AN OVERVIEW OF THE URBAN
SILHOUETTE OF THE AVCILAR
NEIGHBORHOOD NEAR CANAL
ISTANBUL
POHĽAD NA ŠTVRŤ AVCILAR
MESTSKEJ PANORÁMY KANÁLU
ISTANBUL
Photo Foto: Demet Mutman Uluengin,
2022
Branding ‘New Istanbul’s’ Residential Real
Estate: A Thematic Analysis of Residential Real
Estate Ads for ‘Canal Istanbul’ and Environs
Branding rezidenčných nehnuteľností „Nového
Istanbulu“: tematická analýza reklám na rezidenčné
nehnuteľnosti „Kanálu Istanbul“ a okolia
Demet Mutman Uluengin, Mehmet Bengü Uluengin,
Zeynep Ceylanlı
https://doi.org/10.31577/archandurb.2022.56.1-2.8
Tento príspevok sa pokúša odhaliť a analyzovať dynamiku transformácie rezidenčných oblastí
v okolí kontroverzného megaprojektu Kanál Istanbul v Istanbule. Plánovaná mestská zástavba
pozdĺž perspektívneho pobrežia Kanálu Istanbul je z veľkej časti obytná a mnohé z projektov sú
rozsiahle, „značkové“ projekty. Túto oblasť s voľným názvom „Nový Istanbul“ vláda intenzívne
propagovala v období pred parlamentnými voľbami v roku 2011. Bola súčasťou triády megaprojektov, ktorú vláda využila na získanie voličskej základne (išlo o nové istanbulské letisko, tretí most cez
Bospor a Kanál Istanbul).
Posolstvá obsiahnuté v propagačných kampaniach, ktoré sa zameriavali na Kanál Istanbul
a jeho okolie, mali mnoho vrstiev a od volieb sa zmenili. Vo všeobecnosti sa však zameriavajú na
ambície Turecka stať sa do roku 2023 (sté výročie vzniku republiky) regionálnou veľmocou, na snahu priblížiť krajinu k jej osmanskej minulosti, na propagáciu rodinných hodnôt, ako aj konzervatívnejšieho svetonázoru. Tieto posolstvá sú v súlade aj s niekoľkými základnými princípmi Strany
spravodlivosti a rozvoja (AKP), medzi ktoré patrí zavedenie jedinečnej verzie neoliberalizmu – zmesi
islamizmu, neoliberálnej politiky a sociálne-populistického postoja. Strane AKP to veľmi dobre
poslúžilo a pomohlo jej to zabezpečiť a udržať si dominantné postavenie pri volebných urnách. Pomohlo jej to aj pri realizácii svojej politiky rozvoja miest, napriek tomu, že má potenciálne negatívne dôsledky pre niektoré skupiny mestského obyvateľstva a najmä pre prírodné prostredie.
A&U 1 – 2 / 2022
95
V pozadí tohto vývoja (a tvoriac neoddeliteľnú súčasť neoliberálnej politiky AKP) je financializácia trhu s bývaním v Turecku. Tá sa skutočne začala v roku 2002 a pokračovala viac-menej bez
poľavenia až do roku 2015. Financializácia trhu s bývaním bola zámernou stratégiou AKP, ktorá ju
docielila sériou nástrojov, ako bol program obnovy miest iniciovaný v roku 2005, zákon o obnove
miest z roku 2012; zákon o financovaní bývania z roku 2007 a séria právnych zmien, ktoré uľahčili
zahraničným osobám nákup nehnuteľností v Turecku.
Tento výskum sa zameriava práve na deformované odrazy dizajnovej kultúry, verejnej politiky
a trhu s bývaním. Dekonštrukciou relevantných prvkov diskurzu o Novom Istanbule prostredníctvom tematickej obsahovej analýzy vybraných webových stránok venovaných rozvoju bývania sa
táto štúdia snaží odhaliť nepredvídanú sociálno-priestorovú štruktúru novovytvorenej mestskej
periférie, ktorú formoval politický diskurz a exponoval ju trh.
