university of copenhagen
A Bowl Fit for a King
A Ceramic Vessel of the Naranjo Court Bearing the Komkom Emblem Glyph
Helmke, Christophe; Polyukhovych, Yuriy; Reents-Budet, Dorie J.; Bishop, Ronald L.
Published in:
The P A R I Journal
Publication date:
2017
Document license:
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Citation for published version (APA):
Helmke, C., Polyukhovych, Y., Reents-Budet, D. J., & Bishop, R. L. (2017). A Bowl Fit for a King: A Ceramic
Vessel of the Naranjo Court Bearing the Komkom Emblem Glyph. The P A R I Journal, 18(1), 9-24.
Download date: 08. Apr. 2020
A Bowl Fit for a King: A Ceramic Vessel of the
Naranjo Court Bearing the Komkom Emblem Glyph
CHRISTOPHE HELMKE
University of Copenhagen
YURIY POLYUKHOVYCH
California State University, Chico
DORIE J. REENTS-BUDET
Museum of Fine Arts, Boston
RONALD L. BISHOP
Smithsonian Institution
The Maya Ceramics Project (formerly the Maya Survey
Project), now centered at the National Museum of
Natural History, Smithsonian Institution, has as its
primary focus the sampling and documentation of the
chemical composition of ancient Maya decorated ceramics from a wide array of sites and collections throughout
the Maya lowlands (for discussions of the INAA analytical technique, see Bishop et al. 1982; Blackman and
Bishop 2007). This project combines nuclear chemistry,
archaeology, and art history to investigate the sociohistorical implications of Classic Maya (ad 250–850)
painted ceramics. The sampling program began in the
1970s and continues as an opportunistic patchwork of
chemical analyses with the collaboration of many colleagues and institutions. Project objectives include the
production of a pottery paste compositional survey
of ceramic production in Mesoamerica with a special
emphasis on the Maya region. The compositional data
allow the discerning of compositionally and stylistically
similar sherds and whole vessels, which imply their being made from similar clay resources and ceramic recipes as well as being viewed as the products of a specific
area, site, and perhaps even a group of aligned artisans
and/or workshop(s) (Bishop et al. 1986; Reents and
Bishop 1985, 2003). The ultimate goal is the detection of
patterns of use and exchange to shed light on ancient
sociopolitical and economic interaction in Mesoamerica
and especially among the Maya.
The Maya Ceramics Project was operating in
Guatemala in 1993 at which point a pottery bowl in a
private collection was brought to the attention of Ronald
L. Bishop, which was promptly sampled and attributed
the analytical number MS5331. This same bowl is now
The PARI Journal 18(1):9-24 © 2017 Ancient Cultures Institute
part of the Palacios-Weyman Collection that is managed by the Fundación para la Bellas Artes y la Cultura
(FUNBA) in La Antigua, Guatemala. The FUNBA
curates 4,000 pieces from the collections of the architect
Amelia Weymann de Palacios (née Weymann Tejeda)
and José María Palacios Porta, lawyer by profession. On
account of their shared interest in history and culture,
the Palacios-Weyman Collection was started at a very
early date and enriched over five decades, until it grew
to its current size, becoming one of the most important
collections of Guatemalan art. The Palacios-Weymann
Collection, which has been registered as national patrimony by the Guatemalan government’s Institute of
Anthropology, Ethnology and History (IDAEH), covers
three major periods: namely, a) Prehispanic, b) Colonial
and Hispano-Guatemalan, as well as c) modern and
contemporary.
Below we provide a description of this remarkable bowl, its physical properties, and iconography,
but we will focus mostly on the chemical attributes
and the paleographic features of the glyphic text that
adorns the vessel, in order to consider the interplay of
these two distinct lines of evidence and how they shed
light on the socioeconomic and historical context of its
manufacture.
Physical Properties and Chemical Analyses
The vessel is registered as 84-A-5-311-1 in the PalaciosWeymann collection. The shape of the vessel is that of a
bowl according to the archaeological shape-typology for
Maya ceramics (Sabloff 1975:23-24) with a flat bottom
and outsloping walls. Its maximal rim diameter is 20 cm
9
Helmke et al.
0
5
10 cm
Figure 1. Section and elevation drawing of MS5331 (drawing: Christophe Helmke).
(16 cm at the base), with a total height of 9 cm (Figure 1).
The bowl’s painting style resides in the greater Holmul
style, first defined at the site of Holmul, Guatemala
(Merwin and Valliant 1932; Reents 1985). The Holmul
pottery style features a cream-white base slip and
painted imagery using shades of red, particularly a red
outline and orange interior wash, the wash perhaps a
dilution of the red slip. An unusual feature of MS5331 is
the replacement of a deep black slip for image accents—
as is typical for the Holmul style—with a dark-value red
slip. These darker areas may simply have been painted
over multiple times using the same red slip rather than
comprising a separate paint recipe. The pictorial scene
is an abridged version of the so-called “Holmul Dancer
Theme” (Reents-Budet 1991), with only the dancing
dwarf present (which is to say without the Maize god
figure that usually dominates such scenes). Diagonal
texts, of three glyphs each for a total of nine hieroglyphs,
separate three dwarves.
Based on examination of the original surfaces of
MS5331 it is clear that it was found in fragmentary
condition and with a partially eroded exterior (with
minor exfoliation evident also in parts). This weathering
is due in part to the relatively soft surfaces typical of
this ceramic ware. The repaired breaks are visible on the
interior of the bowl with a sizable amount of fill material added to restore lost areas. The exterior imagery has
been repainted in selected areas to mask the repair lines
and restore areas of eroded imagery.
