Social Dimensions ofMortuary Practices in the Neolithic: a Case Study! DUSAN BORIC, Museum ofVojvodina, Novi Sad Introduction In 1925 Neolithic graves were accidentally found at the site of Zivaniceva dolja in the village of Botos near Zrenjanin (former Veliki Beckerek).? It was the final proof against the claim "that the custom in our Neolithic was disposing their dead innature tobeasts."3 However, since that time the results of archaeological investigation have not definitely resolved the noted dilemma. The burial rites that have been noted at the Neolithic sites all over southeast Europe, certainly represent only one part ofmortuary customs practised among these communities. But, as various suspicions should not be "announced in public",' I will presumably discuss the material remains and also the social dimensions of mortuary practices, to the extent if the methodological frame followed is clear and explicit. In further analyses a micro region of the southern Pannonia - Srem iscaptured. The cultural and (pre)historical process that I will try to shed some light on, leaves us, II thank academician Prof. Dr. Bogdan Brukner for his profound comments and advices on this paper. For unselfish willingness to share information, I wish tothank to museum consultant Mrs. Jelka Petrovic and senior curator Mrs. Marija Jovanovic, both from the Museum ofVojvodina, Novi Sad, aswell astoMr. Vladimir Lekovic, from the Regional Institute for the Protection of Monuments, Novi Sad. 2 B. Saria, Izvestaj 0 stanju i radu upreistorijskoj, klasicnoj zbirci, Godisnjak Srpske Kraljevske Akademije XXXIV, Beograd 1925, 315-318. 3 M. Grbic, Neolitsko groblje u Botosu kod Vel. Beckereka, Starinar s. III VIII-IX, 1933-1934, Beograd 1934,42. 4 Ibid., lac cit. even inthis small area, with enough clues for understanding ofa much wider regional and diachronic phenomenon. Apattern ofmortuary practices inthe area consists ofparticular examples ofburials inside settlements ofthe first Neolithic communities and of the single Late Neolithic/Early Eneolithic necropolis of the Vinca culture, in the temporarily unoccupied zone ofthe contemporaneous Vinca settlement at Gomolava, near the village of Hrtkovci. The Srem area, framed by the Sava and Danube rivers, is almost ideally isolated micro zone. The map of Srem (Fig. 1) clearly shows flood zones before melioration work in the Pannonia began. This is actually a part of a larger map ofthe Carpathian basin, drawn inBudapest in 1938, upon the sources from the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, and kept inthe Museum ofVojvodina at Novi Sad today. Generally, this map is instructive for understanding the nature ofthe first Neolithic communities and function ofintramural mortuary domain. The specific environment - vicinity of the river flows and many now fossil beds, together with waste flood terrain - is of great potential for future discoveries of Mesolithic and Early Neolithic sites.' According to our present knowl5 J. C. Chapman, Demographic Trends inNeothermal South-East Europe, in C. Bonsall (ed.) The Mesolithic in Europe. Papers Presented at the Third International Symposium Edinburgh 1985, Edinburgh 1989,504-506. Some recent discoveries ofmesolithic sites in the Jazsag area, Hungary (Cf. R. Kertesz, Archaeological and Paleoecological Study ofan Early Holocene Settlement inthe Jaszag Area, Jaszbereny I, Acta Geographica acGeologica et Meteorologica Debrecina XXXII, Debrecen 1994, 5-49), with similar 68 Dusan Boric j .-./{ o 15 km _b a + C * d Fig. 1. - Distribution of Neolithic sites in Srem. One part ofthe map showing the Carpathian basin before the melioration work (Museum ofVojvodina). a) - Areas that were for shorter or longer period under water during floods. b)-Areas under water permanently orduring the largest part ofyear. c)- Neolithic sites. d) - Neolithic sites with burial remains. \. Trznica and Nama-Vinkovci, 2. Golokut-Vizic, 3. Kudos "521"Sasinci, 4.Zlatara-Ruma, 5.Budimlja/Bara Alicia-Pecinci, 6.BastineObrez, 7.Gomolava-Hrtkovci. Chronology edge, during the Late Mesolithic- and Early Neolithic formal disposal areas appeared in the central Balkans and southern Pannonia for the first time. environment as in the southern Pannonia, suggest that detailed surveys inthe noted region would be necessary too. 6 Cf. I. Radovanovic, AReview of Formal Disposal Areas inthe Mesolithic of Europe, Starinar XLIII-XLIV, 1992-1993, Beograd 1994,92-103. The first Neolithic communities inSrem are known as a specific material culture named the Stareevo-Koros-Cris cultural comp lex or Starcevo culture.' There is not a single radiocarbon date available from the sites ofthis period inthe area. However, onthe basis of existing radiocarbon dates from the sites with the same cultural traits in the neighbouring areas, a time span of 6100 - 5200 Cal BC may also beassumed for these sites.t 7 D. Arandelovic-Garasanin, Starcevacka kultura, Ljubljana 1954. 8 N. N. Tasic, Apsolutna hronologija neolitskih kultura centralnog Balkana na osnovu fiziiko-hemijskih metoda, M.A. Thesis, University ofBelgrade, Belgrade 1989. Social Dimnsions ofMortuary Practices inthe Neolithic: a Case Study 69 The second major phase ofthe Neolithic development inthe area is marked bythe Vinca culture." Its final phase represents the final stage of the Neolithic development, but also the earliest signs of the process that would be traditionally called Eneolithic. However, it is clear that certain characteristics of mortuary practices of both periods are related, although these periods were artificially separated in terms of culture history. Neolithic Layer Ib at Gomolava, stratigraphically connected with the necropolis, could fit a time span of 5000 - 4600 Cal BC.IO Four main stages of theNeolithic development inthe Srem area could be identified." The distribution of Neolithic sites (Fig. I) could also beinstructive for understanding ofmortuary practices here, in spite ofinsufficient research. The only way to confirm and explain distributional differences with certainty would be a systematic study ofthe region." od. The same situation is observed concerning the settlement ofGomolava that is among rare extensively excavatedsites of the Vinca culture. Consequently, it is possible to expect similar burial practices at other Vinca sites, previously explored bysmall-scale sondage only. Similarities are evident if Gomolava is compared with burials insome settlements of the Tisza culture in Hungary. Here, as at Gomolava, one part of population was interred inside a formally articulated area closely connected with the settlement.!' Burial ofa child found in 1960 at the site Bastine near the village ofObrez, inthe vicinity of Obedska Bara, was the first Neolithic burial found in Srem." In 1973 and 1976 a discovery ofthe first necropolis of the late Vinca culture at Gomolava, near the village of Hrtkovci, followed." During the protection works at Vinkovci, eight skeletons were found in the Starcevo culture layer at the sites State ofresearch Non-systematic investigation of the area prevents the understanding ofactual characteristics and functions ofa great number ofdiscovered Neolithic sites. Out of 56 discovered Starcevo sites," extensive excavations were carried out only at four. These sites (excavated in the first place because they were endangered) yielded the evidence of intramural burials, as a main characteristic of the peri9 M. Garasanin, Hronologija Vincanske grupe, Ljubljana 1951; idem., Centralnobalkanska zona, in A. Benac (ed.) Praistorija jugoslavenskih zemaija II (Neolit), Sarajevo 1979, 79-212. ION. N. Tasic, op. cit. (n. 8), 114-123. I wish to thank to Mr. Nenad N.Tasic for new callibrations oflaboratory results from Layer Ibat Gomolava, labelled as Grn-13160, Gm-13094, Grn-7373, Grn7374, Gm-7375, and Gm-7376. Il These four stages would refer to the main trends of the (pre)historical process in the course of the Neolithic in the wider region and notto theparticular phases ofceramic styles, since typological analyses have failed to distinguish securely more than these general lines of development (early/late Starcevo/Vinca), that is in part due to insufficient research and publishing. The original version of my B.A. thesis lbruitvene dimenzije sahranjivanja u neolitu: mikroregionalni pristup (Srem)/ contains four distributional maps of Neolithic sites in Srem by these stages: Maps 4-8. 