enrich their cofers only once. Thus, the Renaissance started with book hunting, fed the growth of a new educational method focused on Ciceronian Latin and classical virtue, and triggered rapid developments in art, architecture, and philosophy across Europe and into the New World. Because of this permeating {3} inluence, the Renaissance is remembered as a rebirth that transformed all aspects of culture and studied by scholars in a variety of ields. Our team of sixteen scholars working on eight cities from six regions drew on a variety of disciplines and methodologies—history, art history, music theory, and romance languages, among others. But we found a commonality in our interests during the time period: tension. With abrupt changes in erudition and education, as well as trade and international travel, tension manifested itself in religion, politics, social hierarchies, and culture. Our collaboration focused on drawing out this theme and seeing how this played out across disparate cities. Ultimately, humanism in all its forms facilitated a web of change—and exchange—that helped pave the way to our own modernity. Ad fontes: To the Sources! By Hilary Barker W hat we call the Renaissance can be said to have started with nostalgia and curiosity—a longing for the perceived greatness of the ancients and the desire to know things. It can also be said that these two motivations drive many historians today, but our curiosity would come to naught without institutions dedicated to the preservation of historical artifacts. We are luckier than our early modern counterparts, whose curiosity about the past was nourished only by the scraps of antiquity that they found preserved by chance in monasteries. In this exhibition, an array of the primary sources that allow us to do the work of history have been brought together by a team of early career scholars in disciplines across the humanities.We are fortunate to have such a rich cache of sources of value to modern day historians of culture, literature, religion, and art available at the University of Chicago in the Special Collections Research Center and the Smart Museum of Art. The pamphlets, books, prints, paintings, sculptures, and maps in this exhibition are how we, as students of history, learn about the past. Our sources span the literary, religious, magical, theological, historical, political, and scientiic genres in terms of subject matter; paper, ceramic, enamel, metal, paint, and stone in terms of material. The balance of the objects in the exhibition leans toward texts. This is in part because this is, after all, a “books” show being hosted by a library, but it is also because texts remain among our most important sources of information about the past.They can speak to us more directly than many objects can. {4} Grammars and lexicons in Latin, Hebrew, and Aramaic teach us about how languages, especially ancient ones, were understood. Poetry on love and art, vicious satires, Yiddish chivalric tales, and Italian mock epics reveal how language was put to many uses both serious and comic. Scientiic manuals and female conduct books tell us about conining social strictures put on women in a strongly patriarchal society. Public orations in Latin and legal proceedings in Nahuatl paint a picture of the vibrant and contentious intellectual and religious life of Mexico City. Scientiic and even magical/mystical texts from the sixteenth to the seventeenth centuries give us insights into the sources of knowledge that scholars drew on to create what we would eventually call the natural sciences. Catholic Books of Hours and Calvinist psalters point to changing foci of private devotion in pre- and post-Reformation societies. We learn about the past from both the content of the texts we study and the methods of their authors. While early humanists like Petrarch, Poggio Bracciolini, and Lorenzo Valla looked largely to ancient Latin texts as literary models, later scholars like Marsilio Ficino took a more broad-ranging approach—gathering information and ideas from a variety of intellectual traditions.Yet despite these new sources ofering new information about the ancient world, the unquestioned belief that antiquity had been an intellectual golden age meant that when information was gained through exploration, excavation, and experimentation that might challenge traditional interpretations of antiquity, it was almost always interpreted in such a way as to conirm and nuance inherited knowledge, rather than overturn it. Thus, mapmakers incorporated new records with Ptolemy’s ancient Geography, and antiquarians used new discoveries to corroborate what they had read in Pliny and Cicero. This is not to say that inherited texts were blindly accepted—the humanists Lorenzo Valla and Elia Levita (whose works are on display in this exhibit) both used textual analysis to question the antiquity of certain aspects of traditional documents in Latin and Hebrew, respectively. Books also teach about their audiences. Texts produced in multiple print runs and translations speak to tastes and popular appeal. The lourishing production of geographies, maps and costume books in Venice thus points to a culture with globe-spanning curiosity and an appetite for the most up-to-date knowledge of the widening world. The multiple editions of Bartolomeo Marliani’s topographical guide to ancient Rome, printed in both Latin and Italian and in both large folio and portable octavo editions in Rome,Venice, and Basel, speak to an interest in ruins and ancient architecture that commenced with antiquarians in Rome but spread much {5} further aield. Although many of us are partial to the wonderful texture and weight of old books, we would be remiss as scholars if we did not take into account other objects as well. In addition to our Neoplatonic books of magic and antiquarian treatises on circuses, our Catholic Books of Hours and Calvinist Psalters, we have included prints, sculptures, medals, paintings, and luxury household objects. Art, architecture, and artifacts augment what we learn from texts and help us to ill in the many gaps that exist in the textual record. For example, a sixteenth-century ciottola puerperile, when taken together with books on feminine medical maladies, speaks to anxieties about inheritance in a patrilineal society with high infant and child mortality rates. Architectural and sculptural fragments tell us about the destruction of cultural heritage by the vicissitudes of time, in the case of Rome, and by colonial warfare, in the case Mexico City. Bronze plaquettes of saints and panel paintings and prints of Christ’s Passion add vibrancy to what we know about devotional practices from liturgical and private religious texts. The unfortunate truth of writing history is that there are limits to what we can know, because we so often encounter gaps in our sources. In this way, we are not unlike early modern humanists and antiquarians who, confronted with fragments—of texts, of buildings, of sculpture—nonetheless attempted to reconstruct an image of the past. Though our sources for the early modern period are considerably more plentiful, we still must recognize the irregularities of the historical record. For example, the lower classes are very often underrepresented in archives. Even the literate poor would have had access to very few of the items included here apart from broadsides or short pamphlets.To put it simply, material matters. Broadsides, pamphlets, and cheap devotional prints were more ephemeral than majestic tomes of Neo-platonic philosophy. Printed on unbound paper, likely read and reread or posted to walls, these well-used objects are less often well preserved unless their owners took particular care to do so. The lower classes are represented in other aspects, if not in their material possessions: in the igures of Pasquino the statue and Savonarola the preacher who each gave outlet, albeit in very diferent modes, to the anxieties of their lives; in the Psalms that they so avidly consumed; and in the confraternities that structured their devotional lives. Much like ruins, the objects on display hide many secrets beneath their surfaces, and it is our job as historians to uncover them layer by layer as best we can. It is our hope that this exhibition begins this task and that viewers will walk away with an appreciation for the importance of conserving artifacts and, thus, the knowledge they contain. {6} {6} avish courts and towering cathedrals, entrancing polyphony and artistic masterpieces—our romantic fascination with the cultural glories of the Renaissance often eclipses one truth, recorded by astute observers of the age like Machiavelli, that the era of Michelangelo and Shakespeare was, in many ways, darker than the “Dark Ages” which it named. The crisis had one unexpected cause: progress. In the centuries after the Black Death, regenerating urban centers, strengthened by inancial and commercial innovations, linked together to form an increasingly interconnected society. Soon English wool was no longer inished at home, but exported to be woven and dyed in Italy, before shipping out across trade networks which stretched from the Middle East deep into the New World. As Europe’s economic bloodstream strengthened, the same increase in trade and travel which let architects build with exotic stones and scholars recover lost Greek manuscripts also transmitted diseases with unprecedented speed and ferocity, while larger, denser cities were richer breeding grounds for violence and contagions. As wealth and power lowed in, richer states could muster larger armies, innovative weaponry could shed blood on unprecedented scales, and ambitious rising families could hire mercenary forces larger than frail governments could withstand. This exhibit lays out a geography of tensions which characterized Renaissance cities. In a world still plagued by war and banditry, urban growth often meant density rather than sprawl, as swelling populations jockeyed for space within the circumferences of city walls. Crowded and wealthy cities became powder kegs, where old tensions—between men and women, citizens and visitors, Jews and Christians, religious and secular authorities—channeled the energies of new and increasing factional and economic rivalries. Shakespeare’s Montagues and Capulets are ictitious portraits of a real phenomenon, and such violence often brought ruin on far more than just two houses. Great families led patronage networks which included hundreds of clients from many social classes, whose {7} members lived only a few blocks from their bitterest rivals, and whose alliances reached out into dozens of neighboring towns and distant capitals. Tensions between cities intensiied as well, as economic interdependence, and printing (which enabled the faster circulation of news and new ideas) allowed tumults in one city to bring strife to another half a world away. Cities competed to frame their political identities, claiming uniqueness and dignity by presenting themselves as the capitals of particular trades, religious movements, cultural innovations, or political structures, often in ways which contradicted or challenged the identities claimed by their neighbors. Art, literature, and culture recorded these tensions and also relieved them, ofering bloodless avenues for competition, and a release valve for the pressure that kept Renaissance cities forever on the edge of violence. Where Antiquity is Power esperate times birth desperate measures, and the Renaissance birthed one which transformed every corner of art, politics, and thought: the revival of antiquity. Roman relics peppered Europe, from the marble carcasses of vast lost cities to impossibly intricate bronzes almost real enough to come to life. Legends gave ancient Rome a mythic glory, a golden age of peace and good government, when sages had divined the secrets of the soul and stars, and safe roads had stretched from one end of the known world to the other. Renaissance humanism was a cultural and educational movement dedicated to reviving the lost arts of antiquity, not just for aesthetic or intellectual purposes, but as a survival mechanism. The celebrated Florentine poet Francesco Petrarca (Petrarch, 13041374) wrote of the wretched state of Italy, fractured by selish wars of vendetta and ambition, which left the peninsula ripe for conquest by the hungry crowns of France or Spain, whose cultural hegemony already illed Italian streets with foreign fashions, foreign songs, and made the Roman Church a puppet of foreign powers. But if the ancient Romans had conquered France and Spain, Petrarch speculated, surely their descendants could achieve the same if they recovered the lost arts of their ancestors. Many found hope in Petrarch’s call for a classical revival. His successors braved rugged mountains to seek lost manuscripts, and sailed to {8} Constantinople where Greek learning still thrived. Books of ancient art and engineering would—they hoped—make Italian cities glorious and strong, books of law and statecraft would make them just and stable, and books of ethics and philosophy would restore the values which had made Cicero and Seneca put city and people before ambition and self-interest. Soon a French ambassador, arriving in Florence illed with scorn for this ignoble merchant republic, found himself awed by bronzes of impossible complexity, libraries packed with secrets missing for a thousand years, and buildings which invoked the haunting ruins that littered France with proof of Italy’s ancient greatness. The classical revival ofered an alternate nobility, deriving, not from blood, but from possessing antiquity. Art intimidated, cowed, and tempted, as visitors to Italy realized they too could use antiquity to glorify themselves, and surpass their enemies. For cities and monarchs alike, cultural competition had long been an alternative to conquest, glory lowing from the grandest palace as much as from the freshest battle, and quick adopters of the classical revival could outshine rivals by possessing the most learned Greek scholar, or the most extensive library. Soon every city in Europe hungered for Roman sculptures, Italian artists, and humanist scholars to write histories, deliver orations, and rear new home-grown humanists. For factions within cities, displaying power through a festival song, a learned sermon, or a bronze statue of a patron saint was a bloodless alternative to the brawls which so often made Renaissance streets run with blood. While the classical revival did not bring peace to war-torn Europe, it was one of the most powerful cultural transformations in human history, and the export of humanism through European explorers and missionaries made classical antiquity a vocabulary of power recognized from Mexico to Japan. In this sense, the Renaissance world was not limited to Europe, but included every part of the Earth that was touched by the revival of Greek and Roman antiquity. {9} {14} M exico City, known to many contemporaries as the “Rome and Athens of the New World,” was a vibrant urban space that remained the most populated city in the Americas throughout the early modern period. Yet, there were tensions, since Mexico City was the heir to two diferent antiquities and traditions, one Mesoamerican and the other Mediterranean, which in some cases overlapped and interacted, and in others came into direct conlict. Early modern Mexico City was born out of a series of destructive wars waged by European forces and their native allies. Missionaries sought to wipe out pre-Columbian religious practices. Indigenous groups, frequently writing in Nahuatl, challenged European settlers in royal courts. Corporate religious organizations, both European and indigenous, fought with each other for privileges both along and across caste lines. European cultural and educational projects thrived: classicizing ediices were built, scholars were trained in the humanist tradition and orations were delivered in Ciceronian Latin. In Mexico City, indigenous and American-born Spanish scholars learned to wield Latin and other originally European intellectual tools, repurposing them to voice their own agendas, and to celebrate and reframe their local antiquity in parallel to the Greco-Roman antiquity. These New World scholars participated in the numerous scientiic controversies and legal disputes that were waged in Mexico City, and produced a dizzying array