The bowl’s interior is highly burnished and painted
10
with a light orange slip, and a wide red band encircles
the rim. Directly below the interior red rim band is a
thinner line in the same paint, with regular half-circle
loops dipping below the thin line. An unusual feature
of the bowl is the large Ajaw date notation adorning the
interior center of the bowl, likely recording the dedicatory date. This practice echoes that of the so-called
“Giant Ajaw” altars best known for Caracol (see Beetz
and Satterthwaite 1981:77-102; Satterthwaite 1951:30-37)
and to a lesser degree Tikal (Schele and Freidel 1990:213,
Fig. 5:28). Similar Ajaw vessels are known from the
Eastern Central Lowlands, particularly at Caracol
(Chase 1994:163; Chase and Chase 1987:15, 17, Fig. 11b,
d, g), Baking Pot (Ricketson 1931:25, Pl. 17a) and most
recently finds made at Xunantunich (Helmke and Awe
2017). We will return to this feature when we consider
the dating of the bowl from the historical vantage of its
creation.
The combined features identify MS5331 as a member
of the Zacatel Cream-polychrome ceramic type. Lacking
a secure provenience and sufficient numbers of similar
examples, a variety assignation is not warranted. The
bowl’s stylistic and iconographic attributes unquestionably point to its being a product of a workshop located
somewhere in the eastern central lowlands. The origin of
the bowl can be ascribed to a more circumscribed location in the greater Naranjo area, based on an analysis of
paste composition combined with paleographic features
in the glyphic text, including the title borne by the historical owner of the vessel. We explore these data below.
A Bowl Fit for a King
Relative to the overall patterning of ceramic paste
compositional divisions in the Maya lowlands, MS5331
fits comfortably within the compositional pattern for
pottery made in the eastern central lowlands. That being said, for archaeological sites located in present-day
Guatemala we can exclude Holmul, La Sufricaya, Yaxox,
Chunhuitz, Ucanal, Yaxha, and Nakum as probable locations of manufacture. Similarly, on the opposite side of
the border in adjoining western Belize, we can equally
exclude the sites of Xunantunich, Buenavista del Cayo,
Las Ruinas de Arenal, Baking Pot, Barton Ramie, and
Caracol. Unfortunately the data cannot confirm a specific
workshop locale, although it does point to the immediate Naranjo area as the most promising and probable
candidate. However, the bowl’s compositional profile is
not notably close to any of the 146 Naranjo-excavated
samples in the database, which may suggest that it was
made from different clay resources and/or tempering
materials and/or from an idiosyncratic potting recipe
divergent from those used in the Naranjo workshops
represented by the presently analyzed samples.
Of particular note is MS5331’s chemical dissimilarity to any of the unprovenienced vessels in the database
whose workshop, patron, and/or artist have been successfully connected to Naranjo based on paste analyses,
artistic or ceramic typological attributions, and/or
epigraphic evidence (Table 1). For example, MS5331 is
chemically unlike the three vases painted during the
second part of the eighth century for the Naranjo ruler
K’ahk’ Ukalaw Chan Chaahk (r. ad 755–780+) (Figure
2a–c). Yet the three vases are so similar to each other as
to suggest they are the product of one workshop, while
the especially strong chemical similarity between K633/
MS1374 and K635/MS1375 can be used to infer that
they represent two vessels made from a common clay
preparation.
Further, MS5331 does not chemically resemble the
so-called Jauncy Vase (K4464/MS1416) (Figure 2d) made
at Naranjo for its 38th king, K’ahk’ Tiliw Chan Chaahk
(r. ad 693–728+) but excavated at Buenavista del Cayo
(Houston et al. 1992; Reents-Budet et al. 1994:303-302;
Taschek and Ball 1992). The Jauncy Vase was painted by
an artist who produced distinctive vessels for Naranjo’s
court under the reign of K’ahk’ Tiliw Chan Chaahk, these
works being distinguished by singular hieroglyphic and
pictorial styles. Another vase attributed to this artist is
K1698/MS1684, based on shared similarities in pictorial
composition and paleography discussed below (Figure
2e). Yet unlike the Jauncy Vase, this one was specifically produced as a gift for the Ucanal ruler “Itzamnaaj”
Bahlam, who is named as its owner (Reents-Budet et al.
1994:300). The paste compositions of the Jauncy Vase and
K1698/MS1684 are similar enough to suggest they were
made from the same general clay resources, although
there is sufficient variation in the rare earths and differences in the volcanic glass inclusions, specifically in
the volcanic ash used as tempering material. Similarly,
differences also are noted in the surface quality of the
red slips used to paint the two cylindrical vases: That
of MS1684/K1698 is significantly shinier, harder, and
thicker than the Jauncy Vase’s slip paint. Such surface
characteristics typically indicate slightly different slip
paint preparations (or “recipes”; see Reents-Budet et al.
1994:301). Also divergent is line quality seen especially
in the glyphic texts, which from an art historical perspective imply that these are works of different painters.
