Chapter 17 ‘Josephus Proudly Presents’: Figurations of Josephus Presenting His Work in High Medieval Latin Manuscripts (12th and 13th Centuries) Katharina Heyden Josephus has always been a multivalent figure for both Jews and Christians.1 Chronicler of the destruction of Jerusalem during the “Jewish War,” recorder and explicator of the “Jewish Antiquities” for the Romans, defender of the chronological priority and honors of the Jews “Against Apion,” and a Jew providing his “Flavian Testimony” (which may or may not be a Christian interpolation) about Jesus as a sage man (if a man at all)—and “the Christ” (!)—“who performed surprising deeds and was a teacher of all people that accept the truth gladly:”2 Josephus has many faces.3 For Jewish audiences, Josephus’ writings were attractive not so much in their original Greek as in the Hebrew Sefer Yosippon, a 10th-century Jewish revision of the Christianized version of the Bellum Iudaicum known as De excidio Hierosolymitano, produced in Southern Italy and widespread in ensuing the centuries.4 As for Christians, Josephus was widely known, used, 1 Thanks to all members of the SNSF Sinergia-project “Lege Josephum! Reading Josephus in the Latin Middle Ages” at the University of Bern, especially to Carson Bay, René Bloch and Gerlinde Huber-Rebenich, for their helpful comments on the draft manuscript. Thanks also to Beate Fricke and Sara Lipton for their art-historical advice. 2 Josephus, AJ 18.63–64: Γίνεται δὲ κατὰ τοῦτον τὸν χρόνον Ἰησοῦς σοφὸς ἀνήρ εἴγε ἄνδρα αὐτὸν λέγειν χρή· ἦν γὰρ παραδόξων ἔργων ποιητής, διδάσκαλος ἀνθρώπων τῶν ἡδονῇ τἀληθῆ δεχομένων. The vast majority of modern scholars tend to see the Testimonium Flavianum as a Christian interpolation: Feldman, “Authenticity;” Whealey, Josephus on Jesus and Whealey, “The Testimonium Flavianum;” Niemand, “Das Testimonium Flavianum;” Horn, “Das Testimonium Flavianum.” Only few scholars, such as Victor, “Das Testimonium Flavianum,” argue for its authenticity. Others see the Testimonium as a Christian revision of a note originally made by Josephus about Jesus or as Josephus’ revision of a Christian source; see Goldberg, “Josephus’s Paraphrase Style.” For an overview of the older research controversy see Whealey, Josephus on Jesus. 3 For a general introduction on Josephus in his historical context see Chapman and Rodgers, Companion; Goodman, Josephus’ The Jewish War; Mason, “Of Audience and Meaning;” Mason, “Josephus as a Roman Historian.” 4 On SY see Dönitz, “Historiography;” Dönitz, Überlieferung und Rezeption; and Dönitz, “Josephus im jiddischen Gewand;” Mason, Translation; Bowman, “Sefer Yosippon;” Cohen Katharina Heyden - 9789004693296 © Katharina Heyden, 2024 | doi:10.1163/9789004693296_018 Heruntergeladen von Brill.com 06/12/2024 03:03:28AM This is an open access chapter distributed under the terms of the CC BY-NC-ND 4.0 license. via Open Access. This is an open access chapter distributed under the terms of the CC BY-NC-ND 4.0 license. https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/ 498 Heyden commented on, and transformed within the medieval West on the basis of translations and interpretations of his works provided by late antique authors such as Eusebius, Jerome, Rufinus, Pseudo-Hegesippus, Isidore of Seville, and Bede.5 It seems that the reason Josephus was so attractive for Christians is to be found precisely in his supposedly ambiguous Jewish identity and the role he played within Judaism. He was a Jew, even a priest, but he also surrendered to the Romans and cooperated closely with the emperors—and not to his personal disadvantage. In order to explain the disastrous fall of Jerusalem and the destruction of the Herodian temple in 70 CE in a comprehensive way, he even pointed to internal discord among the Jews and reactivated the motif that lost wars are God’s punishment of his people for their sins, a prominent interpretive pattern in the Bible. This narrative became the starting point for Christian sacred history and supersessionism. Thus, Josephus, through the lenses of Christian reception, evolved from a collaborator with the Romans to a supporter of Christianity. One could say that, in a certain respect, Josephus thus represented in a particularly prominent way the peculiar function that Christian theologians since Ps-Hegesippus6 and Augustine had assigned to the Jews in the development of their theological interpretation of history. Within the framework of this kind of theological reasoning, the “service of the Jews” (to apply the term of medievalist Anna Abulafia)7 to Christianity consisted, paradoxically, precisely in remaining Jews. Only as Jews they would fulfill the New Testament prophecies according to which Jews would not turn to Christ until the end of time and the Parousia of Christ (cf. Rom 11:25–27). Meanwhile, however, they could serve the Christians precisely by remaining Jews: as both preservers of the Scripture and as a visible sign—or “living letters of the law,” to use Jeremy Cohen’s language8—of unbelief in the world, they seemed to testify to the social consequences of a stubborn opposition to truth. The exemplary and ambivalent role given to Josephus, as a Jew, within the Christian tradition is very clearly attested in literary sources and comprehen- 5 6 7 8 and Schwartz, Studies in Josephus; Bay, “Jerusalem Temple.” For the importance of Josephus in modern Jewish culture, see Schatz, Josephus. For a comprehensive overview of the Latin Josephus, see Levenson and Martin, “Ancient Latin Translations.” On late antique and medieval Christian reception, see Schreckenberg, Flavius-Josephus-Tradition; Schreckenberg, Untersuchungen; Schreckenberg and Schubert, Jewish Historiography; Kletter, “Christian Reception;” Kletter and Hilliard, Josephus. See Bay, “Writing the Jews out of History.” Abulafia, Christian-Jewish Relations; Abulafia, “The Service of Jews;” Abulafia, “Moyses in Service.” Cohen, Living Letters. Katharina Heyden - 9789004693296 Heruntergeladen von Brill.com 06/12/2024 03:03:28AM via Open Access. This is an open access chapter distributed under the terms of the CC BY-NC-ND 4.0 license. https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/ Figurations of Josephus in High Medieval Latin Manuscripts 499 sively documented thanks to the enormous efforts of Heinz Schreckenberg.9 Is it also reflected in Christian pictorial representations of Josephus? Again, it was Heinz Schreckenberg who, in his overview article “Josephus in Medieval Christian Art,” collected and briefly described 44 illuminated medieval Josephus manuscripts.10 Most of them are author portraits or illustrations of Josephus’ work, and five have Josephus gesturing to his work, presenting it to readers. At the end of this survey, the author concludes that the iconographic evidence “confirms and supplements in every case the Christian assessment of Judaism within the literary Josephus tradition.”11 Clearly presuming that literature precedes visual art, both in general and in this specific case, Schreckenberg states that Josephus “remained in some respects the alien” for Christians in order to support the truth of Christianity.12 In the following reassessment of some of the illuminations studied by Schreckenberg, I do not aim to prove this conclusion entirely wrong. But I would like to nuance these conclusions by arguing that illuminations in manuscripts do not simply illustrate texts, but are sources with their own value which are to be interpreted as joint productions of clients, artists, theological consultants and scribes on the one hand, and as an interaction between text and image on the other.13 Even if the illuminations in medieval manuscripts were usually made after the text, the pictorial motifs may well reflect ideas that are not found directly in the text—and thus can enrich our understanding of how Christians viewed and read Josephus. When surveying the representations of Josephus, what first catches the eye (if that is not exactly the wrong metaphor in this case) is that he is often not clearly marked as a Jew. The visual representation of Josephus did not follow or illustrate only one Christian theological paradigm—the “alien Jew” clearly distinguished from other figures by certain markers such as a hat or a beard—but 9 10 11 12 13 Schreckenberg, Flavius-Josephus-Tradition; Schreckenberg, Untersuchungen; Schreckenberg, “Medieval Christian Art.” It is probably worth noting/adding that manuscript illumination is the only genre of Christian art in which Josephus appears. That he is not figured in sacred art, e.g. in church sculpture, stained glass, or frescoes, is convincingly explained by Schreckenberg as “an ongoing consciousness of Josephus’ Jewishness despite his being regarded almost as a Church father.” (Medieval Christian Art, 130). In a more detailed way, Ulrike Liebl has described 33 illuminated manuscripts in her book, Die illustrierten Flavius-JosephusHandschriften des Hochmittelalters; for the Renaissance period see Deutsch, Iconographie. Schreckenberg, “Medieval Christian Art,” 129ff. Schreckenberg, “Medieval Christian Art,” 130. On the interplay between text and image in Medieval manuscript illumination and the methodology of interpretation, see Hamburger, Text—Image—Context; Moster and Hagemann, Reading Images; O’Reilly and Farr, Early Medieval; Schellewald and Krause, Bild und Text. Katharina Heyden - 9789004693296 Heruntergeladen von Brill.com 06/12/2024 03:03:28AM via Open Access. This is an open access chapter distributed under the terms of the CC BY-NC-ND 4.0 license. https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/ 500 Heyden rather reflects various ways to receive and appropriate Josephus in Christianity throughout the high Middle Ages (12th and 13th centuries). With regard to the literary evidence, Karen Kletter has rightly pointed out how different and sometimes even contradictory Christian ways of receiving Josephus actually were.14 The same applies also to visual representations. And so we have to raise the following questions: Was Josephus perceived and presented as a Jew to