of texts and objects that bespeak broader tensions in colonial society. Facing Image: Vincenzo Cartari Reggiano (b. 1531?), Le vere e nove imagini de gli dei delli antichi… Padova: Appresso Pietro Paolo Tozzi, 1615. Rare Books Collection, N7760.C32 1615. Engravings of Mesoamerican gods. During the early post-conquest period, missionaries, such as Bernardino de Sahagún (1499-1590), carefully documented indigenous religions and customs in order to aid their evangelization efforts. The Codex Florentinus compiled by Sahagún with the help of indigenous collaborators at the College of Santa Cruz de Tlateloco is now one of our most important sources for reconstructing Mexican history. This knowledge not only undergirded missionary projects, but also garnered considerable attention in Europe from readers eager to understand New World culture. These documents served as an important point of comparison for antiquarians, like the renaissance mythographer Vincenzo Cartari, who included a discussion of Aztec deities is his famous compendium about ancient religions. {13} Left: Bernardino de Sahagún (d. 1590), Códice Florentino (Codex Florentinus), Historia general de las cosas de Nueva España, facsimile. [México: Secretaría de Gobernación, 1979]. Rare Books Collection, Gift of Jane M. Rosenthal, f F1219.S13160 1979. The Codex Florentinus was illustrated by indigenous artists overseen by a Franciscan friar, Bernardino de Sahagún, produced in the late sixteenth century in the Valley of Mexico (Padova, 1576). Right: Francisco López de Gómara (15111564), “La historia di Don Fernando Cortes,” in volume 3 of Pedro de Cieza de León, Chronica del gran regno del Peru. Venetia: Appresso Camillo Franceschini, 1576. Rare Books Collection, F1230.G64. An account of the conquest of Mexico-Tenochtitlan by the combined forces of Hernan Cortes and their indigenous allies (most notably the Tlaxcalans), an event which led to the formation of the Viceroyalty of New Spain out of the ruins of the Aztec triple alliance that had dominated Mesoamerica for the previous century. This event was celebrated annually during the colonial period by both indigenous and Spanish inhabitants of the city. Accounts of the event also circulated in Europe. {14} Left: Antonio de Peralta (16681736), Dissertationes scholasticæ de S. Joseph, unigeniti filij Dei putativo patri, Deique genitricis sponso dignissimo: eidem beatissimo patriarchæ tutelari suo... Mexici: Typis Josephi Bernardi de Hogal, 1729. Rare Books Collection, Gift of Roland Kulla, BS2458.P37 1729. An account of theological dissertations defended at the Jesuit College of St Peter and St Paul in Mexico City. In the course of the sixteenth century, universities and colleges on the European model were founded across the Americas. In the institutions, students studied grammar, logic and rhetoric (known as the “arts”) before embarking on the study of more advanced subjects like law and medicine. Latin was the language of instruction and assessment, and students defended theses, which were often printed, in the ancient language. Below: Glyph: Mythic Beast-Like Mask. Undated. Unglazed earthenware. Lent by The David and Alfred Smart Museum of Art, The University of Chicago; Gift of the Estate of Doris Shayne. 1980.15. Even though large parts of of the the city of Tenochtitlan were reduced htitlan were reduced to rubble, manyy examples examples of of pre-Columbian art and architec-ture from the the city city and and other other ture both both from parts of Mesoamerica survived ed the conquest, often being integrat-ed into colonial structures. This This piece of Mesoamerican earthen-ware, probably part of a larger larger frieze, shows the skill of pre-Co-lumbian craftsmen. {15} Above: Manuscript of a sixteenth-century petition on behalf of a Mexico City confraternity to regulate the public display of its insignia (a special cruciix), July 26, 1645. Archicofradía del Santísimo Sacramento Records. Confraternities (religious affiliation groups with a particular devotion) played an important role in religious life in Mexico City. As well as maintaining a chapel and participating in the city’s religious festivals, they were also involved in charitable work that could include founding schools and orphanages. Confraternities also jealously guarded their corporate privileges. In 1645 the Archconfraternity of the Blessed Sacrament based in the metropolitan cathedral appealed to the Pope in Rome for the exclusive right to use a particular insignia. {16} Above: Nahualt document written in Latin script signed by Luís Sanchez (Gobernador) and Don Antonio Desanctiago, September 1580. Starr, Frederick. Mexican Manuscripts Collection. Series IV, [Box 1, Folder 24], Special Collections Research Center, University of Chicago Library. Although the borders of New Spain were violently expanded by both Spaniards and indigenous peoples loyal to the Hispanic Monarchy, the stability of this new polity was preserved by a highly developed legal system, which allowed aggrieved parties to seek justice either at the local level or appeal directly to the King. This was a bilingual legal system, in which documents in both Spanish and Nahuatl were produced and used as evidence in court. {17} Below and Facing: Carlos de Sigüenza y Góngora (1645-1700), a response to a seventeenth-century scientiic controversy by the Professor of Mathematics at the Royal and Pontiical University in Mexico City, printed as Carlos de Siguenza y Gongora, Libra Astronomica y Philosophica, En Mexico: por los herederos de la Viuda de Bernardo Calderon, 1690. QB41.S58 1690. John Crerar Collection of Rare Books in the History of Science and Medicine. The intellectual world of New Spain was not without controversies. In 1680 a dispute arose between the professor of Mathematics at the Royal and Pontifical University in Mexico City, Carlos de Sigüenza y Gongora, and a German Jesuit, Eusebio Kino over the significance of a comet that appeared in the sky that year. Whereas Kino argued that it was a sign of divine wrath, Sigüenza argued that the comet was a natural phenomenon, not a portent. In making his case, Sigüenza provided considerable astronomical data, which included the first use of decimal notation in the Americas. {18} {19} {20} F ifteenth-century Venice was a global crossroads, dominating maritime trade and transit throughout the Mediterranean. While Venetian kinship and commercial networks connected the Adriatic and Mediterranean worlds, her citizens at home were active and curious consumers of maps in many forms. From practical navigational charts for sea captains and merchant investors, to lavishly decorated maps and images of faraway places, maps let even the citizens who never left the city participate in a popular culture which stretched from the Near East to the Americas. Since the advent of the compass in the thirteenth century, Venice had been a center of production for portolan charts, navigational maps developed from pilots’ lists of distances and directions, without decoration or inland details. These maps, based on networks of precisely-measured point-to-point distances between ports and landmarks, helped to establish a grid system which revolutionized the understanding and representation of physical space, and became increasingly useful as exploration and technology expanded the known world. Maps also connected Venetians with antiquity; Ptolemy’s Geography, irst translated into Latin in 1406, provided detailed instructions on how to create projections using latitude and longitude, spurring a new phase of map production on ancient models. With the advent of print, decorative maps for popular consumption multiplied along with travel accounts of pilgrimages and merchant voyages, costume books, and histories and elegiac poems. They recounted Venetian experiences abroad, from managing the city’s commercial empire, to commemorating victories and losses as Venice faced increasingly frequent entanglements with the expanding Ottoman Empire. Facing: Cesare Vecellio (ca. 1521-1601), Habiti Antichi, et moderni di tutto il mondo. In Venetia: Appresso i Sessa, [1598]. Rare Books Collection GT509.V4. Cesare Vecellio, cousin of the artist Titian, published this book depicting “the clothing of diverse nations, which I have assembled and explained.” Each image is accompanied by an explanatory text. Costume books were popular in Venice during this period; nine were published there between 1540 and 1610, suggesting a city engaged with and curious about other cultures. Despite differences in faith, the Ottoman Turks are included in the European section of the book—an acknowledgement by Vecellio of their inclusion as geographic “insiders” in European history—while Persian and Arab costumes are delegated to the African and Asian section. {21} {22} Facing: Giovanni Paolo Gallucci (1538-1621?), Coelestium Corporum et rerum ab ipsis pendentium accurata explicatio per instrumenta. Venetiis: Apud Iacobum Antonium Somaschum, 1605. John Crerar Collection of Rare Books in the History of Science and Medicine QB41.G3 1605. This work of Giovanni Paolo Gallucci, printed in 1605, includes sophisticated, for the period, astronomical volvelles or rotulas (i.e. wheels), which could be used to pinpoint the direction of star formations. Tools like these were used to navigate while at sea. Venice’s economic supremacy depended on its extended contact and trade with civilizations to the east of Italy, and thus also on the navigational expertise of its merchant fleet. Above: Ptolemy Liber geographiae cum tabulis et uniuersali figura. Venetiis: Per Iacobum Pentium de Leucho, 1511. Rare Books Collection, Carter Harrison Collection alc G113.P894. Liber geographiae cum tabulis et uniuersali igura, published in Venice 1511, is a Latin version of Jacopo d’Angelo’s translation of Ptolemy’s Geographie, with notes and commentary by Bernardo Silvano. Early modern cartographers incorporated the geographical knowledge of the New World brought back by explorers with Ptolemy’s ancient descriptions to create images of the globe like this one.Well-known territories around the Mediterranean are illustrated with much more certainty than the New World—what is now North America appears as a mere set of islands. {23} {24} {24} Facing and Below: Vicenzo Marostica Venetia Trionfante. In Venetia: Appresso Domenico Farri, 1572. Rare Books Collection PQ4630.M158V4. Venice’s position depended on its maintenance of good trading relationships with the cultures of the Mediterranean. Nevertheless, Venice’s self-image was that of a city victorious. Venetia Trionfante (“Triumphant Venice”), a poem attributed to Vicenzo Marostica and published in 1572, tells the story of Venice’s victory over the Ottoman Empire. Marostica likened Venice’s triumph to that of the Greek gods over the Giants and of David over Goliath. The poet ended his tribute to the city by stating that “the names of the warriors, in front of whom the corpse of Muhammad lay fallen, are registered in golden letters in the book of life.” Proceding Two Pages: Ptolemy La geographia. In Venetia: Per G.B. Pedrezano, 1548. Rare Books Collection, Carter Harrison Collection G113.P898. This is a work of geography based on the writings of Ptolemy, a Greek scholar of the 2nd century CE. Published in 1548 by Pietro Andrea Mattioli, this work includes some of the astronomer’s work in Italian. A flourishing Venetian interest in mapping out the world, especially as it pertained to exotic locales such as Asia and the New World, was in no small part due to desires to expand trade routes. Venice had regular economic contact with the Ottoman Empire in the region of Asia Minor and the civilizations of the eastern Mediterranean due to its extensive trading. {25} {26} {27} {28} O n April 6, 1453, Sultan Mehmed II (1431-81) brutally besieged Constantinople, the capital of the Byzantine, or Eastern Roman, Empire. Less than two months later, he decisively conquered the city, sacking it, claiming countless lives and deiling its churches and libraries. The loss of the imperial Christian city to the ever-expanding Ottoman Empire prompted apprehension and antipathy throughout Europe. The conquest was both a devastating defeat for the Christian Church and a momentous loss for the classical learning and culture advanced by contemporary humanists. Aeneas Silvius Piccolomini (1405-64), a poet, orator, and diplomat at the court of Holy Roman Emperor Frederick III (1415-93)-and the future Pope Pius II--composed this impassioned lament to Pope Nicholas V (1397-1455): “I grieve that Santa Sophia, the most famous church in all the world, has been ruined or polluted. I grieve that saints’ basilicas without number, built with wondrous skill, should lie beneath the desolation or defilement of Mohammed. What shall I say of the countless books, as yet unknown to the Latins, which were there in Constantinople? ...Here is a second death for Homer and a second destruction of Plato. Where are we now to seek the philosophers’ and the poets’ works of genius? The fount of the Muses has been destroyed!” Constantinople’s destruction had long-lasting repercussions. In representing the city, artists struggled to reconcile the Byzantine past with its Ottoman present, producing images that both celebrated and contested the Turkish capital. Facing: Interior view of Hagia Sophia Grelot, Guillaume-Joseph (d. approximately 1630), Relation nouvelle d’un voyage de Constantinople Enrichie de plans levez par l’auteur sur les lieux, et des figures de tout ce qu’il y a de plus remarquable dans cette ville. Presentée au roy. Paris: Chez la veuve de Damien Foucault, 1680. Rare Books Collection DR720.G795. {29} The church of Hagia Sophia served as one of the most important imperial Christian basilicas from its dedication in 360 A.D. until its conversion into a mosque after Mehmed II’s (1431-81) conquest of Constantinople. Sixteenth-century architectural interventions by Sultan Suleiman I (1494-1566) added minarets around the perimeter of the building and covered Christian mosaics with whitewash. Even centuries later, European visitors could not accept the transformation of this great monument. In this seventeenth-century interior view of the building’s central basilica, mosaics of the Veil of Veronica and Christian saints can still be seen, juxtaposed with several tughras, or calligraphic monograms of the sultan. Below: Exterior view of Hagia Sophia. From Grelot, Relation nouvelle d’un voyage de Constantinople. {30} Gilles, Pierre, (d 1490-1555). The antiquities of Constantinople… London: Printed for the Beneit of the Translator, 1729. Rare Books Collection DR720.G503. Above: The Whole View of the Church of Sancta Sophia. In this rendition of the Hagia Sophia’s exterior, the printmaker has pointedly and incongruously placed a fictive cross on the building’s central dome. However, the existing crescent moons – which came to be associated with Islam during the Ottoman Empire – crown the minarets. Although Hagia Sophia had been a mosque for over two centuries at the time of this publication, for some, it would always retain its original identity as one of the great monuments of Byzantine Christianity. Right: detail of crescent-topped dome from image on facing page; Far Right: detail of crosstopped dome from image above. {31} Gilles, Pierre, (d 14901555), The antiquities of Constantinople… London: Printed for the Beneit of the Translator, 1729. Rare Books Collection DR720.G503. Right: The Delineation of Constantinople as it stood in the year 1422 before it fell under the dominion of the Turks. Tensions over the conversion of Constantinople are evident in representations of the overall urban landscape. This print of the city was made prior to the Turkish invasion based on a drawing of the early 1420s by the Florentine traveler Cristoforo Buondelmonti (13861430), and was ubiquitous for over a century. It was purposely included in this volume alongside contemporary views of the city, underscoring the lasting European nostalgia and regret over the loss of the imperial Christian capital as well as the endurance of this representation as the only extant image predating the Ottoman conquest. Facing: The Seraglio Point of Constantinople. From Gilles, The antiquities of Constantinople. This view of Constantinople seen from the Bosphorus shows the city as it appeared in the eighteenth century.The promontory of what was called the Serraglio Point is highlighted by the artist who chose to emphasize the importance of the heavily trafficked waterways, as well as the urban landscape of the Ottoman city in his own time. {32} {33} {34} A s the Reformation polarized Europe along religious lines, England remained uncomfortably in the middle, wary of and alienated from both the Roman Church and continental Protestantisms. London, as the political and religious capital of England, was on guard against dangerous inluences – mostly “Popish”– at home and abroad. The documents in this case illustrate Londoners’ responses to felt tensions with Luther, with the Pope, with Rome, with neighboring France, and with London’s even closer neighbors, the denizens of the English countryside. A formative moment in the process of English isolation appears in Henry VIII’s withering response to a 1525 letter from Luther, containing material which Henry would later use to refute his own earlier Catholic writings and to deine his own position as the head of the new Church of England. The three pamphlets in this case arose in the context of the so-called “Popish Plot”(1678-c.1685). Titus Oates – a born Baptist and former Anglican preacher who had converted to Catholicism, been expelled from Catholic seminaries in Spain and France, and stolen sacramental wafers which he used to seal his letters – fabricated a Jesuit plot to assassinate King Charles II and place his Catholic brother James on the throne. The ensuing hysteria claimed around thirty-ive Catholic lives; even after Oates’s deception was exposed, Catholic conspiracy theories abounded. These diverse creative reactions to the exaggerated fear of Catholic insurrection in late seventeenth-century London show how religious tension itself became a tool for the exploration of London’s other tensions, geographic, economic, and political. Facing and Following: Elkanah Settle (1648-1724), Londons Defiance to Rome, a Perfect Narrative of the Magnificent Procession, and Solemn Burning of the Pope at Temple-Barr, Nov. 17, 1679 (Being the coronation-day of that never-to-be-forgotten princess, Queen Elizabeth) : with a description of the order, rich habits, extraordina[r]y fire-works, songs, and general tryumphs attending that illustrious ceremony.”