Yet there are so many shared paleographic features to
suggest that these two vases may have been produced
in the same workshop attached to the Naranjo court. In
summary, the paste compositional data, paleographic
details, and stylistic features lead to the interpretation of
the two vases as being made by two artists who, if not
working together, were certainly intimately knowledgeable of each other’s works. The compositional variation
stems from slight changes in resource utilization and/or
paste recipe, as typically happens among aligned artists
even in the same workshop. These may occur due to the
routine changes in availability of resources and natural
“potting behavior,” wherein adjustments are made in
any workshop over even a short period of time to adjust
to available resources.
Whereas a conclusive match could not be established
on the basis of chemical profiles and trace elements, the
NAA data does shed light on the place of MS5331 in the
socio-ceramic milieu of the eastern central lowlands.
The analyses also confirm that MS5331 is chemically
similar to other Zacatel Cream-polychrome vessels in
the database. Most notable are MS1420 (K4669) (Figure
3a), MS1866 (Figure 3b), NK0011 (excavated at Nakum)
(Figure 3c), and BVB009 (excavated at Baking Pot,
Belize) (Figure 3d), as well as other Naranjo-excavated
sherds and whole vessels whose ceramic types and artistic styles are consistent with Naranjo-area pottery in
much the same way as MS5331. The available evidence
suggests the immediate Naranjo area as the place of origin of these five Zacatel Cream–polychrome specimens
including MS5331. We interpret the group as a small
subset of the larger corpus of greater Naranjo pottery
production, yet separate and distinct from the known
ceramic output of the royal workshops of Naranjo,
including vessels bearing the name of ruler K’ahk’ Tiliw
Chan Chaahk. As the product of a workshop in the
vicinity of Naranjo, the bowl’s paste chemistry cannot
assist in the search for the geographic location of the
elusive Komkom site unless it were positioned within
the wider Naranjo community.
Iconography
The exterior of MS5331 is decorated with both pictorial
imagery and a hieroglyphic text. All elements of the imagery are outlined in red, and resulting areas are filled
11
Helmke et al.
Element
MS5331
(K1698)
MS1684
(K4464)
MS1416
(K633)
MS1374
(K635)
MS1375
CV*
Na%
1.85
1.50
1.51
1.57
1.26
2.2
K%
1.72
1.93
1.30
2.35
2.19
5.3
Ca%
0.00
2.99
0.00
5.15
4.59
—
Sc
7.05
5.47
8.04
8.99
8.59
1.7
Cr
11.0
15.0
29.2
21.3
21.6
3.1
Fe
1.44
1.67
2.34
2.29
2.15
3.0
Co
5.14
6.35
—
6.04
5.66
2.0
Zn
89
109
65
72
84
10.6
As
7.1
4.2
5.4
10.6
9.9
5.4
Rb
135
99
60
169
167
7.7
Zr
139
87
214
216
185
—
Sb
1.45
0.76
1.00
1.53
1.47
16.8
Cs
5.50
4.45
2.61
7.55
6.90
3.1
Ba
575
938
1260
621
468
12.2
La
21.6
23.2
23.3
36.5
32.7
1.6
Ce
48.4
36.0
45.8
66.1
60.0
2.4
Nd
13
14
11
29
26
11.6
Sm
4.67
3.33
4.32
6.22
5.61
2.5
Eu
0.63
0.58
0.72
0.94
0.83
3.0
Tb
0.76
0.52
0.46
0.87
0.98
13.8
Yb
3.22
1.95
1.81
3.05
2.54
5.3
Lu
0.39
0.27
0.23
0.42
0.29
6.9
Hf
6.05
3.59
6.53
6.58
5.33
4.0
Th
13.20
7.06
11.80
13.20
12.10
2.7
U
2.00
1.42
1.10
1.73
1.65
15.3
La/Yb
6.7
11.9
12.9
12.0
12.9
Th/Sc
1.9
1.3
1.5
1.5
1.4
Cr/Th
0.8
2.1
2.5
1.6
1.8
La/Sm
4.6
7.0
5.4
5.9
5.8
La/Lu
56
87
102
87
111
La/Ce
0.45
0.64
0.51
0.55
0.55
Cr/Sc
1.56
2.74
3.63
2.37
2.51
Table 1. Comparison of MS5331 and a selection of vessels produced in workshops attached to the Naranjo court. Trace-elemental
data in parts per million except where percentages are indicated. * CV = Coefficient of variation determined from 17 years of
repeated analyses of SRM 679 Brick Clay, n = 311 (data from Blackman and Bishop 2007:327).
12
A Bowl Fit for a King
a
c
b
d
e
Figure 2. Vases produced at the royal Naranjo workshop for K’ahk’ Ukalaw Chan Chaahk and K’ahk’
Tiliw Chan Chaahk: (a) K633/MS1374; (b) K635/MS1375; (c) K2796/MS1763; (d) K4464/MS1416;
(e) K1698/MS1684 (photos: Maya Ceramics Project).
13
Helmke et al.
A Bowl Fit for a King
This is made abundantly clear by the many portrayals
of this deity and the accompanying dwarves on cylinder vases and plates, often painted in the Holmul style,
made at workshops at a variety of sites in the eastern
central lowlands (Reents-Budet 1991; Reents-Budet
et al. 1994:179-186). It is in this part of the Maya area
that this mythic motif predominated, and it is evident
that it was of particular importance to the rulers of the
area (Helmke and Kupprat 2016:59-69; Houston et al.