12 E.g. M. Plateaux, Approche regionale et differentes echelles d'observation pour l'etude du Neolithique et du Chalcolithique du nord de la France. Exemple de la vallee de l'Aisne, Archeologie et Espaces (X? Recontres Internationales d'Archeologie et d'Histoire, Antibes, Octobre 1989), Juan-Ies-Pins 1990, 157-182. 13 V. Lekovic and 1. Padrov, Rasprostranjenost arheoloskih nalazista starcevacke kulture u Sremu, Zbornik Narodnog muzeja XIV-l (arheologija), Beograd 1992, 35-51. 14 N. Kalicz and P. Raczky, The Late Neolithic of the Tisza region. A survey of recent archaeological research, in L. Talas (ed.) The Late Neolithic of the Tisza Region. A survey of recent excavations andtheirfindings, Budapest-Szolnok 1987, 23-24. 15 B. Brukner, Rezultati zastitnog iskopavanja lokaliteta "Bastine" kod sela Obreza, Rad vojvodanskih muzeja 9, Novi Sad 1960, 81-111. 16 B. Brukner, Gomolava, Hrtkovci - viseslojno nalaziste, Arheoloiki pregled 17, Beograd 1975, 11-13; idem., Novi prilozi proucavanju formiranja neolitskih i eneolitskih naselja ujugoslovenskom Podunavlju, Naseijavanje i naseija u praistoriji (Materijali XIV), Beograd 1978,47-51, PI. 2; idem., Naselje vincanske grupe na Gomolavi (neolitski i ranoeneolitski sloj). Izvestaj sa iskopavanja 1967-1976. g., Radvojvodanskih muzeja 26, Novi Sad 1980,5-55; idem., Die Siedlung del' Vinca-Gruppe auf Gomolava (die Wohnschicht des spiitneo!ithikums undfriihiineo!ithikums -Gomolava Ia, Gomolava Ia-b undGomolava Ib) unddel' Wohnhorizont des iineolithischen Humus (Gomolava II), inN.Tasic und 1.Petrovic (hrsg.) Gomolava - Chronologie undStratigraphie del' vorgeschichtlichen und antiken Kulturen del' Donauniederung und Siidosteuropas, Interlationales Symposium, Ruma 1986, Novi Sad 1988, 19-38, Abb. 4; idem., Vinca-Kultur und der Zivilisationskomplex der neolithischen Kulturen des westlichen Teils des Schwarzen Meeres, Rad vojvodanskih muzeja 32 (1989-1990), Novi Sad 1990, Abb. 2; B. Brukner and J. Petrovic, Gomolava, Hrtkovci - viseslojno nalaziste, Arheoloski pregled, Beograd 1977, 24-27; other information were based onthematerial thatwill bepublished as a final monograph(s) onNeolithic layers from Gomolava (B. Brukner inpreparation). 70 ofTrznice (1977) and Nama (1978).17 In the course of protection works at the route of the Europe-70 highway, three sites of the Starcevo culture were discovered. In 1981 and 1982, two burial constructions were excavated atZlatara near Ruma." One burial in a pit-dwelling appeared at Kudos "521" near the village of Sasinci in 1986 19 and, also, in Budimlja/Bara Alicia near the village ofPecinci in 1988. 20 Upon the slopes ofFruska Gora, there is the Starcevo site ofGolokut near the village ofVizic. At this site, a burial inside a pit-dwelling was found in 1983. 21 Further excavations in 1988 yielded one more burial in a pitdwelling, though badly preserved." To some extent, it ispossible to follow a pattern indistribution of six Starcevo sites with traces ofburials (Fig. 1). Their apparent clustering informer flooded zone inthe first place, calls for a need of detailed environmental reconstruction ofthe area.v Although biased bythe state of research, this connection between ecology and social behaviour (in this case reflected through burial domain) may certainly beaffirmed. 17 S. Dimitrijevic, Sjeverna zona: Neolit u centralnom i zapadnom dijelu sjeverne Jugoslavije, in A. Benac (ed.) Praistorija jugoslavenskih zemalja II (Neolit) , Sarajevo 1979, 241; idem., los jednom 0 problemu zavrsetku ranog neolitika u sjevernoj Hrvatskoj, in N. Majnaric-Pandzic (ed.) Arheoloika istraiivanja u istocnoj Slavoniji i Baranji, Znanstveni skup, Vukovar 6-9. X 1981, Zagreb 1984,9-11; K. Minichreiter, Stariji neolitik u sjevemoj Hrvatskoj. Ph. D. Dissertation, University ofZagreb, Zagreb 1990. 18 V. Lekovic, The Starcevo Mortuary Practices - New Perspectives, Godiinjak XXl1I (Centar za balkanoloika ispitivanja), Sarajevo 1985, 157-172; idem., Zlatara-Ruma, in D. Srejovic (ed.) Neolithic of Serbia. Archaeological Researche 1948-1988, Beograd 1988, 108-109; idem., Neolitska naselja, inZ. Vapa (ed.) Arheoloska istriivanja duiAutoputa kroz Srem, Novi Sad 1995,25-44. 19 Idem., Sasinci, in D. Srejovic (ed.) Neolithic of Serbia. Archaeological Researche 1948-1988, Beograd 1988,94-95; idem., Neolitska naselja (n. 18). 20 O. Brukner, Pecinci/Budimlja bara Alicia. Keramicka zanatska zona, Arheoloiki pregled 29 (1988), Ljubljana 1990, 147-148; V. Lekovic and 1.Padrov, op. cit. (n. 13),41. 21 1. Petrovic, Zemunica u naselju starcevacke kulture na Golokutu, Radvojvodanskih muzeja 30, Novi Sad 1987,13-28. 22 Idem., Istrazivanja lokaliteta Golokut u 1988. godini, Glasnik Srpskog arheoloskog drustva 6, Beograd 1990,55-58. 23 E.g. M. Gil1ings, Flood dynamics andsettlement in the Tisza valley ofnorth-east Hungary: GIS and the Upper Tisza project, inG. Lock and Z. Stancic (eds.) Archaeology and Geographical Information Systems, London 1995, 67-84. Dusan Boric Archaeology ofdeath - a concept Recently, a methodological concept termed "the archaeology of death" rooted up in archaeological works.e' Today, it encompasses some ofthe methodological advances from the last quarter of the century. Here, I will try to test some of them, with intention of assessing relationships between social structure and mortuary practices qualitatively and quantitatively> Aredundancy calculation is employed as a quantitative technique based upon the information theory> Also, the ethnoarchaeological studies have established an important connection between spatial and social relations." Organisation of space ineither domestic ormortuary context is vital for explaining actual behavioural preferences ina society. Having inmind a cautionary tale on how ethnographic parallels could turn into the worst archaeological nightmare.o the significance of ethnoarchaeology in important questions directed toward static archaeological facts is indisputable, depending on critical use ofthese auxiliary data. Thus, questions and aims offurther analyses will be as 24 C. Renfrew and P. Bahn, Archaeology: Theories, Methods, and Practice, London 1991, 363; R. Chapman, I. Kinnes and K. Randsborg (eds.) The Archaeology of Death, Cambridge 1981; 1. A. Tainter, Mortuary Practices and the Study of Prehistoric Social Systems, inM. Schiffer (ed.) Advances inArchaeological Method and Theory I, New York 1978. 25 According to the ethnoarchaeological studies, there is an important link between control of critical resources and formal disposal areas (A. A. Saxe, Social Dimensions of Mortuary Practices, Ph. D. Dissertation, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor 1970). Also, in thecases when burials functioning in this way are lacking, some other elements of ritualization appear instead (L. Goldstein, Onedimensional archaeology and multi-dimensional people: spatial organisation andmortuary analysis, in R. Chapman et al. (eds.)(n. 24), 53-69); L. R. Binford, Mortuary Practices: Their Study and Their Potential, in 1. A. Brown (ed.) Approaches to the Social Dimensions of Mortuary Practices, American Antiquity 36, New York 1971,6-29. 26 A.A.Saxe, op. cit. (n. 25), 102-107; 1. A.Tainter, op. cit. (n. 24). 27 1. Whitelaw, Some Dimensions of Variability in the Social Organisation of Community Space Among Foragers, inC.S.Gamble and W. A. Boismier (eds.) Ethnoarchaeological Approaches to Mobile Campsites: Hunter-Gatherer andPastoralist Case Studies, Ann Arbor 1991,25-137. 28 P. J. Ucko, Ethnography andarchaeological interpretation of funerary remains, World Archaeology I, London 1969,262-280. Social Dimnsions ofMortuary Practices inthe Neolithic: a Case Study follows: • What is the actual quality ofexisting infonnation about social structure ofthe first Neolithic communities in the area, based on mortuary as well ason other remains? • Is there a causal relation between a level of sedentism and territorial behaviour, and what is the direction ofdiachronic changes inthese relations during the Neolithic inthe area? • What is the extent of spatial and/or temporal differentiation among burials and/or sites? • What could be concluded about social dimensions of mortuary practices, i.e. about horizontal and/or vertical stratification ofNeolithic society? • Where is the place of these data in the longterm process (longue duree), having in mind the ritual, symbolic and ideological characteristics (in materialculture) during the Late Mesolithic, Neolithic and Early Eneolithic ofsouth-east Europe? 