medieval Christian audiences? If so, by what means and for what purposes? And, if not, what was he representing instead? To approach the question of what Josephus meant to the Christian contractors, manufacturers, and consumers of high medieval manuscripts, I will focus on those illuminations that show Josephus presenting his own work to others, i.e. dedication scenes in a wider sense. Of the 44 Josephus illuminations listed by Schreckenberg, five fall into this category, and I will discuss them in chronological order. Throughout this chronological survey, various transformations of the figure of Josephus will emerge that illustrate the diversity of Christian approaches to and appropriations of Josephus in the high middle ages. One could object that to speak of Josephus “proudly” presenting his works (as I do in the title of this present essay) goes beyond the methodological limits of art-historical analysis. How would one recognize a ‘proud’ person in medieval book illumination? In fact, medieval art enables the expression not of single sentiments but rather of social status, not of personal feelings but of political features (and it is in this sense that the adverb “proudly” in the title of this paper is meant to be understood). Means of marking differences, i.e. of “othering” in medieval art, include size, color, physical features like hair and beard and not least the clothing of figures.15 Visual ways of presenting figures involve posture, gesture, and gaze. The questions to be asked will therefore be: What exactly is Josephus presenting? To whom is he presenting? How is he himself presented? And what does all this teach us about the function and Josephus had for the customers, copyists, illuminators, and readers of a respective manuscript? In what follows, I will therefore look for different markers of otherness in the images and try to interpret their meaning. Such examination should not be limited to the images, but has to take into consideration also their interrelation with texts—both paratexts that relate directly to the image and the Josephan text contained in the pertinent manuscript—and, whenever achievable, the historical contexts of the manuscripts. As far as I am aware, such an integrative approach to medieval representations of Josephus has not been taken before. 14 15 Kletter, “Christian Reception.” See Strickland, Saracens; Faü, L’image; Lindquist, “Introduction;” Bücheler, Ornament as Argument. Katharina Heyden - 9789004693296 Heruntergeladen von Brill.com 06/12/2024 03:03:28AM via Open Access. This is an open access chapter distributed under the terms of the CC BY-NC-ND 4.0 license. https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/ Figurations of Josephus in High Medieval Latin Manuscripts 1 501 Josephus the Prophet Presenting His Work to the Emperors Parisinus latinus 5058, XI saec., Toulouse Figure 17.1 Paris, BN ms. Latin 5058, fol. 2v and 3r, from La France romane au temps des premiers Capétiens (987–1152): Catalogue de l’exposition présentée au musée du Louvre du 10 mars au 6 juin 2005, Paris: Musée du Louvre Éditions, No. 225, p. 291 (Text: Marianne Besseyre). Image rights free for academic use. IMAGE: Musée du Louvre This elaborate illumination on a frontispiece of a parchment codex that was produced in southern France around 1100, probably in the Abbey Saint-Pierre de Moissac near Toulouse,16 appears before the Latin text of the Bellum Judaicum. It is a unique work of art, as Cahn states, which “appears to have no parallels or antecedents in either the Greek or Latin families of manuscripts of the work.”17 16 17 Cahn, Romanesque Manuscripts, 41ff and Besseyre, France romane, 291 suppose SaintPierre at Moissac to be the place of origin; Dodwell, Pictorial Arts, 219 argues for SaintSernin of Toulouse. See also Liebl, Flavius-Josephus-Handschriften, 237–239 (nr. 24). Dodwell, Pictorial Arts, II 42. Previous scholars, such as Jean Porcher, L’enluminure française (1959), gives a different judgement of its artistic value: “Tout cela vit, remue, en dépit de la maladresse de l’artiste qui, par exemple, a privé Josèphe de son bras gauche” (19). The missing left arm, however, is probably due to a perspective decision rather than the artist’s inability. Murano and Saggese, La miniature, 83 points to the influence of Byzantine Katharina Heyden - 9789004693296 Heruntergeladen von Brill.com 06/12/2024 03:03:28AM via Open Access. This is an open access chapter distributed under the terms of the CC BY-NC-ND 4.0 license. https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/ 502 Heyden The scene covers two opposite pages. A young, tall, eye-catching man with curly hair and costly clothing appears on the right (fol. 3r), walking towards the two crowned rulers sitting on the left (fol. 2v) and presenting with a huge book to them with his veiled hands. This image most obviously illustrates Josephus’ report in Contra Apionem 1.47–52 and Vita 361 about his presenting of his Bellum Judaicum to the imperial commanders Titus and Vespasian after he had been taken prisoner by the Romans: “And I was so well assured of the truth of what I related, that I first of all appealed to those that had the supreme command in that war, Vespasian, and Titus, as witnesses for me. For to them I presented those books first of all; and after them to many of the Romans, who had been in the war.”18 It is remarkable that in this miniature Josephus occupies as much space as the two emperors combined. Josephus’ size marks his importance. He is walking on a stone-paved road, which recalls the importance that the description of the walls has in books 4 and 5 of the Bellum. Behind him, on the right margin, a crowd of ten people is depicted but not colored in the same way as the other three figures are. These ten figures are much smaller than the two emperors and Josephus, and the foremost one seems to mirror the striding Josephus in posture and dress. There is nothing to indicate that this is a later addition,19 but it remains unclear whether the crowd stands for Jews or Romans or the (Christian) readers of the codex. While this question cannot be answered conclusively, it is crucial to determine who is who on the side of the emperors (fol. 2v). The two crowns do not indicate relative status or any hierarchy between the two rulers.20 The emperor in the middle seems to mediate between the other two figures through his hand movements and the direction of his gaze.21 Since the titulus identifies the two enthroned figures as Titus and his father (“Decorated with a crown, Titus shines out with the father”),22 the one in the middle must be identified 18 19 20 21 22 style in this type of representation, whereas Marianne Besseyre, France romane, 291 sees stylistic analogies with a group of manuscripts from 11th century Northern France. Josephus, CA 1.9: τοσοῦτον δέ μοι περιῆν θάρσος τῆς ἀληθείας, ὥστε πρώτους πάντων τοὺς αὐτοκράτορας τοῦ πολέμου γενομένους Οὐεσπασιανὸν καὶ Τίτον ἠξίωσα λαβεῖν μάρτυρας. My thanks to Beate Fricke for help with the assessment of that manuscript. I also owe this insight to Beate Fricke. Besseyre, France romane, 291 identifies the figure in the middle with Titus, who passes the globe to his father in order to receive the book from Josephus. But this interpretation matches neither literary nor visual evidence. As for the latter, the middle figure is clearly marked as elder (i.e. Vespasian) by his longer beard, and it was Vespasian to whom Josephus dedicated the work, on his own report. STEMATE VESTITUS PREFULGET / CUM PATRE TITUS. Katharina Heyden - 9789004693296 Heruntergeladen von Brill.com 06/12/2024 03:03:28AM via Open Access. This is an open access chapter distributed under the terms of the CC BY-NC-ND 4.0 license. https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/ Figurations of Josephus in High Medieval Latin Manuscripts 503 as Vespasian who hands Titus the sphaira, the symbol of global imperial power. He already holds the ruler’s staff in his right hand. Both image and titulus emphasize the greater importance of Titus over Vespasian. The latter is not mentioned by name in the hexameter, he is placed on the smaller throne, and is depicted as an intermediary between Titus and Josephus. This artistic emphasis on Titus can be seen as a reflection of Josephus’ literary emphasis on Titus.23 With regard to the audience of that codex, the titulus on folio 3 is of special interest. It runs: “Because the prophet did not consider the war to be a (mere) duel, he published (his work) also for you who want to study it in great numbers. Named here is Josephus, pictured in person, as he presents his book.”24 The clue to the understanding of these verses lies in the answers to two questions: Why is Josephus called a prophet (vates)? And who is meant to be the “you, who want to see” the book? Or, to put the two questions together: What did Josephus prophesy in his book that makes him so interesting to the “you?” There are two alternative paths of interpretation: A more historical one would understand this image as a mere illustration of Josephus presenting his Bellum to the Roman emperors Vespasian and Titus. Per a more typological approach, the historical scene would be linked to Christian salvation history and theology. In fact, to call Josephus a vates can either point to the prophecy Josephus claims to have given about Vespasian’s accession to the throne at his surrender,25 or to the fact that Josephus was read and used as a prophet announcing the victory of Christianity over the Jews by Christian authors beginning with Eusebius in the early 4th century.26 This latter reading is favoured by Heinz Schreckenberg, against the background of a Christian tradition that made Titus and Vespasian as attackers of Jerusalem and the Jews predecessors of Western Christian rulers and their treatment of Jews. According to him, “perhaps Titus represents Christianity or the Christian Rulers of the West.”27 The problem, though, is that nothing of this is visualized in the image. Josephus is neither marked by any “Jewish” symbol (as