A Few Things Hellenistic Audiences Appreciated in Musical Performances.

21 SEMINARI E CONVEGNI Convegno di studio Pisa, Scuola Normale Superiore 21-23 settembre 2006 La Musa dimenticata Aspetti dell’esperienza musicale greca in età ellenistica a cura di Maria Chiara Martinelli con la collaborazione di Francesco Pelosi e Carlo Pernigotti Volume stampato con il contributo della Scuola Normale Superiore per la ricerca scientiica © 2009 Scuola Normale Superiore Pisa isbn 978-88-7642-359-8 Per ricordare Roberto Pretagostini e Luigi Enrico Rossi Indice Presentazione ix Avvertenze e abbreviazioni xi Contesti Occasioni di performances musicali in Callimaco e in Teocrito Roberto Pretagostini 3 Tradizioni musicali nella storiograia ellenistica Donatella Restani 31 The end of the Khoregia in Athens: A forgotten Document Peter Wilson, eric Csapo 47 A few Things Hellenistic Audiences Appreciated in musical Performances Angelos Chaniotis 75 Pensare la musica La musica e le forme Gioia maria Rispoli 101 musique et religion dans les Commentaires sur la musique de Philodème Daniel Delattre 141 Shifting Conceptions of ‘Schools’ of Harmonic Theory, 400 BC-200 AD Andrew Barker 165 Il suono musicale tra età ellenistica ed età imperiale eleonora Rocconi 191 Suoni simultanei: prassi esecutiva, ethos e psicologia nei Problemata pseudoaristotelici francesco Pelosi 205 Gli strumenti musicali fra teoria, prassi, iconografia Reconstructing the Hellenistic Professional Aulos Stefan Hagel 227 L’organo idraulico (hydraulis): una invenzione ellenistica dal grande futuro Luigi Beschi 247 Appendice. Caratteristiche musicali dell’hydraulis di Dion Christoph Stroux 267 musica a Taranto in età ellenistica Daniela Castaldo 271 I documenti della scrittura P.Vat.Gr. 7: un nuovo papiro musicale di età tolemaica maria Chiara martinelli, Rosario Pintaudi 287 Appendice. Documenti musicali antichi con sezioni musicate contigue a sezioni senza note maria Chiara martinelli 293 I papiri e le pratiche della scrittura musicale nella Grecia antica Carlo Pernigotti 303 Testi musicati, testi per la musica. Ipotesi su alcuni papiri lirici maria Chiara martinelli 317 Appendice. Segni di separazione usati in documenti musicali antichi maria Chiara martinelli 355 Indice dei luoghi citati 383 Illustrazioni 407 Presentazione Alcuni anni fa è stata avviata, alla Scuola Normale di Pisa, un’attività di studio e di ricerca sull’esperienza musicale della Grecia antica fondata sulla consapevolezza, ormai ampiamente condivisa, che per accostarsi alla comprensione di un fenomeno così importante nella vita e nel pensiero dei Greci sia necessaria la cooperazione di varie competenze. Alle ricerche individuali (relative a temi quali la performance e la trasmissione dei testi musicali, la rilessione platonica sulla musica e le teorie sulla percezione del suono) si è afiancato un costante confronto fra i membri del gruppo e un proicuo scambio con altri studiosi. È allora nata l’idea di un momento di rilessione e discussione comune, e si è scelto di focalizzare l’attenzione su di un’età precisa della ‘storia musicale’ dei Greci, il periodo ellenistico. epoca di decadenza, secondo la storiograia antica sull’argomento, e quindi rimasta generalmente in ombra nelle sintesi moderne, l’ellenismo ci è parso meritevole di una riconsiderazione condotta alla luce della sempre più ricca documentazione in nostro possesso (dai documenti letterari e igurativi a quelli papiracei ed epigraici) e della varietà di metodologie che oggi possono essere messe a frutto. Nelle giornate del convegno, che si è svolto nel settembre 2006, sono stati considerati vari aspetti dell’esperienza musicale ellenistica: i contesti della fruizione, lo statuto sociale dei musicisti, la prassi esecutiva, la rilessione teorica e ilosoica, la produzione e conservazione dei testi musicati. Sono state giornate assai intense per la qualità delle relazioni e della discussione che ne è sorta; a noi piace ricordarle anche per il clima di amichevole confronto e collaborazione che si è venuto a creare Siamo lieti, ora, di dare alle stampe i contributi che vengono da questa esperienza. Il lettore troverà inizialmente alcuni lavori che ricostruiscono, a partire dalle parole di poeti e di storici e dalle testimonianze papiracee ed epigraiche, i contesti della pratica e della fruizione musicale, lo status sociale dei professionisti della musica, l’organizzazione degli spettacoli. Segue un’ampia parte dedicata alla x Presentazione rilessione sulla musica, sia nei suoi aspetti squisitamente ilosoici, sia in quelli che riguardano la teoria e la sua storia. Anche nella successiva sezione, dedicata all’organologia, si afiancano prospettive di vario genere: da proposte ricostruttive basate sulle considerazioni degli antichi teorici e sui documenti in nostro possesso (resti di strumenti ma anche di testi musicali), a indagini iconograiche e storiche che si interrogano sulla diffusione e sul ruolo sociale e ‘ideologico’ degli strumenti. Si arriva inine a parlare dei documenti della scrittura musicale: fra questi abbiamo il piacere di pubblicare qui per la prima volta un papiro posseduto dalla Biblioteca Vaticana. Anche questi reperti aprono diverse prospettive di ricerca, fra le quali sembra particolarmente interessante quella di interrogare i documenti a proposito dell’ambiente in cui furono impiegati e delle inalità per cui furono apprestati. Nel concludere il nostro lavoro, vogliamo ringraziare i relatori (anche quelli che non hanno potuto inviarci un testo scritto) e tutti coloro che hanno arricchito il convegno della loro presenza e del loro contributo alla discussione, in particolare felice Costabile, Glenn most, egert Pöhlmann. Abbiamo il piacere di estendere il ringraziamento a Luigi Beschi e Christoph Stroux, che si sono in seguito uniti con preziosi interventi in forma scritta. Nella revisione del volume ci siamo avvalsi dell’aiuto di giovani studiosi, che pure vogliamo qui ringraziare: in primis Guido D’Alessandro, poi Luigia Businarolo, emilio Capettini, marta Cardin, Leyla Ozbek, Ivanoe Privitera, Luca Ruggeri. molte grazie anche a Bruna Parra per la sua paziente assistenza redazionale. e inine grazie alla Scuola Normale, per aver offerto, in questi anni, sostegno alle nostre ricerche e, in particolare, alla realizzazione del convegno e di questi atti. Dedichiamo questo volume, con affetto e rimpianto, alla memoria di due grandi maestri e carissimi amici: Roberto Pretagostini, scomparso poco dopo il convegno, Luigi enrico Rossi, venuto a mancare quando questo volume era già stato dato alle stampe. entrambi avevano arricchito il nostro convegno con la passione, la sensibilità e l’acume di sempre, Chico guidando sapientemente la discussione inale, Roberto aprendo i lavori con un contributo, che possiamo qui pubblicare, grazie alla disponibilità di sua moglie Silvana, proprio nella forma in cui lo ricordiamo dalla sua voce. maria Chiara martinelli, francesco Pelosi, Carlo Pernigotti Avvertenze e abbreviazioni Ove non diversamente segnalato, i seguenti scritti di interesse musicologico sono citati secondo le edizioni qui di sotto elencate, indicando, di norma, i numeri di pagina e i righi delle medesime (fanno eccezione gli Elementa rhythmica di Aristosseno, citati per capitoli, e il De musica di filodemo, citato secondo il numero della colonna). Aristide Quintiliano (Aristid. Quint., De mus.) Aristidis Quintiliani De musica libri tres, edidit R.P. Winnington-Ingram, Lipsiae, Teubner 1963 Aristosseno (Aristox., El. harm.; El. rhythm.) Aristoxeni Elementa harmonica, R. Da Rios recensuit, Romae, Typis Publicae Oficinae Polygraphicae 1954 Aristoxenus, Elementa rhythmica. The Fragment of Book II and the Additional Evidence for Aristoxenean Rhythmic Theory, ed. with introduction, translation and commentary by L. Pearson, Oxford, Clarendon Press 1990 Bacchio (Bacch., Harm.) Bacchii Gerontis Isagoge, in Musici Scriptores Graeci, recognovit prooemiis et indice instruxit C. Janus, Lipsiae, Teubner 1895, 283-316 Claudio Tolomeo (Ptol., Harm.) Die Harmonielehre des Klaudios Ptolemaios, hrsg. von I. Düring, Göteborg, elanders Boktryckeri Aktiebolag 1930 (Göteborgs Högskolas årsskrift, 36.1) Cleonide (Cleonid., Harm.) Cleonidis Isagoge harmonica, in Musici Scriptores Graeci, recognovit prooemiis et indice instruxit C. Janus, Lipsiae, Teubner 1895, 167-207 filodemo (Philod., Mus.) Philodème de Gadara, Sur la musique, livre IV, texte établi, traduit et annoté par D. Delattre, 2 tomes, Paris, Les Belles Lettres 2007 xii Avvertenze e abbreviazioni Gaudenzio (Gaud., Harm.) Gaudenti philosophi Harmonica introductio, in Musici Scriptores Graeci, recognovit prooemiis et indice instruxit C. Janus, Lipsiae, Teubner 1895, 317-356 Nicomaco (Nicom., Ench.; Exc.) Nicomachi Enchiridion, in Musici Scriptores Graeci, recognovit prooemiis et indice instruxit C. Janus, Lipsiae, Teubner 1895, 209-265 Excerpta ex Nicomacho, ibid., 266-282 Poririo (Porph., In Harm.) Porphyrios Kommentar zur Harmonielehre des Ptolemaios, hrsg. von I. Düring, Göteborg, elanders Boktryckeri Aktiebolag 1932 (Göteborgs Högskolas årsskrift, 38.2) Pseudo-euclide (ps.