… [London: s.n., 1679]. Rare Books Collection f DA300.T75 no.34. {35} In 1679, a burlesque of Catholic villains took place at London’s western gate. It included a priest “giving Pardons very Plentifully to all those that should Murder Protestants, and Proclaiming it Meritorious”; the Pope’s doctor “with Jesuites Powder in one hand, and an Urinal in the other”; and the Pope himself, in effigy, “caressed” by the devil. A “cardinal” and the “people” sang a song in parts (seen here), and the Pope was “Toppled from all his Grandeur into the Impartial Flames.” This pamphleteer balances the irreverence of this effigy-burning against the actual burning of Protestants by the Inquisition, and also against the Pope’s treacheries (i.e. the Popish Plot). Below and Right: Roger L’Estrange (1616-1704), A Letter from Goodman Country to His Worship the City of London. [S.l.: s.n., 1680?]. Rare Books Collection f DA300.T75 no.15. Even after the Popish Plot was discredited, anti-Catholic sentiment threatened to erupt in violence. Here “Goodman Country” vindicates English countryfolk from urban suspicions of Popery. Urging moderation of the “fiery zeal of some that are call’d Protestants”, he warns that a “Holy War” against rural “Catholics” – probably in fact Anabaptists, Presbyterians, and Independents – would be bloodier than the Civil War of the 1640s, from which the countryside was still recovering. Country insists that “stratagems of Jesuited Polititians” exacerbated the conflicts of 1640 and 1641, and that the same “Machiavillian Brains” were now working to divide English Protestants who in reality stood united against Rome. {36} In the 1600s, the papacy struggled to maintain meaningful power, even in Catholic countries. In France, Louis XIV increasingly asserted royal control over the clergy. In response, Pope Innocent XI issued briefs reminding Louis that the Catholic religion was the basis for worldly power. Although England had long since withdrawn from the Roman Church, here “Anglicus” (“Englishman”) writes that the subject “requires our Answer, and not [Louis’s]”. Anglicus rejects the Pope’s argument; he also implies that, the Pope would not have resorted to the “Treachery” of the Popish Plot if he felt truly assured of Catholic France’s eventual conquest of England. Above: “Anglicus,” An answer to the Pope’s letter written to the king of France: wherein he insinuates that barbarous doctrine, that temporal dominion is founded upon religion: with a refutation also of the Popes supremacy. [London?: s.n., 1680?]. Rare Books Collection f DA300.T75 no.9. {37} Above: Literarum, quibus invictissimus princeps Henricus VIII...fidei defensor respondit ad quandam epistolam Martini Lutheri ad se missam… [S.l.: s.n., 1543?]. Rare Books Collection BR334.A2H46 1543. (Open to b3v). Henry VIII’s Defence of the Seven Sacraments (1521) refuted Martin Luther’s criticisms of the Roman Church. Luther dismissed the Defence, denying that Henry was the author. In 1525, Luther apologized to Henry and tried to reconcile their doctrinal disagreements. Henry’s response, on display here, was an excoriation of Luther. Perhaps in retaliation, when Henry broke from the Church in 1534 to divorce Catherine of Aragon, Luther sided with the Queen. Nevertheless, as head of the new Church of England, Henry cited Luther’s lines challenging his authorship of the Defence as evidence that he had never authored such a pro-Catholic document in the first place. {38} M ichael Drayton (1563-1631) wrote epic, pastoral, satirical, and historical poetry, plays in verse, also religious poetry, some of which was banned and destroyed by the Archbishop of Canterbury. Drayton was a court favorite of Queen Elizabeth, but rejected by her successor James I. In 1610 he published the irst section of his massive 15,000 line Poly-Olbion, whose verses survey the topography, history, natural history, and legends of Britain’s many counties.While Drayton invoked a Muse to inform his work (“Thou Genius of the place”), he published his poem with annotations by a scholar who cast doubt on the suitability of genii loci to scholarly enterprises. As an artifact, Poly-Olbion embodies early seventeenth-century England’s tensions concerning the proper sources of knowledge. It also captures tensions about the sites it describes, departing from contemporary pastoral conventions by praising, not just the spirit of rural locales, but also the genius of cities, above all “Great London.” Drayton celebrated London as a great source of wealth to England, though he deplored the squandering of this wealth by idle gentry, ...whose disproportion drawes The publique wealth so drie, and only is the cause Our gold goes out so fast, for foolish foraine things, Which upstart Gentry still into our Country brings. Drayton condemned England’s dependence on foreign luxuries popular with the gentry, like silk and tobacco (“trash… of which we nere had need”), to the neglect of domestic products (“our Tinne, our Leather, Corne, and Wooll”). This polemical digression synthesizes tensions between urban and rural, public and private, foreign and domestic. Right: Detail of Lady London. Following: Michael Drayton (1563-1631), Poly-Olbion, or A Chorographicall Description of Tracts, Riuers, Mountaines, Forests… London: Printed by H. L. for Mathew Lownes, 1613. Rare Books Collection PR2257.P8 1613. {39} {40} {41} {42} W here does new knowledge come from? Many seventeenth-century Londoners would answer: “London.” In his 1603 Survey of London, John Stow declared that “learninges of all sortes .., doe lourish onely in peopled towns.” For Francis Bacon, the “learnings” lourishing most were the “vulgar” mechanical arts, yet, against the grain, Bacon argued that these arts were a source of knowledge of causes, i.e. theoretical science. Bacon’s airmation of the intellectual fertility of urban spaces fostered a groundswell of activity in London, central to the emergence of experimental science. This, in turn, generated vehement tensions about knowledge’s sites and sources. Some disagreements concerned social distinction, contrasting the knowledge generated by vulgar and gentle classes, and places. Other tensions relate to two classical terms, both related to the modern concept of genius: ingenium and genius loci. Ingenium held a range of meanings in the Renaissance, from ingenuity, to innate mental ability, learned skill, mastery of an art—which could be anything from poetry to blacksmithing, or an “ingenious” made thing, such as a clever instrument. Genius loci, or “genius of the place,” referred to a spirit which watched over and characterized a locale. For poets, the genius of a place could double as a Muse stoking imaginative thought, whose inspiration could generate valid knowledge about the world.Volatile forms of ingenium demonstrated in these seventeenth-century artifacts show how practitioners framed knowledge production in terms of the material and immaterial, the place-bound and placeless, ofering competing and complementary accounts of what made London so “lourishing” and so genius. Facing and Following: Robert Hooke (1635–1703), Micrographia: or, Some physiological descriptions of minute bodies made by magnifying glasses. With observations and inquiries thereupon. London, Printed by J. Martyn and J. Allestry, 1665. Rare Books Collection alc f QH271.H78. {43} {44} Facing: Robert Hooke (1637-1703), Micgrographia. (See also 42-43.) This bestseller, with its revelatory illustrations of everyday things (fleas, mold, needles), launched microscopy. Its text exemplifies the discourse of “ingenuity.” Forms of the word are used to describe Hooke’s “inquisitive” readers, other experimentalists, their inventions and hypotheses, and the “contrivances” of natural bodies under the lens. At the same time, Micrographia captures the perception that ingenuity was increasingly afoot in London. As the preface states, the “Arts of life” had been “imprison’d in the dark shops of Mechanicks themselves.” Thanks to new sites and forums, Bacon’s thriving “arts” and the knowledge they embodied were increasingly made public. Below: Margaret Cavendish, Duchess of Newcastle (1624? – 1674), Observations upon experimental philosophy: to which is added, the Description of a new blazing world. Written by the thrice noble, illustrious, and excellent princesse, the duchess of Newcastle. London: Printed by A. Maxwell, 1668. Rare Books Collection Q155.N53. The first Englishwoman to publish theoretical science and science fiction, Margaret Cavendish was deeply anti-empiricist. Although interested in the London experimentalists, she was critical of them. Her position has been seen as a Duchess’s disavowal of the knowledge production of mechanics. This account, however, overlooks her concern with scientific method. For Cavendish, the place of new knowledge production was the intellect, not the laboratory; the fruits of Cavendish’s wit—like her fiction’s “ingenious Spirit”—are superior to physical discoveries. She singles out sense-based, “ingenious” microscopy as deceiving. {45} {46} Facing: Joseph Moxon (1627-1700), Mechanick exercises: or, The doctrine of handyworks. London: Printed for J. Moxon, 1677-1680. Rare Books Collection TT144.M9. This book described the arts of blacksmithing, joinery, carpentry, and turning. Like Micrographia, it represents knowledge as arising from local circumstances, such as the 1666 fire of London. It also uses “ingenuity,” mainly to describe London “workmen,” their creations, and Hooke.Yet Moxon differs from Hooke, as these pages show. For Hooke, knowledge was limited when “imprison’d” in a craftsman’s body: a technique or an understanding of the properties of wood or heat remained unshared. For Moxon, one had to practice an art with one’s body in order to grasp it. Right:Walter Charleton (1620–1707), Two discourses. I. Concerning the different wits of men II. Of the mysterie of vintners. London: Printed by R.W. for William Whitwood ..., 1669. Rare Books Collection PR934.C5. This book encourages the comparison of two of ingenium’s poles: the “wits of men” and the “mysterie of vintners.” The word “mysterie” meant, among other things, a craftsman’s expert knowledge and skill. Charleton glosses “wit”—the most common English translation of ingenium—as “the natural capacity of understanding.” The London physician intended his discourses as practical guides. The first discourse was a guide to the transformation of “wits” understood as mental faculties and dispositions— i.e., a “subtle” judgement or a “tardy” imagination; the second takes up the technology of winemaking. The joint publication of these titles and their parallel construction encourages readers to compare their subjects. {47} H ow diferent were day-to-day religious practices of Catholics and Protestants in the early days of the Reformation, when every Protestant practitioner had formed their habits and expectations about religious practice in the more homogenous pre-Reformation world? Psalms ofer a window on this question, since they served a central devotional function in both pre- and post-Reformation Christian Western Europe.Their unique biblical position as poetry that could be directly sung or intoned made them accessible at many diferent levels of society, an ever-popular devotional focus for both ecclesiastical and lay practitioners. In the sixteenth century, psalms appeared in liturgical and private devotional contexts, Latin and vernacular languages, musical settings for choir and congregation, luxurious manuscripts and modest prints, all throughout both Catholic and Protestant spheres. Thus, as the Reformation splintered European Christianity into ever more diverging sects, psalms remained one of the strong continuities shared by all. Calvinist Geneva and Catholic Paris were both major capitals of their halves of Europe’s new confessional divide, seats of political power with comparatively large and concentrated populations, both of which exerted enormous cultural inluence on allied cities through their economic dominance and growing printing industries. Thus, the ways the psalms were used and transformed in devotional books produced in these two great sixteenth-century capitals highlights the similarities and diferences between Catholic and Calvinist religious life, not just on the level of doctrine, but on the more intimate and personal level of devotional practice and the lived experience of religiosity. Facing and Following: Book of Hours (ca. 1500, Rouen). Codex Manuscript Collection, Bequest of William J. Blum Ms 343. Books of Hours were extremely popular devotional manuals throughout Europe, and especially France where skilled illuminators produced them for private devotion. At their core, they contain a sequence of prayers to the Virgin Mary recited throughout the day. Reformation leaders like Jean Calvin (1509–64) opposed both this focus on devotion to Mary and the inclusion of sensual images. This illumination at the beginning of the Penitential Psalms depicts Bathsheba bathing under King David’s gaze. David is believed to have written the Penitential Psalms as an act of repentance for his transgressions, including his adultery with Bathsheba, the wife of one of his soldiers. {49} Bottom Two Images on the Facing Page: Claude Goudimel’s four-voice polyphonic setting of all the French metrical psalms. Les Pseaumes mis en rime fran coise. [Geneva]: Par les heritiers de François Jaqui, 1565. Rare Books Collection M2082.G688 P98 1565. Claude Goudimel (1514–72) composed this four-voice harmonization of the complete Calvinist psalter. The original metrical psalm of the Calvinist Psalter is included in the tenor voice found at the bottom left. {50} Left: Antiphonary (Gradual) (ca. 1500-1550, Venice), Codex Manuscripts Collection, Gift of William O. Petersen f Ms1383. This large manuscript is a gradual—a liturgical book containing music for the Mass. Its size reflects its use in Catholic services, where the chorus sang from a single book with large script that enabled them to read it from afar. This contrasts directly with the post-Reformation Calvinist Psalter featured below which was small enough to be used by each member of the