71 food resources such as red deer (Cervus elaphus Linnaeus) - obviously important in social and ritual sense toO. 31 So, the Starcevo settlements could certainly enter the category of segmentary societies.v It is now time to ask what is the actual meaning of existing empirical data on mortuary practices inthese societies? Vertical d(fferentiation ? Askull ofan auroch onthe palm ofthe right hand and a scapula at the knees of a buried woman in a niche of a pit-dwelling at Golokut.v as well as red deer antlers buried with a woman inGrave Construction B at Zlatara> (Fig. 2) may have had functional and ritual significance. The firstNeolithic communities It has been already mentioned that the environmental constrain reflected inburials' distribution ismost probably associated with former presence of areas rich in wild resources, identically suitable for the supposed (but not discovered) Mesolithic communities, and also for the Early Neolithic ones, being mostly semi-sedentary. All Starcevo sites noted here aredetermined, bytheir researchers, to the late phase of the Starcevo culture, i.e. roughly dated to the later or late sixth millennium Cal BC.29 This would fit the second stage of the Neolithic development inthe area.w Discovered settlements are not characterised bypowerful superimposed layers, and their character was less permanent, Furthermore, clearly elaborated domestic areas are lacking too if compared to later periods. So, the character of these communities should be viewed in relation to a broad use ofwild resources. This is evidenced on the bases ofzoological remains consisting of substantial amount of edible non-vertebrate remains (Helix and Unio sp.) and identified bones ofvaluable wild 29 Alarger number ofthelate Starcevo sites inthe area ofdistribution of the culture could be explained as a consequence of demographic growth. 30 See note 11, Map 6. Fig. 2.- Skeleton ofwoman inGrave Construction B atZlatara. Photo: V. Lekovic. The grave goods as horns and antlers ofauroch or red deer were also found in the later phase of burials at Lepenski Vir (Phase II), as well as at other Late Mesolithic sites in the Iron Gates, accompanying female burials of adultus and maturus age." Concerning the 31 For Srem, cf. S. Blazic, Prilog poznavanju ostataka faune sa arheoloskog lokaliteta "Golokut", Rad vojvodanskih muzeja 29, Novi Sad 1984-85, 33-36; idem., Ostaci iivotinjskih vrsta salokaliteta na Autoputu kroz Srem, inZ.Vapa (ed.) (n. 18),331-346. 32 C.Renfrew and P. Bahn, op. cit. (n. 24), 154-156, 174-182. 331. Petrovic, op. cit. (n. 21),19, Fig. 7-9. 34 V. Lekovic, The Starcevo Mortuary Practices (n. 18), 160-161, P. 11; idem., Neolitska naselja (n. 18), 30, Fig. 3. 35 D. Srejovic, Lepenski Vir - Nova praistorijska kultura u 72 absolute chronology, it is possible to suggest a temporal overlapping of these similar elements of mortuary practices ina different cultural context. However, the explanation is not to be sought through the term of diffusion," and we should explore other ways for the answer. What would be the function of these oldburied individuals in the supposed segmentary society, bearing inmind that in these societies status was primarily gained by personal achievements? Also, a small number ofidentified bones of auroch (Bas primigenius Bojanus) is present at Golokut, if compared toother wild or domestic animals. This kind of grave goods could point to the both directions (vertical and horizontal) of social differentiation. Some ethnographic cases imply that one of possible explanations could besought in restricted access of part of population toknowledge and certain resources." It is likely to explain the presence of these animals' remains in the context of their totemic significance (horizontal differentiation), butalso asa supposed taboo, that would put the use of these animals in the function of imposing the exclusive rights of elite. The appearance of later ritual areas (with bucranium), inside proposed shrines of the Vinca culture, as at Kormadinv orParta.'? would speak infavour ofthe later solution. In addition, one should notneglect the possibility of communication among the Late Mesolithic and the first Neolithic communities in the Danube basin through a long-scale exchange ofvaluable resources and objects, as obsidian and Spandylus. 4oThis could bea precondition for "concomitant increase in information-processing strategies, whether territorial, stylistic, orritual."41 Podunavlju, Beograd 1969; I. Radovanovic, Mezolit Derdapa, Ph. D. Dissertation, University ofBelgrade, Belgrade 1992,224-225 sq. 36 L. R. Binford, op. cit. (n. 25), 23. 37 Cf. B. Voytek and R. Tringham, Rethinking the Mesolitic: the Case ofSouth-East Europe, in C. Bonsall (ed.) (n. 5),496. 38 B.Jovanovic and 1. Glisic, Eneolitsko naselje na Kormadinu kod Jakova, Starinar XI, Beograd 1960, 126 sq. 39 G. Lazarovici, Das neolitische Heiligtum von Parta, in S. Bokonyi (ed.) Neolithic ofSoutheastern Europe and itsNear Eastern Connections. Internationals Conference 1987 (Varia Archaeologia Hungarica II), Szolnok-Szeged 1989, 149-153; G. Lazarovici, F. Drasovean si L. Tulbure, Sanctuarul neolitic delaPorta, Timisoara 1990. 40 E. g. C. Willms, Neolitischer Spodylusschmuck. Hundert Jahre Forschung, Germania 63/2, Mainz am Rhein 1985, 331-343. 411. C. Chapman, op. cit. (n. 5),504. Dusan Boric For example, concerning obsidian, a model of exchange and its delivery from the island of Melos to other parts ofthe Balkan peninsula was suggested." Most probably, this suggests that specialisation was already launched during the Early and Middle Neolithic. This also means that our situation is far from a stereotype about Neolithic egalitarian societies. These societies could have had the potential for producing both the surplus and complex social tensions within a community.f Table I NO of Burials Site Sex ,--- Golokut I Vinkovci 8 Sasinci ZIatara PeCinci Obrez Age Position .,---------------- female 53 - 57 I child and 0 and ? adults female upto 40 female, upto 50 male upto 40 and child and 6 female ca. 30 child ? ---------- flexed / right side flexed and contracted / right and left sides flexed / right side flexed/right side flexed / right side contracted / right side --------------, - - - .. - - - - Sex and age Regarding age and sex structure ofburied individuals at Starcevo sites in Srem." the basic anthropological determinations for Vinkovci are unfortunately lacking, although this site represents the largest sample. It is sure that buried individuals were representing justone part of the total population, and that burials personify their social function inthe community. It is worth emphasising that larger number of female individuals was detected (Table 1). Concerning the grave goods, special treatment was warranted for those of maturus age. 42 C. Perles, From Stone Procurement to Neolithic Society in Greece, in The David Skomp Distinguished Lectures inAnthropology, Bloomington (Indiana University) 1989, 1-29. . 43 Ibid., 27. 