-euclid., Sect. Can.) Euclidis Sectio canonis in Musici Scriptores Graeci, recognovit prooemiis et indice instruxit C. Janus, Lipsiae, Teubner 1895, 113-166 Teone di Smirne (Theon Sm.) Theonis Smyrnaei philosophi platonici Expositio rerum mathematicarum ad legendum Platonem utilium, recensuit e. Hiller, Lipsiae, Teubner 1878 I documenti musicali antichi sono citati secondo: DAGM = Documents of Ancient Greek Music. The Extant Melodies and Fragments, edited and transcribed with commentary by e. Pöhlmann and m.L. West, Oxford, Clarendon Press 2001. Per le edizioni dei papiri si fa riferimento alla Checklist of Editions of Greek, Latin, Demotic, and Coptic Papyri, Ostraca and Tablets, ed. by J.D. Sosin, R.S. Bagnall, J. Cowey, m. Depauw, T.G. Wilfong, and K.A. Worp, in <http:// scriptorium.lib.duke.edu/papyrus/texts/clist.html>. Le abbreviazioni relative ai testi epigraici sono in generale quelle usate nel Supplementum Epigraphicum Graecum. Le abbreviazioni delle riviste sono quelle dell’Année Philologique. xiii Avvertenze e abbreviazioni Altre abbreviazioni: Anec. Bekk. = Immanuelis Bekkeri Anecdota Graeca, I, Berolini, Nauck 1814, II-III, Berolini, Reimer 1816-1821 ARV2 = J.D. Beazley, Attic Red-Figure Vase-Painters, 3 vols., Oxford, Clarendon Press 19632 CA = Collectanea Alexandrina. Reliquiae minores Poetarum Graecorum Aetatis Ptolemaicae 323-146 a.C. Epicorum, Elegiacorum, Lyricorum, Ethicorum. Cum epimetris et indice nominum edidit I.U. Powell, Oxonii, Clarendon Press 1925 Dox. = Doxographi Graeci, collegit recensuit prolegomenis indicibusque instruxit H. Diels, Berolini, Reimer 1879 FGrHist = Die Fragmente der griechischen Historiker, von f. Jacoby, Berlin, Weidmann/Leiden, Brill 1923-1958 GDK = Die griechischen Dichterfragmente der römischen Kaiserzeit, gesammelt und hrsg. von e. Heitsch, 2 Bd., Göttingen, Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 19632-1964 GL = Grammatici Latini, ex recensione H. Keilii et al., 7 voll. et suppl., Lipsiae, Teubner 1855-1880 GMAW2 = e.G. Turner, Greek Manuscripts of the Ancient World, Second edition revised and enlarged, ed. by P.J. Parsons, London 1987 («BICS», Suppl. 46) Index Bonitz = H. Bonitz, Index Aristotelicus, Berolini, Reimer 1870 LGPN = A Lexicon of Greek Personal Names, ed. by P.m. fraser, e. matthews, m.J. Osborne, S.B. Byrne, Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1987LIMC = Lexicon Iconographicum Mythologiae Classicae, 9 Bd., Zürichmünchen, Artemis Verlag 1981-1999 LSJ = A Greek-English Lexicon, compiled by H.G. Liddell and R. Scott, revised and augmented throughout by Sir H.S. Jones, Oxford, Clarendon Press 19409; Revised Supplement, ed. by P.G.W. Glare, Oxford, Clarendon Press 1996 PCG = Poetae Comici Graeci, ediderunt R. Kassel et C. Austin, Berolini et Novi eboraci, de Gruyter 1983PG = Patrologiae cursus completus. Series Graeca, accurante J.P. migne, Paris, migne 1857-1866 PMG = Poetae Melici Graeci, edidit D.L. Page, Oxford, Clarendon Press 1962 RE = Paulys Realencyclopädie der classischen Altertumswissenschaft, neue Bearbeitung begonnen von G. Wissowa fortgeführt von W. Kroll, K. mittelhaus u.a., Stuttgart, metzler/Druckenmüller 1893-1997 SOD = Demetrius of Phalerum. Text, Translation and Discussion, ed. by W.W. xiv Avvertenze e abbreviazioni fortenbaugh and e. Schütrumpf, New Brunswick and London, Transaction Publishers 2000 (Rutgers University Studies in Classical Humanities, 9) SVF = Stoicorum Veterum Fragmenta, 3 voll., collegit H. von Arnim; IV, quo indices continentur, conscripsit m. Adler, Lipsiae, Teubner 1903-1924 TrGF = Tragicorum Graecorum Fragmenta, 5 voll., ediderunt B. Snell, R. Kannicht, S. Radt, Göttingen, Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1971- 2004 Nella graia dei nomi greci non è stato imposto uno standard, ma sono state rispettate le scelte dei singoli autori. A Few Things Hellenistic Audiences Appreciated in Musical Performances* For Silke Leopold 1. From the Eurovision Song Contest to Hellenistic agonistic anecdotes I begin with a confession. I watch the eurovision Song Contest almost every year. many people in our discipline do, even though they are more hesitant to out themselves in this matter. I have even voted a couple of times. The best way to watch the show is in the company of others, exchanging comments about the outits of the performers, their looks, their body language, their performance, sometimes even the quality of the music. If you are alone, then I recommend the BBC commentator. We should not take for granted that what a Hellenistic audience experienced during a music contest in a small Anatolian town – or even in the theatre of a major city – necessarily was of higher quality than what the eurovision Song Contest offers to its viewers. The latter do not even expect quality; they are thrilled with competition. If they are good patriots, they want ‘their’ song to win; they enjoy the entertaining value of a bad performance as much as they enjoy the unexpected artistic value of a good one; and they not only remember the wonderful voice of a french female singer, but also the old-fashioned outit of the Albanian contestant and the body language of Svetlana from the Ukraine. Similarly, I am tempted to assume that Hellenistic audiences went to a concert or a competition not exclusively because of love of music, but also – some perhaps primarily – for the fun of watching All dates are BC, if not otherwise stated. I express my thanks to Benjamin Gray (All Souls College, Oxford) for correcting my english. A. Bélis, Mauvaise musique, mauvaises mœurs, in Mousikè et Aretè. La musique et l’éthique de l’antiquité à l’âge moderne, Actes du colloque international tenu en Sorbonne (15-17 décembre 2003), textes réunis par f. malhomme et A.G. Wersinger, Paris, Librairie Philosophique J. Vrin 2007, 77-86, appeared too late to be considered here. * 76 Angelos Chaniotis and judging a performance; and a concert often attracted spectators not because of the big name of the performer, but because it broke the monotony of life. There is little we can tell with certainty about the sound of Hellenistic music. The ‘lyrics’ available help us no more than the libretto alone of, say, Donizetti’s Maria Stuarda would help a musicologist of the fourth millennium understand the Bel Canto. Regrettably, little survives from a very long period of time with many artists and composers and countless occasions where music was performed – from agons to private parties and concerts, and from sacriices to weddings. Our situation is comparable to that of future musicologists for whom time will have preserved only fragments of a handful of works of composers from Lully to Philip Glass, but perhaps plenty of textual information on the vitae of opera divas or the income of pop singers. If we are concerned with the response of Hellenistic audiences to the performances of musicians, two main types of source are at our disposal: anecdotes about the appearance and behaviour of famous artists – collected in books on the subject such as Aristeas’ treatise Peri Kitharoidon (Ath., XIV, 623d); and honorary inscriptions for artists, which occasionally refer to their performances. Both types of source relect collective, not individual, responses to performances and the conduct of performers. Hellenistic audiences were responsive and demanding. Whether they also had good taste is another matter, and if we are to believe the judgment of educated men, popularity with the masses was a sign of bad art1. The audience occasionally accompanied a performance by clapping their hands (krotos)2. Successful artists won honours, fame, and wealth: the kitharode Anaxenor of magnesia, for example, was honoured with a painted portrait in the market and a statue in the theatre of his city, after he had thrilled theatres with a voice that was 1 Ath., XIV, 631f: kai; pavlai me;n to; para; toi'" o[cloi" eujdokimei'n shmei'on h\n kako­ tecniva". 2 Paus., VIII, 50, 3: Meta; de; ouj polu; ajgovntwn Nevmeia ∆Argeivwn e[tuce me;n tw'n kiqarw/dw'n tw'/ ajgw'ni oJ Filopoivmhn parwvn: Pulavdou de; Megalopolivtou me;n ajndro;" gevno", kiqarw/dou' de; tw'n ejf∆ auJtou' dokimwtavtou kai; ajnh/rhmevnou Puqikh;n nivkhn, tovte a/d[ onto" Timoqevou novmon tou' Milhsivou Pevrsa" kai; katarxamevnou th'" wjd/ h'" «Kleino;n ejleuqeriva" teuvcwn mevgan ÔEllavdi kovsmon», ajpei'den ej" to;n Filopoivmena to; ÔEllhniko;n kai; ejpeshmhvnanto tw'/ krovtw/ fevrein ej" ejkei'non to; a\s / ma. 77 A Few Things Hellenistic Audiences Appreciated in Musical Performances compared with that of a god3. The performance of other artists was met with indignation, and anecdotes referring to the stoning of performers, musicians in particular, show that spectators were not easy to satisfy. Polyktor, a kitharode of the fourth century4, is the subject of two such anecdotes. When he was eating a lentil soup and bit a stone, the parasite Korydos commented: «even the lentil soup throws stones to you». When he was building his house and asked a friend to give him stones, he added: «I will give you back many more, from my concert». 