Na analýzu sme vytvorili súbor údajov identifikáciou 15 relevantných projektov bývania. Tie
sme vybrali podľa nasledujúcich kritérií: (1) projekt sa nachádza v medziach špeciálneho územného
plánu Kanálu Istanbul, (2) projekt je uzavretou komunitou alebo výškovou budovou s kontrolovaným vstupom, (3) výstavba projektu bola započatá k 1. septembru 2020, (4) projekt má oficiálnu webovú stránku s propagačnými médiami. Tieto propagačné údaje sme následne stiahli z príslušných
webových stránok a analyzovali ich podľa zásad „tematickej obsahovej analýzy“.
V kontraste s posolstvami obsiahnutými vo vládnej propagácii Nového Istanbulu, témy, ktoré
sa vynorili v tematickej obsahovej analýze reklám uvedených projektov bývania, vytvárajú odlišný
obraz o raison d’etre týchto projektov. Medzi najčastejšie opakované témy patrí investičný potenciál
týchto nehnuteľností, pričom sa spomína aj možnosť získať turecké občianstvo. Projekty sú propagované aj na základe blízkosti občianskej vybavenosti, nákupných centier a dopravných sietí, avšak
slová „Nový Istanbul“ sa objavujú pomerne zriedkavo.
Rezidenčné realitné projekty „Nového Istanbulu“ využívajú viaceré stratégie brandingu, aby
sa na trhu odlíšili a, povedané Baudrillardovým termínom, nadobudli znakovú výmennú hodnotu. Tieto stratégie siahajú od dôrazu na polohu a blízkosť megaprojektov, ako je nové istanbulské
letisko a samotný Kanál Istanbul, až po prízvukovanie rodinných hodnôt a tradícií či veľkoleposť
projektov. Táto štúdia dospieva k záveru, že tým, na čo oficiálne propagačné materiály najvýraznejšie poukazujú, nie je znaková výmenná hodnota, ale ekonomická výmenná hodnota.
Introduction
This paper attempts to uncover and analyze the dynamics of
residential urban transformation in Istanbul’s periphery, namely
Canal Istanbul and its immediate vicinity, through a scrutiny of
real estate ads for large-scale housing developments in the said
area. Shaped by a confluence of events, such as the ambitious
national development plan ‘Vision 2023’, Istanbul’s ongoing
integration into the network of globally connected cities, the
government’s neoliberal policies, a series of mega-projects for
the city, and a lingering real estate bubble, the western periphery of Istanbul began to develop into a new urban zone called
New Istanbul.
While the term New Istanbul currently refers to a specific
zone within the metropolis, as a concept and ideal, New Istanbul
was in the making for at least four decades. As the largest city in
Europe, Istanbul experienced rapid urbanization since the 1950s.
After the 1980s, however, this urbanization became increasingly
aligned with the government’s desire to transform Istanbul into
a globally integrated city, serving as a gateway for integrating
the Turkish economy with global markets. In the initial spurt of
this growth process, development plans restricted urbanization
in Istanbul to a relatively tight, linear zone along the shores of
the Marmara Sea, thus protecting the environmentally sensitive
zones to the north.
96
FORUM FÓRUM
This practice was to change after the Justice and Development Party (JDP) assumed power in 2002, both in terms of
the areas opened to development, and of the centralization of
planning efforts now affecting these areas. The word “centralization”, in fact, is insufficient to describe JDP’s modus operandi
vis-a-vis urban development following the general elections of
2011. This era is marked by an increase in authoritarianism, and
as Enlil and Dinçer note, “a tendency [in the planning process]
towards immunity from legal sanctions and control created
by a new ‘framework of exceptions’ consisting of acts, cabinet
decrees, and omnibus bills”1. Within this new framework, JDP
aimed to open large swaths of land to development, some of
which were part of the aforementioned mega-projects. Three
of these mega-projects, in fact, were promoted heavily by the
government in the run-up to the 2011-elections. These were the
new Istanbul Airport, the third bridge across the Bosphorus, and
Canal Istanbul. Focusing on Canal Istanbul and its environs, the
messages contained in the promotion campaigns were multi-layered, and have changed somewhat since the elections. However,
they generally focus on Turkey’s ambitions toward becoming
a regional power by 2023 (the Republic’s centennial), a desire
to align the country more closely with its Ottoman (as well as
Anatolian Seljuk) past, and the promotion of family values, as
well as a more conservative worldview.
Incidentally, these messages also align with some of
JDP’s core principles, among them the implementation of
a unique version of neoliberalism–a blend of Islamism, neoliberal policies, and a welfarist-populist stance, as Karaman notes2.