44 Z. Mikic, Novi starcevacki antropoloski nalazi jugoslovenskog Podunavlja, Godisnjuk XXVII (Centar za balkanoloska ispitivanja), Sarajevo 1989, 157-172; Zs. K. Zoffmann, Antropoloska obrada starcevackog skeleta sa lokaliteta Golokut, Radvojvodanskih muzeja 30, Novi Sad 1987,29-31. Social Dimnsions ofMortuary Practices inthe Neolithic: a Case Study 73 The child burials under floors and inside houses inthe Early and Middle Neolithic of south-east Europe" were probably connected with family as a basic social unit, if we assume that certain social rights in these societies were not inherited." One example of burial of this kind, without any grave goods, is probably represented by a child burial at Obrez, However, the child burials at some ofthe sites point to other possibilities as well. In the case ofa buried child at Zlatara, besides an elaborated grave construction (buried here together with a man of ca. forty years), chunks of quartzite and miscellaneous animal bones were present toO. 47 The time and energy spent concerning all three burials at Zlatara would suggest existence ofa vertical differentiation and higher social status of those buried. Thus, this fact may indicate possible inheritance rights of the six-year old child. Something similar was observed at the site ofTrznice inVinkovci. Out offour individuals buried together (three skeletons were adults), only a buried child was accompanied with a pectoral pendant of Spondylus gaederopus" and two ceramic vessels of the Vinca type ("biconical bowl in terrina")." This kind of grave goods is not an exception. In a pit-dwelling atNama, four skeletons were discovered. 50 Here, beside the head ofthe adult deceased, a broken biconical bowl was found.>' Authors of the reports on other sites also mention biconical form offine ceramic vessels (Golokut and Zlatara) and some technological changes - the first appearance ofthe characteristic Vinca temper (Obrez). It is possible that during the second stage of the Neolithic development in Srem, we may witness significant changes in the social order of these communities. Leadership atthe level of an individual ora certain social group, with signs of inherited rights (Zlatara, Vinkovci), would hardly fit a simple model ofa Neolithic egalitarian society. Certainly, changes were ongoing continuously, causing oscillations inside the social structure. Insufficient state ofresearch in Srem does not allow a straightforward explanation of the periods with uneven distribution of Neolithic sites as specific for the appearance of burials. However, social crises and oscillations were most probably connected with some ofthe phases. Some technological changes could be observed in the last phase of the Starcevo culture. In the mortuary area, this is confirmed by the presence of ceramic remains that may have been used by a social subgroup, inside the community, as a powerful mean in the process of vertical differentiation, presenting only one aspect of the profound social change. Besides these changes, it is the development oflong-lasting settlements, along with other more complex social aspects, that appear. 45 Cf. P. Raczky, Origins ofthecustom ofburying the dead inside houses in South-East Europe, Szolnok Megyei Miaeum! Evkonyv, Szolnok 1982-83,5-10. 46 Cf. L. R. Binford, op. cit. (n. 25),234. 47 V. Lekovic, The Starcevo Mortuary Practices (n. 18), 160, P. I. 48 Although, nophoto ordrawing ofthis pendant was published, it is likely thatit represents the type frequently found at the sites of the Lengyel culture (cf. S. Dimitrijevic, Sopotsko-lendelska kultura, Zagreb 1968,47,1. XVI/I, XX/7; N. Kalicz, Chronologische und terminologische Probleme im Spiitneolithikum des Theij3gebietes, inS. Bokonyi (ed.) (n. 38, Abb. 7-10). It is interesting thatfinds ofjewellery made from Spondylus are found primarily in the graves of women and children in the Neolithic necropolis, at Durankuluk, Bulgaria (H. Todorova, Bemerkungen zum friihen Handelsverkehr wiihrend des Neolithikums unddes Chalkolithikums im westlichen Schwarzmeerraum, in B.Hensel (hrsg.), Handel,Tausch und Verkehr im bronze- undfriiheisenzeitlichen Siidosteuropa (PAS 11), MiinchenBerlin 1995, 58). 49 S.Dimitrijevic, loco cit. (n. 17). 50 I. Iskra-Janosic, Cibala - Vinkovci. Zastitni radovi. Nama, Arheoloski pregled 19, Beograd 1977,1. XLIV/12, grave Nos. 7,11, 12, i 13; idem., Arheoloika istraiivanja naprostoru opcine Vinkovci, inN. Majnaric-Pandzic (ed.) (n. 17), Fig. 1. Horizontal differentiation - orientation and position Apattern oforientation and position of the deceased is of great importance for determining horizontal affiliation of the deceased and/or could be used as a chronological indication, based onthe ethnographic cases. 52 Small sample and lack of clear clustering in the case of Starcevo sites inSrem does not allow far-reaching conclusions. The orientation, primarily connected to thecardinal points or topography, in these cases is short-listed to the spectrum ofthose individuals that were buried with the head directed between the west and south-east. It only means that a 51 I. Iskra-Janosic, Cibala- Vinkovci (n. 50), 1. XLIII/la, TXLIVlll; idem., Arheoloika istraiivanja, Fig. 2; K. Minichreiter, op. cit. (n. 18),94-95, Fig. 42-43, 151-152, Fig. 84-85. 521. 0 'Shea, Social configurations and the archaeological study of mortuary practices: a case study, in R. Chapman etal. (eds.) (n. 24), 39-52. 74 Dusan Boric R = 0.83 r- Left side i E - No goods N - No goods NW- Nogoods W - Goods SW - Goods S R Left side = 0.89 Ｍｾ Goods E - NI Flexed Goods < No goods Goods SE-Goods < Nogoods NE L- Deceased _ (articulated inhumation) Right side Left side '-- Flexed { Right side [ -f N_ Articulated Goods inhumation Back - SW - NE- No goods NWW - -NW< No goods No goods Deceased Contracted - No goods Goods Left side Flexed ｄｩｳ｡ｲｴｾ･､ inhumation -[ E < No goods Goods - B a c k - SE-Nogoods W _ Goods Goods No goods Fig. 3. a - Key-diagram of'Starcevo intramural burialis inSrem. Fig. 3. b - Key-diagram ofburials atGomolava intramural necropolis formal conscious pattern was respected inburial customs. vary at the same place, without visible chronological difSimilar situation appears when the positions of the ferences. deceased are treated (Table I). An important terminologiSome other differences in the position ofthe deceased cal distinction concerning positions on the side, .flexed are worth emphasising atZlatara inGrave Construction A, (legs bent less than 90° regarding corpus) and crouched or with a male and a child buried in contracted positions on contracted (legs bent more than 90 0 regarding corpus - the left side.> The torso and head of the man are bent forposition ofa "fetus"), has not been regarded systematical- ward, and his left hand is bent toward the body with ly inSerbian archaeological literature. An exception is an extended fingers. His right arm is covering face. Also, the article ofM. Antunovic.>' precisely about Starcevo buri- head of the buried child is bent backwards, and the arms als. However, chronological distinction between these two are in the standard position. These elements in burials' types of burial positions, connecting the flexed position position could beexplained with caution as indicating horwith the earlier (Proto-Starcevo) and contracted with the izontal differentiation inrecalling sex, age, segment, clan, later phase (classical Starcevo) of the Starcevo culture, brotherhood or some other subgroup of society. This may proposed bythis author> could not bejustified whatsoev- be confirmed with separate burial constructions at this er. It becomes clear if some Starcevo burials in Srem are site, thus representing exclusive right of a certain social examined. The site of Zlatara has been wrongly dated in subgroup." the noted article as belonging to the Early Neolithic (Proto-Starcevo), This made a circular argument infurther Redundancy ofa burial system interpretation ofthe position ofthe deceased.55 The burials atNama, not mentioned byAntunovic, therefore the basic The assertion that human societies (as a part ofbiologanthropological determinations are still lacking, may con- ical evolution) are "moving in opposition to the Second firm this too. At Nama flexed and contracted positions Law ofThermodynamics, i.e. in the direction ofnegative entropy,"58 is ofrelevance for understanding the meaning 53 M. Antunovic, Anthropological and archaeological survey concerning mortuary practice inthe central area of Balkan peninsula during the Early and Middle Neolithic, dans D. Cahen et M. Otte (eds.) Rubane et Cardial (E.R.A.U.L. 39), Liege 1990,39-50. 54 Ibid., 41,46. 55 Ibid., Fig. 2. 56 V. Lekovic, The Starcevo Mortuary Practices (n. 18), P. I; idem., Neolitska naselja (n. 18),29, Fig. 1. 57 Cf. L. R. Binford, op. cit. (n. 25), 22. 