2. Talent, virtuosity, and dedication There can be no doubt that virtuosity was appreciated, as we may infer from a description of a performance in Athenaios. The kitharode Amoibeus, one of many artists of that name, won over audiences with his technique, i.e. with skilful, luent, and fast playing and with the tunefulness of his voice5. In other sources referring to the artistic value of a performance, we ind rather general or vague evaluations, such as strength6, gracefulness7, and virtuosity8. The kitharode moschos of Akragas (ifth century) was criticised for singing without power (apneusti, «breathless»)9 and his colleague Dexitheos was said I.Magnesia 129 (c. 40); cf. Strab., XIV, 1, 41; Stephanis 1988, n. 173. Ath., VI, 245d-e: Poluvktoro" de; tou' kiqarw/dou' fakh'n rJofou'nto" kai; livqon mash­ samevnou, «w\ talaivpwre», e[fh [scil. Korydos], «kai; hJ fakh' se bavllei». ª…º kai; Mavcwn 3 4 mnhmoneuvei: fhsi; gavr: kakov" ti", wJ" e[oike, kiqarw/do;" sfovdra mevllwn oijkodomei'n th;n oijkivan, fivlon auJtou' livqou" h/t [ hsen: «ajpodwvsw d∆ ejgw; aujtw'n polu; pleivou"», fhsivn, «ejk th'" deivxew"». Cf. Stephanis 1988, n. 2105. 5 Ath., XIV, 623d: ajnalabwvn te [scil. Amoibeus] th;n kiqavran eij" tosou'ton hJma'" h|sen wJ" pavnta" qaumavzein thvn te kiqavrisin meta; th'" tevcnh" tacivsthn ou\san kai; th'" fwnh'" th;n ejmmevleian. Poll., IV, 89: savlpiggi uJpererrwmevnw" ejcrhvsato; Ath., X, 415a (late fourth century): uJpo; th'" aJdrovthto" tou' h[cou tou;" stratiwvta" hjnavgkase proqumhqevnta" prosagagei'n th;n mhcanhvn. 7 Plut., Alex., 35, 6 (c. 330): paidarivou ª…º a/d[ onto" de; carievntw". 8 D. Chr., I, 1: aujlh'sai kata; to;n ejkeivnou trovpon mavla ejmpeivrw" kai; mousikw'". 9 Schol. vet. ad Aristoph., Ach., 13a (i) Wilson: fau'lo" kiqarw/dov", polla; ajpneusti; a/d[ wn. His designation as fau'lo" suggests that ajpneustiv refers to a fault of his performance («breathless», rather than «without taking breath»). 6 78 Angelos Chaniotis to have been playing in a ‘cold’ manner10. Other musicians, auletai in particular, were famous for inspiring strong feelings and vigour. It is certainly not a coincidence that the relevant anecdotes are connected with the most passionate igure of Greek history: Alexander the Great. Antigenidas played the chariot song in such a way that he inlamed Alexander’s spirit. Alexander leapt up and immediately ran to his arms11. A similar story was narrated about Timotheos. The irst time he performed for the king he chose a melody and a rhythm that corresponded to Alexander’s character, avoiding slow and relaxing tunes12. Another famous auletes, Ismenias, is said to have tried with his tunes to move Alexander’s heart and save Thebes, his fatherland; he failed13. These narratives underline the power of music and the effect of a strong performance. more abundant is, however, information concerning the conduct and appearance of artists – as in our days Callas is as known for her voice as for her behaviour in concerts and for her private life. Let us take the case of one of the greatest stars of the Hellenistic period, the kitharode Amoibeus (mid-third century)14. In addition to information concerning famous performances, e.g., at royal wed- 10 11 Schol. vet. ad Aristoph., Ach., 13a (ii) Wilson: oiJ de; yucro;n aujto;n ei\naiv fasin. Plut., De Alex. Magni fort. aut virt., 335a: kai; ga;r aujtov" [scil. Alexander], ∆Antigenivdou pote; to;n aJrmavteion aujlou'nto" novmon, ou{tw parevsth kai; dieflevcqh to;n qumo;n uJpo; tw'n melw'n, w{ste toi'" o{ploi" a/x[ a" ejpibalei'n ta;" cei'ra" ejggu;" parakei­ mevnoi". 12 D. Chr., I, 1-2: fasiv pote ∆Alexavndrw/ tw'/ basilei' to;n aujlhth;n Timovqeon to; prw'ton ejpideiknuvmenon aujlh'sai kata; to;n ejkeivnou trovpon mavla ejmpeivrw" kai; mou­ sikw'", ouj malako;n au[lhma oujde; ajnabeblhmevnon oujde; tw'n pro;" a[nesin kai; rJaq/ umivan ajgovntwn, ajll∆ aujto;n oi\mai to;n o[rqion to;n th'" ∆Aqhna'" ejpikalouvmenon novmon: kai; to;n ∆Alevxandron eujqu;" ajnaphdh'sai pro;" ta; o{pla toi'" ejnqevoi" oJmoivw": ou{tw sfovdra ejpar­ qh'nai aujto;n uJpo; tou' mevlou" th'" mousikh'" kai; tou' rJuqmou' th'" aujlhvsew". Cf. Stephanis 1988, n. 2417. 13 ps.-Callisth., I, 46a, 2 Kroll: ejnenohvqh <ga;r> [scil. Ismenias] tou;" aujlou;" bastavxa" para; tou;" povda" tou' basilevw" gonuklinh;" genevsqai. kai; oijktro;n kai; katadee;" kai; ejlehmoniko;n mevlo" ajnamevlyai, o{pw" dia; <th'"> tw'n aujlw'n dehvsew" kai; dia; th'" toiauvth" melw/diva" kai; mousikoi'" qrhvnoi" melw/dw'n dunhqeivh eij" e[leo" katagagei'n to;n ∆Alevxandron. Cf. Stephanis 1988, n. 1295. 14 159. Polyaen., IV, 6, 1; Ath., XIV, 623d; Ael., VH, III, 30. Cf. Stephanis 1988, n. 79 A Few Things Hellenistic Audiences Appreciated in Musical Performances dings15, we are told that he lived near the theatre in Athens; when he performed he earned one talent per day (perhaps an allusion to victories in talantiaioi agones rather than to an honorarium)16; he had an extremely beautiful wife, but practiced abstinence before a musical contest17. But what was his repertoire? How did he win the admiration of his audiences? This we do not know, despite the fact that, unlike the many musicians known only from a single source, Amoibeus is mentioned in eight passages, by a variety of authors, such as Polyainos, Plutarch, Athenaios, Ailianos, Clemens of Alexandria, Philostratos, and Dio of Prusa. Only a single piece of information about his conduct is related to his performance: his abstinence from sexual intercourse, in other words his self-control and dedication to his profession, as relected in his demanding preparation before a contest. Success in a professional career in music required training, dedication, and professionalism. Another musician, far less successful than Amoibeus, was aware of that. Herakleotes, a kitharode in spe, is known from two memoranda preserved in the Zenon archive (mid-third century)18. His teacher, Demeas, had bequeathed him an instrument, but it had been mortgaged. Herakleotes, still a minor, repeatedly requested the delivery of either this instrument or a substitute so that he could exercise and not miss chances to participate in contests and make a Polyaen., IV, 6, 1. Ath., XIV, 623d. 17 Ael., VH, III, 30. Another anecdote on the sexual behaviour of a musician: Plut., Reg. et imper. apophth., 180f (Stephanis 1988, n. 952). 18 I quote some passages of one of the two memoranda: P.Lond. VII 2017 (SB 6997): 15 16 ª…º uJpovmnhmªa ajxiw'n perºi; tou' ojrgavnou tou' kataleifqevnto" moi kata; diaqhvkªhn uJpºo; Dhmevou ªtou' didaskavloºu mou ª…º ajpodªou'naiv moi aujto; h] e{teromº mh; cei'ron dou'naiv moi ejn w|i meletw'n ajgwniou'mªai i{na mh;º polªlºw'n kaªqºusªterw' pºara; to; ajmelevthto" ei\nai, kai; a[llo uJpovmnhma peri; tou' ojrgavnou ª…º o{ªpºw" e[cw meletw'n ajgwnivzesqai kai; mh; pollw'n kaqusterw' ªajmelevthtºo" w[n. ª…º trivton a[llªo uJpovmºnhma ª...º ªajnºatrevfesqaiv me e[conta ta; devonta pavnta o{sa eij" a[qlhsin th'" kiqarwidikh'" tevªcnhº" prosh'ken ejleuqevrwi e{w" tou' eij" ajgw'na eijselqei'n. ª…º o{pw" meletw'n ajgwnivzwmai kai; mh; para; tauvthn th;n aijtivan pollw'n kaqusterw' para; to; mh; e[cein o[rgaªnºon. ª…º parevceim moi ta; devonta pavnta o{sa eij" a[qlhsin th'" kiqarwªidikh'"º tevcnh" <proshvkei ejleuqevrwi> e{w" a]n ou| eij" ajgw'na eijsevlqw. ª…º ajpodou'naiv moi th;n kata; mh'na ginomevnhn ªtimºh;n eij" e[th duvo o{pw" a]n ejmautou' ejpimelhqei;" kai; tucw;n ejpistavtou eijsevlqªw eij" tou;"º ajgw'na" ou}" oJ basileu;" protivqhsin kai; mh; katafqarw' ejntau'qa, dunato;" w]ªn ejmauºtw'i bohqh'sai. Cf. Stephanis 1988, n. 1103. 80 Angelos Chaniotis living. His memoranda reveal a young man dreaming of a career in music. He certainly did not lack dedication, but I am not sure whether he also had talent. Perhaps his supervisors had good reasons for not letting him get close to a kithara. 3. Physical presence The anecdotes concerning the female trumpeter Aglais (c. 270) are quite instructive19. Her very name, inspired by the muse Aglaia, suggests that she had been raised as an artist, possibly as a member of a family of performers20. Athenaios’ source is a lost epigram of Poseidippos. She was known for her great appetite – a rather common type of information recorded about artists and athletes21; allegedly, she ate up to twelve litres of meet accompanied by four litres of bread, and drunk three litres of wine. Her appetite probably resulted in extraordinary corpulence, but also increased her abilities in playing an instrument that required strong lungs. Pollux praises her precisely for the vigour and manfulness (hypererromenos) of her performance in processions and in trumpet tunes for victorious athletes. In her case, we do get information about one of her performances. She participated in the great procession at the Ptolemaia in Alexandria, wearing a wig (perithete) and a crest (lophos) on her head. Similar information is given regarding the trumpeter Herodoros of megara, a contemporary of Demetrios the Besieger (c. 300-280), who won more than ten Olympic victories22. He was three and a half cubits 19 Poll., IV, 89: ∆Aglai>"; d∆ hJ Megaloklevou" savlpiggi uJpererrwmevnw" ejcrhvsato ajgwnisthrivw/ te kai; pompikh/.' Ath., X, 415a-b: kai; gunh; de; ejsavlpisen ∆Aglai>" ; hJ Megaklevou" ejn th/' prwvth/ ajcqeivsh/ megavlh/ pomph/' ejn ∆Alexandreiva/ to; pompikovn, periqevthn e[cousa kai; lovfon ejpi; th'" kefalh'", wJ" dhloi' Poseivdippo" ejn ejpigravmmasin. h[sqie de; kai; aujth; livtra" me;n krew'n dwvdeka, a[rtwn de; coivnika" tevssara" kai; e[pinen oi[nou coa'. Cf. Stephanis 1988, n. 42. The personal name often indicated the professional specialisation of entertainers and the artistic background of their family; see Chaniotis 1990, 97. 