congregation. Taken together, these books reflect opposing notions of the congregation’s role in Catholic and Protestant spheres. Below: multi-part setting for singing psalms at a Maundy Thursday foot-washing ceremony. {51} Psalm 51 in Calvinist Religious Life: Psalms played an important role in the reformed tradition of John Calvin (1509-64).The diferent treatments of Penitential Psalm 51 in these three books shows the development of Calvinist traditions growing out of the religious tensions in Paris and Geneva. Jean Calvin’s commentary on the Psalms irst appeared in Latin in 1557 Geneva, and a French edition followed soon after. Fundamental to the Protestant movement was the translation of sacred texts into the vernacular and a drive to involve all worshippers, not just priests and the chorus, in liturgical services. Psalms paired with music played a key role in achieving this by enabling the congregation to join in.The Calvinist Psalter featured the psalms refashioned into versiied French with ixed meter and rhyme and set to simple monophonic melodies for congregational singing. Although polyphony was banned in Calvinist churches, composers still published polyphonic music for psalms, likely for domestic devotions or recreation. Above: John Calvin (1509-1564), In librum Psalmorum. [Genevae]: Excudebat Nicolaus Barbirius & Thomas Courteau, 1564. Rare Books Collection, Hengstenberg Collection (BS1433.C2). Calvin’s commentaries on the Psalms originated from a series of lectures and sermons. As he wrote in the introduction, Psalms were unparalleled models for Christian prayer as well as beautiful and powerful devotional aids covering a wide range of emotions. Facing : Les Pseaumes mis en rimes Francoise / par Clement Marot & Theodore Beze. [Geneva]: Par les heritiers de François Jaqui, 1565. Rare Books Collection PQ1635.P9 1570. {52} The Calvinist Psalter was completed under Jean Calvin’s supervision in Geneva by the French poet Clément Marot (1496-1544) and theologian Theodore Beza (1519–1605). The melodies were composed and adapted by Louis Bourgeois (1510–59) and others from pre-existing secular songs and old Latin chants. Following Two Pages: Book of Hours (France, c. 1500). Codex Manuscript Collection, Bequest of William J. Blum alc Ms 348. The right-hand illumination glossing the Penitential Psalms depicts King David plotting to murder Bathsheba’s husband, Uriah. He is handing the unsuspecting Uriah orders to march to the front of the line, ensuring his death in battle. On the opposite page is the Pietà, a common subject in Christian art depicting the Virgin Mary cradling Christ’s dead body. Several aspects of this image reflect the book’s patron: the lower border displays the donor’s emblem—the rose—and he himself is shown kneeling in prayer on the Virgin Mary’s left side.This insertion of the donor into a sacred scene is precisely the sort of artistic practice that Protestants frequently criticized. {53} {56} F ocusing on Venice and Paris—two of the most internationally visible Renaissance cities—these objects reveal how male voices in urban spaces strove to exert control over women. Treatises on women’s health, conception and childbirth were one avenue. Written by male scholars, such works stressed the natural weakness of women, who—they argued—needed someone stronger to take charge of their bodies, and their reproductive health. Attempts to control dress and ideals of beauty were another avenue. Sumptuary laws, restricting the expense and style of clothing, focused on female attire, as in a 1433 Florentine law aiming: “To restrain the barbarous and irrepressible bestiality of women who, not mindful of the weakness of their nature, forgetting that they are subject to their husbands, and transforming their perverse sense into a reprobate and diabolical nature, force their husbands with their honeyed poison to submit to them.” Through moralizing admonitions that women should value spiritual purity above vain ornaments, such laws propagated a speciic deinition of an admirable woman: virtuous, silent, and subservient to her parents and husband. Manuals of advice for women, generated by male courtly voices, rooted feminine virtues in aesthetic qualities of the body. A woman’s praiseworthy interior qualities should manifest, not through action, but through appearance, beauty and attire drawing viewers to admire the virtues a woman contained, as a gilded reliquary advertised its blessed contents. The woman, objectiied as an ornament or container for virtue, would inluence the world primarily by drawing the male eye to gaze upon something good. Facing: Ciottola Puerperile, Urbino, Orazio Fontana Workshop, c. 1575, polychrome tin-glazed earthenware. Lent by The David and Alfred Smart Museum of Art. 1979.42. Birth trays and bowls not only served a practical function in Renaissance Italy, but also mediated between the enclosed birth chamber and the “masculine” world. Their decoration frequently depicted secular, idealized images of maternity and baby boys intended to feed the maternal imagination. They were often a gift by men to women to help them conceive legitimate heirs, underscoring the importance of fertility and protecting patriarchal lineage. These highly charged objects upheld traditional expectations of women and wives. Given their aesthetic value, they were often displayed on a wall after childbirth and passed down through generations. {57} Left: Antoine Estienne, Left: Remonstrance charitable aux dames et damoyselles de France, sur leurs ornemens dissolos pour les induire à laisser l’habit du Paganisme, & prendre celuy de la femme pudique & Chrestienne. A Paris: Chez Sebastien Niuelle. Chez Rare Books Collection Rar BJ1697.E8 1585. BJ1697.E8 1585. Published in 1570, Franciscan Friar Antoine Estienne calls for French women to give up their ostentatious, dishonest, and wicked vanity. He warns Christians against inciting God’s fury through their search for novelty in clothing and ornaments, and assigns women a traditional, biblical role in urging them to lead a movement of national repentance and moral reform. For example, he advises them to streak their faces with ashes instead of using cosmetics, and to wear sackcloth and hair shirts instead of linen and silk. {58} Left: Giovanni Marinello, Gli ornamenti delle donne. In Venetia: Appresso Giovanni Valgrisio, 1574. Rare Books Collectuon RA778.M3 1574. The Italian physician Giovanni Marinello’s book is a comprehensive manual on female beauty and adornment containing, among hundreds of recommendations, advice on cosmetics and more than two dozen recipes for making dyes to bleach hair blond. Each of the four chapters is dedicated to a part of the female body, which is materially and visibly dismembered on the page, thus reflecting a fetishist desire aimed at the construction of an ideal body for men’s visual pleasure. Right: France Sovereign (1550-1574: Charles IX), Ordonnances faictes par le roy pour réprimer les despences superflues qui se font par ses subiects en habits. [Paris]: Chez Martin le Mesgissier, 1563. Rare Books Collection, Gift of the Library Society DC111.5.F745 no. 29. Sovereign’s reproduction of one of Charles IX four sumptuary legislations deals with limiting conspicuous consumption and extravagant display.Women of all social states and marital status were the main targets of these laws.The limitations refer, for example, to the textiles they were allowed to wear and to the ways they could tie their hair, therefore leaving absolutely no space for personal inclinations and individual expression. {59} Left: Lodovico Dolce, Dialogo di M. Lodovico dolce della institvtion delle donne : secondo li tre stati che cadono nella vita hvmana. In Vinegia: Appresso Gabriel Giolito de Ferrari 1545. Rare Books Collection HQ1201.D65. One of the most successful works on female conduct written in sixteenth-century Italy, Dolce’s Dialogo is a discourse between a man, Flaminio, and the widow, Dorotea. The widow is taught rules of conduct that are “shaping and assembling to perfection unmarried girls, married women, and widows.” Moral virtues such as chastity and honesty are strictly defined. The table of contents illustrates the detailed division of instructions that go from food and clothing, allowed and prohibited games, to discourse and conversation advice according to different social situations. Top Facing: Giovanni Marinello, Le medicine partenenti alle infirmità delle donne. Venetia: Appresso Francesco de Franceschi Sense, 1563. John Crerar Collection of Rare Books in the History of Science and Medicine RG93.M37 1563. Bottom Facing: Jean Liébault, Les maladies des femmes & remedes d’ycelles en trois livres. Paris: Chez J. Berjon, 1609. Rare Books Collection, Dr. Morris Fishbein Collection RG91.L514 1609. In 1563, following both medical tradition and popular lore, Giovanni Marinello devoted over 300 pages to problems related to reproduction and the functioning of the uterus. He also included practical advice aimed at coping with the burden of infertility, which was usually blamed on woman. This treatise was freely adapted into French by Jean Liébault in 1582 to recast it for a French readership. Imbued with moral judgments, he described the sterile woman as empty (vide), a failure at fulfilling her procreative role, and proposed strategies to counter counter this this“disease.” “disease.” {60} {61} {62} E arly modern urban landscapes were raucous spaces: streets, squares, churches, and markets teeming with priests, functionaries, merchants, artisans, servants, bankers, and soldiers. Despite the period’s strict hierarchies, people from radically diferent walks of life called each other “brother” or “sister” in one context: confraternities. hese were lay religious societies, which gathered for group prayer, religious observances, and served many functions we now think of as social services: organizing hospitals and orphanages, providing the poor with dowries and funerals, and comforting the condemned before execution. Confraternities had strict membership, but also sidestepped hierarchy, uniting people from a speciic neighborhood, patronage network, faction, or occupation regardless of class. In confraternity halls masters and apprentices, bankers and servants, all shared a united religious and political education, promoting images of a sufering Christ, local patron saints, religious movements, and political factions. Many confraternity brothers wore hoods or masks during meetings, stepping outside their identities to stand as equals for the duration of a service or charity. Present in virtually every Renaissance urban space, confraternities oten disappear in accounts of the Renaissance since their meetings, processions, orations, songs, and lectures were ephemeral activities, leaving few records. Yet confraternities were a nexus between all forms of power: lay and religious, local and super-local, even Earthly and heavenly as they collaborated with the priesthood as another intermediary between humankind and divinity. Like the accompaniment behind a soloist, confraternities may disappear from surviving accounts of society’s major actors, yet they maintained the daily rhythm of loud Renaissance streets. Facing: Francesco Marti, a famous goldsmith from Lucca who studied in Florence (1489-1516), St. Pantaleon, c. 1506. Gilt cast bronze. Lent by The David and Alfred Smart Museum of Art, The University of Chicago; Gift of Collection of Edward A. and Inge Maser. 2002.51. Devotional plaquettes, like this of Saint Pantaleon, were mass-produced in Italy in the fifteenth century, when growing wealth allowed more middle-class families to purchase icons for their homes. Saint Pantaleon, an early Church martyr, was a favorite in Venice.The same popular religiosity that created a market for such works also fed the popularity of confraternities. {63} {64} Facing and Below: Book of Hours, ca. 1400. Ms346. Codex Manuscript Collection, Bequest of William J. Blum. Saints’ day calendars like the one shown here (open to the month of December), are often included in Books of Hours. Among their other activities, confraternities often held religious ceremonies or processions on specific feast days, such as that of their patron saint. The succession of various religious celebrations held throughout the year by both the church and confraternities marked out repeating annual rhythms of early modern civic life. Confraternal celebrations thus constituted an important measurement of time as well as devotion. {65} {66} Facing and Below: A174, Portraiture Of Diverse Street Vendors, Engraving with etching, [probably after 1579]. Renaissance cities were divided by sharp class lines. While Venice and Florence were nominally republics, power rested in the hands of a small number of powerful elite families. Ability to participate in the forms of government and in the power of the state derived from successful commercial and financial ventures, not land or noble blood, as elsewhere. However, cities and economies contained both the high and the low—including the myriad of vendors of minor goods pictured here. Confraternities were the institutions where a wealthy merchant was most likely to meet the tripe seller accompanied by cats in the upper right. Following Image: Pietro Testa (1611/12-1650), The Garden of Charity, Etching, Florence. Lent by The David and Alfred Smart Museum of Art, The University of Chicago; University Transfer from Max Epstein Archive, acquired 1959. 1967.116.108. Pietro Testa, printmaker and draftsman in the early seventeenth-century Lucca , brings to Rome a taste for classicism and history. One of the main aims of confraternities was to provide charity. In the visual arts, the allegorical figure of Charity is often shown as a young woman breastfeeding, surrounded by children. This type of imagery is indicative of common forms of charity: providing sustenance and living needs to the poor. A unique type of charity that confraternities in Florence provided was education—certain organizations were dedicated to education in the name of civic and religious virtues. While this might seem uncommonly generous and modern, there was an alternate motive: the patron of a confraternity that provided education to young men was guaranteed the political loyalty of those whose educations he had paid for. {67} Above: Battista Franco, a Venetian engraver inluenced by Florentine art (c. 1510 – 1561), Man of Sorrows with Two Angels, c. 1550-1555. Oil on panel. Lent by The David and Alfred Smart Museum of Art, The University of Chicago; Gift of Mr. Ira Spanierman. 