Schreckenberg himself 23 24 25 26 27 Compare Paul, “Presentation of Titus;” and McLaren, “Josephus on Titus.” QUOD VATES BELLUM CREVIT NON ESSE DUELLUM / EDIDIT & MULTIS VOBIS QUI CERNERE VULTIS / EST IOSEPHUS DICTUS FERT LIBRUM CORPORE PICTUS. See Josephus, BJ 3.399–408, but also Suetonius, Vespasianus 5.25; Tacitus, Hist. 1.10.3; 2.78; 5.13.1ff; Cassius Dio 64.9.1; 65.1.1–2.4; 66.1. See Hardwick, Josephus as an Historical Source; Hata, “Abuse and Misuse.” Schreckenberg, “Medieval Christian Art,” 105. Katharina Heyden - 9789004693296 Heruntergeladen von Brill.com 06/12/2024 03:03:28AM via Open Access. This is an open access chapter distributed under the terms of the CC BY-NC-ND 4.0 license. https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/ 504 Heyden notes)28 nor are the Roman emperors marked as the “typological” (predecessors of the) Christian rulers by any attribute. Therefore, I propose to take a step back and let the image and its accompanying tituli speak for themselves. It is important to emphasize that neither the picture nor the text of the tituli mark Josephus clearly as a Jew. All three figures are dressed nobly and elaborately and appear to be equals, except for the crown, which Josephus lacks for obvious reasons. In contrast, the crowd drawn at the right side of the picture differs markedly from the central trio. This is already clear from the size of the single figures. But, more importantly, the crowd reveals clear elements of “otherness:”29 Some of the ten people there have prominent noses or beards, while others wear hats. These features set them apart from the three larger figures, representing them as strangers not only with respect to the two Roman rulers, but also to Josephus. As a result, Josephus is associated with the Roman rulers rather than the crowd behind him. The “you” in the titulus could either refer, within the inner logic of the image, to the crowd (of Jews?) depicted in the margin or, stepping out the image, it could address the (Christian) readership of that codex. But there is even more to say about Josephus: due to his bigger size and his more elaborate clothing, Josephus outstrips even the two emperors, although his bent-kneed position and covered hands indicate reverence of and subordination to the rulers. Josephus’ importance as a prophet (vates) is emphasized in the hexameter above him and is underscored in the image by the transition of the imperial power. But what exactly is he prophesying in this image? The verse “the vates did not understand the war merely as a duel” could be interpreted as an appreciation of the fact that the Bellum Iudaicum is not a mere report of battles but a comprehensive and highly involved account of political events and contexts, including exhaustive descriptions of the sufferings of the Jewish people.30 Such a reading would signal the typological interpretation of the entire scene. Or it could be read as an allusion to the prophecy that Josephus himself, in the Bellum as well as in the Vita, and other (nota bene: not Christian!) historiographers, such as Suetonius and Cassius Dio, claim that he delivered to Vespasian after his capture by the Romans, predicting the future emperor’s accession to the throne.31 The advantage of this interpretation is that it draws upon the text 28 29 30 31 “Josephus’ Jewishness is here not yet recognizable by means of a group symbol” (Schreckenberg, “Medieval Christian Art,” 103). Cf. Mellinkoff, Outcasts. This was emphasized by Baltrusch, Kein Stein. See BJ 3.351–54; 3.399–408 and Vita 15, 48, 83, 138, 208ff, 301, 425. For Josephus’ selfrepresentation as a prophet, see Blenkinsopp, “Prophecy and Priesthood;” Feldman, Katharina Heyden - 9789004693296 Heruntergeladen von Brill.com 06/12/2024 03:03:28AM via Open Access. This is an open access chapter distributed under the terms of the CC BY-NC-ND 4.0 license. https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/ Figurations of Josephus in High Medieval Latin Manuscripts 505 in the codex alone and does not have to presuppose other interpretations of Josephus. However, Josephus’ prophecy announced the accession of Vespasian, whereas the image shows Vespasian passing the symbol of imperial dignity to his son, Titus. In other words, the image seems to continue the prophecy Josephus stands for by showing the prophesied imperial power passed on to the next generation. What if that were precisely the point of this illumination? What if there was no strong anti-Jewish Christian theology behind this illumination, as Schreckenberg supposed, but rather an artistic symbol of Josephus’ predictive accuracy? To evaluate this assumption, a look at the codex as a whole and at its environment might be helpful. The codex appears in a catalogue of the monastery Saint-Pierre at Moissac near Toulouse.32 This monastery was founded in the 7th century but experienced its golden age only during its affiliation with Cluny, in the years between 1048 and 1135. In accordance with the ideals of the Gregorian reform movement, during these years the attachment to Rome was intensified, and the monastery was also involved in the crusades against Spain.33 In the catalogue of the monastery’s scriptorium 26 manuscripts are listed, among them four historical works: Orosius, Cassiodorus, Rufinus, and Josephus.34 In the Josephus codex, a most interesting hint as to the interest of clients and/or scribes is found immediately before the illumination, on fol. 1r: a list with names of Roman Emperors beginning with Julius Caesar and ending with Frederic II. As Frederic was enthroned king of the Roman-German kingdom in 1212 and emperor in 1220 and the illumination on fol. 2–3 is dated to the 11th century for stylistic reasons,35 the illumination must be older than this list of emperors. But precisely for this reason, the list may help us to understand how the illumination was interpreted by customers of the codex.36 32 33 34 35 36 “Prophets and Prophecy;” Kelley, “Cosmopolitan Expression;” Sharon, “Josephus as Jeremiah.” The view that Josephus is presenting himself as a prophet in continuation with biblical prophecy is strongly questioned by Glas, “Reading Josephus.” Paris, BM ms. Latin 4871 (86), f. 160v has a list of libri conditi in teca librorum cenobii Moissiacensis. Dufour, La Bibliothèque, 9: “Moissac fut une centre actif de propagande pour la croisade vers l’Ouest en forgeant vers 1075–1080.” Dufour, La Bibliothèque, 13–34. On classical authors in monastic libraries in 12th century France, see Lemaitre, Les classiques, 187–218. Murano and Saggese, La miniature, 83, has it in the chapter about 11th century France; Cahn, Romanesque Manuscripts, 41ff, dates the codex to about 1100. We do not know, however, when exactly the combination of list and miniature in the binding was made, and we can therefore not really contextualize it. Katharina Heyden - 9789004693296 Heruntergeladen von Brill.com 06/12/2024 03:03:28AM via Open Access. This is an open access chapter distributed under the terms of the CC BY-NC-ND 4.0 license. https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/ 506 Heyden The list testifies to an interest in presenting the German emperors—isti fuerunt ex Alammania—as successors to the Romans. At the beginning of the list, there are three entries linking the imperial history to the birth, baptism, and crucifixion of Christ. But further on there is nothing in the list to suggest that religious history would be of any interest. There is no mention of the destruction of the Temple in Jerusalem under Vespasian and Titus, nor is Constantine identified as the first Christian emperor, nor Julian as an apostate. None of these narratives, so significant in the theological interpretation of the Jews and their service to the Christians, appears. It is solely about the unbroken, continuous line of succession of imperial power. In the absence of explicit hints to religious issues, the list of emperors seconds the presentation of Josephus, Titus, and Vespasian. I conclude from this observation that the commissioners, scribes, and owners of that codex were more interested in the succession of imperial power than in the supersession of Christianity over the Jews. What does this mean for the interpretation of the dedication scene on fol. 2/3? Josephus is presented here as a member of the Roman upper class dedicating his historical account to the enthroned kings and prophetically proclaiming imperial power to them on the basis of his historical narrative. In fact, art historian Kurt Weitzmann has argued that the presentation of Titus and Vespasian reflects a pictorial archetype in which two rulers were separately represented on facing pages, as in the portraits of Constantius II and Gallus Caesar in the Calendar of 354.37 The accompanying titulus addresses the target (Christian) audience of the codex: “he published (his work) also for you who want to study it in great numbers.” This is an invitation to take the Bellum as more than an account of the war between Romans and Jews. But it is not necessarily an invitation to a Christian interpretation of this book as one written by a Jewish author. Rather, Josephus’ figurative representation here corresponds fairly closely to his self-portrayal and his approach to history in his works. The fundament of power was laid in the Jewish war by Vespasian, and he can now pass this power on to his son in order to establish a dynasty. If this interpretation is not mistaken, then knowledge of Josephus’ work would be more important than intimacy with Christian theology about the “service” of Judaism—both for the medieval owners and audiences of that codex and for its modern interpreters. Josephus, in this view, is a prophetic historian (vates) not so much because he explains the deeper theological meaning of the destruction of the Jewish temple, but because he provides a historical fundament for imperial power. 