1992; Reents-Budet et al. 1994:179-188). In these scenes
we see the Maize God shortly after his resurrection
and resplendent in fine regalia, while he dances in the
company of a dwarf (Taube 2009). This seminal mythology from a maize-based culture led to the dwarf becoming the model companion of Classic Maya kings who
themselves often acted in the guise of the Maize God
(Houston 1992). Although the Maize God is conspicuously absent on MS5331, the dwarves function as pars
pro toto actors of the pivotal scene, their solitary dance
conjuring the entire epic narrative.1
a
Epigraphy
Figure 4. Two of the iconographic panels on MS5331
showing the dancing dwarves (photos: Yuriy
Polyukhovych and Ronald Bishop, courtesy of
Amelia Weymann de Palacios).
b
d
c
Figure 3. Zacatel Cream–polychrome ceramics with Holmul Dancer scenes that are close in chemical composition to MS5331: (a) K4619/MS1420; (b) MS1866; (c) NK0011 discovered at Nakum, Guatemala; (d) BVB009
discovered at Baking Pot, Belize (photos: Maya Ceramics Project and Christophe Helmke).
14
in with a lighter red/orange wash. The decorative field
is divided into six rectangular spaces, wherein each of
the three largest ones is dominated by a depiction of a
dwarf figure (exhibiting achondroplastic dwarfism),
glancing upwards (Figure 4). Separating these depictions are three glyphic bands, which together form one
complete glyphic clause. The dwarves’ raised heels,
bent legs (Grube 1992:201, 204; Looper 2008:88, 92,
124; Proskouriakoff 1950: 28, 145, Fig. 9.J1), upraised
arms, and dynamic poses (Looper 2008:3, Fig. 1; Taube
2009:46-47) make it clear that they are performing a
type of ritual dance or pageant. Whereas the dwarves
are shown wearing plain loincloths and their hair is
simply bound in cloth wraps, it is their earspools and
necklaces adorned with shell gorgets that mark their
distinctive status. In each arm they brandish bundles of
long feathers swaying wispily in the air—undoubtedly
the long and highly prized tail feathers of the quetzal
(Pharomachrus mocinno). The same feather bunches are
frequently paired with valves of spiny oyster shells
(Spondylus sp.), placed atop stacks of folded cotton
mantles, a combination comprising the idealized tribute
package offered by vassals to higher nobles and their
kings (see Stuart 1998:411).
Without a doubt the dwarves and their dance serve
to celebrate the time of the Maize God’s resurrection.
The glyphic text on the exterior is evenly subdivided
into three equal segments of three glyph blocks apiece,
each segment serving as a diagonal dividing band between the dancing dwarf figures. These segments run
diagonally from the rim to the base of the vessel, the
uppermost and lowest glyphs each delicately touching
at the red bands that define the exterior of the vessel. We
will explore the text on the exterior first and will return
to the Ajaw date in the interior at the end of the paper.
Dedicatory Segment and Vessel Type (A1–B1)
The first glyph block (A1) is well preserved and can be
identified as an Initial Sign that initiates a dedicatory
statement on ceramic vessels (see MacLeod and ReentsBudet 1994:109, 124) (Figure 5a). On monuments this
same glyph serves as a type of focus marker, emphasizing the most salient clauses (e.g. at Tikal and Caracol)
(see Grube and Martin 2000:69, 71, 109) and also serving
as a type of final emphatic device in texts of the eastern
central lowlands (e.g., at Dzibanche and Lamanai) (see
Helmke in press). On portable objects, and ceramics in
particular, this glyph functions as a type of demonstrative pronoun (if read alay “this, here”) (MacLeod and
Polyukhovich 2005) or as a type of quotative device that
1
Given the form of the ceramic vessel, we can also entertain the
possibility that this bowl once formed part of a set or ware of vessels
with different forms and functions, including a vase for beverages
and a tripod dish for serving solid foodstuffs, such as tamales—the
typical steamed maize breads of Maya cuisine. On the other vessels
of this set other agents and elements of the same myth might have
been represented. Ultimately, the relatively low height of the bowl
may account for the election of subject matter that was deemed
most suitable.
15
Helmke et al.
1
C
B
A
A Bowl Fit for a King
1
1
a
2
e
b
c
Figure 5. The glyphs of the A–C columns on MS5331: (a) the A column; (b) the B column; (c) the C column
(drawings: Christophe Helmke).
initiates the clause (if read aliiy “it is said”) (Lacadena
2003:15). Despite this continued ambiguity, it clearly
serves to initiate clauses and is written a-AL-ya (or alternatively as a-LAY-ya). Of the several variants that can
be used to write this expression, in this case the main
sign is the mirror variant.
The phonetic signs bracketing this logogram are
highly distinctive variants and serve as diagnostic
paleographic markers of a particular workshop, or
perhaps even a specific scribe. The first a– phonetic
complement represents the upper and lower beaks of a
parakeet with the dotted circular element in the middle
of the darkened tongue. It is the two small wavy lines
that emanate from the nostril that distinguish this variant from other allographs of this vocalic sign. Precisely
the same a variant is found on ceramics produced at a
Naranjo workshop under the patronage of K’ahk’ Tiliw
Chan Chaahk (Martin and Grube 2000:74-77). Salient
examples in the archives of Justin Kerr include K927,2
K1698, K2085 (Figure 6a),3 K7750 a rare quadrangular
vase (Figure 6b), and K8622 (Figure 6c). A very similar
example, but with some minor idiosyncratic differences,
is found on the Jauncy Vase (i.e., K4464/MS1416) (Figure
6d) that also names K’ahk’ Tiliw as its original owner,
although as we have remarked above, it was found in a
royal tomb at Buenavista del Cayo in Belize (Houston et
al. 1992; Reents-Budet et al. 1994:303-302; Taschek and
Ball 1992).