1981.58. Confraternities were, above all, devotional organizations.The scale of this luminous painting indicates that it may have been created for a fairly intimate setting—perhaps the private chapel of a wealthy family, or even the hall of a confraternity. This type of image of Christ with the wounds of his passion prominently displayed is called the “Man of Sorrows” and was a very common devotional image from the medieval period into the Renaissance and even after. The emotional affect of the two angels can be read as an indication of a proper devotional response. {69} Below: C637, Flagellation of Christ, Etching with engraving, [ca.1570]. Martino Rota, Croatian-Venetian engraver who lived in central Italy, after Titian Depictions of Jesus’ Passion were common devotional images throughout Europe. Images of the suffering or dead Christ prompted the faithful to examine their own worthiness for such a sacrifice. In the context of confraternities, meditation on Jesus’ sacrifice and on the common sinfulness of all men brought individual devotees to the same level before God regardless of social standing. Some confraternities practiced flagellation, the self-infliction of wounds as a way to more closely relate to Jesus’ suffering. Facing: A170, Benediction of the Pope in St. Peter’s Square, Etching with engraving, Ambrogio Brambilla, Pirro Ligorio, Claudio Duchetti, engravers, [1581-1586]. Confraternities knitted together the social fabric of cities, otherwise ripe with class tensions. These tensions were often on display (and most likely to break into violence) when all classes gathered for important feast days and processions. Confraternities as institutes participated in a variety of charitable activities, such as care for the sick and the provision of dowries for poor women—much like religious charities do today. By doing so, they fostered goodwill between citizens of different classes. In this way, confraternities promoted the health of civic bodies as a whole. {70} {71} {72} E lia Levita (or Elye Bokher, or Eliyahu ben Asher HaLevi Ashkenazi; 1469-1549), was a Jewish grammarian, lexicographer, and poet active in 16th century Italy, and a pioneer of Renaissance Hebrew scholarship. Born in Neustadt, near Nuremberg, he worked in Venice, Padua, Rome, and Isny, Germany. Levita lived a life on the margins. Like many humanists, he was dependent upon the good will of his patrons, but also upon the limits of his Christian hosts’ tolerance of a Jewish presence. His relationship with Jewish community was also strained, due to his attraction to the Christian world, his opposition to certain rabbinical dogmas, and his involvement in humanism, which some rabbis saw as a threat to traditional Judaism. Levita greatly inluenced Christian Hebrew scholarship. He taught Hebrew to numerous humanists, including his patron Cardinal Egidio da Viterbo in Rome. Levita’s Hebrew grammar books were staples of Hebrew studies in Germany for decades. He drew criticism from his Jewish peers for his Biblical scholarship, which argued that Biblical vowels and accents had originated in the seventh to eleventh centuries, rather than with Moses at Sinai or Ezra the Scribe. Levita also contributed to Yiddish literature, composing Yiddish chivalric poetry, producing the irst printed Yiddish-language lexicon, and translating books of the Hebrew Bible into Yiddish. His translation of Psalms was the irst Yiddish book printed in Italy. Levita’s work deies easy categorization and spans genres. Historians of early Yiddish and of Christian biblical scholarship both claim him as a key igure in their ields, while practically ignoring his contributions to the other. This fact is itself a testament to his skill at bridging multiple worlds, and navigating the social tensions which divided Renaissance Europe. Facing and Right: David Kimhi (1160?-1235), Sefer Mikhlol. Venice: D. Bomberg, 1545. Rare Books Collection, Gift of the Chicago Theological Seminary PJ4563.K498. Right: Owner’s mark of Meir Wagner of Altona. {73} Below and Facing: Moses Kimhi (ca. 1190), Grammatica... juxta Hebraismum per S. Munsterum versa. Basileae: Apvd A. Cratandrum, 1531. Rare Books Collection, Gift of Mrs. Ephraim PJ4566.K5. Levita produced commentaries on the works of brothers Moses and David Kimhi, important medieval Jewish grammarians and biblical commentators. The volume on the left is Levita’s commentary on a work by Moses, and is in both Latin and Hebrew. It contains extensive marginal notes, primarily in Latin. The volume on the right is an edition of one of David’s grammatical works, with glosses by Levita, who is called “the expert grammarian” on the {74} title page. This work was issued in separate editions for Jews and Christians, with the date being given in the anno mundi of the Hebrew calendar and anno domini of the Christian calendar, respectively.This copy bears an owner’s inscription in Hebrew by a Meir Wagner of Altona, who purchased it “in honor of my Rock and my Creator” in the year 1800, as well as some marginal notes in Latin. {75} Levita wrote two works on the history of masoretic notations. These notations consist of both diacritical marks, used to represent vowel sounds or distinguish between alternative pronunciations of Hebrew letters, and cantillation marks, which act as punctuation and guide the ritual chanting of the biblical text. Levita argued that the traditional notations were standardized in the seventh through eleventh centuries, rather than received by Moses or Ezra the Scribe. His work made a lasting contribution to the development of textual criticism in biblical studies. Here we see editions of these two works printed more than two centuries apart. Left: Elijah Levita (ca. 1468-1549), Uebersetzung des Buchs Massoreth hammassoreth: unter Aufsicht und mit Anmerkungen. Halle im Magdeburgischen: Carl Hermann Hemmerde, 1772. Rare Books Collection, Berlin Collection BS1141.E45. This is an eighteenth-century translation of the Massoreth hammassoreth into German by Christian Gottlob Meyer, a Jewish convert to Christianity. The publisher, Johann Salomo Semler, dedicated this edition to Moses Mendelssohn, the famous German Jewish philosopher of the Enlightenment. Ironically, Mendelssohn rejected Levita’s claims and actually defended the traditional Jewish view that the masoretic tradition dated back to Ezra, or even Moses. {76} Not featured: Elijah Levita (ca. 14681549), Bovo-bukh. Buenos Aires: Yoysef Lifshits Fond baym Kultgur-Kongres, 1969. Regenstein Library, General Collection. PJ5125.M95 v.8. Bovo d’Antona, also known as Bovo-bukh or Bovo-mayseh, is Levita’s most famous work. A Yiddish adaptation of an Italian chivalric poem, the main character, Bovo, is a Jewish knight. It was immensely popular, seeing over 30 reprints. The title of this work is also the source for the common saying “bubbe mayse,” or an “old wives’ tale,” with “bubbe,” the Yiddish word for grandmother, being substituted for the name Bovo.This edition was printed in Buenos Aires, an important center of Yiddish after the Holocaust, in a series of the most important works of Yiddish literature, which ran from 1957-1984 and included 100 volumes. {77} Below: Elijah Levita (ca. 1468-1549), Sefer Ha-harkavah, Composita Verborum & Nominum Hebraicorum... Hebraicae Grammaticae. Basil: [s.n.], 1525. Ludwig Rosenberger Library of Judaica 42-1C. This grammatical work, the title of which means The Book of Compounds, was one of Levita’s first published works. It is concerned with the presence of foreign and compound words in the Hebrew Bible.This copy is bound with an additional work, the text of the Ten Commandments with the commentary of Rabbi Abraham ibn Ezra (1089-1167). Numerous words in the text have been expurgated—crossed out by hand by a professional censor whose signature appears on the title page certifying that he has expunged all content banned by Catholic Church, including the volume’s place of publication: Protestant Basel. Facing Two Images and Following Two Pages: Buxtorf, Johann, et al. Ha-’Esrim Ve-arba’ Gedolim Yeshanim/Biblia Sacra Hebraica & Chaldaica... Bazily’ah: Ludvig Kinig, 1618. Rare Books Collection, Hengstenberg Collection. F BS715.B94. The first Rabbinic Bible—containing the Biblical text in Hebrew, an Aramaic translation, and at least one commentary on each biblical book—was published in Venice in 1517 by Daniel Bomberg. Levita helped edit the third Rabbinic Bible (1546), and even wrote a poem upon its completion celebrating the publication of such a magnificent book. While acknowledging that Bomberg was not Jewish, he praises him as “righteous among the nations” and “circumcised of the heart.”This volume is the sixth Rabbinic Bible, published in Basel in 1618 by Johann Buxtorf.The text is almost identical to the edition which Levita edited. The celebratory poem written by Levita for the third edition is reproduced in this volume. (shown at the top right) The original publication details, such as the city where it was printed, are left in the poem so as not to interrupt the rhyme scheme. The publication details for the reprinted edition are included in parentheses. {78} {79} {80} {81} {82} M agic was as prevalent a subject of study in the Renaissance as science is today. In Florence, humanist scholars discussed the relationship between magic and classical theology, philosophy, and the natural sciences, and their treatises often served as practical guides to performing magic. The most prominent Italian scholar of magic was Marsilio Ficino (1433-1499), best known for completing the irst complete translation of Plato into Latin as well as his Platonic Theology, which wove together Christianity, Platonism, Neoplatonism and Arabic philosophy into a coherent system which aimed to remedy much of the same institutional corruption, hypocrisy and doctrinal inconsistency which Martin Luther would take on a few decades later. Ficino, who called himself a “doctor of the soul,” also outlined a cohesive hybrid system of magic, which would inspire a decades-long intellectual obsession with magic throughout Europe. Ficino and other Florentine scholars of magic, despite their high status in a city entranced by humanism and the ancient world, often came under public and oicial suspicion as practitioners of potentially dangerous arts. Magic itself was not forbidden—many kinds of magic were acceptable parts of daily life—but instead authorities sought to ensure that magic was not being used or taught in ways which might be dangerous, heretical, or impious, especially since Renaissance magic so often intersected with theology. Magic also intersected with natural philosophy, especially with cosmology and medicine, and innovations in theories of magic were often the arena in which the greatest scientiic discoveries were made and disseminated in the centuries before the Baconian revolution. Facing and Following: Marsilio Ficino (1433-1499), De triplici vita. Parrhysijs: Ab Joanne Paruo, [1515]. John Crerar Collection of Rare Books in the History of Science and Medicine BF1680.F530 1515. In the third book of De Triplici Vita, Marsilio Ficino (1433-1499) explored the role of magic in philosophy and nature, examining things like the mechanics of the body’s connection with the soul and how to capture the powers of stars in gold or silver rings. Although Ficino himself was fascinated with Neoplatonism, later readers, like the writer of this sixteenth-century marginalia, were more interested in the text’s applicability as a manual for performing magic and conducting astrology. {83} Facing: Marsilio Ficino (1433-1499), Platonica theologia de imortalitate animo. Venetiis: Ioannis Baptiste de Pederzanis, 1524. Rare Books Collection, Gift of Julius Rosenwald. B398.I3F45. {84} Although well-loved by many, Marsilio Ficino feared his treatises could land him in trouble with the Church. In Platonica Theologia (written 1474, published 1482), Ficino emphasized that theologically touchy concepts were affirmed “insofar as they are approved by Christian theologians” and discussed as fun exercises, since “it is delightful to play… with the ancients” (XVIII.V.1), using these asides to discuss dubious subjects without fear of pushback. {85} Below and Facing: Giordano Bruno (1548-1600), De umbris idearum. Parisiis: Apud Ægidium Gorbinum, 1582. Helen and Ruth Regenstein Collection of Rare Books. BF383.B89 1582. Former Dominican Giordano Bruno (1548-1600) took pride in making contentious theological claims about magic. Bruno’s first publication De Umbris Idearum (1582) recounted memorization techniques apparently so effective they bordered on the supernatural. Here, Bruno divided the horoscope into twelve “houses,” an image of power invented to aid memorization. Bruno’s magical skills and penchant for insulting his patrons led to his condemnation by the Inquisition. {86} {87} {88} Facing: A Magus, French, Burgundy c. 1480. Carved limestone with traces of polychromy. Height: 12 1/2 in. (31.7 cm). Lent by The David and Alfred Smart Museum of Art, The University of Chicago; Gift of Mrs. Ruth Blumka and her family in memory of Thomas F. Flannery, Jr. 1980.143. Photograph ©2017 courtesy of The David and Alfred Smart Museum of Art, The University of Chicago. This c. 1480 statue from Burgundy depicts a Magus, a priest of Zoroaster, the ancient Iranian prophet who in classical Hellenistic and Roman culture was credited as the individual who incorporated magic into the fields of medicine, religion, and astrology. Fifteenth- century intellectuals knew this through Pliny the Elder’s Historia Naturalis. The word magus became synonymous with practioners of magic, even into the Renaissance. Below: Giovanni Pico della Mirandola (1463-1494), Concordiaeque comitis, theologorum & philosophorum. Venetiis: Apud Franciscum, 1569. Rare Books Collection, From the Library of Richard McKeon. fB785.P5 1601. Despite magic’s association with astrology, many Renaissance magicians did not wish to call themselves astrologers. Giovanni Pico Della Mirandola (1463-1494) composed the Disputationes adversus astrologiam divinatricem (1494), which criticized astrology fiercely for denying human free will by divining the future. The Disputationes may have been a critique of his teacher Ficino’s astrology and were certainly distancing divination from the proper practice of magic. {89} Below and Facing: Cornelius Gemma (1535-1579), De naturae divinis characterismis. Antverpiae: Ex oicina Christophori Plantini, 1575. Rare Books Collection alcQ155.G36 1575. Europe’s fascination with magic and astrology led to increasingly empirical ways of cataloging astronomical phenomena. In his 1575 De naturae divinis characterismis, Dutch intellectual Cornelius Gemma (1535-1572) became the first to illustrate an aurora while discussing a supernova observed in 1572 (shown below). The book, which focused on natural sciences, also attempted to incorporate astrology into the field of medicine, demonstrating magic’s status as a serious academic “science” even in the years leading up to the Enlightenment. {90} {91} {92} P as·quin·ade - noun, a satire or lampoon, originally one displayed or delivered in a public place. In 1501, the humanist Cardinal Oliviero Carafa set up a fragmentary classical statue in the Piazza di Parione in Rome. Known as Pasquino, this statue became the center of an annual ritual on St. Mark’s Day, in which university students and other literati aixed light-hearted and satirical poems, often in Latin, to the base of the statue. The popularity of Pasquino quickly spread beyond the scholarly classes—anonymous, bitingly caustic verses in Latin and vernacular Italian were soon being posted year-round by both learned and ordinary Romans, lampooning Roman life, politics, and the elites. The verses aped avvisi – hand-written newsletters issued by the papacy – that were posted in the same square.This transformed the statue into something like a caustic Twitter feed from which no one in Rome was safe (especially not the pope!). Pasquino gave his name to the genre of public satire that grew out of this tradition—the pasquinade. The poems were avidly consumed by literate and illiterate Romans alike, as citizens would gather in the square to listen to the latest postings being read aloud.The “popularization” of pasquinades opened up the satires to a broader audience, and transformed Pasquino into the mouthpiece of the common Romans—an anonymous voice for expressing social and political tensions arising from all levels of society. Even today one can still visit the Pasquino statue in Rome to ind contemporary verses criticizing the government. Facing and Next Page: Carmina ad statuam Pasquini in figuram Martis presenti Anno .M.D.XII. Conuersi. [Roma?]: [Jacobus Mazochius?], [1512]. Rare Book Collection: PQ4220.S2 C37 1512. Each year the best hundred or so verses from the annual festival were collected and printed in a volume like this one. Giacomo Mazzocchi published the inaugural collection of Pasquinades in 1509. This collection is from 1512, when Pasquino took on the role of Mars, proclaiming “I am Mars, yes I am.” His personification referenced the war of the Holy League against France, and many poems from this year talk of war. {93} Above: from Carmina ad statuam Pasquini in Figuram martis... Left: Mannerist statuette of a figure in classical armor (Perseus?), bronze, 19th century. Private collection. Early Renaissance classicism favored precision, symmetry, and order, but the sixteenth-century Mannerist movement favored exaggeration, asymmetry, elaborate decoration, and visual tension. Mannerism was influenced by fragmentary Roman statues like Pasquino, the Laocoön Group (rediscovered 1506), and the Belvedere Torso. Mannerist artists, such as Rosso Fiorentino and Benvenuto Cellini, could imagine broken statues’ absent limbs in more dramatic poses than existed in real classical art. This bronze figure imitates Renaissance Mannerism, and has its limbs folded inward to invoke a stone statue. Left: Pietro Aretino, Quattro commedie del divino Pietro Arentino Cioè Il marescalco; La cortigiana; La talanta; L’hipocrito, novellamente ritornate, per mezzo della stampa, a luce, a richiesta de conoscitori del lor valore. [London: J. Wolfe], 1588. Rare Books Collection PQ4563.Q2 