37 Weitzmann, Studies, 117f. Katharina Heyden - 9789004693296 Heruntergeladen von Brill.com 06/12/2024 03:03:28AM via Open Access. This is an open access chapter distributed under the terms of the CC BY-NC-ND 4.0 license. https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/ Figurations of Josephus in High Medieval Latin Manuscripts 507 Of course, all of this is not to say that Josephus was never portrayed as a prophet of the Christian truth. It only means that he was not always presented as such, that his “service” for Christians could go beyond supersessionist theological interests. 2 Josephus the Sage Presenting His Testimonium to a Monk Scribe Cambridge, St. John’s College A.8 (Christ Church Canterbury, first quarter 12th cent.) Figure 17.2 Cambridge Codex St. John’s College A.8, fol. 103v, first quarter of 12th cent. IMAGE: PUBLIC DOMAIN Katharina Heyden - 9789004693296 Heruntergeladen von Brill.com 06/12/2024 03:03:28AM via Open Access. This is an open access chapter distributed under the terms of the CC BY-NC-ND 4.0 license. https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/ 508 Heyden This beautiful colored C-initial, from an early 12th century codex, was created in the scriptorium of Christ Church, Canterbury. The original medieval codex (which today is divided into two: Cambridge University Library Ms. Dd I.4 and St. John’s College Ms. A.8) contained the Antiquitates and the Bellum, including prologues and Capitula and followed by an Index to Josephus’ works.38 This codex with its elaborately and imaginatively designed figural initials testifies to the Anglo-Saxon revival of manuscript production after the Norman invasion.39 Here too Josephus is represented as a prophet, although this time not verbally, but visually. A standing nobleman is presenting an open book to a Christian scribe and monk. Both are identified by name: the white-haired, bearded, and nobly dressed figure is Josephus, and the sitting, bearded, and tonsured monk is Samuel, probably the scribe of this codex.40 As in the Codex from Toulouse, Josephus is depicted as larger than the person to whom he presents his work. And, to an even greater degree, he is distinguished by the preciousness of his draperies, his carefully presented hair, and his white beard.41 The scribe-monk lacks all these features and is reduced to the passive role of receiving and delivering the wisdom of the prophet Josephus. As the rich architecture indicates, they are situated in a scriptorium. Josephus is clearly the protagonist, whereas the monk Samuel acts as a mere vessel (like prophets and evangelists in author portraits). The text presented by Josephus contains the first words of the aforementioned so-called Testimonium Flavianum, which may or may not be a Christian interpolation, at Antiquitates XVIII, 63: Fuit autem isdem temporibus iesus sapiens uir. Christus hic erat (“There was a wise man in these days, Jesus. He was the Christ”). It is striking, though, that these words appear with the beginning of the first book of the Bellum and not with the Antiquitates, within which they originally appeared. This is all the more surprising since the text of the Testimonium can be actually found previously in the same codex on fol. 61r. Here, the initial F is decorated with a grotesque climbing figure of the sort which appears elsewhere in the codex. The link between the Testimonium Flavianum and the Bellum established by the illumination on fol. 103 cannot but be interpreted as a theological statement. It is the same author, the same Josephus, who wrote about Christ as a wise man and the destruction of the temple in Jerusalem. 38 39 40 41 See Liebl, Flavius-Josephus-Handschriften, 184–188. See Dodwell, Pictorial Arts, 321–324. On the Canterbury school of manuscript illumination see Dodwell, Canterbury School; Webber, “Script and Manuscript.” See Logan, “Ms Bodley,” 73ff; Dodwell, Canterbury School, 32. Dodwell, Pictorial Arts, 346 sees Italo-Byzantine influences in this. Katharina Heyden - 9789004693296 Heruntergeladen von Brill.com 06/12/2024 03:03:28AM via Open Access. This is an open access chapter distributed under the terms of the CC BY-NC-ND 4.0 license. https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/ Figurations of Josephus in High Medieval Latin Manuscripts 509 Christ Church was the place of activity of Anselm of Canterbury, and this codex must have been written during the lifetime of or only shortly after the death of this most influential bishop and theologian in 1109, as the scribe monk Samuel was also involved in the production of Anselmian manuscripts.42 Anselm is one of the pioneers and main protagonists of what Anna Abulafia has so convincingly described as the Christian theology of the “Service of the Jews” to the Christians.43 His pupil Gilbert Crispin wrote a Disputatio Iudaei et Christiani and dedicated it to Anselm.44 So Christ Church seems to have been a place where Jewish and Christian scholarship met in the early 12th century.45 The representation of Josephus in this codex as an oriental sage presenting his testimony about Christ to the Christian scribal monk shows respect for, and at the same time indicates the appropriation of, Jewish scholarship, which seems to be characteristic of this historical context. 3 Josephus the Jew Presenting His Bellum to Emperors Chantilly Ms 775, fol. 95v, Saint-Trond Belgium (12th Century) A few decades later, around 1170, and a few kilometers to the south, in the monastery of Sint Truiden (Saint-Trond) in Belgium, a splendid parchment codex was produced containing the Antiquitates and the Bellum in Latin, two papal bulls, and some episcopal documents in favor of the abbey.46 Today, it is available in two separated volumes in the library of Chantilly, Ms 774, with 128 folios containing the Antiquitates 1–13, and Ms 775, with 222 folios containing books 19–20 of the Antiquitates (fol. 1–94v) and the Bellum (fol. 95v–220v). The manuscript was most probably commissioned by the abbot of the monastery of Saint-Trond, Wéric de Stapel.47 At the beginning of the prologues to both works, Josephus is presented to the reader in two different situations: Within the H-initial of the prologue to his Antiquitates, he is depicted as a scribe sitting at his writing desk (fig 17.3a); the Q-initial of the prologue to the Bellum shows him as presenting his work to two enthroned rulers (fig. 17.3b). In both illuminations Josephus is wearing 42 43 44 45 46 47 See Logan, “Ms Bodley.” Abulafia, St. Anselm. See Abulafia and Evans, Gilbert Crispin; Asiedu, “Anselm and the Unbelievers;” Lissek, Kontroversdialoge. See Lissek, Kontroversdialoge; Novikoff, “Anselm;” Novikoff, Culture of Disputation; Pederson, “Review of Novikoff.” See Liebl, Flavius-Josephus-Handschriften, 189–193. Mariéthoz, “théologie augustinienne,” 269. Katharina Heyden - 9789004693296 Heruntergeladen von Brill.com 06/12/2024 03:03:28AM via Open Access. This is an open access chapter distributed under the terms of the CC BY-NC-ND 4.0 license. https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/ 510 Figure 17.3a Heyden Codex Chantilly 774, fol. 1v IMAGE: CREATIVE COMMONS Katharina Heyden - 9789004693296 Heruntergeladen von Brill.com 06/12/2024 03:03:28AM via Open Access. This is an open access chapter distributed under the terms of the CC BY-NC-ND 4.0 license. https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/ Figurations of Josephus in High Medieval Latin Manuscripts Figure 17.3b 511 Codex Chantilly 775, fol. 94v IMAGE: CREATIVE COMMONS Katharina Heyden - 9789004693296 Heruntergeladen von Brill.com 06/12/2024 03:03:28AM via Open Access. This is an open access chapter distributed under the terms of the CC BY-NC-ND 4.0 license. https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/ 512 Heyden a pointed hat, which appeared for the first time just in those decades as an attribute of Jews in Christian art. As for the illumination that accompanies the Bellum, the scene depicted is the same as in the Toulouse codex: Josephus, with a splendid codex in his hands, approaches two enthroned rulers. The fact that the image adorns the Q-initial of the beginning of the prologue of the Bellum (Quoniam bellum …) suggests the dedication of the work to Vespasian and Titus.48 Since the two rulers are not identified by name, though, it is not entirely clear whether they are meant to be Vespasian and Titus. French research tends to identify them as a king and his wife,49 but the iconography (short dress, sitting posture) would be very atypical for a woman. Even less is clear here than in the first manuscript we examined: The approaching figure has white hair and a long beard and is thereby marked either as an Oriental wise man, or as a Jew, or as both given his corned hat. But his posture and clothing are much less distinguished compared to the two previous images. With bent knees, hat drawn, and covered hands, which is to say in a rather humble attitude, he presents the elderly ruler with a golden codex. The “Phrygian cap” was a means of identifying foreigners, demarcating barbarians in Ancient Greek iconography, Oriental sages in Hellenistic Jewish art (as in the synagogue of Dura-Europos), emancipated slaves in Roman art; and in Christian art, too, it became a means of marking foreign origin.50 It was not until the 12th century, however, that the pointed hat gained a pejorative connotation. In the preceding centuries, it was an attribute of the biblical Magi venerating Christ, and still in the 1015 Second Gospel Book of Bishop Bernward of Hildesheim, the pointed hat was an elegant garment bespeaking Eastern wealth and not the stigma of the Jew.51 Sara Lipton, in her Dark Mirror has shown that the iconography of Hebrew prophets with scroll, beard, and pointed hat as identifying markers was developed in late 11th-century North-Western Europe and became a means of distinguishing Jews in the German speaking parts of the Holy Roman Empire from the 12th to the 17th centuries.52 According to Lipton, art in this case does not reflect the real dress customs of the time. It is the other way around: when the Fourth Lateran Council of the Catholic Church decreed in Canon 68 that Jews (as well as Saracens) must distinguish 48 49 50 51 52 