21 for artists see below note 22. for athletes see Ath., X, 412d-413c. 22 Ath., X, 414f-415a (late fourth century): ÔHrovdwrovn fhsi to;n Megareva 20 salpigkth;n genevsqai to; me;n mevgeqo" phcw'n triw'n kai; hJmivsou", ei\nai de; kai; ta;" pleura;" ijscurovn: ejsqivein de; a[rtwn me;n coivnika" e{x, krew'n de; livtra" ei[kosin oi{wn a]n euJrhvkh/, pivnein de; coa'" duvo kai; salpivzein a{ma savlpigxi dusiv. ª…º “Argo" gou'n po­ 81 A Few Things Hellenistic Audiences Appreciated in Musical Performances long (c. 6 feet or 1.80 m), with strong ribs. He ate six litres of bread, twenty litres of meat of any kind he could lay his hands on, and drank six litres of wine. His strength allowed him to blow two trumpets at the same time, and according to Pollux, it was not easy to approach him when he blew his trumpet because of the blast. A comparison of the sources concerning Herodoros and Aglais reveals similarities and signiicant differences. Herodoros was a big man with a big appetite who gave a strong performance, an impressive and inspiring igure in the army of a king. When Demetrios was besieging Argos and the siege machine was so heavy that the soldiers were unable to move it, Herodoros blew with two trumpets and the vigour (hadrotes) of the sound gave the soldiers the strength they needed. In his case, as well as in the case of Aglais, bodily size and strength were required for a vigorous performance, in particular in connection with an instrument such as the trumpet23. One expected an impressive physical presence on the stage and commented on it. The kitharode Propis of Rhodes (fourth century) was known as «mr nobody, bad big ish» (oudeis kakos megas ichthys), for his body size was not matched by the greatness of his art24. Similarly, the appearance of Stephanos in the court of Alexander was considered worthy of comment, since a boy with a plain and ridiculous appearance unexpectedly turned out to be a most graceful singer25. What about Aglais? The peculiar thing about her is not the size of liorkou'nto" Dhmhtrivou tou' ∆Antigovnou kai; ouj dunamevnwn tw'n stratiwtw'n th;n eJlevpo­ lin prosagagei'n toi'" teivcesi dia; to; bavro", tai'" duvo savlpigxi shmaivnwn uJpo; th'" aJdrov­ thto" tou' h[cou tou;" stratiwvta" hjnavgkase proqumhqevnta" prosagagei'n th;n mhcanhvn. Poll., IV, 89: kai; mh;n o{ ge Megareu;" ÔHrovdwro" oJpovte salpivzoi, calepo;n h\n aujtw'/ plhsiavzein plhttomevnou" dia; mevgeqo" pneuvmato". Cf. Stephanis 1988, n. 1114. 23 Strength was appreciated in trumpet blowing, but not in lute playing. See the anecdote about Kaphisias (fourth/third century). Diog. Laert., VII, 21 (Stephanis 1988, n. 1387): ejpiballomevnou tino;" tw'n maqhtw'n megavla fusa'n, patavxa" ei\pen wJ" oujk ejn tw'/ megavlw/ to; eu\ keivmenon ei[h, ajll∆ ejn tw'/ eu\ to; mevga. 24 Ath., VIII, 347f-348a: oJ Stratovniko" qeasavmeno" to;n Provpin o[nta tw'/ me;n megev­ qei mevgan, th/' de; tevcnh/ kako;n kai; ejlavttona tou' swvmato", ejperwtwvntwn aujto;n poi'o" v tiv" ejstin ei\pen «oujdei;" kako;" mevga" ijcquv"», aijnissovmeno" o{ti prw'ton me;n oujdeiv" ejstin, ei\q∆ o{ti kakov", kai; pro;" touvtoi" mevga" mevn, ijcqu;" de; dia; th;n ajfwnivan. Cf. Stephanis 1988, n. 2151. 25 Plut., Alex., 35, 6: paidarivou ª…º eujtelou'" sfovdra kai; geloivou th;n o[yin, a/d[ onto" de; carievntw". 82 Angelos Chaniotis her body or her appetite, but her gender. She is the only female trumpeter known in ancient Greece. As a professional musician, she had chosen a typically male instrument, closely connected with the life of soldiers. Aglais underlined this manliness with her gear, a wig and a crest, the latter probably on a helmet. This gear, in addition to the size of her body and the strength of her performance, must have made her resemble a superhuman igure, probably an Amazon, similar to the one depicted on an Athenian vase (early ifth century)26. Plutarch (Arat., 31-32), drawing upon a Hellenistic historian (Phylarchos?), gives an idea of what impression such a igure may have left. He narrates how the Aitolians attacked and seized a small Achaian town, immediately beginning to plunder it. The oficers seized the women, putting their helmets on the women’s heads to show to whom each woman belonged. It occurred by chance that one of the captive women, the daughter of epigethes, a distinguished man, and herself conspicuous for her beauty and the stateliness of her body, was sitting in Artemis’ sanctuary, where she had been placed by the oficer who had seized her for himself and had placed his three crested helmet upon her head. But suddenly she ran forth towards the tumult, and as she stood in front of the gate of the sanctuary and looked down upon the combatants from the high, with the three crested helmet on her head, she appeared to the citizens themselves as a vision of more than human majesty, while the enemy thought they saw an apparition from heaven and were struck with amazement and terror, so that no one among them thought of defending himself (Arat., 32)27. Aglais may also have resembled a superhuman apparition during her performance at the Ptolemaia. The paradox of her physical appearance made her performance at the Ptolemaia unforgettable, in a period with a particular taste for the paradoxical and the unexpected. 4. Repertoire The texts presented so far are anecdotes – an exaggerated relection of reality. Luckily, we do not have to rely only on anecdotes. Numerous 26 27 Black-igured epinetron attributed to the Sappho painter: DAGM 1 (with ig. 1). Chaniotis 2005, 208-209. 83 A Few Things Hellenistic Audiences Appreciated in Musical Performances honorary inscriptions directly relect perceptions of an artist’s performance and presence. They almost always concern foreign artists. An honorary decree of Delphi for the musicians Kleodoros and Thrasyboulos of Pheneos (early second century) is a representative specimen28: Kleodoros and Thrasyboulos, the sons of Theoxenidas, from Pheneos, came to our city and presented to the god demonstrations of the art of music (concerts), in which they had success, presenting rhythms of the old poets which were appropriate to the god and to our city. In addition to this, they made their stay and their conduct and the teaching of the boys worthy of themselves and of their fatherland and of our city. At irst sight, the decree contains stereotypical polite phrases. What did the city of Delphi appreciate in the presence of the two foreign musicians? The concerts, their conduct (not speciied in detail), their teaching of the young, probably their presence itself, since visits by foreigners outside the period of the musical competition must have been welcome, as they interrupted the monotony of everyday life. There is, however, a detail of greater signiicance: the selection of the repertoire. The two musicians selected compositions of old poets suitable for Apollo and the city. There are good reasons to assume that the Delphians appreciated not only the musical quality of the selected songs, but also their content, full of praise for the city, the sanctuary, and the god. A contemporary poet of Delos, Amphikles (c. 160)29, composed a processional song praising the Athenian demos, which only recently had been given the control over his island by the Romans. The Delphians also appreciated that the activities of the two musicians had an educational value: the patriotic education of the boys30. 28 Syll.3 703: ejpeidh; Kleovdwro" kai; Qrasuvboulo" oiJ Qeoxenivda Fenea'tai parage­ novmenoi poq∆ aJme; ejpideivxei" ejpoihvsanto tw'i qew'i dia; ta'" mousika'" tevcna", ejn ai|" kai; eujdokivmoun proferovmenoi ajriqmou;" tw'n ajrcaivwn poihta'n oi} h\san prevponte" potiv te to;n qeo;n kai; ta;n povlin aJmw'n, e[ti de; kai; ta;n ejndamivan kai; ajnastrofa;n kai; didaskalivan tw'n paivdwn ejpoihvsanto ajxivw" aujswtw'n te kai; ta'" ijdiva" patrivdo" kai; ta'" aJmetevra" povlio". Cf. Stephanis 1988, nn. 1228 and 1439. 29 I.Délos 1497: ejpeidh; ª…º ajkroavsei" kai; pleivou" ejpoihvsato kai; prosovdion gravya" ejmmele;" eij" th;n povlin touv" te qeou;" tou;" th;n nh'son katevconta" kai; to;n dh'mon tw'n ∆Aqhnaivwn u{mnhsen, ejdivdaxen de; kai; tou;" tw'n politw'n pai'da" pro;" luvran to; mevlo" a[idein. Stephanis 1988, n. 165. 