1588. Mystery surrounds the etymology of the name “Pasquino.” In the mid-1500s, Ludovico Castelvetro determined the epithet came from a sharp-tongued tailor. Nineteenth-century scholars surmised the name was inspired by the character Pasquino from Poggio Bracciolini’s famous joke book Facetiae, a “sarcastic and humorous man” [vir dicax et iocusus]. Pietro Aretino offered another explanation in the prologue to La Cortegiana. Aretino facetiously explained that the statue was born from an illicit union between the Muses and vagabond poets. {94} Left and Below: Celio Secondo Curione (1503-1569), editor Pasquillorum tomi duo, Quorum primo versibus ac rhythmis, altero soluta oratione conscripta quamplurima continentur…[Basilaea]: Eleutheropoli, 1544. Rare Books Collection, Berlin Collection PA8485.C92P3 1544, v. 2. As the Inquisition heated up in the early sixteenth century, the church cracked down on pasquinades in Rome, ultimately pushing the tradition to other printing centers in Europe. This edition was printed in Basel, disguised under the pseudonym “Eleutheropolis,” meaning “free city” in Greek. The alias suggests that publishers feared an adverse reaction from the Inquisition for its criticism of the curia. One notable entry is Erasmus’s satiric dialogue Julius Exclusus, which mocked Pope Julius II—known for his luxury as well as his wars—for struggling to enter heaven: JULIUS:What the devil is this? The doors don’t open? Somebody must have changed the lock or broken it. GENIUS: It seems more likely that you didn’t bring the proper key; for this door doesn’t open to the same key as a secret money-chest. {95} {96} Facing: Speculum Romanae Magniicentiae (A93) Pasquino Engraving. Antonio Lafreri, publisher, 1550. Rome. Pasquino was dressed up each year for his festival in different costumes. In this engraving, we see several examples of the various props used to put Pasquino into character.The idea to dress up the statue likely came from Pliny’s Natural History, which speaks of a statue of Hercules in the Forum Boarium that was “arrayed in triumphal vestments” for triumphal processions (HN 34-33). In 1511, Pasquino was dressed as Grief, mourning the death of Cardinal Carafa, the statue’s patron. Below: Speculum Romanae Magniicentiae (A113) Marforio, Etching with Engraving. Claudio Duchetti, publisher, 1581. Rome. After Pope Adrian IV placed Pasquino under surveillance in 1522 to curtail anti-papal satire, other “talking statues” appeared. Posted verses often put multiple statues in dialogue, forming them into an academy called the “Congress of the Wits”—a network of dissenting, untraceable voices. This etching depicts Marforio, sometimes considered a “little brother” of Pasquino. Marforio, Pasquino and their colleagues created an early form of “social” media subversion, a comments section of sorts that continues to echo through the centuries. {97} Left: Modern Photograph of the Pasquino statue, Peter Heeling 2006. Facing: Speculum Romanae Magniicentiae (C901) Pasquino (without text) Engraving. Orazio de Santis or Cherubino Alberti, engraver, after Giovanni Battista de’Cavalieri et al. Andrea and Michelangelo della Vaccheria or Goert vaPart of a set of 80 engravings from the 1621 van Schayck edition. The coat of arms of the prominent Roman Orsini family is visible on the statue base. “I am not (as I seem), the crippled Babbuino, without hands or feet, I am not even the ape of Niccolo Zoppino, with obscene and strange exotic parts, But I am that most famous Pasquino, and I make the most prominent men shiver. And I astonish the out of towners and my fellow citizens When I compose in vernacular, or in Latin. My persona was shaped in this way By the blows I take from here and from there For happily revealing their sins, But as long as I have my voice I do not care, Even if the rest of my body perishes, I will continue to speak the truth, And the people who are offended must deal with it. Because if stupid people do not want to keep their sins to themselves, Who is going to stop me from telling them.” Translated by Brendan Small. The following pages show real Renaissance pasquinades translated and formatted as modern social media. {98} {99} Above: Base of the Pasquino statue, Brendan Small 2016. {101} {102} I n the sixteenth century, Rome was at once the capital of Christendom, the former center of a great Empire, and a backwater city whose growth had been far outpaced by any number of other mercantile and political centers throughout Europe. In order to make any claim for its contemporary importance, advocates for Rome had to look to its past—the physical remnants of which were crumbling before their eyes. he reconstructive eforts of Bartolomeo Marliani, Pirro Ligorio, and others were part of a larger cultural project of regaining knowledge of the classical world. hese publishers/scholars sought by their work to create and spread knowledge of the ancient city, both for its own sake and in order to instruct/inspire their contemporaries who were involved in the revival of the city of Rome. However, their work always carried with it the frustration that so much— text, art, and architecture—had been irrevocably lost. he scholars and artists who documented the ancient fabric of the city relied on a variety of sources: their own experience of the city, on site drawings, inscriptions, archaeological evidence, and ancient literary descriptions. Designs could be based on extant remains, descriptions, or wholly invented. Individual monuments competed with cityscapes. Buildings could be depicted as ruins or as ideal reconstructions. he tensions between ambitious urban and scholarly projects and the limited resources available were always present, as were tensions between antiquarians with diferent ideas about the past. Facing: Speculum Romanae Magniicentia (AII) Septizodium, Engraving with etching Antonio Lafreri, publisher 1546. Some monuments were too fragmentary to be accurately reconstructed. The Septizodium mystified early modern antiquarians because only a small portion of what had clearly been a much larger structure remained. One of many ancient buildings to be cannibalized for building materials in this period, it was dismantled in 1585 by Sixtus V to provide stone for the construction of the base of the obelisk in St. Peter’s square. Prints like this are our best evidence for its former appearance. {103} Below: Speculum Romanae Magniicentia (B240) Ancient statues in a garden, Etching with engraving Jan and Lucas van Doetecum, etchers Hieronymus Cock, publisher [1551-1561?]. Lovers of antiquity were faced not only by the chasm of time elapsed, but also by the rude fate of the remains of ancient Rome. Sculptures unearthed were collected by wealthy families, but often remained haphazardly displayed in gardens like this. Upper Facing: Monumental foot (Hermes?), plaster cast after a classical Roman original, from a mold created by the Domenico Brucciani Company of London in the early 20th century. Private collection. Fragments of sculpture like this larger-than-life foot were constant reminders to the lovers of antiquity who collected them of the immense body of works of art and architecture that had been completely destroyed by the ravages of time. The violent and destructive Sack of Rome in 1527 by the Spanish army only worsened anxieties that the material remains of the past were slipping away. {104} Left: Bartolomeo Marliani (d. 1560), Vrbis Romae topographia nvnc denvo ‘accvratissime’ in lucem edita. Venetiis: Apud Hieronymum Francinum, 1588. Rare Books Collection, Berlin Collection DG62.5 M354. This book is an Italian translation of Bartolomeo Marliani’s Urbis Romae Topographia. It was not unusual for Marliani and other antiquarians to get things wrong, in part or in whole. This map of the pomerium, the sacred boundary of the city that was mythically traced by Romulus and defined the heart of the ancient city, reflects the common compulsion of antiquarians to “fix” irregularities they encountered. Here the pomerium is depicted as a nearly perfect square, only allowing a slight deviation from this ideal geometry to accommodate the Capitoline Hill. {105} Above and Facing: Bartolomeo Marliani (d. 1560), Vrbis Romae topographia nvnc denvo ‘accvratissime’ in lucem edita. Venetiis: Apud Hieronymum Francinum, 1588. Rare Books Collection, Berlin Collection. DG62.5 M349. Originally published in Rome in a large, Latin edition, the Urbis Romae Topographia saw many printings in Latin and Italian in various cities throughout the sixteenth century: large editions with full-page illustrations, as well as small, portable versions like this one. Its popularity was partly a result of the images included from 1544 onwards. Notably, these were not limited to reconstructions, but also included architectural plans and ruinscapes as we see here. This shows how differing ways of picturing Roman antiquity could coexist in a single publication. Facing, clockwise from upper left: “Temple of Peace,” Roman Forum, “Front of Nero’s House,” Forum of Nerva. Nota bene: the monuments in quotations are erroneously identiied in this publication. {106} Left, Right, Below, Facing: Bartolomeo Marliani (d. 1560), Vrbis Romae topographia… Basileae: Per Ioannis Oporinum, 1550. Rare Books Collection, Berlin Collection. fDG62.5M35. Medieval guides to Rome often included a range of sites that were classical, religious, and secular. In the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, burgeoning antiquarian studies led to the first guides focused entirely on the monuments of ancient Rome. Bartolomeo Marliani (1487-1566) published an early topographical guide of ancient sites. This book, originally published unillustrated in 1534, provides a region-by-region account of known buildings (and a few works of art) of ancient Rome. In 1544, Marliani added illustrations, including modern views of ruins, reconstructions, and architectural plans. On display here is a detailed plan of the Circus Maximus. {108} Clockwise from left: Column of Trajan, the Hills of Rome, the Pantheon. From Marliani, Urbis Romae Topographia, 1550. {109} {110} Facing and Below: Speculum Romanae Magniicentia (A12), Arch of Titus, Etching and engraving Cavalieri, Giovanni Battista de’ Dosio, Giovanni Antonio, engraver [1569] C409 & Arch of Septimius Severus, Engraving with etching Antonio Lafreri, publisher [1547]. The two arches seen here represent two different ways of representing ancient monuments. On the left, we see the Arch of Titus encrusted in medieval constructions, as many ancient buildings were. On the right, the Arch of Septimius Severus is shown abstracted from its surroundings on a flat plane, restored to its former glory. Many monuments are depicted this way in the Speculum Romanae Magniicentiae. Antiquarians who longed to see Rome restored to its zenith were confronted on a day-to-day basis by scenes like the dilapidated Arch of Titus as they traversed the city. Below: Pirro Ligorio (ca.1513-1583), Libro di M. Pyrrho Ligori napolitano, delle antichità di Roma… In Venetia: Per Michele Tramezino, 1553. Rare Books Collection DG76 L54 1553. Early modern scholars largely relied on ancient texts to reconstruct the topography of ancient Rome. Pirro Ligorio (1512-1583) is notable for his use of archaeological evidence, such as coins, statues, and inscriptions, together with texts to locate ancient buildings. In this book, he discusses the locations of the circuses, theaters, and amphitheaters. In the appendix, called “Paradosse,” he “disputes the common opinions on various and diverse locations of the city of Rome.” Working against the “grave errors” of other writers (including Marliano with whom he often disagreed), Ligorio claims to be “using [his] ingenuity to prove the truth.” Facing: Speculum Romanae Magniicentia (A31), Aviary of Marcus Varro. Etching with engraving. Ambrogio Brambilla, Pirro Ligorio, Claudio Duchetti, engravers 1581. SRM A31. In addition to his writings, Pirro Ligorio (1512-1583) produced architectural drawings and reconstructions of ancient Roman buildings. This image of an ancient aviary is based solely on a description in the De Re Rustica of Marcus Terentius Varro. It has been noted in modern scholarship that its form is similar to that of the so-called Maritime Theater at Hadrian’s Villa outside of Rome, where Ligorio was actively involved in excavation. Ligorio often combined material from multiple sources in his reconstructions to make up for “gaps”—and for this “creativity” earned a reputation as a forger. It is clear from examples like these that Ligorio often relied on his idea of what antiquities should be to inform his reconstructions. {112} {112} A Timeline of Humanism and Politics in Rome and Florence This brief chronology offers context for items in the following sections which were shaped by political events of the fourteenth through sixteenth centuries. 1304 – Birth of Petrarch 1309-1370 – Papacy absent from Rome; popes reside in Avignon, France 1341 – Petrarch crowned poet laureate on Rome’s Capitoline Hill 1348 – Black Death, described in Boccaccio’s Decameron 1370-1377 – Eforts to return the papacy to Rome cause a Church schism 1378-1382 – Florence rocked by a popular rebellion called the Ciompi Revolt 1414-18 – Council of Constance called to resolve the Church schism; Poggio Bracciolini attends, visits distant libraries bringing rare books back to Florence 1410s-1430s – Medici rise to power, becoming unoicial heads of the Florentine Republic; they ofer extensive patronage to humanism and classicizing art 1450s – Height of the literary feud between Poggio Bracciolini and Lorenzo Valla; Marsilio Ficino appointed as tutor to young Lorenzo de Medici 1478 – The Pazzi Conspiracy, engineered by Pope Sixtus IV (Francesco della Rovere), attempts to wipe out the Medici family; the ensuing bloodbath almost leads to war 1492 – Death of Lorenzo de Medici; young Michelangelo leaves the Medici household; election of Pope Alexander VI (Rodrigo Borgia) 1494 – Violence linked to the Borgia papacy climaxes in the French invasion of Italy; humanist Giovanni Pico della Mirandola is poisoned; his close G friendhumanist Angelo Poliziano dies of fever; the Medici is fleepoisoned; Florence;hisin close their friend Angelo Poliziano dies of fever; the e; in their absence the Dominican reformer Savonarola takes charge of the city the city 1498absence – Savonarola burned at the stake; Machiavelli works for the new regime 1503 – Pope Alexander VI dies, succeeded by Pius III (Piccolomini), then by (Piccolomini) by Julius II (Giuliano della Rovere) Julius II (Giuliano 1508 – The bellicose Pope Julius II initiates the War of the League of Cambrai 1512 – Medici return and take Florence by force, Machiavelli exiled 1513 – Pope Julius II dies, succeeded by the first Medici pope, Leo X 1515 – Pope Leo X appoints the artist Raphael Sanzio the first Prefect of Rome's 1515antiquities, – Pope Leoempowered X appoints to theprotect artist Raphael Sanzio the and first destruction Prefect of Rome's them from looting antiquities, empowered to protect them from looting and destruction 1517 – Beginning of the Reformation 1521 – Pope Leo X dies, succeeded by Adrian IV 1523 – Adrian IV dies, succeeded by another Medici pope, Clement VII 1532 – Medici become Dukes of Florence 1540s-1550s – Most of our displayed images of Roman ruins published of our displayed 1569 – MediciMost become Grand Dukesim of Tuscany {114} ROME and FLORENCE were double rivals, as both cities tried to present themselves as capitals of antiquity and as capitals of Christendom. Economically Florence was triumphant: its 100,000 residents made it one of Europe’s largest capitals, and every nation used Florentine banks and exports. In contrast, Rome had never rebounded from the Plague of Justinian in 541-2 CE. The imperial capital built for a million people was now hollow, its 20,000 residents clustering near the Christian sights which ringed Rome’s abandoned core, since the city ofered little employment apart from the Vatican itself. Politically the inluence was reversed, since papal authority could tip the balance anywhere in Europe, making Rome a political threat to the strongest monarchs. In contrast, Florence’s tiny merchant republic was an object of scorn in many foreign eyes, which saw the city that laid such golden eggs as a resource, but not a peer. Mismatched economically and politically, Rome and Florence