Similarly, the –ya syllabogram in subfix position
to the main sign is also highly distinctive. What sets it
16
d
f
g
Figure 6. The paleographic commonalities of the Initial Sign:
a– and analogous variants on Naranjo ceramics: (a) 2085; (b)
K7750; (c) 8622; (d) 4464; analogous variants of the –ya syllabogram on the same ceramics: (e) 2085; (f) K8622; (g) K1398
(drawings: Christophe Helmke).
3
3
a
c
2
2
3
b
apart from other variants is that the right crescent is visible whereas the left one is wholly or partly concealed
by the initial vocalic sign. In addition, in this particular
variant there are three main dots between the crescents,
arranged in triangular fashion, a line of small dots
trailing from the lowest of these larger axial dots. The
same feature is found once more on K927, K2085 (Figure
6e), and K8622 (Figure 6f), as well as on K1398 (Figure
6g)—also known as the Regal Bunny Pot (see Beliaev
and Davletshin 2006; Helmke 2012; Stuart 1993).4 The
use of the same a– vocalic sign and –ya syllabogram, as
2
On this vase, the Initial Sign has been repainted as part of
restoration work, and although the restorer has attempted to be
faithful one can see that there are small discrepancies, which is why
this particular example is not reproduced here.
3
It may well be that this vessel dates from the initial part of
the reign of this king, as is suggested by a distinctive spelling of
his name as K’AK’-TIL-wa, instead of the more common K’AK’TIL-wi or K’AK’-ti-li-wi. The latter spellings are synharmonic and
prompt the transcription K’ahk’ Tiliw, with a short vowel in the –Vw
suffix. In contrast, the spelling found on K2085 is disharmonic and
suggests the transcription K’ahk’ Tiliiw, with a long vowel –VVw.
The shift from disharmonic to synharmonic spellings is a feature
of texts of the eastern Maya lowlands and is usually attributed to a
period between ad 747 and 849 (Lacadena and Wichmann 2002:293302), yet this instance demonstrates that experimentation with this
process is at least a few decades earlier, since K’ahk’ Tiliw reigned
between ad 693 and at least 726 (Martin and Grube 2000:74-77).
4
This sign is eroded on K7750, and on both K1698 and K4464 a
GI head-variant is used, which is not accompanied by a –ya sign.
well as the use of the mirror main sign (also used on
K927, 1398, 1689, and 2085) speak in a very evocative
manner of MS5331 as a vessel that was produced in a
Naranjo workshop during the reign of K’ahk’ Tiliw
Chan Chaahk. We will return to this observation after
we have determined the name of the original owner of
the vessel under scrutiny.
The second glyph block (A2) has, unfortunately,
suffered from breakage and thus only little remains.
Syntax and comparison to other vessels from the area
suggest that this should record the dedicatory verb, the
manner by which the vessel was formally activated or
brought to life, enabling it to serve its intended function
in society. What remains includes the –yi syllabogram
in final position. Whereas this particular syllabogram
is less distinctive than the foregoing phonetic signs, the
variant in use in Naranjo workshops during this time
has a noticeable cleft or gap between the main rounded
portion of the sign (the “paw”) and the lined protrusion at the top (the “claw”) (see K927, K1398, K4464,
and K8622). The preferred main sign at this period in
the Naranjo workshops presents the head of the aged
male divinity known as God N (see Martin 2016; Taube
1992:92-99) although in one instance (K8622) a stylized
footprint, an abridged form of the Step sign, is present.
On MS5331 what remains suggests that the dedicatory
verb was written with the head of God N, especially
the characteristic netted headdress and the pronounced
wrinkles along the jaw. In almost all cases a –yi syllabogram closes each of these verbal expressions to mark
them as change-of-state verbs, presumably read t’ab-aay
“it was raised / it got lifted” (see Stuart 1998:409-417), in
reference either to the production of the ceramic vessel
or to its ceremonial presentation as part of a dedicatory
ritual.
The verb is followed by a substantive (A3) that refers
to the object that was dedicated. In this case the glyph
block has suffered a fair bit of erosion, but the remaining
elements can nonetheless be distinguished as yu-k’i-bi
for yuk’ib. This lexeme can be segmented as y-uk’-ib and
translated as “it is his drinking implement,” involving
the verb uk’ “to drink” followed by an instrumental suffix –ib, the whole prefixed by the third-person singular
pronominal possessive prefix (see Houston et al. 1989;
MacLeod and Reents-Budet 1994:115, 127-128). As such
it is clear that this bowl was primarily intended as an
implement for drinking, which also implies that it was
designed to a contain a liquid. Ordinarily the forms of
Maya ceramics tell us something of their contents, with
tall vases with narrow orifices reserved for beverages,
wide dishes of shallow depth for solid foodstuffs, and
bowls of intervening size for broths and semi-liquids.
This observation is borne out in this case also, since
the following glyph block, at the start of the second
column (B1), refers to the intended contents (Figure 5b).