30 Cf. the decree for Kleochares in F.Delphes III.2 78: ejpeidh; Kleªocºavrh" Bivwnoª"º 84 Angelos Chaniotis However, the most signiicant word in this document is the expression archaioi poietai. The musicians are praised for their taste, for the preference they had given to ‘classical’ music. This is not an isolated reference to the popularity of ‘oldies’ in the Hellenistic period. The Samian auletes Satyros (early second century), who for the irst time in history had won the Pythian contest without competition, was asked by the Delphians to donate a free concert (epidounai) for the god and the Greeks. After the athletic competition and while the sacriice was taking place in the Pythian stadium, he performed a choric song called Dionysos and a piece for kithara accompanying a part of euripides’ Bakchai. The fact that the piece which he performed had been composed for kithara (kitharisma), whereas Satyros was an auletes, suggests that it was not his composition but an old one31. Two other contemporary musicians, the kitharodes Thrason and Sokrates of Aigeira (early second century), two brothers who also travelled to Delphi to give concerts (epideixeis dia lyrikon systematon), presented compositions of old poets (archaioi poietai), which were appropriate (preponta) for Apollo and for the city32. The selection of the repertoire to match not only the musical taste, but also the patriotic expectations of the audience, was also the key to the success of a kithara player from Teos in Cretan cities33. menekles of Teos, a kitharistes, ª…º poihth;" melw'n, ejpidamhvsa" eij" ta;n povlin, gevgrafe tw'i qew'i poqovdiovn te kai; paia'na kai; u{mnon, o{pw" a[idwnti oiJ pai'de" ta'i qusivai tw'n Qeoxenivwn: ª…º o{pw" de; kai; aJ povli" faivnhtai timw'sa tou;" a[xiovn ti tou' qeou' gravfonta", ejpainevsai K. ª…º ejpiv te ta'i poti; to;n qeo;n eujsebeivai kai; o{ti eu[nou" ejsti; ta'i povlei. Cf. Stephanis 1988, n. 1454. 31 F.Delphes III.3 128: touvtwi [scil. Satyros] prwvtwi sumbevbhken movnwi a[neu ajntagwnistw'n aujlh'sai to;n ajgw'na kai; ajxiwqevnta ejpidou'nai tw'i qew'i kai; toi'" ”Ellhsi meta; to;n gumniko;n th'i qusivai ejn tw'i stadivwi tw'i Puqikw'i a\isma meta; corou' Diovnuson kai; kiqavrisma ejk Bakcw'n Eujripivdou. Cf. Stephanis 1988, n. 2240; van Liefferinge 2000, 157; Weir 2004, 108. for a discussion of this text see now Prauscello 2006, 105-110 (with the earlier bibliography); I do not think that there is conclusive evidence for the assumption that Satyros performed a single piece – an a\isma meta; corou' consisting of ‘Dionysos’ and a kitharisma. 32 F.Delphes III.1 49: ejpideivxei" ejpohvsanto tw'i qew'i dia; tw'n lurikw'n susthmavtwn, proferovmenoi ªtºw'n ajrcaivwn poªhtºa'n a} h\n prevponta potiv te to;n qeo;n kai; ta;n povlin … Cf. Stephanis 1988, nn. 1232 and 2336. 33 I.Cret. I.xxiv 1: ajlla; kai; ejpedeivxato Meneklh'" meta; kiqavra" tav te Timoqevou kai; Poluivdou kai; tw'n aJmw'n palaiw'n poihta'n kalw'" kai; prepovntw", eijshvnegke de; kuv­ klon iJstorhmevnan uJpe;r Krhvta" kaªi; tºw'n ejn ªKrhvºtai gegonovtwn qew'n te kai; hJrwvwn, 85 A Few Things Hellenistic Audiences Appreciated in Musical Performances was one of the envoys of Teos to Crete to support his city’s request to have its asylia recognised. His persuasion strategy – a demonstration of good will – included historical arguments, the presentation of menekles’ compendium concerning Cretan myths, gods, and heroes, and a concert. The latter consisted of old compositions of Timotheos and Polyidos as well as compositions of local Cretan poets, presumably those of Thaletas, a famous Archaic composer of paians from Gortyn. The works of Thaletas, probably also of Zenon, a Cretan composer of hyporchemata in the court of Artaxerxes II, were performed by envoys from mylasa in Crete in the same period34. The mortals also projected their taste on to the patron god of music, Apollo. The aforementioned compositions are characterised as appropriate to Apollo. Indeed, an oracle of Didyma (second century AD) makes Apollo say that he likes all music, but old music in particular, the older the better35. This attitude corresponds to the view of the educated – but also to a general commonplace – that only music sanctioned by time is worth performing, contemporary music being a relection of the decline of morality and education. Aristoxenos’ judgment about contemporary music of the fourth century is telling: «our theatres have become utterly barbarised, and this prostituted music has moved on into a state of grave corruption»36. Bad music, promoting effeminacy, licence and looseness, was regarded as the result of neglect of traditional customs. The fourth century lutist Telesias of Thebes, who had been educated with the music of Pindar, Lampros, and Pratinas, was criticised for having been inluenced by the ªpoiºhsavmenoª" tºa;n sunagwga;n ejk pollw'n poihta'ªnº kai; iJstoriagravfwn. I.Cret. I.viii 11: ejpedeivxato Meneklh'" meta; kiqavra" pleonavki" tav te Timoqevw kai; Poluivdw kai; tw'n aJmw'n ajrcaivwn poihta'n kalw'" kai; wJ" prosh'ken ajndri; pepaideumevnwi. Stephanis 1988, n. 1650; Chaniotis 1988a, 348-349, n. e71. 34 Chaniotis 1988b on I.Mylasa 652-653. 35 I.Didyma 217; merkelbach, Stauber 1998, 76-77, n. 01/19/01: caivrw d∆ ejpi; pavsh/ ajoidh//' ªkei[ te nevh tºelevqh/: pollo;n d∆ ei[per te palaihv:/ ªajrcaivh/ dev tºe ma'llon, ejmoi; polu; fevrterovn ejstin. for the relationship of this oracle with contemporary ritual practice see Chaniotis 2002, 76-77. Cf. Busine 2005, 73, 164, 448-449, n. 24. 36 Ath., XIV, 632b: ta; qevatra ejkbebarbavrwtai kai; eij" megavlhn diafqora;n proe­ lhvluqen hJ pavndhmo" au{th mousikhv. Cf. ibid., 633b-c: meta; de; tau'ta genomevnh" ajtaxiva" kataghrasavntwn scedo;n aJpavntwn tw'n ajrcaivwn nomivmwn h{ te proaivresi" au{th kate­ luvqh kai; trovpoi mousikh'" fau'loi katedeivcqhsan, oi|" e{kasto" tw'n crwmevnwn ajnti; me;n pra/ot v hto" periepoiei'to malakivan, ajnti; de; swfrosuvnh" ajkolasivan kai; a[nesin. 86 Angelos Chaniotis contemporary music of a Timotheos37. Two centuries later the complex and embroidered tunes of Timotheos, criticised by the conservatives of the fourth century, had become ‘classics’. They were familiar to wide audiences who could associate his compositions with recent political events. Pylades of megalopolis, a kitharode (late third century)38, sung during the Nemea of 205 BC an ode from Timotheos’ Persians. The verse «who to Greece gives the great and glorious jewel of freedom», was immediately recognized by the audience, who accompanied the song with clapping and looked at Philopoimen, making clear that the song applied to him39. That old compositions were popular does not mean that new composition could not receive praise. Kleochares of Athens (late third century), for example, was honoured in Delphi for composing a prosodion, a paian, and a hymn to be sung by the boys during the sacriice of the Theoxenia (see note 30). moiris of miletos, a poet or a musician, seems to have done more than simply perform, since «he skilfully planned things worthy of the well-sounding art» (second century)40. This brief analysis shows that the honorary decree for Kleodoros and Thrasyboulos can easily be placed in the context of more general trends in the Hellenistic period: the popularity of public concerts interrupting the monotony of life between great festivals, the interest in the presence of foreign artists, the transmission of civic virtues, and the appreciation of old music. Another element, which may have impressed the audience in Delphi and is paralleled by other evidence, is the visit by two brothers giving concerts. Several other musicians are known to have travelled together with a relative and given concerts: the brothers Thrason and Sokrates (see note 32), the hydraulos Antipatros with his brother, who assisted him in the operation of the instrument (see note 49), and Hegesimachos with his homonymous 37 ps.-Plut., De mus., 1142b-c: ª…º Telesiva/ tw'/ Qhbaivw/ sumbh'nai nevw/ me;n o[nti trafh'nai ejn th/' kallivsth/ mousikh/' ª…º: parallavxanta de; th;n th'" ajkmh'" hJlikivan, ou{tw sfovdra ejxapathqh'nai uJpo; th'" skhnikh'" te kai; poikivlh" mousikh'", wJ" katafronh'sai tw'n kalw'n ejkeivnwn ejn oi|" ajnetravfh, ta; Filoxevnou de; kai; Timoqevou ejkmanqavnein, kai; touvtwn aujtw'n ta; poikilwvtata kai; pleivsthn ejn auJtoi'" e[conta kainotomivan. Cf. Ste- phanis 1988, n. 2388. 38 Stephanis 1988, n. 2181. 39 Paus., VIII, 50, 3 (the text is quoted in note 2). 40 merkelbach, Stauber 1998, 130, n. 01/20/14: Moirivou eijkovna tavnde povlei" e[stasan ∆Iwvnªwnº/ eujkelavdou tevcna" a[xia mhsamevnou. Cf. Stephanis 1988, n. 1736. 87 A Few Things Hellenistic Audiences Appreciated in Musical Performances son (see note 50). The existence of families of artists is an indication of professional specialisation and training within the family41. 