competed through culture, both wrestling with the contradiction of appropriating pagan relics while promoting Italy and themselves as centers of Christianity. Both cities claimed antiquity. Florence was the birthplace of humanism, and fastest to erect the neoclassical ediices and impossible bronzes which made it feel like a new Rome. Yet, how could Florence be a new Rome when Rome was only a few days’ ride away? Renaissance Rome proited from humanism, gaining international esteem, and controlling the lion’s share of Italian antiquities. Even Petrarch had conirmed the supremacy of the eternal city by choosing to be crowned poet laureate in Rome. The Vatican’s wealth and prestige made it easy for Rome to hire away the best of Florence’s artists and scholars—or demand their services with threats if need be—so Rome grew grander and more classical with every Florentine innovation. Florentines tried many strategies to advance their city’s status as a classical capital, presenting Florence as a new Athens, supreme in culture over Rome, or as a new Roman Republic, a truer successor to antiquity than the papal monarchy. Both cities also claimed Christianity. Florence’s famous cathedral, undertaken in 1296, was conceived as a project to build the greatest church in Christendom to demonstrate Florence’s supreme piety. Florence’s grandest classical bronzes were not pagan igures but patron saints, its most ambitious neoclassical buildings churches and hospitals, its most famous humanists, priests, and theologians, and its symbols John the Baptist and the classical-yet-Christian virtue Charity. As papal corruption became more infamous, Christian Florence styled itself an alternate Holy City, purer than rotten Rome. Florence also fostered radical theologies, from the virtue-centered Platonic-Christian syncretism of Marsilio Ficino to the ferocious reform theocracy of Girolamo Savonarola, which preigured many elements of the Reformation. Rome responded by incorporating some of humanism’s new theological ideas, condemning others, frequently threatening Florence with interdict or military action, and undertaking the new Saint Peter’s basilica expressly to surpass Florence in the splendor and ambition of its Christian piety. {115} {116} A s classical culture became a tool of competition for the powerful, humanists and artists came to be expected ornaments of kingly courts, republican capitals, Church centers, and of any merchant household aspiring to political status. Florence’s celebrated Medici family began as wealthy bankers, but spent lavishly on art, scholarship, libraries, and public works, using the nobility of antiquity to win the respect and awe of peers and foreign powers. While relationships with patrons like the Medici were sometimes intimate and familial, serving a patron remained a form of unfreedom whose tensions shaped all Renaissance art and literature. Facing: Angelo Poliziano (1454-1494), Beca da Dicomano; and Lorenzo de’ Medici (1449-1492), Nencia da Barberino. [Milan: B. Gamba, 1812]. Rare Books Collection PQ4630.M3C3 1568b. The Beca da Dicomano is a satirical poem written by the Florentine poet and diplomat Luigi Pulci, during his early years serving the Medici family. The poem was inspired by and parodies Lorenzo de’ Medici’s own poem Nencia da Barberino. In this edition, both works are mistakenly attributed to Lorenzo.Written in Florentine dialect, the poems contain explicit language and sexual allusions.This contest between patron and client to produce the best satirical poem shows how men so unequal in power could compete as equals within the literary world of humanism. Left: Bust of David, after the bronze by Verrocchio (1473-5), now in the National Museum of the Bargello, Florence.Terracotta, late 20th century. Private collection. {117} Left: Niccolò Machiavelli (14691527), La Mandragola. Vinegia: Per Nicolo d’Aristotele detto Zoppino, 1531. Rare Books Collection, Gift of Elsie O. and Philip D. Sang PQ4627.M2M3 1531. Machiavelli survived many Florentine tumults: the death of Lorenzo de Medici, the French Invasion, the expulsion of the Medici, and the rise and fall of Savonarola. He worked tirelessly for the republican government that ruled Florence after Savonarola’s execution, but was banished after the Medici recaptured the city. Machiavelli wrote this satirical comedy The Mandrake during his exile, and packed it with criticisms of religion, politics, and society, depicting lustful conspirators, a corrupt and greedy friar, and a mother who urges her married daughter to commit adultery. The play’s shocking ending, in which adultery works out well for all involved, starkly reverses the moralizing lessons which usually shaped Renaissance drama. {118} Right: Michelangelo Buonarroti (1475-1564), Rime di Michelangelo Buonarotti. In Firenze: Appresso i Givnti, 1623. Rare Books Collection. PQ4615.B6 1623. Rome and Florence battled over Michelangelo, who wrote of his frustrations as a living tool in the cities’ cultural competition. As a youth he had lived in the household of Lorenzo de Medici, among poets and humanists.When the Medici weakened, Rome offered wealth and fame, but Michelangelo describes how imperious and demanding patrons like Pope Julius II made even great commissions like the Sistine Chapel ceiling feel more like a yoke than a blessing. This first edition of Michelangelo’s poems was censored by his great-nephew, who purged all criticisms of the Church, and all homoerotic references to Michelangelo’s lover Tommaso de’ Cavalieri. While earthly love was censored, images of sacred or Platonic love remained—ideas shaped by the humanist scholars Michelangelo had known in the Medici household. Michelangelo died in Rome while working on St. Peter’s, but asked to be buried in Florence so he could see its cathedral one last time on Judgment Day. This page shows the printer’s license to print Michelangelo’s poems, with a priest’s certification they “contain nothing contrary to the Faith, good customs, and nothing indecent.” {119} Below and Facing: Luigi Pulci (1432-1484), Morgante maggiore. In Firenze: Con licenza de’ Superiori, 1732. Rare Books Collection, Gift of Olga Mann and Paul Mann. PQ4631.M85 1732. The Morgante strongly shaped the Italian tradition of Italian vernacular epic poems. Luigi Pulci was commissioned to write it by Lorenzo The Magnificent’s mother, Lucrezia Tornabuoni, to celebrate a new alliance between France and Italy (primarily Florence) centered on the two regions’ shared Christian piety. While Pulci’s patroness expected a dignified and solemn poem, Pulci instead produced a parody of the epic genre, with more pagan and transgressive themes than sacred ones, demonstrating the tensions that could arise between patrons and their clients. {120} {121} Below: Cicero Philosophical treatises, ca. 1400. Codex Manuscript Collection, Gift of Prof. Theodore Silverstein. MS956. This fanciful portrait of young Cicero introduces his dialogs On Old Age, On Friendship, and Stoic Paradoxes. The white vine illumination, vines formed by negative space within a blue border, originated in northern Italy, and became a signature of lavish editions of Greek and Latin classics since so many descended from Florentine originals. The volume also contains a poem praising Holy Roman Emperor Frederick II, a relic of how much scholars depended on princely patronage in the age when a book cost as much as a house. {122} Above: Covered Tazza; Unidentiied Artist, c. 1500. Enamel on metal (?) Height: 10 in. (25.4 cm) Diameter: 7 5/16 in. (18.6 cm). Lent by The David and Alfred Smart Museum of Art, The University of Chicago; Gift of the Samuel H. Kress Foundation. Accession No.: 1973.57a-b. Photograph ©2017 courtesy of The David and Alfred Smart Museum of Art, The University of Chicago. Luxury objects like this cup this were gifts designed to be exchanged by princes, Cardinals, and other elites, and displayed to advertise the owner’s status and refinement. The interior of this cup shows Neptune with nymphs, while the lid has a triumphing woman, likely Neptune’s bride Salacia (Amphitrite). The twisted decorative figures on the base imitate frescoes found in ancient Roman villas, which Renaissance excavators had discovered underground, flooded and caked with mud like caves. Decorations imitating these Roman “grottos” were called “grotesque,” a word which later came to describe anything twisted, acquiring its present sinister associations in the early twentieth century. {123} {124} I n addition to his contributions to the humanist revival of antiquity, Petrarch’s vernacular Italian poetry greatly inluenced ifteenth-century Italian literature. Many poets imitated Petrarch’s themes—the edifying efects of love, nostalgic recollections from youth, visions for a uniied Italy—but also his use of language. Both a thematic and linguistic model, Petrarch’s Canzoniere helped to form the irst uniform and consolidated Italian literary language. His interest in visual art, and his descriptions of the portrait of his beloved Laura, raised questions about the nature and role of visual art, themes addressed in the poetry of Vittoria Colonna (1492-1547) and Michelangelo Buonarroti (1475-1564). A tension existed between the act of writing and the act of making, and Petrarch’s written descriptions were an intersection of rhetoric and visuality that raised the question of which was the superior mode of expression. As Petrarch’s Canzoniere transformed the sound of Renaissance Italy, his Trionfi transformed Italian visual art. Petrarch’s rich depictions of literary, historical, and mythological igures, drawn from classical sources and medieval romances, provided artists with vivid sources for igurative interpretation. Petrarch’s description of a triumphal procession drew upon those of his two great vernacular interlocutors, Boccaccio’s in his Amorosa Visione, and Dante’s in Purgatorio XXIX, a trio of sources which cemented the Triumph as a symbol of the vernacular movement, which could display the interplay of powers ancient and modern, earthly and celestial. The unprecedentedly rapid transformation of the sights and sounds of Italy triggered many of the explosive changes and tense social backlash which characterized the Italian Renaissance. Facing: Francesco Petrarch (1304-1374), Trionfi, Sonetti e canzoni, 1450. Codex Manuscript Collection, Gift of Frank Wakeley Gunsaulus. Alc Ms706. Petrarch’s Trioni narrates a vision in which he contemplates a succession of six allegorical triumphs: Love, Chastity, Death, Fame, Time, and Eternity. The procession of triumphs is meant to instruct him in how to move past his earthly attachment to his beloved Laura. Petrarch’s descriptions bear structural resemblance to fourteenth-century pictorial cycles depicting similar content, such as Giotto’s frescoes in the Scrovegni Chapel, with narrative and allegorical elements side by side. Although Petrarch never explicitly refers to works of art, the structure of the text reveals his familiarity with the visual culture of his time, and shows the ways in which writers appropriated visual narrative techniques. {125} Above:Vittoria Colonna (1492-1547), Rime della divina Vittoria Colonna marchesa di Pescara. Parma: Antonio Viotti, 1538. PQ4620.A17 1538. Rare Books Collection. Roman noblewoman Vittoria Colonna (1492-1547) was one of the most renowned female writers of the period. Colonna mentored Michelangelo, with whom she exchanged many poems and letters addressing the themes of love and loss, such as in the poems featured here, as well as artistry. In a well-known poem, she specifically examines a portrait of the Virgin, attributed to Saint Luke. She initially acknowledges the painter’s sincere attempt to accurately render the Madonna’s face, before noting the limitations of this challenging endeavor. She closes the poem by recognizing the artist’s choice of stylistic simplicity, allowing inspiration from God to guide the work. {126} {127} Previous: Giovanni Pietro Bellori (1613-1696), Le pitture antiche delle grotte di Roma…In Roma: Nuova stamparia di Gaetano degli Zenobj, 1706. dis ND2575. B45. Rare Books Collection. Classicizing trends introduced by Petrarch continued to be prevalent in Italian visual culture into the seventeenth century. The work of Giovanni Bellori, an artist and renowned scholar of seventeenth-century art theory, reflects this enthususiasm for antiquity, taking up topics such as ancient art and monuments. This work is a collection of engravings illustrating Roman paintings with accompanying descriptions. Such classical motifs inspired much interior decoration in seventeenth-century homes. Bellori’s work in both art criticism and painting place him within the tradition of multifaceted Italian writers and artists active in both fields. Left and Facing: Leandro Alberti (1479-1552), Cronichetta della gloriosa Madonna di San Luca, del monte della Guardia, e de’ suoi miracoli, dal suo principio isino all’anno 1557 E dell’origine del convento delle venerande monache di San Mattia. Bologna: Appresso gli heredi di Gio. Rossi, 1598. N8070.A434 1598. Rare Books Collection. This text by Leandro Alberti, a Dominican writer and historian, is a history of a painting of the Virgin attributed to Saint Luke the Evangelist, the patron saint of painters, in a convent in Bologna. The icon became an important part of civic religious practices in the city in the fifteenth century because it was believed to have been painted during the Virgin’s lifetime. The symbolic importance of this painting attracted both writers, like Alberti and Vittoria Colonna, and artists, who often replicated the image. {128} {129} {130} A s the humanist revival of antiquity saturated Florence, this new educational model celebrating antiquity and human excellence permeated literature, the arts, political self-fashioning, and the Christian Church. Florence’s elites hungered for Greek and Latin classics. Translations from Greek to Latin, and from both to vernacular Italian, made legendary works like Homer’s Iliad and Odyssey available to new readers, and even to the illiterate, who heard orations from the street and gossip from the palaces. Humanists were public celebrities, and humanist culture was one of erudite tension as scholars engaged in ierce debates regarding Latin grammar and style. Literary feuds raged in fora from treatises and translations to personal letters exchanged with the expectation of public circulation. Such humanist battles won fame for all involved, including the patrons who supported competing scholars. Humanism also transformed Florentine art. Pagan narratives became frequent subjects, while classical realism, inluenced by humanist texts, dominated even religious painting. Backgrounds of gold leaf gave way to landscapes or architectural backdrops, and stylized igures to anatomically detailed faces and bodies modeled on classical examples, including nudes. The proliferation of pagan literature and imagery had a complex reception within the Roman Church. Some Church leaders embraced humanism, hiring humanists to work in the Papal Curia, founding the Vatican library to provide classical texts for papal use, and incorporating classicizing and even pagan imagery into artistic projects such as the Sistine Chapel Ceiling. Other Church igures opposed and suspected humanism, leading to Inquisitorial investigations and condemnations of major humanists. Left: Homer. Homeri ... cvm Iliados, tvm Odysseae libri XLVIII Laurentio Vallen [Antwerp]: Excusa per Ioannem Grapheum, 1528. Rare Books Collection PA4018.A2V35 1528. Florence celebrated Charity as the city’s highest virtue, and associated it with patriotism, civic virtue, and self-sacrifice for the good of the people and city.This Allegory of Charity comes from Valla’s complete Latin translation of Homer. For classics like Homer, Latin translation was the first stage of broad dissemination, followed by translations to vernacular languages. Though Valla was not Florentine himself, his Homer translation became a model for proper, erudite Latin among Florentine humanists. {131} {132} Facing above: Master of the Apollo and Daphne Legend. Italian (Florentine), active c. 1480-1510. Daphne Found Asleep by Apollo. Cassone panel; part of a series with 1973.45 c. 1500 Oil, formerly on panel, transferred to canvas Image: 25-5/8 x 53-3/4 in. (65.1 x 136.5 cm) Framed: 34-9/16 x 62-1/8 x 3-1/4 in. (87.8 x 157.8 x 8.3 cm). The David and Alfred Smart Museum of Art, The University of Chicago; Gift of the Samuel H. Kress Foundation. 