58 A. A. Saxe, op. cit. (n. 25), 110-Ill. Social Dimnsions ofMortuary Practices inthe Neolithic: a Case Study 75 of entropy calculations. Measuring level of entropy in a given burial system takes into account formal elements of mortuary practice (e.g. position ofthe deceased, direction, etc.) (Fig. 3). After the calculation.v given values are organised at scale from 0 to 1. When a system is characterised byfreedom ofchoice, the combinations ofselected elements are at minimum and the value of redundancy will be high (approach 1). This would mean that we are dealing with complex social system and controlled access to certain elements. More egalitarian societies allow greater freedom of choice, reflected in lower redundancy values. Forthe sake of comparison, I have here used formal elements suggested by 1. Chapman.w employed inthe cases ofNeolithic cultures inHungary and Late Neolithic and Early Eneolithic cultures in Romania and Bulgaria. The redundancy value for Starcevo sites in Srem shows relatively high value, R = 0.83 (Fig. 3.a). Its meaning becomes clear only in comparison with the Late Neolithic necropolis at Gomolava, that shows substantially higher value, R = 0.89 (Fig. 3.b). These results are an explicit indication of the level of social change that was ongoing in the course of the Neolithic development. Also, the redundancy values are completely corresponding to the chronological counterparts ofthe Neolithic in Hungary. 61 In a database formed by Starcevo burials in Srem some elements can be distinguished, whose meaning is apparent in a wider context, revealing the type of society and separation of social groups. The Starcevo communities were emphasising certain communal rights through burials or some other type of ritualisation, forming a mosaic ofpermanent orseasonal settlements. Inthis way, the social equilibrium was formed in wider region. There is a possibility that disposal ofthe dead was insome way connected with seasons of year.v Also, some of these communities show certain signals of willingness for change. This change could have come through a need for cohesion and not with a wave of migration. It seems that, besides other elements ofmaterial culture, mortuary practices followed the same trend. 59 Maximal entropy for a burial system isexpressed asSmax = Ca x Cb x... Coo, where Ca represents the number of components on dimension A. The given number isreduced to itsbinary form, giving the value of maximal entropy (E) of a system, i.e. E = log2 Smax' Actually observed burial modes, expressed asactual entropy (SactuaD, also reduced to a binary form as e = log2 Sactual> giving actual entropy (e) of a burial system. The relationship of a maximal and an actual entropy is the relative entropy (RE), as RE = e/E, hence, the.redundancy (R) isR = 1- RE. For more details onthis approach see also A. A. Saxe, op. cit. (n. 25), 103-108 and 1.A. Tainter, op. cit. (n. 24), 112-113. 601. C.Chapman, Meaning and Illusion inthe Study ofBurial in Balkan Prehistory, inA. G. Poulter (ed.) Ancient Bulgaria. Papers presented tothe international Symposium on the Ancient History and Archaeology of Bulgaria, University of Nottingham, 1981 I, Nottingham 1983, 13, 15,20-21. 61 1bid., 13, IS. Changes in the Late Neolithic Arepresentative example ofmortuary practices of the Late Neolithic in the central Balkans and the Danube basin was discovered at the site Gomolava near the village ofHrtkovci in Srem, that has been the only necropolis of the late Vinca culture presently known. It is of great importance since this discovery makes it possible to follow the development of mortuary practices at the level of the micro region. However, one should bear in mind the chronological position of the layer Gomolava Ib and its relation tothe necropolis. It is probably connected to this layer, dated to the period from the beginning to mid fifth millennium Cal Be. Ahiatus incomparison with Starcevo sites isthus apparent, and the changes are considerable. Gomolava fa and fa-b Some findings from earlier layers at Gomolava are interesting inthis context, and they could represent a connection with burials as regards the meaning ofthese phenomena. InPitN inLayer Ia (Block III, Quad. 85-86/XX) at Gomolava, two dog skeletons were found in their anatomical position.f Also, in a pit at Block I (Quad. 94/XIV), a cattle skull was carefully set. 64 And, the almost complete antlers ofred deer were found inPitY. 65 The first layer ofthe Neolithic settlement atGomolava is markedly characterised by a large number ofpits with varying functions. The cases of two buried dogs, cattle 62 Cf. L. R. Binford, op. cit. (n. 25), 11-12. Brukner, Naselje vincanske grupe...(n. 16), 16, Fig. 4. 64 A. 1. Clason, The Farmers of Gomolava inthe Vinca and La Tene Period, Radvojvodanskih muzeja 25, Novi Sad 1979,67. The field documentation kept in the Museum of Vojvodina, Novi Sad, suggests more examples ofsimilar finds. 65 Ibid., passim. 63 B. 76 Dusan Boric skull and red deer antlers are distinctive. As graves them- grave goods will beviewed in regard to their function in selves, such a phenomenon may have also served indefin- the mortuary area." ing people in the community, establishing the relations between nature and culturew; burials, consequently, Analysis ofarchaeological data became just one expression of these needs. It is certainly important that at sites ofthe Tisza and Herpaly cultures in Unfortunately, data on grave goods and some other Hungary, such asBerettyoujfalu-Herpaly, pits with similar elements of burials at Gomolava have not yet been pubcontext were discovered tOO. 67 lished to the full extent. 72 With an exception ofpublished Another expression of new social needs was the settle- detailed anthropological analyses," a complete archaeoment itself (Layer Ia-b). Through its growth an agricultur- logical description of burials is lacking. Therefore, the al community has been formed inside corporate house- analysis ofrelations ofall elements could not befully perholds. Some recent analyses of the meaning of architec- formed. ture have established the study of social phenomena Earth-cut grave pits were detected inthe cases ofPitI through typological variations of domestic architectural (skeletons 16 and 17), Graves 1 and 2/73 only. There is structures, based on an assumption that architecture is the no doubt that grave pits had to be dug into the main part only element ofmaterial culture that reflects cultural iden- ofthe necropolis. Some ofthem were certainly deep up to tity ofany community.st Thus, houses inLayers Ia-b and 1.5 m, according to a reconstruction of the living horizon Ib discovered at Gomolava could have had an important ofLayer Ib and comparison totheheight ASL of particurole for solving the questions ofsocial structure function- lar skeleton." ing, which here I try to illuminate by studying mortuary The position ofthe deceased is uniform, in most cases remains. So, it will beshown how important is the poten- flexed, and they have been laid down on the left side. tial ofan alternative "arena ofsocial power"69 inexpress- However, only a detailed plan ofthenecropolis (incorpoing actual social tensions. rated as a panel at the permanent exhibition of the Museum ofVojvodina), provides an insight into some specific positions of theburied individuals (when an approGomolava Ib - elements for expressing group/individ- priate photo is lacking too). Aplan ofthe main part ofthe necropolis in Block III is shown (Fig. 4),75 with twenty ual prestige here discovered skeletons (Fig. 5). Thus one can ascertain Viewing status relations inside the necropolis, based that only the positions of skeletons 5 and 18 have been on grave goods, is to a certain extent possible, in spite of contracted. the criticism of non-status character of these." Here, There are no published data ondislocated graves, so it has not been possible to establish whether we are dealing with purposely disarticulated skeletons or the layer was 66 A. Whittle, Problems in Neolithic Archaeology, Cambridge devastated bysome later intrusion. Partial insight into the 1988,.146. documentation from these excavations helped to check out 67 N.Kalicz andP. Raczky, Berettyoujjalu-Herpaly. A settlement of the Herpaly culture, in L. Talas (ed.) (n. 14), 121. 