Liebl, Flavius-Josephus-Handschriften, 192, identifies the two figures as Vespasian and Titus without discussing other possibilities. See Vergne and Salet, Bibliothèque du Prince, 282, and also the online catalogue: “celle (Q) placée en tête du prologue de la Guerre des Juifs, représentant l’auteur offrant son volume à un empereur accompagné de sa femme.” See Lubrich, “Wandering Hat,” 203–244; Lubrich, “From Judenhut to Zauberhut.” Lipton, Dark Mirror, 20ff. Lipton, “Unfeigned Witness;” Lipton, Dark Mirror. Katharina Heyden - 9789004693296 Heruntergeladen von Brill.com 06/12/2024 03:03:28AM via Open Access. This is an open access chapter distributed under the terms of the CC BY-NC-ND 4.0 license. https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/ Figurations of Josephus in High Medieval Latin Manuscripts 513 themselves in dress from Christians,53 the “Jewish hat” was already established in art. In the 12th century the pileus cornutus was more likely an artistic attribute to mark Jewish figures than a garment of real Jews. What is the implication of Josephus’ pointed hat in this codex, created at the very time that the Jewish hat was becoming established in European art? Naomi Lubrich has described the 12th century as a time of “a change in cultural orientation. Early medieval Orientophilia gave way to late medieval Orientophobia after the First Crusade set out in 1096 to open a route to Muslim-ruled Jerusalem and massacred Jewish communities in Speyer, Mayence, and Worms on their way. At this point, the conical hat became a key element of anti-Jewish slander.”54 It is difficult, if not impossible to determine the place of this codex within this cultural change: Does the representation of Josephus testify to traditional Orientophilia (as the one from Christ Church obviously does), or does it turn in the direction of a defamatory representation? Perhaps we are dealing with a combination of both: In the author’s portrait (fig. 17.3a) Josephus is depicted like an evangelist or a church father, though clearly distinguished by the pointed hat; but in the dedication scene (fig. 17.3b) of the Bellum Judaicum, he is presented as a devoted subject, in other words, in service of the (Roman or Christian) rulers.55 4 Josephus the Cooperating Author Presented to Saint Martin by an Abbot Fulda Codex C 1 Kloster Weingarten, 1181–1188 This precious and complex illumination opens a parchment codex crafted in the Benedictine Monastery of Saint Martin in Weingarten in the 1180s, which contains Antiquitates 1–13, including the prologue and the Capitula.56 53 54 55 56 Canon 68, IV Lateranum: “In some provinces a difference in dress distinguishes the Jews or Saracens from the Christians, but in certain others such a confusion has grown up that they cannot be distinguished by any difference. Thus it happens at times that through error Christians have relations with the women of Jews or Saracens, and Jews and Saracens with Christian women. Therefore, that they may not, under pretext of error of this sort, excuse themselves in the future for the excesses of such prohibited intercourse, we decree that such Jews and Saracens of both sexes in every Christian province and at all times shall be marked off in the eyes of the public from other peoples through the character of their dress.” Lubrich, “Wandering Hat,” 224. Mariéthoz, “théologie augustinienne.” For a more detailed description of the codex, see Liebl, Flavius-Josephus-Handschriften, 199–201. Katharina Heyden - 9789004693296 Heruntergeladen von Brill.com 06/12/2024 03:03:28AM via Open Access. This is an open access chapter distributed under the terms of the CC BY-NC-ND 4.0 license. https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/ 514 Figure 17.4 Heyden Codex Fulda C 1 (Weingarten), 1181–1188, fol. 1 v IMAGE: HOCHSCHULE FULDA Katharina Heyden - 9789004693296 Heruntergeladen von Brill.com 06/12/2024 03:03:28AM via Open Access. This is an open access chapter distributed under the terms of the CC BY-NC-ND 4.0 license. https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/ Figurations of Josephus in High Medieval Latin Manuscripts 515 It is divided into two registers, framed by garlands, and accompanied by two hexameters written in the frame above the two scenes (fig. 17.4). The upper register combines an author portrait with a dedication scene as it integrates elements of a more narrative genre. On the right, emperor Vespasian, enthroned and accompanied by two soldiers, is presented in speech gesture as if he were commissioning Josephus to write the Antiquitates. Josephus, with white long hair and beard, is sitting at a writing desk, holding a still-blank scroll and a stylus in his hands. In contrast to what we have seen in the three previous manuscripts, Josephus here holds a scroll and not a codex. This assimilates him to biblical prophets, thereby assigning him to the Old Law. Both Josephus and Vespasian are depicted sitting, in the same size and with ornate clothes. The only marked difference between the two in terms of their status is the headwear. While the emperor is crowned, Josephus is wearing the corneus pileatus. So are the other five men behind him, who are dressed less elaborately and are facing each other, as if in discussion. The hexameter comments upon this scene as follows: TEMPORA SECLORUM NOTAT HIC PRO LAUDE SUORUM (“The course of the times he describes here in praise of his own”). It is not entirely clear from these words whether the “suorum” refers to TEMPORA SECLORUM or to Josephus’ Jewish fellows who appear only in the picture. Probably the visual impact of the picture would strengthen the latter assumption. The group of Jews is marked by their hats, but apart from that, nothing indicates a lower status. We can assume, however, that the pointed hat in this case does not mark an individual figure as an Oriental sage but the social status of a group. In this picture the corneus pileatus is a Jew’s hat. The lower register allows us to determine the exact date of the codex (or at least the illumination) to the abbacy of Werner of Markdorf (Wernherus in the titulus) from the monastery of Weingarten, between 1181 and 1188. But it also raises the question of how this dedication scene is related to the writing scene above. Saint Martin, on the right, is visually paralleled with the emperor Vespasian, and the Abbot Werner (commissioner of the codex) and the monk behind him are paralleled with the image of Josephus above them. The accompanying hexameter runs: SANCTE QUOD OFFERIMUS AMBORUM SUSCIPE MUNUS (“Holy One, take the service of the two that we are offering you”). The Saint must be Saint Martin. But who are the two people referred to by “both” (amborum)? Is it the monk and the abbot presenting the new codex to the patron of their monastery—or is it rather the work of the author (Josephus) and the copyist (the unnamed monk) which is offered by the abbot Werner to Saint Martin? Katharina Heyden - 9789004693296 Heruntergeladen von Brill.com 06/12/2024 03:03:28AM via Open Access. This is an open access chapter distributed under the terms of the CC BY-NC-ND 4.0 license. https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/ 516 Heyden Even if first appearances may suggest otherwise, I think the latter is also a valuable interpretation, possibly even the more appropriate one, for three reasons. First, the structural composition of the two registers creates a visual connection between the two scenes and suggests an interlinked interpretation. Second, two figures are identified through lettering: Josephus above and Werner below. Therefore, it is most plausible to think of those two named figures as the “amborum.” All the more so as, third, the monk in the lower register is presented in closest relation with the abbot through his gestures. With his right hand, he is touching the codex as though indicating that he copied it, whereas his left hand is raised in a pointing gesture, as if he wanted to point out the Abbot, the commissioner of his work. Thus, the anonymous scribe monk and his abbot Werner appear basically as a unit, unanimously offering the precious codex to the saint patron of his monastery. In this way, the Antiquitates appear as the common work shared by Josephus the author and the two monks who made the text, commissioner and copyist of the codex respectively. What does this offering tell us about the importance Josephus had for Christian monastic education and piety? To approach this question, it might be helpful to include another late 12th-century manuscript of the Latin Josephus, this time a copy of the Bellum Iudaicum, Yale University Beinecke Library Codex MS 282 (fig. 17.5a). What interests us here, however, is neither the text of Josephus proper nor an illumination of Josephus, but rather a poem of eight lines added by a scribe after having finished copying and correcting the entire work of Josephus (fig. 17.5b). This is how the poem runs: Solus ego iosephum scripsi totumque peregi, Non socius mecum scriba uel alter homo. Ergo domus felixque penus cuit alia condo; Nunc mihi redde uicem multiplicando precem: Liber ut a neuo siam iamiam proximus euo, Ut superis iungar, hostis ab ore trahar, Spiritus astra petat, gaudens in pace quiescat. Amen. Anima Waltheri scribe requiescat in pace. Orate fratres. Amen. In the translation of Babcock: All alone, I myself, copied Josephus, and I corrected the whole thing. There was no fellow scribe with me, nor any other person. Katharina Heyden - 9789004693296 Heruntergeladen von Brill.com 06/12/2024 03:03:28AM via Open Access. This is an open access chapter distributed under the terms of the CC BY-NC-ND 4.0 license. https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/ Figurations of Josephus in High Medieval Latin Manuscripts 517 So, the house is blessed, as is the sanctuary for which I constructed such monuments. Now give me my due, multiplying your prayer: That I be free from blemish, now already on the verge of eternity; That I be joined with those above; that I be dragged from the enemy’s mouth; That my spirit seek the stars; that it joyfully rest in peace. Amen. That the soul of Walther the scribe rest in peace. Pray brothers. Amen. Robert Babcock, in his very detailed and subtle analysis of this poem,57 has observed visual signals in its very layout that are similar to the visual signals I noted in the two-registered image in the Weingarten Codex. The “Josephum” and the “Ego” (i.e. Waltherius), Babcock emphasizes, are placed side-by-side, “as close to one another as possible, stressing the intimacy Waltherius feels for the author of the work he so laboriously copied” (95). This is quite similar to the Weingarten Codex, where Josephus and the re- and co-producer(s) of his text are placed one above the other. Moreover, the poem itself shows to what extent the scribe monk Waltherius identified himself with his author. The hard labor of copying Josephus appears to contribute to the salvation of the scribe Waltherius. The poem is therefore to be seen, according to Babcock, as “a self-composed epitaph, attached to a monument that he produced, that will memorialize Waltherius within the community of readers of the book” (98). We could say that Waltherius was luckier than the unnamed, tonsured figure depicted in the Weingarten Codex. For, thanks to his short but self-confident poem—solus ego iosephum scripsi totumque peregi, non socius mecum scriba uel alter homo!