1973.44. Photograph ©2017 courtesy of The David and Alfred Smart Museum of Art, The University of Chicago. Facing below: Master of the Apollo and Daphne Legend. Italian (Florentine), active c. 1480-1510. Daphne Fleeing from Apollo. Cassone panel; part of a series with 1973.44 c. 1500. Oil, formerly on panel, transferred to canvas. Image: 25-5/8 x 53-3/4 in. (65.1 x 136.5 cm) Framed: 35-1/8 x 62-7/8 x 3-1/4 in. (89.2 x 159.7 x 8.3 cm). Lent by The David and Alfred Smart Museum of Art, The University of Chicago; Gift of the Samuel H. Kress Foundation. 1973.45. Photograph ©2017 courtesy of The David and Alfred Smart Museum of Art, The University of Chicago. These two panels from the Smart Museum were likely part of a wedding chest, and illustrate the Greek mythological story of Apollo and Daphne. After being taunted by the god Apollo, Cupid took revenge by shooting the nymph Daphne with a leaden arrow of hate, and Apollo with a golden arrow of love. As Daphne desperately tried to escape Apollo’s pursuit, she called on her father for help who turned her body into a bay laurel tree—a symbol of chastity. Not able to marry Daphne in this form, Apollo instead vowed to keep her branches flourishing for eternity. The chest, a gift celebrating a sacred Christian event, is wrought with pagan imagery. Yet, the bottom panel echoes traditional Christian imagery of the Annunciation, since Apollo’s outstretched arm and Daphne’s deflective position mimic the Angel Gabriel and Virgin Mary, demonstrating the tension between Antiquity and Christian values that was ingrained in Florentine culture. {133} Below: Unidentiied Artist, Head of John the Baptist, c. 1585. Oil on paper mounted on wood board. Board: 11 x 16-1/8 x 1/2 in. (27.9 x 41 x 1.3 cm). Lent by The David and Alfred Smart Museum of Art, The University of Chicago; Gift of the Collection of Edward A. and Inge Maser. 2008.25. Photograph ©2017 courtesy of The David and Alfred Smart Museum of Art, The University of Chicago. Renaissance Florence’s earthly ambition was matched by heavenly ambition. Medieval Florence’s patron saint had been the obscure Santa Reparata, but Renaissance Florence took John the Baptist as its patron, aiming to compete with Venice’s Saint Mark, Milan’s Saint Ambrose, and Rome’s many resident saints. Images of John the Baptist, who sits on Christ’s left in Last Judgments recommending which sinners should be damned, warned enemies not to harm the favorite city of such a powerful celestial courtier. Top Two Images Facing: Giovanni Bernardi da Castelbolognese, Italian, (1496-1553), Pope Clement VII de’Medici (1478-1534) (obverse), Joseph Reveals Himself to His Brothers (reverse), 1529-1530. Struck gilt bronze medal, Diameter: 1 3/8 in. (3.5 cm) Lent by The David and Alfred Smart Museum of Art, The University of Chicago; Purchase, The Cochrane-Woods Collection. 1977.117. Photograph ©2017 courtesy of The David and Alfred Smart Museum of Art, The University of Chicago. {134} Two Images Below: Domenico de’ Vetri, Italian, (c. 1480-c. 1547), Allesandro de’Medici (1510-1537), First Duke of Florence (obverse), Allegory of Peace and Abundance (reverse) 1534. Struck silvered bronze medal. Diameter: 1 7/16 in. (3.7 cm). Lend by The David and Alfred Smart Museum of Art, The University of Chicago; Purchase, Gift of Mrs. John V. Farwell III. 1977.7. Photograph ©2017 courtesy of The David and Alfred Smart Museum of Art, The University of Chicago. The Medici were great patrons of humanism, bringing scholars from around Italy and beyond to teach Latin and Greek to their children, and financing libraries, translations, artists, and architects which did indeed make Florence feel like a new Athens or Rome. The early Medici were citizens, controlling their republic through wealth and influence, but after the tumults of 1490-1512 the later Medici seized Florence by force and became dukes. These two coins featuring Pope Clement VII de Medici (1478-1534) and Duke Alessandro de Medici (1510-37) date from the ducal period and advertise Medici princely power, and would have been gifts given among the elite. The back sides depict a religious scene for the pope, and Pagan scene for the Duke—a sign of their commitment to both the Church and humanism. {135} Below: Oil lamp and Bottle, Etruscan, excavated in Florence. Terracotta, c. 4th century BCE. Private collection. As the classical revival fired Europe’s appetite for Roman artifacts,Tuscany contained its own supply of artifacts from the Etruscan civilization, which had predated and vied with Rome. Some Florentines used these artifacts as a weapon in Florence’s cultural battle with Rome. By celebrating the Etruscans as a rival antiquity, more ancient and more purely Italian than the Trojan-born Romans, Florence created a second classical world of which could stand as the unrivaled capital. Facing: Giovanni Boccaccio (1313-1375), Il Fiolcolo, 1456. Codex Manuscript Collection, Berlin Collection. alcMs57. A contemporary of Petrarch, Giovanni Boccaccio (1313-1375) was one of the greatest early Florentine authors. His Decameron and Il Filocolo were among the most read and celebrated works during the Renaissance and influenced Chaucer.Writing in vernacular Italian, his texts were accessible to Florentines beyond the humanist elite. Il Filocolo, written between 1335 and 1336, is a prose romance following two lovers, which pays homage to Virgil.This volume contains marginal notes written by a Renaissance reader. {136} {137} {138} Facing: Poggio Bracciolini (1380-1459), Orationes in Laurentium Vallam, ca. 1485. Codex Manuscript Collection, Berlin Collection. alcMs35. Poggio Bracciolini (c. 1380-1459) was an early Italian humanist, a student of one of Petrarch’s friends. An avid book-hunter, he combed through remote libraries and rediscovered many ancient authors including Lucretius, Silius Italicus, and Quintilian. Poggio was friends with Lorenzo Valla for a time, but they quarreled over points of grammar and style. This volume of Poggio’s orations ferociously attacks Valla’s Elegantiae Linguae Latinae, a step in one of the fifteenth century’s most famous humanist feuds. Above: Lorenzo Valla (1407-1457), Elegantiae linguae latinae, ca. 1460. Codex Manuscript Collection. alc Ms703. Humanists strove to develop a classical Latin style distinct from what they saw as degenerate Medieval Latin. While early humanists took Virgil and Cicero as absolute models, the pugnacious Lorenzo Valla (1407-57) insisted that not even Cicero himself was always perfect, and that the best Latin should be based on diverse examples from many authors. Valla’s ambitious Elegantiae Linguae Latinae traces the history of Latin, and declares that Rome was not lost, but survives in the many nations of Renaissance Europe. {139} Above: Homer, L’Odissea d’Homero, tradotta in volagre fiornetino da M. Girolamo Baccelli, In Firenze: Appresso il Sermatelli, 1582. Rare Books Collection, Bibliotheca Homerica Langiana PA4030.I8A4B2. Girolamo Baccelli (1514-c.1581) produced the first complete Odyssey printed in Florentine Italian. Its opening dedication to the second Grand Duke of Tuscany, Francesco I de Medici is indicative of the close relationship between classical study and the permeating network of patronage within social circles of the elite during this period. The patronage of the elite is a driving force for the dissemination of humanism. The printer’s device on the title page borrows the Latin motto festina lente (make haste slowly) used by the celebrated Venetian printer Aldus Manutius, but makes the words Florentine by having the turtle carry Florence’s symbol, the fleur-de-lis. {140} Above and Right: Girolamo Savonarola (1452-1498) Prediche del reverend…Vinegia: Per Bernardino de Binoni Milanese, 1544. Rare Books Collection BS1450 73rd .S26 1544. The firebrand Dominican reformer Girolamo Savonarola (1452-98) personifies Church tensions with humanism. When the French invaded in 1494, the Medici abandoned the city, but Savonarola persuaded the French to spare Florence and became the city’s ruler from 1494-98. A scholar himself, Savonarola debated with local humanists, and preached against paganizing literature and art. Books and paintings were probably burned on Savonarola’s infamous Bonfire of the Vanities, along with luxurious clothing, cosmetics, wigs, and pornography. Savonarola’s extremism brought the pope’s wrath down on Florence, and he was burned at the stake in 1498. This posthumous collection of his sermons shows how his message gained new momentum in the Reformation. {141} {141} HEAVEN and HELL, too, had a very geographic reality in Renaissance models of the afterlife, existing not on some separate immaterial plane, but in the concrete material world. From images of a celestial Jerusalem to Dante’s City of Dis, Heaven and Hell were often igured as cities and saints as an Earthly court, with monarch and queen reigning over courtiers ranked in tiers from great apostles down to obscure local mystics. Just as vulnerable towns and individuals sought protection from local patrons, ambitious cities raced to acquire relics of higher-ranking saints, whose promise of celestial protection heartened residents, intimidated foes, and illed cofers with pilgrims’ pennies. Appeals to a city’s heavenly patron were so comfortingly similar to the patron-client relationships which structured Renaissance daily life that early Protestantisms found the hierarchy of interceding saints a particularly diicult belief to dismantle. F U RT H E R R EA D I N G Suggested Reading Arnold, Catherine. Globe: Life in Shakespeare’s London. Simon & Schuster UK, 2015. Baumgarten, J., and J.C. Frakes. Introduction to Old Yiddish Literature. Oxford University Press, 2005. Baxandall, Michael. Painting and Experience in Fifteenth Century Italy: A Primer in the Social History of Pictorial Style. Oxford University Press, 1988. Bell, Rudolph M. How to Do It: Guides to Good Living for Renaissance Italians. University of Chicago Press, 2000. Bonil, Robert. Jewish Life in Renaissance Italy. University of California Press, 1994. The Cambridge Companion to Renaissance Philosophy. [in English]. Cambridge Companions to Philosophy. Edited by Hankins James, Black Robert, Bianchi Luca, S. Celenza Christopher, Kraye Jill, Hasse Dag Nikolaus, P. Copenhaver Brian, et al. Cambridge, UK ; New York: Cambridge University Press, 2007. The Cambridge History of Renaisance Philosophy. [in English]. Edited by C. B. Schmitt, Quentin Skinner, Eckhard Kessler and Jill Kraye Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1988. Copenhaver, Brian. The Book of Magic: From Antiquity to the Enlightenment. Penguin Publishing Group, 2015. ———. Magic in Western Culture: From Antiquity to the Enlightenment. Cambridge University Press, 2015. Copenhaver, Brian P., and Charles B. Schmitt. Renaissance Philosophy [in English]. History of Western Philosophy. Oxford ; New York: Oxford University Press, 1992. Frick, Carole Collier. Dressing Renaissance Florence: Families, Fortunes, and Fine Clothing. Johns Hopkins University Press, 2011. Henderson, John. Piety and Charity in Late Medieval Florence. University of Chicago Press, 1997. Karmon, David. The Ruin of the Eternal City: Antiquity and Preservation in Renaissance Rome. Oxford University Press, USA, 2011. MacCulloch, Diarmaid. The Reformation. Penguin Publishing Group, 2005. Madden, Thomas F. Venice: A New History. Penguin Publishing Group, 2012. McLean, Paul D. The Art of the Network: Strategic Interaction and Patronage in Renaissance Florence. Duke University Press, 2007. Meserve, Margaret. Empires of Islam in Renaissance Historical Thought. Harvard University Press, 2009. Najemy, John M. A History of Florence 1200-1575. Wiley, 2008. Pohl, John M. D., and Claire L. Lyons. Altera Roma: Art and Empire from Mérida to México. Cotsen Institute of Archaeology at U C L A, 2016. ———. The Aztec Pantheon and the Art of Empire. J. Paul Getty Museum, 2010. Read, Kirk D. Birthing Bodies in Early Modern France: Stories of Gender and Reproduction. Taylor & Francis, 2016. Reinburg,Virginia “Liturgy and the Laity in Late Medieval and Reform tion France.” The Sixteenth Century Journal 23, no. 3 (1992): 526-47. Ross, Janet. Lives of the Early Medici as Told in Their Correspondence. Kessinger Publishing, 2006. Ruderman, David. Essential Papers on Jewish Culture in Renaissance and Baroque Italy. NYU Press, 1992. Ruggiero, Guido. The Renaissance in Italy: A Social and Cultural History of the Rinascimento. Cambridge University Press, 2014. Strathern, Paul. Death in Florence: The Medici, Savonarola, and the Battle for the Soul of a Renaissance City. Pegasus Books, 2015. Terpstra, Nicholas. The Art of Executing Well: Rituals of Execution in Renaissance Italy. Truman State University Press, 2008. Terpstra, Nicholas, Adriano Prosperi, and Stefania Pastore. Faith’s Bound aries: Laity and Clergy in Early Modern Confraternities. Brepols, 2012. Weinstein, Donald. Savonarola:The Rise and Fall of a Renaissance Proph et. Yale University Press, 2011. Specialized Sources Aranof, Deena. “Elijah Levita: A Jewish Hebraist.” Jewish History 23, no. 1 (2009): 17-40. Barkan, Leonard. Unearthing the Past: Archaeology and Aesthetics in the Making of Renaissance Culture. Yale University Press, 1999. Barkley, John M., Jan R. Luth, Margaret Munck Howard, Nicholas Tem {144} perley Slenk, and R. Tosh. “Metrical Psalms.” In Grove Music Online, 2017. Coin, David R. Pirro Ligorio: The Renaissance Artist, Architect, and An tiquarian. Penn State Press. 2004. Costley, Clare L. “David, Bathsheba, and the Penitential Psalms.” Renaissance Quarterly 57, no. 4 (2004): 1235-77. Damianaki, Chrysa, Paolo Procaccioli, and Angelo Romano. Ex Marmore: Pasquini, Pasquinisti, Pasquinate Nell’europa Moderna : Atti Del Colloquio Internazionale, Lecce-Otranto, 17-19 Novembre 2005.Vecch arelli, 2006. Erasmus, Desiderius, and Robert Martin Adams. The Praise of Folly and Other Writings: A New Translation with Critical Commentary. Norton, 1989. Ferraro, Joanne M.Venice: History of the Floating City. Cambridge Uni versity Press, 2012. Frakes, Jerold. The Cultural Study of Yiddish in Early Modern Europe. Palgrave Macmillan US, 2008. Hankins, James. “Marsilio Ficino on Reminiscentia and the Transmigration of Souls.” Rinascimento n.s. XLV (2005): 3-17. Hughes, Diane O. “Regulating Women’s Fashion.” In A History of Women in the West, edited by C. Klapisch-Zuber, 136-58. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1992. Killerby, Catherine Kovesi. Sumptuary Law in Italy, 1200-1500. Clarendon Press, 2002. Levita, Elijah, and Claudia Rosenzweig. Bovo D’antona by Elye Bokher. A Yiddish Romance: A Critical Edition with Commentary. Brill, 2015. Rosenthal, Margaret and Ann Rosalind Jones. The clothing of the Renaissance world: Europe, Asia, Africa, and the Americas: Cesare Vecellio’s ‘Habiti antichi et moderni. London: Thames & Hudson, 2008. Rothman, Ella-Natalie. “Between Venice and Istanbul: Trans-Imperial Subjects and Cultural Mediation in the Early Modern Mediterranean.” Ph.D. dissertation, Unversity of Michigan, 2006. Scott, Kenneth. “Two Pasquinades.” The Classical Journal 30, no. 1: 40-41. Selderhuis, Herman J. Calvin’s Theology of the Psalms (Texts and Studies in Reformation and Post-Reformation Thought). Baker Publishing Group, 2007. ———. Psalms 1-72. InterVarsity Press, 2015. Stern, Max. Psalms & Music: Influences of the Psalms on Western Music. Brooklyn, NY: KTAV Publishing House, 2013. Unger, Richard. Ships on Maps: Pictures of Power in Renaissance Europe. Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2010. {145} Wilson, Bronwen. “Reproducing the Contours of Venetian Identity in Sixteenth-Century Costume Books.”Studies in Iconography, 25 (2004) Worth-Stylianou,Valerie, and Iter. Pregnancy and Birth in Early Modern France:Treatises by Caring Physicians and Surgeons (1581-1625), François Rousset, Jean Liebault, Jacques Guillemeau, Jacques Duval and Louis De Serres. Centre for Reformation and Renaissance Studies, 2013. Yates, Frances Amelia. Giordano Bruno and the Hermetic Tradition. Routledge, 1964 reprinted 2015. Zorach, Rebecca. The Virtual Tourist in Renaissance Rome: Printing and Collecting the Speculum Romanae Magnificentiae. University of Chicago: Joseph Regenstein Library, 2008. {146}

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