Here this is spelled fully phonetically as ti-u-lu, and
read ti ul “for atole/maize gruel” (MacLeod and ReentsBudet 1994:118-119, 128). As such we can see that the
text corroborates the intended contents of the vessel as
viscous maize gruel, one of the favored beverages of the
Maya, both then and now. The lu syllabogram used in
this glyph block is also a distinctive variant, exhibiting
two large dots in the upper portion of the sign, an otherwise uncommon feature. Interestingly, as far as we have
been able to ascertain, this particular variant of lu does
not appear on other ceramics of Naranjo workshops,
suggesting that this is an idiosyncratic feature of the
scribe who painted MS5331.
Patronage and Nominal Segment (B2–C3)
The initial portion of the text was given over to an
abridged dedicatory statement, as well as specifying
the type of vessel in ancient Maya typologies and its
intended contents. The remainder of the text starts with
the next glyph block (B2) providing an honorific titular
expression that introduces the name of the original
owner of the vase. Whereas it may seem a rather abrupt
transition between the first and second portions of the
text, the latter is linked to the former via the possessive prefix y– appended to uk’ib, marking this drinking
implement as the prized possession of a distinct and
particular individual. Anthroponyms, or the names of
human individuals (particularly regnal names), are usually followed by titles, in keeping with the syntax of the
Ch’olan language recorded in the glyphs, although at
times additional titular expressions precede the name.
These can be identified as honorific expressions, and in
this case one such is spread over the remaining two glyph
blocks of the medial column. The first half is written
CH’AK-OL (B2) followed by pi-tzi-li (B3). Together this
was probably read ch’ak-ohl pitzil, involving the verbal
17
Helmke et al.
a
b
c
d
Figure 7. Honorific titles: (a) the itz’aat pitzil honorific of
K’ahk’ Tiliw on K8622; (b) the same title of K’ahk’ Ukalaw
Chan Chaahk on K7750; (c) the same title and the ch’ahk-ohl
pitziil honorific of Bat K’awiil on the Holmul tripod dish; (d)
honorific designating Ukit Kan Lek as ch’ak-ohl bahte’ pitziil
(drawings: Christophe Helmke).
root ch’ak “to chop, axe,” the substantive ohl “heart,”
and the head of the expression, pitzil. The latter probably
serves as the substantive “ballplayer” and is a derived
form of the verbal root pitz seen as part of the verb “to
play ball” in reference to the fascinating ballgame of the
ancient Maya (see Freidel et al. 1993:337-391; Miller and
Houston 1987:60; Stuart 1989:24-25).
The honorific title itz’aat pitziil “wise man/sage
ballplayer” is also found in the nominal segment of
K’ahk’ Tiliw Chan Chaahk on K8622 (Figure 7a) and of
his son K’ahk’ Ukalaw Chan Chaahk on K7750 (Figure
7b) as well as in reference to a Naranjo ruler nicknamed
Bat K’awiil, who ruled sometime in the 780s (Figure
7c) (Martin and Grube 2000:81). The latter example is
found in the rim text of a tripod dish discovered in a
royal tomb at the site of Holmul (Str. F in Group 1) (M1N1) (Reents 1986). In the same text, Bat K’awiil is not
only referred to as an itz’aat pitziil, but also as a ch’ak-ohl
pitziil (K1-L1) (Figure 7d). At Ek Balam, the remarkable
tomb of Ukit Kan Lek contained among other things
an incised ceramic vase, where its text designates the
king as a ch’ak-ohl bahte’ pitziil (Lacadena 2003:77).5 The
intrusion of the martial title /baah-te’/ (possibly “headspear”) indicates that the initial portion of the honorific
serves as a modifier to pitziil and the latter is the discrete
5
Here, in the transcription, we present the segment /baah-te’/
with a short vowel since morphophonetic processes are at play,
wherein VV > V, since compounding involving a stressed syllable
eliminates preceding vowel length (see Lacadena and Davletshin
2013:16).
18
syntactic head of the expression. The example from Ek
Balam, as well as the pairing of pitzil titles on the Holmul
vessel, suggests that these are references to the king as
a ballplayer, whose various virtues are emphasized,
serving to qualify what type of ballplayer he was. As
such, the owner of K5331 likewise appears to have been
designated as a “heart-chopping ballplayer,” although
whether this is nuanced lyrical language or chillingly
meant in a rather literal way remains unknown.
The name proper follows over the first two glyph
blocks of the final column (Figure 5c). Split over two
glyph blocks, the first part of the name can be transliterated as TE’-?-la-CHAN-na (C1) that modifies the
syntactic head, the deity K’AWIL (C2), whose snout
is partly eroded. Most individual elements are readily
identified, save the second sign, marked with a question
mark, which here may be rendered as a rarer variant the
OL logogram within a circular frame. This is reminiscent
of the rare OL variant also seen in the nominal segment
found on the large jadeite plaque recently discovered at
Nim Li Punit, involving what appears to be a T-shaped
wind sign within a cartouche (Prager and Braswell
2016:271, Fig. 6b). Together the name on MS5331 thus
reads Te’ Ohl Chan K’awiil. Alternatively this name
may involve a moon sign—designated as T181 in the
Thompson catalog (1962). As such one alternate transliteration would be as TE’-ja-la, in which case the name
is read Te’jal Chan(al) K’awiil, wherein the putative –jal
would function as an attributive suffix. The same sign
might also function as the logogram K’AL, “twenty” for
Te’k’al Chan K’awiil, although at present we are unsure
as to which of these alternatives is more likely, without
additional examples of the name.