68 A. Coudart, Entre Nouvelle-Guinee etNeolithique europeen: dela correspondance entre les variations de I 'architecture domestique, la durabilite culturelle et la cohesion sociale du groupe, dans Ethnoarcheologie: Justification, Prolemes, Limites (Xll" Recontres Intemationales d' Archeologie et d'Histoire d'Antibes), Juan-les-Pins 1992, 409-446. 69 1. C. Chapman, Arenas of social power: the case of Serbian Prehistory, Zbornik Narodnog muzeja XIV-l (arheologija), Beograd 1992,305-317,passim. 70 Out of93 traditional societies atonly 4 societies status distinctions are mediated through grave goods, 1. A. Tainter, op. cit. (n. 24), 121. Cf. 1. c. Chapman, op. cit., (n. 60), 23. See note 16. 73 Zs. K.Zoffmann, Das anthropologische Material das spatneolitischen Graberfelds von Hrtkovci - Gomolava, Rad vojvodanskih muzeja 30, Novi Sad 1987,43-69. 74 Reconstruction was based on B. Brukner, Naselje vincanske grupe... (n. 16), Fig. 10. For counter and 3D model of Layer Ib see my B.A. thesis (n. 11). 75 This is part of published simplified plan of Layer Ib, B. Brukner, Naselje vincanske grupe ...(n. 16), Fig. 10. 71 72 Social Dimnsions ofMortuary Practices inthe Neolithic: a Case Study ＳＵＮＰｾ aO.81 + Ｋｾ + 77 + 10 80.62 -=:J09 aO.91 -=:.::J°2 aO.13 r?'"" 23 + + en 15 -==::J021 ｾＷＶ ｾＧ｜ 0 + ｾｮ + 80.55 15 ｾＱ 03 18 -==:::J07 80.51 8OJ5\ od19 80.58 ｾＴ + + +Ｘｾｏ ｾＸＰＮＱＢ 022 ｾ 14 I?t. ｾＸＰＬｬ Ｒ {<I °13' de 20 0 11 Fig. 5.- Discovered graves inthe main formal disposal area ofthe necropolis atGomolava. Photo: Museum ofVojvodina. 12 \ao.60 + - + ｾＲＶ aO.27 ｾ 80.58 5 + 2,0 2°·11 ｾ 'l Fig. 4.- Simplified plan ofmain formal disposal area ofnecropolis, Block III, Gomolava: after B.Brukner. some ofthese inconsistencies. Following the field notes, dislocation inthe cases ofskeletons 15 and 23 was a result ofintrusion ofone Hallstatt pit. Skeletons 15 and 23 were separated, although several individuals have been identified through the anthropological analysis." There is no grave that is cut bysome other, indicating that graves were marked insome way and "remembered". For several burials, whose skeletons are in situ in the Museum ofVojvodina in Novi Sad (Nos. 4 and 13) and the National Museum inBelgrade (No. 12), I have used age and sex data published as a part ofpreliminary analysis performed by S. Zivanovic," in spite of an obvious disagreement ofthese results, that came from his inspection ofskeletons in situ, and those ofdetailed analyses by Zs. K. Zoffmann. Clear determination ofsex inthe case of skeleton 4, found with three large vessels laid beside the spine of the buried individual (Fig. 8), has not yet been ascertained. Concerning its age, it is clear that this indi76 Zs. K. Zoffmann, op. cit. (n. 73),47,50. n S. Zivanovic, Vinca Skeletons studied insitu atthe Gomolava site, Yugoslavia, Current Anthropology 18/3, Chicago 1977,533-534; B. Brukner, Naselje vincanske grupe...(n. 16), 32-33,1. 8. vidual is quite young (may be age group of 15-20 years) with unfused cranium and epiphyses. Askeleton marked as No. 3/75 78 during the anthropological analysis, actually represents the remains ofa new-born baby, discovered in the Neolithic layer during the field season in 1975. Inthe course ofthis season, skeleton 2/75 was found inthe western part ofBlock III, thus it is reasonable to assume that remains ofNo. 3/75 were found in the layer in this area too, atthe periphery ofthe main area ofthe necropolis. Some obscurities are evident concerning an offering in Grave 10,79 unique atthe necropolis, and labelled in grave goods' list as an "amulet". A field sketch of this grave shows a ceramic figurine-amulet. This amulet is found half a metre away from the buried child (6-7 years old). It probably belongs to the grave as an offering, therefore almost the same heights ASL were recorded, both for the skeleton and pendant. However, this find cannot yet be ascertained. One more remark isnecessary to make concerning the three already mentioned skeletons that have been preserved in situ (Nos. 4, 12, 13). At skeletons 12 and 13, traces of greenish colour are still visible on the bones of forearms, probably suggesting use ofpowdered malachite as body decoration, at least at No. 13. In the case ofNo. 78 Zs. K. Zoffmann, op. cit. (n. 73),46. 79 B. Brukner, Naselje vincanske grupe...(n. 16), 32,1.8. 78 Dusan Boric 12 copper bracelet at the wrist might produce this greenish colour. Contrarily, skeleton 4 shows no traces. Presently, it is not clear whether other skeletons resemble this practice too. Spatial relations It is possible to observe some clustering of graves, especially concerning the age group of 30-40 years. All three men were buried apart from the main area of the necropolis, toward the northern part of the settlement. 80 This could point to some horizontal social affiliation of the deceased, asthey may have been together belonging to the same social subgroup. Generally speaking, it seems that spatial relations have been of great importance in horizontal differentiation of this community, therefore some social groupings may have been expressed exactly through the varying orientation of the deceased. This varying, however, ispossible to explain as an indication of chronological differences. In the main part ofthe necropolis inBlock III(Fig. 4), based onthe orientation of the deceased, skeletons 4, 2/75 and 21 could be separated, as the earliest buried; in addition skeletons 9 and 7 could also to some extent complement this group. Grave 9 represents a buried three-year old child, separated from the group of adults already mentioned. To bury children around the main area of the necropolis, where the adults were primarily buried, seems tobea rule here. The supposed second phase of burials consists of skeletons 3/76,12, 10, 13, 18,20 and 22. Again, a child 67 years old (No. 10) was separated from the adults. The already mentioned group of skeletons further north from Block III(Nos. 1,2/73,25) is akin tothis group asregards their orientation. The third group form Graves 5, 6, 8, 17 and 19. These are children (Nos. 6, 8 and 19), the only female individual (No. 17), buried far from the main part of the necropolis (Block VI, PitI), and a male individual (No.5) of adultus age, accompanied with no status distinction (axe) and laid incontracted position (the same as No. 18). Chronological difference could be employed with more certainty in the case of orientation of skeletons 11 (man 47-51 years old) and 14 (one-year old child), which form a separate group. 80 Ibid., Fig. 12. Fig. 6.- Grave 25 atGomolava, Block 11. Photo: Museum of Vojvodina. The attention of some investigators was focused on explanation oftwo burials (Nos. 16 and 17) inPitI (Block VI). An explanation for the unusual position ofthese individuals was that they were purposely "'thrown' into the pit"." Thus, theburied man ofmaturus age (No. 16) was with his head directed almost contrary to all other burials (especially those individuals directed toward the southeast) and in a specific position (on the back, almost extended with disarticulated low extremities). Beside him, a young woman was laid down, oriented the same asthose buried in Block III, although herposition was somewhat different. Anthropological analysis has shown that skeleton 16 was a robust Cromagnoid type, akin to the skeleton 2/1973, sothere isa possibility that they were members of 81 B. Brukner, Naselje vincanske grupe...