5. Professionalism A very instructive honorary decree concerns the harpist Polygnota of Thebes42. In 86, while the Delphians were preparing to celebrate the Pythian games, Sulla’s campaign of Greece made travel dangerous, the expected artists and spectators did not come, and the pentaeteric contest had to be cancelled43. But some artists were more courageous than others. Polygnota arrived in Delphi together with her cousin. Since the contest could not take place, Polygnota gave a concert as an offering to the god (ajpavrxato), for free – this seems to be the meaning of ejpidivdwmi and ejpivdosi", terms which usually refer to voluntary contributions by citizens, sometimes by foreigners, for public works44. When the magistrates and the citizens asked her (paraklhqei'sa) to give more concerts, she gave concerts (ajgwnivxato) for three whole days. In this text, but also in several other documents from Delphi, the verb ajgwnivzomai does not have its literal meaning («to participate in a contest»), but refers to an artistic performance, to a concert45. Polygnota’s success was spectacular (eujdokivmhse megalomerw'"). The verb eujdokimei'n is often used with the meaning «to be successful in 41 42 Chaniotis 1990, 94-95. F.Delphes III.3 249: ªejpeiºdh; Polugnwvta Sakravtou" Qhbaiva, coroyavltria, ejn­ damhvsasa ejn Delªfou;" ejn w|i kaiºrw'i e[dei suntelei'sqai to;n ajgw'na tw'n IEI Puqivwn, dia; de; to;n ejnestakovta ªpovlemon ouj suºnteleimevnou tou' ajgw'no" aujqamev<ran> ajpavr­ xato kai; ejpevdwke aJmevran: paraªklhqeºi'sa de; uJpov te tw'n ajrcovntwn kai; tw'n polita'n, ajgwnivxato ejªpi; aJºmevra" trei'" kai; eujdokivmhse megalomerw'", ajxivw" tou' te qeou' ªkai;º tou' davmou tou' Qhbaivwn kai; ta'" aJmetevra" povlio", kai; ejstefanwvsªaºmen aujta;n kai; dracªmºai'" pentakosivai": tuvcªai ajºgªaqºa'i: ejpainevsai Polugnwvtan Swkravtou" Qh­ baivan ejpiv te ta'i poti; to;n qeo;n eujsebeiva/ kªai;º oJsiovtati kai; ta/' peri; to; ejpitavdeuma kai; ta;n tevcnan proairev<se>i. Cf. Robert 1929, 34-40; Stephanis 1988, n. 2092; ferrandini Troisi 2000, 41-43, n. 2.7; Weir 2004, 543. 43 for the interruption or cancellation of festivals because of wars, see Habicht 2006. 44 On epidoseis, in general, see migeotte 1992, 5 and passim. On epidosis in the context of concerts see Robert 1929, 40-41; van Liefferinge 2000, 151. 45 Robert 1929, 38; van Liefferinge 2000, 151-152. 88 Angelos Chaniotis a concert or a contest»46, but the additional attribute megalomerw'" is rare47. It relects an enthusiastic response by the audience. Polygnota was honoured for her piety (eujsevbeia) and her respect towards religious traditions (oJsiovth"), but also for her professional behaviour and her attitude as an artist (peri; to; ejpithvdeuma kai; th;n tevcnhn pro­ aivresi"). At a time when other artists behaved as cowards and gave their safety greater priority than the honour which the god deserved, a woman had behaved as a professional. Professionalism is often praised in Hellenistic decrees, e.g., for doctors, grammarians, actors, historians, and men of letters in general48. The hydraulos Antipatros (94 BC) was praised after a successful concert in Delphi for his attitude towards his art, with the same words (peri; th;n tevcnhn proaivresi")49, and the musician Hegesimachos (c. 150) was honoured in Tanagra for proper conduct as an artist (poiw'n ta; ejn th/' tevcnh/ divkaia)50. This corresponds with a general tendency in this period towards professional specialisation51. e.g., SEG II 184; Syll.3 703, 737, 739; F.Delphes III.1 48; Nachtergael 1977, 484-486, n. 70; Ath., XIV, 631f. 47 In the context of entertainers: Syll.3 737. Other examples: Syll.3 762. 48 e.g., doctors: massar 2001; Samama 2003, nn. 051, 060, 067, 069, 120, 341; historians: Chaniotis 1988a, 384-389. 49 Syll.3 737: ejpei; ∆Antivpatro" Breuvkou ª∆Eleuqernºai'o", u{draulo", ajposteilavsa" 46 pot∆ aujto;n ta'" povlio" presbeivªan paragºenhqei;" ejn Delfou;" kai; paraklhqei;" uJpo; tw'n ajrcovntwn kai; ta'" ªpovlio"º ajgwnivxato aJmevra" duvo kai; eujdokivmhse megalomerw'" kai; ajxivw" ªtºou' te qeou' kai; ta'" povlio" tw'n ∆Eleuqernaivwn kai; ta'" aJmetevra" povlio", ªejºf∆ oi|" kai; ejstefanwvqh ejn tw'i ajgw'n[i ras.] eijkovni calkevai kai; toi'" a[lloi" timivoi" pavntoi", a}" kai; sunetevlese uJpe;r aujtosauto;n tw'i qew'i: ejpi; ou\n touvtoi", ajgaqa'i tuvcai, dedovc­ qai: ejpainevsai ∆Antivpatron Breuvkou ∆Eleuqernai'on, u{draulon, ejpiv te ta'i poti; to;n qeo;n eujsebeivai kai; oJsiovtati kai; ejpi; ta'i proairevsei, a|i e[cwn peri; ta;n tevcnan diatelei', kai; ta'i poti; ta;n povlin aJmw'n eujnoivai ... Cf. Stephanis 1988, n. 218. 50 SEG II 184: […] ejpeidh; ÔHghsivmªaºco" ÔHghsimavcou ∆Aqhnai'o" paragenovmeno" eij" th;n pªovºlin hJmw'n e[cwn meq∆ auJtou' kai; to;n uJon; ÔHghsivmacon, mouªsiºko;" uJpavrcwn ejpoei'to ajkroavsei" logikav" te kai; ojrganika;" ejpªi;º pleivou" hJmevra", ejn ai|" eujdokivmh­ sen poiw'n ta; ejn th/' tevcnh/ divªkaiºa: ejpoihvsanto de; kai; th;n ejpidhmivan kai; ajnastrofh;n kalw'" kai; eªujºschmovnw" kai; wJ" prevpon h\n toi'" ajpo; paideiva" oJrmwmevnoi": o{pwª"º ou\n kai; hJ povli" hJmw'n faivnhtai protimw'sa tou;" ajpo; paideiva" oJrmwmevªnou"º kai; ajparco­ mevnou" ejn th/' povlei hJmw'n ª…º ejpainevsai ª...º ejpi; th/' ajnastrofh/' h|i pepoivªhntaiº kai; th/' eujnoivai th/' pro;" th;n povlin hJmw'n kai; ejpimeleivai th/' peri; ªto; mavºqhma … Historians: Chaniotis 1988a, 354-356; theatre artists: Chaniotis 1990; doctors: see note 48. 51 89 A Few Things Hellenistic Audiences Appreciated in Musical Performances 6. Spontaneity and generosity Another expression of particular signiicance in Polygnota’s decree is the word aujqamevran («within the day»). Why did the author of a very short text with formulaic expressions choose to stress the fact that Polygnota offered her free concert within a day? Precisely this word, so superluous at irst sight, explains the gratitude of the Delphians. When Polygnota observed that the Pythian contest was cancelled, she offered her concert promptly and spontaneously, fulilling her promise without any delay. It is the spontaneity of the artist’s response, her prompt reaction to the unexpected situation, which impressed the Delphians and was not to be forgotten. Polygnota did not show fear, did not remain idle, did not make unfulilled promises. Polygnota saved the day. Spontaneity and responsiveness were virtues which were appreciated in artists. A parallel is offered by the tragic poet Dymas of Iasos, who apparently saved a Samothracian festival in an analogous manner52. Under unclear conditions, possibly when a gap in the theatrical performances occurred, Dymas without delay, fast (kata; tavco") demonstrated the nature of his character composing a drama treating the deeds of Dardanos, a local hero, thus satisfying the feelings of local pride53. An honorary decree of Siphnos provides another parallel. When the victory of Ptolemy IV at the great battle in Raphia (217 BC) was announced in Siphnos, an auletes from Alexandria, the otherwise unknown Perigenes, happened to be present54. 52 IG XII.8, p. 38: kata; tavco" te ajpovdeixin ejpoihvsato th'" auJtou' fuvsew" kai; pragmateivan sªunevºtaxen ejn dravmati tw'n Dardavnou pravxewn ta;" megivsta" mnhmoªneuvwnº. Cf. Rutherford 2007. for praise of spontaneity and an undelayed response to a community’s request or needs see, e.g., the use of paracrh'ma/parautivka in the honorary decree for Protogenes, a benefactor of Olbia (IOSPE I2 32 A, ll. 68-69: parautivka ejnevgka" e[dwke; B, ll. 54-55: h[negke paracrh'ma). Cf. I.Sultandaği I 562, ll. 6-8: tavceion ejteivmhsen th;n kwvmhn ajrgurivou d(hnarivoi)" n΄; IG VII 2712, l. 86; IG XII.5 860, l. 18. 54 IG XII.5 481+Suppl.; Stephanis 1988, n. 2045. I give Stephanis’ text, but I restore ªmºovnoª"º instead of ªmºovnoªnº; all the restorations are tentative: ªsumpºarw;n de; 53 kai; Perigevnh" Leontivskou ª∆Alexandreu;º" sunhsqei;ª"º ejpi; toi'" proshggelªmºevnoiª" ajgaqoi'º" ejpidivdwsin te'i povlei, w{ste aujlh'saªi mºovnoª" ejnº hJm<ev>rai" dusivn, boulovmeno" 90 Angelos Chaniotis He also rejoiced together with the others at the good news that had been announced and offered as a present (ejpidivdwsin) to the city, to perform with his aulos alone (ªmºovnoª"º) for two whole days, wishing to demonstrate his good will towards the king and the queen as well as to our city. Perigenes was honoured for generosity and benevolence, but probably also for his spontaneous response to the good news; there is no reference to a request by the city. The interpreters of this text take movno" to refer to a performance without the accompaniment of a chorus. more likely, Perigenes offered to be the only auletes accompanying the choruses, which probably performed throughout the two-day celebration of the victory. The word authameran in Polygnota’s decree may have yet another implication. Arnd Kerkhecker has observed that the expression ejn hJmevra/ mia/' appears in Greek drama in connection with the sudden manifestation of divine power and with unexpected changes in the destiny of individuals55. We ind the same interest in the manifestation of divine power in inscriptions mentioning divine punishment56. The use of the word authameran by the author of the honorary decree should perhaps be seen against this background. As Polygnota unexpectedly and without delay saved the Pythian festival, changing the situation within a day, she indirectly appeared as dea ex machina, a woman whose initiative and spontaneous and willing contribution saved the day. Polygnota is an exceptional case, but several other musicians won ajpodeivknuªsºqai th;ªnº eu[noian h}n e[cei ei[ª"º te to;n basileva kai; th;n ªbasºivliªssan kºai; th;n povlin th;n hJmetevran. A. Kerkhecker commented on the following passages in a lecture in Heidelberg (2002): eur., fr. 420, 2-3 Kannicht: kai; miv∆ hJmevra/ ta; me;n kaqei'len uJyovqen, ta; d∆ h\r∆ a[nw; eur., Hipp., 21-22: timwrhvsomai/ ÔIppovluton ejn th/d' ∆ hJmevra/; Xenoph., HG, VII, 4, 32: toiou'toi genovmenoi oi{ou" th;n ajreth;n qeo;" me;n a]n ejmpneuvsa" duvnaito kai; ejn hJmevra/ ajpodei'xai; men., Peric., 802-807: povll∆ ejsti;n e[rg∆ a[pista, paidivon, tuvch"./ […] / pevnh" ejgenovmhn bivon e[cein ªeijqismevno"º./ ejn hJmevra/; pw'"; men., Dysc., 187-188: povll∆ ejn hJmevra/ mia//' gevnoit∆ a[n; ibid., 864: ejn hJmevra/ mia/' kateivrgasmai gavmon/ <o}n> oujd∆ a]n ei|" pot∆ w/e[ t∆ ajnqrwvpwn o{lw". 