This type of name is typical of the eastern central
lowlands, naming one particular aspect of a deity. The
structure of these names is rather methodical, involving
the name of the deity at the end of the nominal phrase,
chan “sky” in the medial segment, and opening with
either a verbal expression or a substantive (see Grube
2002; Colas 2014). Thus the name may mean something
along the lines of “K’awiil is … in the sky” if the medial
segment is understood prepositionally as ti chan “within
the sky,” or alternatively, “… is the celestial K’awiil” if the
medial segment was meant to be treated in derived form
as chan[al] “celestial.” Clearly a coherent understanding
and translation of the name is impeded by the initial
compound, the constituent parts of which are patent
enough in isolation, but less so in compound form.
The final glyph (C3) provides the title proper of the
original owner and in many ways is the most fascinating
part of the whole text. It provides a complete emblem
glyph, the exalted title of ruling kings, here written as
K’UH-[ko]mo-AJAW. While somewhat abridged this
can be read k’uh[ul] kom[kom] ajaw, wherein the medial
segment is the most truncated. As such this provides us
with the dynastic title of the “divine king” of a place or
A Bowl Fit for a King
dynastic house named Komkom. This locality is known
from the texts of Naranjo as a place that was attacked
and burned on March 30 ad 696, not all too surprisingly
during the reign of K’ahk’ Tiliw Chan Chaahk (Figure
8a). The same locality may also be mentioned in connection with a “Star War” verb on April 24 ad 726, towards
the end of the reign of the same king (Figure 8b). The
same regal title also appears on Late Classic ceramics
found at Buenavista del Cayo (Figure 8c) and Baking
Pot (Figure 8d) in western Belize, suggesting that this
ancient locality was probably tied to a site in the vicinity
(Helmke and Kettunen 2011:42, 63; Helmke et al. 2016;
Houston et al. 1992:507-508; Yaeger et al. 2015:185-188).
Whereas the ceramic texts and the mentions made
at Naranjo spell this locality as [ko]mo-[ko]mo, on a
recently discovered Early Classic shell gorget found at
Buenavista del Cayo the title of the original owner is
written more synoptically as [ko]mo AJAW (Yaeger et
al. 2015:185-186) (Figure 8e), abbreviating the toponym
in precisely the same way as seen on MS5331. Based
on these numerous examples, and the attribution of
MS5331 to a Naranjo workshop, we are thus on rather
secure footing to suggest that this is the same title as
seen at sites in the eastern central lowlands, although
here the regal title is exceptionally preceded by k’uhul
“godly.” In all other cases the title presents the toponym
in combination with ajaw, thereby forming a partial or
so-called “problematic” emblem glyph (Houston 1986).
Concluding Thoughts
The compositional data for MS5331 indicate that this
bowl was the product of a workshop located in the
greater Naranjo area, although its paste chemistry is
unlike that of other whole vessels associated with royal
Naranjo patrons with the exception of K1698/MS1684.
Yet the physical features of the bowl are very similar
to those of other pottery vessels produced during the
reign of K’ahk’ Tiliw Chan Chaahk. The iconography
of MS5331 represents a small segment of the greater
mythic narrative that is best known from the Holmul
Dancer scenes that are typical of pictorial pottery produced in this part of the Maya area. This feature also
confirms the bowl’s origin at a site in the eastern central
lowlands. More specifically, the distinctive graphic variants employed in the text of this vessel are in keeping
with ceramics produced for K’ahk’ Tiliw and which
name him as owner.
In fact, the regnal name K’ahk’ Tiliw appears on all
but one of the vessels whose stylistic and epigraphic
features suggest they were produced under his patronage. Thus even though most ceramic vessels were often
gifted between sovereigns as a means of cementing
alliances, those vases of K’ahk’ Tiliw were personal
effects that were bestowed upon others, as is made
clear by the Jauncy Vase found at Buenavista del Cayo.
a
b
c
d
e
Figure 8. References to Komkom in the glyphic corpus:
(a) Naranjo Stela 22; (b) Naranjo Stela 18; (c) sherd of a
Black-on-cream vase found at Buenavista del Cayo; (d)
title found on the Komkom Vase discovered at Baking
Pot; (e) detail of the shell gorget found at Buenavista del
Cayo (drawings: Christophe Helmke).
Nevertheless, one finely painted vase, designated
K1698/MS1684 (Figure 9), diverges from this pattern
and instead bears the name of a foreign ruler, in this case
the king of Ucanal, one “Itzamnaaj” Bahlam. The texts
on monuments at Naranjo make it clear that the relationship between these two kings was rather turbulent
and not always amicable. For instance, just twenty days
after acceding to the throne on May 31 ad 693, K’ahk’
Tiliw Chan Chaahk unleashed war upon neighboring
kingdoms. Whereas much of the warring may have been
aimed at lesser localities to draw them once more under
the domination of the Naranjo king after a period of dynastic disarray (see Martin and Grube 2000:72-76), some
of these raids targeted prizes further afield, including
Tubal to the west, Yootz6 to the north, Komkom to the
6
An alternative reading, preferred by the second author, is
Yomootz based on the example on K7786, wherein the toponym may
be spelled yo-mo-tzi (compare with Boot 1999).
19
Helmke et al.
A Bowl Fit for a King
a
A
B
C
D
E
F
b
Figure 10. The 4 Ajaw date at the bottom of
MS5331 (photo: Fundación para la Bellas Artes y la
Cultura, courtesy of Amelia Weymann de Palacios;
drawing: Christophe Helmke).