(n. 16), 31, Fig. 15; 1. Petrovic, Gomo!ava - arheoloiko nalaziste, Novi Sad 1984,21. Social Dimnsions ofMortuary Practices inthe Neolithic: a Case Study 79 some other community." Skeleton 16 was separated from the rest ofpopulation anthropologically, aswell as by its orientation and spatial separation. So, anthropological data sions could bejustified only after a detailed publishing of all ceramic finds, from both graves and houses. Graves 2/73 (five vessels) (Fig. 9),4 (three huge ves- Fig. 7. - Grave 3/76 atGomolava, Block III. Photo: Museum of Vojvodina. Fig. 8. - Grave 4 atGomolava, Block III. Photo: Museum of Vojvodina. at this point confirm the theoretical postulate based onthe ethnographic cases," that members ofother communities (or by any criterion "different") are buried out ofthe main formal disposal area ofa community. sels) and 21 (six vessels) are ina quantitative sense particularly "rich" inceramic vessels. One can notice that some ofthe published vessels.s as well as some of those exhibited in the Museum of Vojvodina, are richly decorated bypattern-burnish ornament forming various crossed bands, star-like ornaments, chessboard fields and crosses. Channelling, as another technique ofdecoration, was also employed. At least two graves have functionally recognisable vessels. These are almost identical sets of ceramic forms found inGraves 3/76 ( Fig. 7) and 10, both consisting ofa small cup with a horn handle (probably for liquid) and a shallow bowl (probably for food). In most cases ceramic vessels were placed beside the head of the deceased. Exceptions are Graves 4 and 12. Regarding Grave 12 (Fig. 10), published list of grave goods" does not mention two ceramic vessels that have been buried underneath the legs of the deceased.s However, these two vessels were published.t? One of these vessels has four horn handles at its rim, with fairly visible representation of a human face. It must be underlined that this grave is specific byits copper bracelet atthe wrist of the deceased, the position ofaxe, the stone found Ceramic grave offerings Some important information that typological analyses of ceramic forms might imply infurther differentiation of the necropolis would not bepossible to explore much further due to incomplete publishing.v A statement that ceramic forms in the settlement (Layer Ib) and those found in the necropolis are chronologically different," is probably not likely to be valid. More elements point to stratigraphic connection of the necropolis and Layer lb. Thus, even the existing differences insome ofthese ceramic forms, that must berepeated still have not been analysed to the full extent, would most likely suggest a different context and, hence, the function ofcertain ceramic types. However, these conclu82 Zs. K. Zoffmann, opcit. (n. 73), 51-52. op. cit. (n. 52), 43. 848. Brukner, Naselje vincanske grupe...(n. 16), T. VII-VIII; J. Petrovic, op. cit. (n. 81), Fig. 12-14, T. IX; J. Petrovic, M. Jovanovic and V. Dautova-Rusevljan, Gomolava od praistorije do srednjeg veka, Novi Sad 1986, 15, Fig. 32, 34-35. 85 J. Petrovic, op. cit. (n. 81), 21. 831. O'Shea, 86 B. Brukner, Naselje vincanske grupe...(n. 16), T. VII-VIII. 32-33, T. 8. 881. Petrovic, personal communication, Novi Sad 1996. 89 J. Petrovic et al., op. cit. (n. 84),15, Fig. 34. 87 Ibid., 80 Dusan Boric Fig. 9.- Grave 2/1973, outside the main formal disposal area ofthe necropolis, Block IV, Gomolava, Photo: Museum ofVojvodina. under its head, the ceramic offerings, and their placement inrelation to the body position. In Grave 21, the largest number of ceramic vessels was found (6).90 Two specific curvilinear engravings of the same type were detected on the walls oftwo vessels from this grave." One of these vessels is a huge conical bowl with a wide mouth. Inside this big one, a small and biconical bowl ofroughened surface was found, containing reddish clay (ocher?) at its bottom.v Unfortunately, I am not aware of any results of chemical analysis of this clay. 901. Petrovic, op. cit. (n. 81), Fig. IX. These engravings fit the XI typological group of specific engravings onVinca ceramic vessels, established by S. Joanovic, This typology was established upon the analyses ofvarious engravings on ceramic vessels of the sites Vrsac-At and Potporanj-Kremenjak (S. Joanovic, Urezane oznake na keramici vincanske grupe u zbirci Narodnog muzeja u Vrscu, Radvojvodanskih muzeja 27, Novi Sad 1981, 131). In some other graves somewhat different engravings were also detected. . 92 1. Petrovic, personal communication, Novi Sad 1996. 91 Axe and sickle - status distinctions? Among polished stone axes found ingraves, two basic forms could be distinguished: trapezoid (some ofthem are even half-made products) and narrow oval ones. 93 Unfortunately, contextual data on their distribution by graves, and their petrographic origin have not been published. In allNeolithic layers at Gomolava, there are almost 1000 polished stone axes," but the greatest number has been recorded in Layer lb. It could be an important clue for their significance inthe mortuary area. It also points to the importance ofthe axes' accumulation insome households." Hole-shafted axes were discovered inthe settlement, and not inthe necropolis. 931. Petrovic eta/., op. cit. (n. 84), 14-15, 19, 36 and the permanent exhibition ofthe Museum ofVojvodina, Novi Sad. 94 Lj. Babovic, personal communication, Beograd 1995. 95 B. Brukner, Arneoloiki preg/ed 17 (n. 16), 12. Social Dimnsions ofMortuary Practices inthe Neolithic: a Case Study 81 The axes in graves are presumably made of porous stone, and probably they have been of non-utilitarian nature (clearly visible in Grave 3/76 with one miniature example). This is of some importance, to which I will return later. On the other hand, massive axes were registered upon the floors ofthe houses inLayer Ib. 96 Some of placed on the right shoulder." Thus, specific varying positions ofaxes (in Graves 2/73, 3/76,11,12,13,20,21,22 and 25) and flint artefacts (Graves 2/73,13,21 and 22) would reinforce a tentative suggestion that these were placed during the burial ceremony in the same manner as represented at the statuettes. Still confirming this point, it has been specified that two retouched truncations found in Graves 21 and 22 (the oldest individuals, see Fig. 11) have a silica sheen on the edge and were probably used as sickles. loo Social dimensions ofburials at Gomolava andcontextof thesettlement Fig. 10. - Grave 12 (Block 1lI), Gomolava, Hrtkovci Photo: Museum ofVojvodina. them are exhibited inthe Museum ofVojvodina, showing various and "exotic" raw materials. Certain number of male burials have been accompanied with axes placed beside the back oftheir heads (Nos. 11, 13, 20, 21, 25).97 It is hard to give a particular meaning to this element. However, an instructive exception to the rule has been noticed inGrave 12, with other noted differences. Here, the axe is in his right hand (Fig. 10). In the case of skeleton 3/76, an axe was found among ribs (Fig. 7),98 similar tothe flint artefact among the ribs of skeleton 13. It is likely that these objects may have been carried with clothes. In search for meaning of these finds, one more possibility for explanation remains. It is not unlikely to suppose that as regards the position ofaxe, we reveal a canonised iconographic pattern, closely related to two male (7) seated figurines, found at the Tisza culture site of SzegvarTuzkoves, one represented with a sickle and the other with anaxe. Both were holding these objects inthe right hand, 96Ibid., loc. cit. to the published plan and photographs (see note 16), aswell asthe plan ofthe necropolis atthe permanent exhibition ofthe Museum ofVojvodina, Novi Sad. 98 B. Brukner, Rad vojvodanskih muzeja 32 (n. 16), Abb. 2. 97 According The association of non-ceramic finds by age and sex structure of the deceased at Gomolava indicates some interesting relations (Fig. 11). The obvious importance of male individuals, with quantitatively and qualitatively "richest" graves, could not bequestioned by any ofpreviously mentioned dilemmas. As non-ceramic grave goods, there are axes innine and flint artefacts (probably assickle inserts) in four cases. In addition, a copper bracelet (around the wrist ofa man 7) was found inGrave 12. We can besure that not allmembers ofthe community "deserved" a place in the necropolis. Also, not even all buried individuals were accompanied with personal objects (axe, flint artefact), probably reflecting certain status (e.g. "poor" Graves 5 and 18), in contrast to all other graves. On the other hand, some very distinct graves have been distinguished, such asNos. 12, 2/73 or 21. It is also important to separate several rich graves ofchildren. This is especially pronounced as regards Grave 8, where a child 0.5 - 1 years old was accompanied with seven copper beads and four ceramic vessels. This case could almost certainly imply the child's inherited status, with copper in function of a prestigious raw material and artefact, which was also found in the settlement context.t?' Two more child burials (Nos. 10 and 14), with anamulet (terra-cotta inshape of figurine 7- Grave 10) and bone beads (Grave 991. Korek, Szegvar- Tiizkoves. A settlement oftheTisza culture, in L. Talas (ed.) (n. 14),53, Fig. 14; O. Trogmayer, Der Gott mit Axt. Gedanken zu einem neuen Statuettenfund (Statuette V), Alltag und Religion Jungsteinzeit in Ost-Ungarn, Frankfurt am Main 1992, 6669, Abb. 82-84. 