—the name of Waltherius was preserved and probably indeed remembered by the audience of his codex, probably a monastic community. In contrast, his fellow monk in the Weingarten Codex has disappeared, an unnamed person behind his abbot and principal Werner. But apart from these personal fates, both the poem and the picture can tell us something about the impact and importance Josephus could have for Christian education and piety in the 12th century. Any direct relation between the two codices is very unlikely. It is also true that both may date to the same decade. But the Yale Codex was crafted in Northern France or the Lower Countries, whereas Weingarten comes from near Lake Constance. It is true that Waltherius seem to have copied not only the Bellum Judaicum, but also the Antiquitates. But paleographic comparison has shown that the Fulda codex was almost certainly not written by the same 57 Babcock, “Scribal Verses,” 87–107. Katharina Heyden - 9789004693296 Heruntergeladen von Brill.com 06/12/2024 03:03:28AM via Open Access. This is an open access chapter distributed under the terms of the CC BY-NC-ND 4.0 license. https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/ 518 Heyden Figure 17.5a Yale University Beinecke Library Codex MS 282, fol. 109v IMAGE: YALE UNIVERSITY, NEW HAVEN; PUBLIC DOMAIN Figure 17.5b Detail 17.5a Katharina Heyden - 9789004693296 Heruntergeladen von Brill.com 06/12/2024 03:03:28AM via Open Access. This is an open access chapter distributed under the terms of the CC BY-NC-ND 4.0 license. https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/ Figurations of Josephus in High Medieval Latin Manuscripts 519 hand as the one from Yale. (Otherwise, we could have given the unknown scribe-monk back his name, after almost 800 years!).58 Both poem and picture testify, though, to the great appreciation and importance of Josephus at that time in Europe among Christians. Both works involve extremely precious codices that are carefully written, revised and corrected, and decorated with noble initials. At least the Weingarten Codex shows clear awareness of Josephus being a Jew writing in favor of the Jews by marking the figures with the “Jewish hat.” But still, in both codices, we find represented the idea that copying Josephus can be regarded as a contribution to salvation for Christians, just like copying biblical books or patristic authors. And this works, nota bene, without Josephus being explicitly pressed into service for Christianity, as was the case with the Testimonium Flavianum in the Cambridge codex, and will be the case with Josephus pointing to Christ Pantocrator in the next and last manuscript to be examined. 5 Josephus the Non-Jewish Jew Pointing to the Spiritual Sense of Creation Paris, BN ms. Latin 5047, saex. XIII, Northern France Here we find, again, an elaborate and precious codex made of parchment, Paris. lat. 5047, that was crafted in Northern France in the late 12th or early 13th century, that is, in the context of the Fourth Lateran Council. The volume covers Antiquitates 1–20 (fols. 1v–139r), the Capitula (fol. 130v), Jerome’s entry on Josephus in De viris inlustribus 12 (fol. 130v), and the entire Bellum Iudaicum (fols. 130v–189r).59 The Testimonium Flavianum is particularly emphasized with red colored letters, as is the case in many manuscripts of the Antiquitates. The illumination on the first page is divided into two parts (fig. 17.6). Both together form the initials of IN P(rinicipio). At the top of the right column there is a curved initial of the letter P(rincipio): A man with a pointed white beard and a pointed, oversized black hat forms with his body the shaft of the P, and with his left hand he unfolds the bow of the letter P as a scroll. On the scroll the words IOSEPHUS ANTIQUITATUM are written. Again, Josephus is clearly identified as a Jew through his hat and beard. With his right hand he points downward to the decorated IN, which occupies almost an entire half of the left column. 58 59 My thanks to Judith Mania for her expertise in comparing the two manuscripts. For a detailed description see Liebl, Flavius-Josephus-Handschriften, 230–232. Katharina Heyden - 9789004693296 Heruntergeladen von Brill.com 06/12/2024 03:03:28AM via Open Access. This is an open access chapter distributed under the terms of the CC BY-NC-ND 4.0 license. https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/ 520 Heyden In the center, Christ is depicted in full stature, stretched between heaven and earth, and in the typus of Christ Pantocrator, blessing with the right hand. In his left, in which the Christ Pantocrator usually holds a book, there is a medallion containing an orans, representing most probably the sapientia, preexistent wisdom, which according to Prov 8:22 and Sir 1:4 assists the Logos in creating the world. On the sidebars of the letter N, the six days of creation are arranged, presented by young men and corresponding attributes for every work of creation. The composition as a whole indicates that Christ is the rational force, the Logos of creation, a motif referred to in Christian theology as Christ’s mediatorship in creation (“Schöpfungsmittlerschaft”) as expressed at the beginning of the Gospel of John.60 The strong emphasis of the I formed by Christ Pantocrator is unique among the Creatio mundi-representations in IN initials, which in any case appear only for a short period in northern European manuscripts.61 The illumination seems to resonate what Hugo von St. Victor writes in his Eruditionis Didascalicae VIII 16: per sapientiam suam Pater manifestatur, non solum quando sapientiam suam in carnem misit, sed tunc quoque quando per sapientiam suam mundum creavit (“through his wisdom the Father revealed himself, not only when he sent his wisdom into the flesh, but also when he created the world through his wisdom”). Creation and incarnation are brought very closely together here, sapientia being the link between the two. A comparable image appears in the already mentioned Chantilly manuscript created in Saint-Trond around 1170 (fig. 17.7).62 Also in this case, the IN of the “In principio” at the very beginning of the Antiquitates is decorated with six medallions on the creation. The Pantocrator is depicted twice, on the shaft and on the top of the letter I, but here in the traditional manner seated with blessing right hand and book in the left. But there are also significant differences. The composition of Chantilly is more complex in its structure and statement. It combines the creation medallions with other biblical representations, such as Noah tasting fruits of his vineyard, the sacrifice of Isaac, the crucifixion of Christ and the anastasis. Also integrated are representations of two rulers—probably the same as those in the dedication scene with Josephus (fig. 17.3b)—and a personified Ecclesia. 60 61 62 On depictions of the creation in medieval manuscripts, see Hellemans, Bible moralisée. The doctrine of preexisting sapientia assisting in the creation of the world is to be found in Augustine, De civitate 11.4; De Genesi ad litteram 1.1.17; Confessiones 12.15.20. Zahlten, Creatio mundi, 54–57 lists eight examples and locates the origin of that typus in the Belgian Meuse region. Liebl, Flavius-Josephus-Handschriften, 64–90 counts 14 Josephus-manuscripts. See Liebl, Flavius-Josephus-Handschriften, 69–74. Katharina Heyden - 9789004693296 Heruntergeladen von Brill.com 06/12/2024 03:03:28AM via Open Access. This is an open access chapter distributed under the terms of the CC BY-NC-ND 4.0 license. https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/ Figurations of Josephus in High Medieval Latin Manuscripts Figure 17.6 521 Paris. Lat. 5047, fol. 2r IMAGE: Gallica/Bibliothèque nationale de France Katharina Heyden - 9789004693296 Heruntergeladen von Brill.com 06/12/2024 03:03:28AM via Open Access. This is an open access chapter distributed under the terms of the CC BY-NC-ND 4.0 license. https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/ 522 Heyden Figure 17.7 Codex Chantilly 774, fol. 3r IMAGE: CREATIVE COMMONS Geneviève Mariéthoz has interpreted the pictorial program as a visual implementation of Augustinian supersessionist theology.63 The composition in the Parisian codex 5047 (fig. 17.6), created a little later in Northern France—and perhaps with knowledge of the manuscript of Saint-Trond—is less complex theologically, but no less subtle with regard to Josephus. Note how the two scenes are connected. By his twofold hand gesture, Josephus is presenting the text of his Antiquitates and at the same time is pointing to the image that presents the spiritual sense of that very work: Christ incarnate as mediator of the creation (“Schöpfungsmittler”). Thus, the representations of the author and of the creation of the world through the Logos incarnate come close to each other on one page and enter into a meaningful relationship: Josephus the Jew points to the spiritual sense 63 Mariéthoz, “théologie augustinienne,” 269: “le monogramme réalisé pour le monastère de Saint-Trond s’affirme comme illustration de le fûte de Pâques, proclamant ainsi—de façon quelque peu provocatrice—la supériorité de la foi chrétienne sur celle de peuple juif, dont le destin est conté dans l’ouvrage de Josèphe que le frontispice multicolore préface.” Katharina Heyden - 9789004693296 Heruntergeladen von Brill.com 06/12/2024 03:03:28AM via Open Access. This is an open access chapter distributed under the terms of the CC BY-NC-ND 4.0 license. https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/ Figurations of Josephus in High Medieval Latin Manuscripts 523 of the creation. This goes far beyond even the Testimonium Flavianum and is a clear appropriation of Josephus by—and in service of—Christian theology. With regard to the perception and presentation of Josephus, it is striking that Josephus is so clearly identified as a Jew but does the exact opposite of what Jews were expected and supposed to do by Christians of that time. Instead of being focused only on material and carnal aspects, and his being blind to the “higher” spiritual sense of Scripture (which was one crucial aspect of the ‘remnant of the Jews’ in the service of Christians according to Christian-Augustinian theology), he points to the spiritual sense of the Scripture (a sense, indeed, that was emphasized by the same Augustine and his medieval followers like Hugo). Josephus is represented here, we could say, as a ‘non-Jewish Jew,’ a Jew that has overcome the blindness and failure Christian theology had attributed to the Jews for centuries. In other words: Josephus is represented as a converted Jew. 6 Conclusions: The Multifaceted Service of Josephus This last miniature (fig. 17.6) presents Josephus in a manner very much consistent with the way Christian theologians have defined and presented the service of converted Jews to Christianity in their literary works. Jews had to bear witness to Christian truth—and in order to do so they had to be clearly recognizable as Jews, even if they had converted. The miniature from Christ Church in which Josephus presents his Testimonium to the monk-scribe Samuel (fig. 17.2) has a similar tendency. Note how deeply ambivalent these representations are, as they honor the Jewish historian precisely by subjecting him to Christian theological purposes. The entire ambivalence of the Christian supersessionist appropriation of Judaism is reflected in such miniatures. However, the other illuminations examined in this short survey show that Josephus was not always or exclusively presented in the vein of supersessionist theology. In his interaction with Roman emperors and their medieval successors (figs. 17.1, 17.3b, 17.4), as well as with Christian monks, abbots and saints (fig. 17.4), and—if we take into account also reception-aesthetic aspects—with the readers of the manuscripts, Josephus could also be brought into service in quite different ways: as a prophet of dynastic rule (in Toulouse, fig. 17.1) or as an advocate of the Jews (in Weingarten, fig. 17.4). The examination of this very small corpus of 12th and 13th century miniatures that present Josephus presenting his work to Christian audiences has shown that the theological appropriation of Josephus did not entirely determine the representation and perception of the Jewish historian in Christian book illuminations. Patrons and painters of the miniatures were able to highlight Katharina Heyden - 9789004693296 Heruntergeladen von Brill.com 06/12/2024 03:03:28AM via Open Access. This is an open access chapter distributed under the terms of the CC BY-NC-ND 4.0 license. https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/ 524 Heyden other emphases, and did so especially in the 12th century. These depictions of Josephus probably reflect not only various iterations of the Christian reception of Josephus, but also changes in the reality of life of educated Jews in Western European Christian societies during the 12th and 13th centuries: While in the earlier 12th century, educated Jews could, at least in some places, serve at court, contributing to education and sometimes even advocating on behalf of Jewish communities before rulers—as it is depicted in the codices of Toulouse and Weingarten—from the 13th century onward, starting with the Fourth Lateran Council in 1215, Jews were clearly assigned the role of witnessing the truth of Christianity as converts.64 Bibliography Abulafia, Anna Sapir. St. Anselm and those outside the Church. Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1990. Abulafia, Anna Sapir. Christian-Jewish Relations, 1000–1300: Jews in the Service of Medieval Christendom. London: Routledge, 2011. Abulafia, Anna Sapir. “The Service of Jews in Christian-Jewish Disputations.” Pages 339–350 in Les Dialogues ‘aduersus Iudaeos’: Permanences et mutations d’une tradition polémique. Actes du colloque international organisé les 7 et 8 décembre 2011 à l’Université de Paris-Sorbonne. Edited by Sébastien Morlet, Olivier Munnich, and Bernard Pouderon. Paris: Institut d’Études Augustiniennes, 2013. Abulafia, Anna Sapir. “Moyses in Service of Petrus in Petrus Alfonsi’s Dialogus.” Pages 111–128 in Petrus Alfonsi and his Dialogus: Background, Context, Reception. Edited by Carmen Cardelle de Hartmann and Philipp Roelli. Firenze: SISMEL—Edizioni del Galluzzo, 2014. Abulafia, Anna Sapir. “The Fourth Lateran Council Through the Lens of Jewish Service.” Pages 81–96 in Jews and Muslims under the Fourth Lateran Council: Papers Commemorating the Octocentenary of the Fourth Lateran Council (1215). Edited by Marie-Thérèse Champagne and Irven M. Resnick. Berlin: De Gruyter, 2019. Abulafia, Anna Sapir and Gillian Rosemary Evans, eds. The Works of Gilbert Crispin, Abbot of Westminster. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1986. Asiedu, Felix B.A. “Anselm and the Unbelievers: Pagans, Jews, and Christians in the Cur Deus Homo.” Theological Studies 62 (2001): 530–548. Babcock, Robert G. “The Scribal Verses of Waltherius in a Twelfth-Century Manuscript of Josephus.” Pages 87–107 in Between the Text and the Page. Studies on the 64 See Abulafia, “The Fourth Lateran Council.” Katharina Heyden - 9789004693296 Heruntergeladen von Brill.com 06/12/2024 03:03:28AM via Open Access. This is an open access chapter distributed under the terms of the CC BY-NC-ND 4.0 license. https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/ Figurations of Josephus in High Medieval Latin Manuscripts 525 Transmissions of Medieval Ideas in Honour of Frank T. Coulson. Edited by Harald Anderson and David T. Gura. Toronto: Brepols, 2020. Baltrusch, Ernst. “Kein Stein auf dem anderen (Mk 13, 2): Josephus, der Tempel und das historiographische Konzept.” Pages 135–158 in >Religio licita?< Rom und die Juden. Edited by Görge K. Hasselhoff and Meret Strothmann. Berlin: De Gruyter, 2017. Bay, Carson. “Writing the Jews out of History: Pseudo-Hegesippus, Classical Historiography, and the Codification of Christian Anti-Judaism in Late Antiquity.” Church History 90 (2021): 265–285. Bay, Carson. “The Jerusalem Temple and Jewish Identity between Pseudo-Hegesippus and Sefer Yosippon: The Discursive Aftermath of Josephus’ Temple Ekphrasis.” EJJS 16 (2022): 1–25. Besseyre, Marianne. La France romane au temps des premiers Capétiens (987–1152), Paris Musée du Louvre, 10 mars–6 juin 2005. Paris: Musée du Louvre/Hazan, 2005. Blenkinsopp, Joseph. “Prophecy and Priesthood in Josephus.” JJS 25 (1974): 239–262. Bowman, Steven. “Sefer Yosippon: History and Midrash.” Pages 280–294 in The Midrashic Imagination, Jewish Exegesis, Thought, and History. Edited by Michael Fishbane. Albany: State University of New York Press, 1993. Bücheler, Anna. Ornament as Argument: Textile Pages and Textile Metaphors in Medieval Manuscripts. Berlin: De Gruyter, 2019. Cahn, Walter. Romanesque Manuscripts: The Twelfth Century—Volume One: Texts and Illustrations. London: Brepols,1996. Chapman, Honora Howell, and Zuleika Rodgers, eds. A Companion to Josephus. Malden, MA: Wiley-Blackwell, 2016. Cohen, Jeremy. Living Letters of the Law: Ideas of the Jew in Medieval Christianity. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1999. Cohen, Shaye J.D., and Joshua J. Schwartz, eds. Studies in Josephus and the Varieties of Ancient Judaism: Louis H. Feldman Jubilee Volume. Leiden: Brill, 2007. Deutsch, Guy N. Iconographie de l’illustration de Flavius Josèphe au temps de Jean Fouquet. Leiden: Brill, 1986. Dodwell, Charles R. The Canterbury School of Illumination, 1066–1200. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1954. Dodwell, Charles R. The Pictorial Arts of the West, 800–1200. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1993. Dönitz, Saskia. “Historiography Among Byzantine Jews: The Case of Sefer Yosippon.” Pages 951–968 in Jews in Byzantium: Dialects of Minority and Majority Cultures. Edited by Robert Bonfil, Oded Irshai, Guy G. Stroumsa, and Rina Talgam. Leiden: Brill, 2011. Dönitz, Saskia. Überlieferung und Rezeption des Sefer Yosippon. Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2013. Katharina Heyden - 9789004693296 Heruntergeladen von Brill.com 06/12/2024 03:03:28AM via Open Access. This is an open access chapter distributed under the terms of the CC BY-NC-ND 4.0 license. https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/ 526 Heyden Dönitz, Saskia. “Josephus im jiddischen Gewand—die jiddische Übersetzung des Sefer Yosippon.” Aschkenas 25 (2015): 53–61. Dufour, Jean. La Bibliothèque et le scriptorium de Moissac. Ouvrage publié avec le concours du Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique. Genève: Université de Lyon, 1972. Faü, Jean-François. L’image des Juifs dans L’art chrétien médiéval. Paris: Maisonneuve et Larose, 2005. Feldman, Louis H. “Prophets and Prophecy in Josephus.” JTS 41 (1990): 386–422. Feldman, Louis H. “On the Authenticity of the Testimonium Flavianum Attributed to Josephus.” Pages 11–30 in New Perspectives on Jewish-Christian Relations. Edited by Elisheva Carlebach and Jacob J. Schacter. Leiden: Brill, 2012. Goldberg, Gary J. “Josephus’s Paraphrase Style and the Testimonium Flavianum.” Journal for the Study of the Historical Jesus 20 (2021): 1–32. Glas, J. Eelco. “Reading Josephus’ ‘Prophetic’ Inspiration in the Cave of Jotapata (J.W. 3.351–354) in a Roman Context.” JSJ 52 (2021): 522–556. Goodman, Martin. Josephus’s The Jewish War: A Biography. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2019. Hamburger, Jeffrey, ed. Text—Image—Context: Studies in Medieval Manuscript Illumination. Toronto: Pontifical Institute of Mediaeval Studies, 2014. Hardwick, Michael E. Josephus as an Historical Source in Patristic Literature through Eusebius. Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1989. Hata, Gohei. “The Abuse and Misuse of Josephus in Eusebius’ Ecclesiastical History Books 2 and 3.” Pages 91–102 in Studies in Josephus and the Varieties of Ancient Judaism. Edited by Shaye J.D. Cohen and Joshua J. Schwartz. Leiden: Brill, 2007. Hellemans, Babette. La Bible moralisée: une oeuvre à part entière: création, sémiotique et temporalité au XIIIe siècle. Turnhout: Brepols, 2010. Horn, Friedrich Wilhelm. “Das Testimonium Flavianum aus neutestamentlicher Perspektive.” Pages 117–136 in Josephus und das Neue Testament: wechselseitige Wahrnehmungen (=II. Internationales Symposium zum Corpus Judaeo-Hellenisticum, 25.–28. Mai 2006, Greifswald). Edited by Christfried Böttrich, Jens Herzer, and Torsten Reiprich. Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2007. Kelley, Nicole. “The Cosmopolitan Expression of Josephus’s Prophetic Perspective in the Jewish War.” HTR 97 (2004): 257–274. Kessler, Herbert L., and David Nirenberg, eds. Judaism and Christian Art: Aesthetic Anxieties from the Catacombs to Colonialism. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2011. Kletter, Karen M. “The Christian Reception of Josephus in Late Antiquity and the Middle Ages.” Pages 368–381 in A Companion to Josephus. Edited by Honora Howell Chapman and Zuleika Rodgers. Malden, MA: Wiley-Blackwell, 2016. Katharina Heyden - 9789004693296 Heruntergeladen von Brill.com 06/12/2024 03:03:28AM via Open Access. This is an open access chapter distributed under the terms of the CC BY-NC-ND 4.0 license. https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/ Figurations of Josephus in High Medieval Latin Manuscripts 527 Kletter, Karen and Paul Hilliard, eds. Josephus in the Medieval West. Leiden: Brill. forthcoming. Lemaitre, Jean-Loup. Les classiques dans les bibliothèques monastiques de la France mériodionale d’après les inventaires médiévaux. Église et culture en France méridionale (XIIe–XIVe siècle). Toulouse: Privat, 2000. Levenson, David B., and Thomas R. Martin. “The Ancient Latin Translations of Josephus.” Pages 322–344 in A Companion to Josephus. Edited by Honora Howell Chapman and Zuleika Rodgers. Malden, MA: Wiley-Blackwell, 2016. Liebl, Ulrike. Die illustrierten Flavius-Josephus-Handschriften des Hochmittelalters. Frankfurt a.M.: Peter Lang, 1997. Lindquist, Sherry C.M. “Introduction to Gender and Otherness in Medieval and Early Modern Art.” Pages 1–13 in Gender, Otherness, and Culture in Medieval and Early Modern Art. Edited by Carlee A. Bradbury and Michelle Mosley-Christian. Cham, Switzerland: Palgrave Macmillan, 2017. Lipton, Sara. “Unfeigned Witness: Jews, Matter and Vision in Twelfth-Century Christian Art.” Pages 45–73 in Judaism and Christian Art: Aesthetic Anxieties from the Catacombs to Colonialism. Edited by Herbert L. Kessler and David Nirenberg. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2011. Lipton, Sara. Dark Mirror: The Medieval Origins of Anti-Jewish Iconography. New York: Metropolitan Books, 2014. Lissek, Maria. Sich selbst durch andere verstehen: Die Kontroversdialoge von Gilbert Crispin und Petrus Alfonsi. Paderborn: Brill, 2022. Logan, Ian. “Ms Bodley 271: Establishing the Anselmian Canon?” The Saint Anselm Journal 2 (2004): 67–80. Lubrich, Naomi. “From Judenhut to Zauberhut: A Jewish Sign Proliferates.” Asdiwal 10 (2015): 136–162. Lubrich, Naomi. “The Wandering Hat: Iterations of the Medieval Jewish Pointed Cap.” Jewish History 29 (2015): 203–244. Mariéthoz, Geneviève. “Une illustration de la théologie augustinienne—Le monogramme « IN » introduisant les « Antiquités Judaïques » de Chantilly (Musée Condé, Ms 774, fol. 3).” Hortus Artium Medievalium 14 (2008): 269–281. Mason, Steven, gen. ed. Flavius Josephus, Translation and Commentary. Leiden: Brill, 2000–. Mason, Steve. “Of Audience and Meaning: Reading Josephus’s Judean War in the Context of a Flavian Audience.” Pages 71–100 in Josephus and Jewish History in Flavian History and Beyond. Edited by Joseph Sievers and Gaia Lembi. Leiden: Brill, 2005. Mason, Steve. “Josephus as a Roman Historian.” Pages 89–107 in A Companion to Josephus. Edited by Honora H. Chapman and Zuleika Rodgers. Malden, MA: Wiley-Blackwell, 2016. Katharina Heyden - 9789004693296 Heruntergeladen von Brill.com 06/12/2024 03:03:28AM via Open Access. This is an open access chapter distributed under the terms of the CC BY-NC-ND 4.0 license. https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/ 528 Heyden Mason, Steve. “Prophecy in Roman Judaea: Did Josephus Report the Failure of an ‘Exact Succession of the Prophets’ (Against Apion 1.41)?” JSJ 50 (2019): 524–556. McLaren, James S. “Josephus on Titus: The Vanquished Writing about the Victor.” Pages 279–295 in Josephus and Jewish History in Flavian Rome and Beyond. Edited by Joseph Sievers and Gaia Lembi. Leiden: Brill, 2005. Mellinkoff, Ruth. Outcasts: Signs of Otherness in Northern European Art of the Late Middle Ages. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1993. Moster, Marco, and Mariëlle Hageman, eds. Reading Images and Texts: Medieval Images and Texts as Forms of Communication: Papers from the Third Utrecht Symposium on Medieval Literacy, Utrecht, 7–9 December 2000. Turnhout: Brepols, 2005. Murano, Anontella Putaturo Donati, and Alessandra Perricioli Saggese. La miniature in Italia. Volume I: Dal tardoantico al Trecento con riferimenti al Medio Oriente e all’ Occidente europeo. Vatican City: Edizioni Scientifiche Italiane, 2005. Niemand, Christoph. “Das Testimonium Flavianum: Befunde, Diskussionsstand, Perspektiven.” Protokolle zur Bibel 17 (2008): 45–71. Novikoff, Alex J. “Anselm, Dialogue, and the Rise of Scholastic Disputation.” Speculum 6 (2011): 387–418. Novikoff, Alex J. The Medieval Culture of Disputation: Pedagogy, Practice, and Performance. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2013. O’Reilly, Jennifer, and Carol Ann Farr. Early Medieval Text and Image. London: Routledge, 2019. Paul, G.M. “The Presentation of Titus in the ‘Jewish War’ of Josephus: Two Aspects.” Phoenix 47 (1993): 56–66. Pederson, Randall J. “Review of Novikoff (2013).” Church history and religious culture 98 (2018): 145–148. Porcher, Jean. L’enluminure française. Paris: Edité par Arts et Métiers graphiques, 1959. Schatz, Andrea, ed. Josephus in Modern Jewish Culture. Leiden: Brill, 2019. Schellewald, Barbara Maria, and Karin Krause. Bild und Text im Mittelalter. Köln: Böhlau, 2011. Schreckenberg, Heinz. Die Flavius-Josephus-Tradition in Antike und Mittelalter. Leiden: Brill, 1972. Schreckenberg, Heinz. Rezeptionsgeschichtliche und textkritische Untersuchungen zu Flavius Josephus. Leiden: Brill, 1977. Schreckenberg, Heinz. “Josephus in Medieval Christian Art.” Pages 87–130 in Jewish Historiography and Iconography in Early and Medieval Christianity, Volume 1: Josephus in Early Christian Literature and Medieval Christian Art. Edited by Heinz Schreckenberg and Kurt Schubert. Assen/Maastricht: Van Gorcum, 1992. Schreckenberg, Heinz, and Kurt Schubert, eds. Jewish Historiography and Iconography in Early and Medieval Christianity: I. Josephus in Early Christian Literature and Katharina Heyden - 9789004693296 Heruntergeladen von Brill.com 06/12/2024 03:03:28AM via Open Access. This is an open access chapter distributed under the terms of the CC BY-NC-ND 4.0 license. https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/ Figurations of Josephus in High Medieval Latin Manuscripts 529 Medieval Christian Art: II. Jewish Pictorial Traditions in Early Christian Art. Assen/ Maastricht: Van Gorcum, 1992. Sharon, Nadav. “Josephus as Jeremiah, or Jeremiah as Josephus?” JSIJ 14 (2018): 1–13. Strickland, Debora Higgs. Saracens, Demons, and Jews: Making Monsters in Medieval Art. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2003. Victor, Ulrich. “Das Testimonium Flavianum—Ein authentischer Text des Josephus.” Novum Testamentum 52 (2010): 72–82. Vergne, Frédéric, and Francis Salet. La Bibliothèque du Prince, Château de Chantilly: les manuscrits. Paris: Editions Editerra, 1995. Whealey, Alice. Josephus on Jesus. The Testimonium Flavianum Controversy from Late Antiquity to Modern Times. New York: Verlag Peter Lang, 2003. Whealey, Alice. “The Testimonium Flavianum.” Pages in 345–355 in A Companion to Josephus. Edited by Honora Howell Chapman and Zuleika Rodgers. Malden, MA: Wiley-Blackwell, 2016. Webber, Teresa. “Script and Manuscript Production at Christ Church, Canterbury, after the Norman Conquest.” Pages 145–158 in Canterbury and the Norman Conquest: Churches, Saints and Scholars 1066–1109. Edited by R. Eales and R. Sharpe. London: The Hambledon Press, 1995. Weitzmann, Kurt. Studies in Classic and Byzantine Manuscript Illumination. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1971. Zahlten, Johannes. Creatio mundi: Darstellungen der sechs Schöpfungstage und naturwissenschaftliches Weltbild im Mittelalter. Stuttgart: Klett Cotta, 1979. Katharina Heyden - 9789004693296 Heruntergeladen von Brill.com 06/12/2024 03:03:28AM via Open Access. This is an open access chapter distributed under the terms of the CC BY-NC-ND 4.0 license. https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/