56 e.g., Petzl 1994, n. 69: monhmevrw/ kolavsei ajphllavgh; SEG L 1233: ejkdivkhsovn me ejn tavci. Similarly, magical texts ask a superhuman power to fulil the magician’s wish fast (h[dh h[dh, tacu; tacuv); e.g., Pap. Graec. Mag. I 262; II 83 and 98; IV 1924, 2037 and 2098; VII 330; XIV 11; SEG XLVI 1726 I. 55 91 A Few Things Hellenistic Audiences Appreciated in Musical Performances the hearts of audiences through their generosity and responsiveness; among them another woman, an anonymous harpist from Kyme (134 BC)57. When she arrived in Delphi, the magistrates and the citizens asked her to give a concert. She responded, possibly again without delay (if the restoration aujqamevran is correct), generously offering a free concert lasting two days – in addition to her participation at the Pythia. Several other Delphic decrees show that many musicians gave free concerts upon request or at their own initiative. The kitharode Athanadas of Rhegion58 came in the mid-second century to Delphi to participate in the Soteria. After attending the agon for two days with great success, the people requested an additional performance. The request is expressed with the verb ejpaitevw – not aijtevw («request») or ajpaitevw/ajxiovw («demand»), but ejpaitevw («beg», «implore»). Athanadas’ performance on the third day was free, an ejpivdosi", a present to the city and to the god. The tragic actor Nikon of megalopolis (mid-second century) was honoured in Delphi because upon request (ajxiwqeiv") he performed for free (ejpevdwke) for a day, not through participation in an agon, but with a recital59. menalkes of Athens was another kitharode attending the Soteria at Delphi in the mid-third century60. His success in the contest cannot have been great, since the decree in his honour only shows that he did his best: «he came to Delphi for the Soteria and he participated in the rest of the contest in a fair/beautiful manner showing love of honour». There is no reference to victory or success, so he cannot have been one of the winners. 57 Syll.3 689: ejpªeidh; c. 8 ∆Aristoºkravteo" Kumaiva, coroyavltria, paragenhqªeºi'sa ejn Deªlfou;" kai; paraklhqei'ºsa uJpov te tw'n ajrcovªnºtwn kai; ta'" povlio", ejpevdwke ªtw'i qew'i aujqamevran? kai; ajºgwnivxato aJmevraª" duvoº kai; eujdokivmhse ejn tw'/ ajgw'nªiº tªw'n Puqiv­ wn kataxivw" tºou' te qeou' kai; ta'" povlio" aJmw'n. Cf. Stephanis 1988, n. 2815; ferran- dini Troisi 2000, 34-36, n. 2.4. 58 Nachtergael 1977, 484-486, n. 70: ª…º ejpei; ª…º paragenovmeno" [scil. Athanadas] ejpi; to;n ajgw'na tw'n Swthrivwn ajgwnivxato aJmevra" duvo, ejpaithqei;" de; kai; uJªpo; tºoªu'º dªavºmoªuº aJmevran ejpevdwke tw'i qew'i kai; ta'i povlei kai; eujdokivmhsen tw'i ajgw'ni. Cf. Stephanis 1988, n. 55. 59 F.Delphes III.1 48: ejpeidh; ª…º kai; provteron me;n eu[nou" w]n dietevlei ta'i povlei kai; ejndamhvsa" de; ajxiwqei;" ejpevdwke tw'i qew'i aJmevran kai; ajgwnivxato kai; eujdokivmhse. Cf. Stephanis 1988, n. 1886. 60 Syll.3 431: ejpeidh; Menavlkh" oJ kiqarwido;" paragenovmeno" eij" Delfou;" eij" ta; Swthvria tovn te a[llon ajgw'na kalw'" kai; filotivmw" hjgwnivsato kai; prosepevdwke tw'i qew'i kai; toi'" ∆Amfikªtuvºosi to;n ajgw'na. Cf. Stephanis 1988, n. 1642. 92 Angelos Chaniotis He earned his honoriic decree not because of a victory, but because of his generosity: «and in addition to this, he presented a concert to the god and the Amphiktyones». The singer Xenotimos from Boiotia (c. 250) also dedicated his Delphic performance to the god in Delphi for \ ma ejpevdwken)61. free (a/s To assume that such generosity was a common phenomenon would be to jump to the wrong conclusions. We know only of the handful of artists and scholars who were honoured for their generosity, not of the hundreds who made a living by giving concerts, recitals, and lectures for payment or participating in contests with money-prizes. How uncommon such generosity was is revealed by an honorary decree for the grammarian menandros, who did not accept the money collected (e[rano") by the Delphians, responding that he had come to Delphi to honour the god and praise the city62, or an honoriic decree of Samos for the actor Polos, who gave a discount on his honorarium for attending an improvised festival in Samos in 30663. 7. Civic virtues The selected testimonia, which I have briely discussed in this paper, refer to a variety of virtues: professionalism, disposition resulting from education, responsiveness, and generosity64. We may add decorum 61 62 F.Delphes III.3 86: ªejºpeidh; ª…º ªa\isma ejpevdwken tw'i qeºw'i meta; corou'. Syll.3 739 (second century): ejpei; paragenovmeno" ejn Delfou;" ajparca;n ejpoihvsa­ to ªajºpo; tou' maqhvmato" tw'i qeo'i kai; ta'i povlei, ajpokaqhvmeno" ejn tw'i gumnasivwi kai; diatiqevmeno" scola;" ejn ai|" kai; eujdokivmhse: didomevnou te aujtw'i kai; ejravnou uJpo; ta'" povlio" oujk ejdevxato, favmeno" ejpidedamhvkein ejn Delfou;" ta'" te tou' qeou' tima'" e{neka kai; ta'" Delfw'n kataloga'". 63 IG XII.6 56: tou' dhvmou yhfisamevnou a[gein hJma'" ejpi; toi'" eujaggelivoi" ∆Anti­ govneia kai; Dhmhtriveia kai; tw'm presbeutw'm paragenomevnwm pro;" aujto;n misqw'n te ejlassovnwn sunecwvrhsen uJpokrinei'sqai tw'i dhvmwi. Professionalism: ejn tw'i ªejpitºhdeuvmati uJperochv (I.Magnesia 129); peri; to; ejpi­ tavdeuma kai; ta;n tevcnan proaivresi" (F.Delphes III.3 249; cf. also Syll.3 737); poiw'n ta; ejn th/' tevcnh/ divªkaiºa (SEG II 184); eujkelavdou tevcna" a[xia (merkelbach, Stauber 1998, 130, n. 01/20/14); ejpimevleia (SEG II 184). education: wJ" prosh'ken ajndri; pe­ paideumevnwi (I.Cret. I.viii 11); wJ" prevpon h\n toi'" ajpo; paideiva" oJrmwmevnoi" (SEG II 184). Responsiveness: ajxiwqeiv" (F.Delphes III.1 48; III.3 128); aujqamev<ran> ajpavrxato, ª...º paraªklhqeºi'sa (F.Delphes III.3 249); kata; tavco" (IG XII.8, p. 38); sunhsqeivª"º 64 93 A Few Things Hellenistic Audiences Appreciated in Musical Performances and civic virtues, such as love of honour (filotimiva), benevolence (eu[noia), and piety65. The lutist Ariston of Thebes (fourth/third century) was honoured in Athens because «he continually participates in the contests of the Dionysia in a beautiful manner demonstrating love of honour»66. Another decree, this time one of Delphi for the hydraulos Antipatros of eleutherna (see note 49), places citizen virtues in the foreground: his piety towards the god and his benevolence towards the city. When documentary sources refer to the artistic qualities of a performance, they use only the general term «beautifully» (kalw'")67; other qualities, such as vigour, strength, and gracefulness, appear only in the literary sources (see notes 6-7). When honouring musicians, Hellenistic communities were more interested in their conduct as public igures and benefactors than as artists. They were interested in their behaviour as professionals, which included, for example, abstinence from sex in the case of Amoibeus and hard training in the case of Herakleotes (see notes 17-18). They were interested in established civic virtues, such as generosity, proper conduct worthy of the fatherland and the host, respect for tradition, pious conduct towards the gods, a feeling of honour and shame (filotivmw", eujschmovnw"), benevolence towards the community. The focus of our documentary sources on these qualities should not surprise us. As public igures the musicians were subject to scrutiny exactly as any other public igure, the ephebe, the general, the statesman, the magistrate, the priest, the benefactor, the public doctor, the athlete. The musicians were judged according to similar criteria, and (IG XII.5 481 + Suppl.); paraklhqeiv"/-ei'sa (Syll.3 689 and 737); ejpaithqeiv" (Nachtergael 1977, 484-486, n. 70). Generosity: ejpidivdwmi (F.Delphes III.1 48; III.3 86, 128, and 249; Syll.3 689; Nachtergael 1977, 484-486, n. 70; cf. Syll.3 739; IG XII.6 56). 