G
H
I
J
Figure 9. Roll-out of K1689 and drawing of the glyphic text (photo © Justin Kerr; drawing: Christophe Helmke).
east, Bital to the southeast, and Ucanal to the south. The
emaciated, near-naked, and powerless king of Ucanal is
shown pleading at the feet of K’ahk’ Tiliw on the front of
Stela 22, which records the attack on Ucanal in September
ad 698 (Schele and Freidel 1990:190-191). The texts make
20
it clear that this is none other than “Itzamnaaj” Bahlam,
leaving little doubt as to which court ruled supreme
in the region. Following this offensive period wherein
K’ahk’ Tiliw sought to make his mark on the area, the
reign’s maturity set in and the texts take stock of the
king in his role as diplomat. The finely incised texts
on the sides of Stela 2 record the accession of a king of
Yootz in January ad 713 under the auspices of K’ahk’
Tiliw, who is clearly named as overlord. Similarly, in
the same text the accession (possibly a re-accession as
faithful vassal) of “Itzamnaaj” Bahlam is said to have
taken place the year before in June ad 712, an event that
is explicitly said to have taken place yichnal or “before /
in front of” K’ahk’ Tiliw Chan Chaahk. This interesting
reversal, from defeat in ad 698 to re-accession 14 years
later, demonstrates how fleeting power could be during
Late Classic times. In addition, this historical event entails the most likely production date for K1698, with the
vase perhaps specially commissioned to commemorate
the enthronization of the Ucanal ruler and to cement his
vassalage to his Naranjo overlord.
Truly remarkable in this regard are the many paleographic features seen in the text of K1698/MS1684 that
represent salient points of commonality with the text of
MS5331, in spite of the fact that their paste compositions
are notably different although both pertain to Naranjo
ceramic production. Among these paleographic details,
we can point to the same a– vocalic sign (A1), the same
variants of yu– and k’i in the vessel-type glyph (C1),
and the identical AJAW logogram in the title of the
Ucanal king (Figure 9). The latter is identical in every
detail, including the cap on the “pillow” sign to the left,
the cross that marks the center of the same sign, and the
interior lines of the “throne” sign to the right (compare
J1 on K1698/MS1684 with C3 on MS5331). All of these
features together suggest that the texts on both vessels
were produced—if not by the same scribe—by contemporaneous painters who produced vessels by closely
following the same scribal template. Considering the
evidence at hand it seems likely that—much like the
Ucanal vase K1698/MS1684—MS5331 was also custommade for a foreign ruler, in this instance the king of
Komkom. Most likely, too, the bowl was commissioned,
sometime after ad 712, during the more diplomatic
phase of K’ahk’ Tiliw’s reign and as a direct corollary of
the attack inflicted upon Komkom in ad 696.
It is in this respect that the date inscribed in the
base of the bowl has direct bearing on this discussion.
The date provides a record in the Tzolkin calendar and
has been written in abbreviated form as 4-ti-AJAW for
chan ti [k’in] ajaw or literally “four on the day Ajaw”
(Figure 10). Warranting such a degree of ellipsis is the
significance of the date with regards to an important,
well-known, and celebrated period ending in the Long
Count. As such it is likely the record of a k’atun period
ending with a “round” Long Count date, and the best
match with these parameters is the date 9.15.0.0.0 4 Ajaw
13 Yax, or August 23, ad 731.7 What is surprising about
this date is that it falls three years after the latest known
date for K’ahk’ Tiliw’s reign, whereas one would expect
the bowl to have been produced under his sovereignty.
While this bowl cannot be used as tangible evidence for
K’ahk’ Tiliw remaining in power until 731 it is certainly
a tantalizing suggestion. Alternatively, the bowl may
indeed have been manufactured to cement an alliance
between Naranjo and the lord of Komkom, and this may
have occurred under the reign of a successor. This alternative historical scenario could explain the idiosyncratic
7
This computation is based on the 584286 GMT+1 correlation
coefficient (see Martin and Skidmore 2012). An alternate, but less
likely, anchor to the Long Count would be to consider a lahuntun
date, of which for Baktun 9 the only match is 9.8.10.0.0 or ad 603,
which is too early given the style of the bowl, its iconography, and
the paleographic features of the text. Alternate hotun and holahuntun dates provide no good matches either, being too early or too
late.
21
Helmke et al.
paste chemistry of this specimen within the larger corpus of sampled pottery attributed to K’ahk’ Tiliw and
other Naranjo kings.
Irrespective of the particulars, this unsung bowl reflects an important event in the history of the Komkom
dynasty and celebrates an alliance between Te’ … Chan
K’awiil and the rulers of Naranjo. If the bowl were
commissioned to celebrate the accession of Te’ … Chan
K’awiil, then K’ahk’ Tiliw, at the very end of his reign,
emerges as the likely patron. But then again, the bowl
may have been a gift from the successor of K’ahk’ Tiliw
on the occasion of his own accession in order to cement
an erstwhile alliance with the kings of Komkom, his allies to the east.
Acknowledgements
We thank the Fundación para la Bellas Artes y la Cultura
(FUNBA) in La Antigua, Guatemala for their permission to publish this bowl and in particular the Architect
Amelia Weymann de Palacios for her support, as well as
María Eugenia Mazariegos P., Jessica Munson, Lorena
Paiz, and Sofia Paredes Maury for their invaluable
assistance in securing measurements and additional
photographs of the vessel.
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