100 M. Kaczanowska and 1. K. Kozlowski, Gomolava - chipped stone industries of Vinca Culture, Warsawa 1986, 103-104. 101 B. Brukner, Arheoloiki pregled 17 (n. 16), 12. 82 Dusan Boric 9 20 2/75 5 16 16 50 I 23a? 24 40 30 23b? 20 23c 17 15 10 10 5 o Children (unsexed) Age at death (years) 21, 22, 20, ... - grave number a, b, c - dislocated bones of more individuals in one grave ? - anthropologically unsure sex and age determinations ! •/ 0 • 0 @ stone axe flint artifact bone awl copper bracelet pendant (?) copper bead bone bead Fig. II. - Distribution ofnon-ceramic grave goods by age and sex structure ofburied individuals (each field representing an individual) atthe Gomolava necropolis. 14), with two ceramic vessels in each, lead to the conclusion ofthe inherited status. Only inthe cases ofbone and copper beads (except ceramic vessels), there is more than one artefact ofthe same kind. It isalso worth noting the existence ofmalachite traces on the bones ofthe deceased. Powdered malachite might have been used as body decoration of the deceased in some cases (No. 13 and may be No. 12), however no malachite have been detected onthe bones of skeleton 4. In the context of already mentioned use of copper in the necropolis, these cases would strongly emphasise its role, that was primarily prestigious and probably ritual. 102 There are no figurines in the necropolis at Gomolava (except the uncertain amulet inthe grave of a child - No. 10). Their meaning during the Neolithic was presumably formed in domestic context.r" An important fact is that Layer Iacontains the greatest number offigurines. Ina far less number, they have been found in Layer Ib, and it is possible that here burials took over the role ofemphasising exclusive rights in the community, possibly now ofa single group. This would point to the changeable form through which ideology was emanated, although expressing the same social function. Contrarily, at the single known necropolis ofthe early Vinca culture atBotos near Zrenjanin, three figurines were found inmortuary area. 104 The existing area inside House 4 (but also inside some other houses that have not been published yet) with bucrania fragments, 105 represents one more ritual element that is primarily in association with domestic domain. This is in accordance with similar areas found at other Vinca sites, especially Kormadin orParta. 106 Ahigh redundancy value ofthe Gomolava necropolis (R = 0.89, Fig. 3.b) may indicate the type of social relations that is specific for those societies involved in the process ofvertical stratification. 102 Cf. 1. C.Chapman, The Vinca Culture ofSouth-East Europe: Studies in Chronology, Economy and Society (BAR, Int. Ser. 117, i & ii), Oxford 1981,128. 103 I. Hodder, The Domestication of Europe: Structure and Contingency inNeolithic Societies, Oxford 1990. 104 M. Garasanin, Sahranjivanje u balkansko-anadolskom kompleksu mladeg neolita, Glasnik Zemaljskog muzeja Bosne i Hercegovine n.s. XI, Sarajevo 1956,206-208; J. C.Chapman, op. cit. (n. 102), 56. 1051. Petrovic, Arhitektura kuce 4 na Gomolavi. Naselje mlade vincanske kulture, Rad vojvodanskih muzeja 34, Novi Sad 1992,21. 106 See notes 38and 39. Social Dimnsions ofMortuary Practices inthe Neolithic: a Case Study 83 To summarise, it is reasonable to suppose that those individuals that have been buried at the Gomolava intramural necropolis, in this way were expressing their exclusive right in the community. They could also represent a kinship group. This is probably true for almost the same orientation of the skeletons at the main area ofthenecropolis. Quite different traits (even anthropological) could be observed in themortuary ritus of those individuals buried away ofthe main formal disposal area. The existing bias toward almost absolute representation of male individuals (the only positively identified female individual is No. 16in Pit I) is astonishing, indicating strong sexual differentiation. Since no data on sex of the buried children are available, it may only be speculated that they were male individuals too. Certainly, with the exception of some cases (Graves 2/73, 8, 12 and 21 in contrast to Graves 5 and 18), grave goods do not fully express clear status distinctions among those that have been buried. The actual differentiation inside the community was taking place in connection with the claim that this group accomplished - to beburied close to the living zone. The stone polished axes discovered in the graves are of low quality, as their function was to mask the actual difference between those thathave been buried and the others. A strong need for this egalitarian mask is also visible in other traits shared by Vinca communities.!" It seems that only Grave 12 has distinctive status marks in comparison to all other individuals buried at this necropolis. As we have already seen, allformal elements point exactly toward this direction. Also, strange representations of a human face at the handles of a vessel found in this grave, underneath the legs of the deceased, may be viewed just as an interesting coincidence in this context. domus 108 will soon be replaced, again symbolically and spatially, by a distinctive area of the dead - necropolis. Close connection of burial and house, i.e. domestic area, is obvious inthe Starcevo culture. During the late phase of theVinca culture, at the Gomolava necropolis, a process of sequential separation of the dead from the domestic arena is obvious, notwithstanding theircontinuing placement among houses, inside the settlement. However, some domestic elements, as figurines, disappear. The dead are still, as in theprevious periods, "accessible and recognisable".I09 The distribution of sites with burials in the central Balkans and Pannonia in the period of development of the first Neolithic communities, in spite insufficient state of research of certain areas, points to some common elements in expressing social needs forburials. Firstly, these are the specific geographical micro zones (vicinity of a river flow and in thepastrich reservoirs ofplant and animal species in the Pannonia), where the noted burial remains hadthefunction of emphasising territorial rights of certain community. Probably, some of these elements continued their role in theburial practice even inthe later phases of the Neolithic development. Appearance of necropolises, as specific areas at first formed ina contemporary unsettled part of settlement, where not all members of a community could have been buried, speaks, however, in favour of intensive social tensions. And some burials of the first Neolithic communities also indicate incipient stages of the later phenomena. These phenomena were common throughout south-east Europe in these periods. They represent the very beginning of the process that would eventually produce a social structure clearly reflected in the extensively excavated Early Eneolithic necropolis in north-east Bulgaria, with extremely rich grave goods. Aclaim thatVarna represents (...) "thefinal flowering of an internally riven society,"!'? equally could respond another claim, that thenecropolis near Botos and the one inside the settlement at Gomolava represent the first signs of the already mentioned social process in the course ofthe Neolithic development of south-east Europe. Conclusion As wecould witness, sequential separation of mortuary and domestic area inthe symbolic sense, butalso spatially, was taking place in the course of the Neolithic development in the Danube basin. The concept of 107 I. Hodder (op. cit., n. 103,77-78) puts forward anassumption that symbolically the meaning of the Vinca figurines with a mask could follow thesame line of meaning asclay masks inthecenotaphs ofthe Varna necropolis. 108 Ibid., passim. 109 A. 110 1. Whittle, op. cit. (n. 64), 164. C. Chapman, op. cit. (n. 60), 33. UDK 316.728:393(497.113)"634":903.5-03"634"