65 Decorum: prepovntw" (I.Cret. I.xxiv 1); eªujºschmovnw" (SEG II 184); prevpwn/ -on potiv te to;n qeo;n kai; ta;n povlin (Syll.3 703; F.Delphes III.1 49); a[xion tou' qeou' (F.Delphes III.2 78); ajxivw" tou' te qeou' ªkai;º tou' davmou kai; ta'" aJmetevra" povlio" (F.Delphes III.3 249; cf. also Syll.3 689 and 737). Civic virtues: filotivmw" (IG II2 713 + Add.; Syll.3 431); eu[nou"/eu[noia (IG XII.5 481 + Suppl.; F.Delphes III.2 78; Syll.3 689 and 737; SEG II 184). Piety: eujsevbeia (F.Delphes III.2 78; III.3 249; Syll.3 737); oJsiovta" (F.Delphes III. 3 249; Syll.3 737). Cf. ajrethv in I.Magnesia 129. 66 IG II2 713 + Add. (Stephanis 1988, n. 390): kalw'" kai; filotivmw". 67 IG II2 713 + Add.; SEG II 184; I.Cret. I.viii 11 and I.xxiv 1; Syll.3 431. 94 Angelos Chaniotis their success in a concert or a recital was very much dependent on their overall conduct. 8. Paradoxon: the fascination of the unexpected But the Hellenistic age was not only a period in which civic values revived and professionalism advanced; it was also a period in which theatrical behaviour and the unexpected (paradoxon) were greatly appreciated68. When it came to success in an agon, generosity alone would not save an artist. He also needed virtuosity, a strong scenic presence, the right clothes, the proper body language. The lutist Pronomos of Thebes (ifth century) thrilled his audiences, not only with the invention of a new type of aulos, but also with his facial expression and the whole movement of his body69. Sexual attraction seems to have been a specialty of auletriai and dancers70. Some of them were mistresses of kings, e.g., the Chian kitharode Glauke71 was a mistress of Ptolemy II and the Samian lutist or dancer Agathokleia was the mistress of Ptolemy IV72. men did their best to impress the spectators by growing a long beard, as attested for the auletai Pronomos and Timotheos73. The appearance of an artist was so important that Antigenidas of Thebes, one of the most famous lutists of antiquity, who lived in the second half of the fourth century, was remembered for being the irst who used milesian shoes and wore a yellow garment74. Demophon, Theatricality: Chaniotis 1997. Paradoxon: Chaniotis 2005, 207-212; e.g., I.Perge 12, ll. 32-33; Polyb., IV, 58, 12; XI, 14, 4; XX, 5, 6-11. 69 Paus., IX, 12, 6: levgetai de; wJ" kai; tou' proswvpou tw'/ schvmati kai; th/' tou' panto;" kinhvsei swvmato" perissw'" dhv ti e[terpe ta; qevatra. Cf. Stephanis 1988, n. 2149. 70 This by no means suggests that female musicians were courtesans; on this subject (and, in general, on female musicians in the Hellenistic period) see Loman 2004, 63-71. 71 Stephanis 1988, n. 545. 72 Plut., Amat., 753d; Stephanis 1988, n. 22. 73 Schol. ad Aristoph., Eccl., 102b Regtuit: oJ Provnomo" aujlhth;" mevgan e[cwn pwvgw­ na. Ath., XIII, 565a (fourth century): Timovqeo" oJ aujlhth;" pwvgwna mevgan e[cwn hu[lei. 74 Suid., a 2657 Adler: ∆Antigenivdh" Satuvrou: ª…º ou|to" uJpodhvmasi Milhsivoi" prw'to" ejcrhvsato kai; krokwto;n ejn tw'/ Kwmasth/' periebavlleto iJmavtion. Cf. Stephanis 1988, n. 196. 68 95 A Few Things Hellenistic Audiences Appreciated in Musical Performances the author of a letter requesting the dispatch of entertainers for a sacriice (late third century), made sure not only to invite a speciic piper (Petoys) and the malakos Zenobios, but also made special requests concerning their instruments and garments75. Another papyrus, this time from the Zenon archive, mentions a young girl, Satyra, a kitharode, as recipient of a citw;n buvssino", a purple garment made of ine linen (258 BC)76. Ismenias, a lutist, is said to have introduced the habit of lutists to wear impressive precious rings77. finally, unexpected elements fascinated Hellenistic audiences – in literature, in art, in real life. If the trumpeter Aglais was remembered it was because of her paradoxical appearance. This is of course not an exclusively Hellenistic phenomenon. In the early ifth century, the auletes midas of Akragas78 is said to have been the victim of an accident that turned out to be the secret of his success. While he was competing, the mouth (glwssiv") of his lute broke and so he was left with the two reeds, thus playing in the manner of a syrinx. The audience was surprised (xenisqevnta") by the sound, which they found pleasant, and so midas won the contest. How many similar, unexpected incidents thrilled Hellenistic audiences and made a musician successful, this we will never know. Angelos Chaniotis Bibliography Busine 2005 = A. Busine, Paroles d’Apollon. Pratiques et traditions oraculaires dans l’Antiquité tardive (IIe-VIe siècles), Leiden-Boston, Brill 2005 (Religions in the Graeco-Roman World, 156) 75 P.Hib. I 54: ajpovªsºteilon hJmi'n ejk panto;" trovpou to;n aujlhth;n Petwu'n e[contªaº touv" te Frugivou" aujlªoºu;" kai; tou;" loipouv" ª…º: ajpovsteilon de; hJªmºi'n kai; Zhnovbion to;n malako;n e[conta tuvmpanon kai; kuvmbala kai; krovtala, creiva gavr ejsti tai'" gunaixi;n pro;" th;n qusivan: ejcevtw de; kai; iJmatismo;n wJ" ajsteiovtaton. 76 77 78 P.Cair.Zen. I 59087: Satuvrai kiqarwidªw'iº citw;n buvssino". Plin., Nat., XXXVII, 6-7. Schol. ad Pind., Pyth., XII, Inscr. (p. 264, 1 ff. Drachmann): ajgwnizomevnou ga;r aujtou' ajnaklasqeivsh" th'" glwssivdo" ajkousivw" kai; proskollhqeivsh" tw'/ oujranivskw/, movnoi" toi'" kalavmoi" trovpw/ suvriggo" aujlh'sai, tou;" de; qeata;" xenisqevnta" tw'/ h[cw/ terfqh'nai kai; ou{tw nikh'sai aujtovn. Cf. Stephanis 1988, n. 1702. 96 Angelos Chaniotis Chaniotis 1988a = A. Chaniotis, Historie und Historiker in den griechischen Inschriften. Epigraphische Beiträge zur griechischen Historiographie, Stuttgart, Steiner 1988 (Heidelberger althistorische Beiträge und epigraphische Studien, 4) Chaniotis 1988b = A. Chaniotis, Als die Diplomaten noch tanzten und sangen. Zu zwei Dekreten kretischer Städte in Mylasa, in «ZPe», LXXI, 1988, 154-156 Chaniotis 1990 = A. Chaniotis, Zur Frage der Spezialisierung im griechischen Theater des Hellenismus und der Kaiserzeit auf der Grundlage der neuen Prosopographie der dionysischen Techniten, in «Ktema», XV, 1990 (but 1994), 89-108 Chaniotis 1997 = A. Chaniotis, Theatricality beyond the Theater: Staging Public Life in the Hellenistic World, in De la scène aux gradins. Théâtre et représentations dramatiques après Alexandre le Grand, Actes du Colloque (Toulouse 1997), éd. par B. Le Guen, Toulouse, Presses Universitaires du mirail 1997 («Pallas», XLVII), 219-259 Chaniotis 2002 = A. Chaniotis, Old Wine in a New Skin: Tradition and Innovation in the Cult Foundation of Alexander of Abonouteichos, in Tradition and Innovation in the Ancient World, ed. by e. Dabrowa, Krakow, Jagiellonian University Press 2002 (electrum, 6), 67-85 Chaniotis 2005 = A. Chaniotis, War in the Hellenistic World: A Social and Cultural History, Oxford, Blackwell 2005 ferrandini Troisi 2000 = f. ferrandini Troisi, La donna nella società ellenistica. Testimonianze epigraiche, Bari, edipuglia 2000 (Dipartimento di scienze dell’antichità dell’Università di Bari, sezione storica. Documenti e studi, 27) Habicht 2006 = C. Habicht, Versäumter Götterdienst, in «Historia», LV, 2006, 153-166 Loman 2004 = P. Loman, Travelling Female Entertainers of the Hellenistic Age, in «Arctos», XXXVIII, 2004, 59-73 massar 2001 = N. massar, Un savoir-faire à l’honneur. ‘Médecins’ et ‘discours civique’ en Grèce hellénistique, in «RBPh», LXXIX, 2001, 175-201 merkelbach, Stauber 1998 = Steinepigramme aus dem griechischen Osten, I: Die Westküste Kleinasiens von Knidos bis Ilion, hrsg. von R. merkelbach und J. Stauber, Stuttgart-Leipzig, Teubner 1998 migeotte 1992 = L. migeotte, Les souscriptions publiques dans les cités grecques, Genève-Québec, Librairie Droz-Les Éditions du Sphinx 1992 (École Pratique des Hautes Études, IVe Section. Sciences historiques et philologiques, III, Hautes Études du monde gréco-romain, 17) Nachtergael 1977 = G. Nachtergael, Les Galates en Grèce et les Sôtéria 97 A Few Things Hellenistic Audiences Appreciated in Musical Performances de Delphes, Bruxelles, Palais des Académies 1977 (Académie Royale de Belgique. mémoires de la Classe des Lettres, Collection in -8°, s. II, XLIII.1) Petzl 1994 = G. Petzl, Die Beichtinschriften Westkleinasiens, Bonn, Habelt 1994 («eA», XXII) Prauscello 2006 = L. Prauscello, Singing Alexandria. Music between Practice and Textual Transmission, Leiden-Boston, Brill 2006 («mnemosyne», Suppl. 274) Robert 1929 = L. Robert, Décrets de Delphes, in «BCH», LIII, 1929, 34-41 [= Opera Minora Selecta, I, Amsterdam, Hakkert 1969, 247-254] Rutherford 2007 = I. Rutherford, Theoria and Theatre at Samothrake: The Dardanos by Dymas of Iasos, in The Greek Theatre and Festivals. Documentary Studies, ed. by P. Wilson, Oxford, Oxford University Press 2007, 279-293 Samama 2003 = É. Samama, Les médecins dans le monde grec. 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