This has served JDP exceptionally well and has helped it secure
and maintain its dominance at the ballot box. It has also helped
JDP in implementing its urban development policies, even if
these policies have potentially negative consequences for certain
segments of the urban populace, and most notably the natural
environment.
Theoretical Framework
The theoretical framework for this paper draws upon several
interwoven discourses that span urban governance, economy/
finance, architecture, and urban sociology. The literature that
undergirds this framework is equally diverse and must be thoroughly examined for a deeper understanding of the complex
set of trends that have shaped Istanbul since the turn of the
millennium.
In the aftermath of the severe 1999 Izmit Earthquake,
Turkey’s economy was already strained. However, the proverbial
straw that broke the camel’s back was a banking crisis in 2001 – 2
that shook the country to the core. This precipitated a political
crisis, which eventually led to the landslide electoral victory of
the Justice and Development Party (JDP) in 2002. The party is in
power to this day. The neoliberal policies adopted by JDP, along
with the implemented economic recovery program formulated
by the International Monetary Fund (IMF)-World Bank in 20013,
hastened net capital inflows into the country.4 A sizable portion
of these inflows, in turn, found their way into the housing market, as we will see in subsequent sections of this paper.
In a globalizing world, attracting foreign capital is increasingly seen as a cure for a country’s economic woes. The tide of
incoming funds tends to lift all boats, as spillover effects ripple
throughout the economy.5 Yet research indicates that other
factors, such as the level of economic freedom in the recipient
country (as measured by the Economic Freedom Index) may be
equally important in determining the positive effects of capital
inflows.6 This latter fact seems not to have been lost on JDP, as
crucial economic and legislative reforms were undertaken soon
after the party assumed power. Among these are the enactment
of International Arbitration Law in 2001, steps taken to reduce
public debt, restrict domestic borrowing, grant formal autonomy
to the Central Bank, and to enact a broad privatization program.7
With higher levels of economic freedom and macroeconomic
stability thus achieved, investor appetite was stoked in Turkey.
After reaching a nadir in 2000, net capital inflows increased
steadily until 2013, except for a short reversal in 2008 – 9.
Concomitant with the rise in capital inflows, steps were
taken by the government to increase financialization in a wide
swath of sectors, including housing.8 As several authors aptly argue9, this financialization of the housing sector was a deliberate
strategy on the part of JDP to create, with reference to Harvey,
a profitable outlet for surplus value accreted through a “crisis of
overaccumulation”.10Thus, a shift occurred out of Harvey’s ‘primary circuit’ of capital (investment in the production sector)
A&U 1 – 2 / 2022
towards the ‘secondary circuit’—i.e. investment in the built
environment.11
Through this shift, JDP was able to create and sustain what
turned out to be a massive real estate investment bubble for
roughly thirteen years. As measured by the Hedonic Price Index,
the bubble finally burst in 2015.12 All the same, the unprecedented level of economic expansion that accompanied the real estate
bubble helped JDP sustain its popularity at the ballot box13 and
created monumental wealth gains for construction companies
that were close to the government, as well as smaller companies
that jumped on the bandwagon.14
The promotion and financialization of real estate was
achieved through a series of instruments, the most visible of
which was perhaps the urban regeneration program (Act 5366)
initiated in 2005; this accelerated significantly after the Urban Regeneration Law of 2012 (Act 6306).15 Equally important,
however, was the Housing Finance Law of 2007, which led to the
introduction and subsequent expansion of a hitherto non-existent mortgage market, as well as legal changes and tax breaks
for Real Estate Investment Trusts (REITs), which increased their
profitability. Finally, a series of legal amendments were undertaken, which made it easier for foreign individuals to purchase
property in Turkey.16
Yet by 2008, capital inflows into Turkey began to slow
down, caused in no little part by the financial crisis that gripped
most of the world. The situation worsened dramatically in 2009,
and the construction sector experienced its first contraction in
eight years. This setback was soon to be reversed, however, with
a confluence of events such as massive monetary easing programs by most major central banks of the world, Istanbul’s declaration as the European Capital of Culture in 2010 (which
created renewed interest in the city and boosted investment
both internally and externally), and the government’s ambitions
to make Turkey a macro-regional power by 2023. Several aspects
of Vision 2023 pertained to urban policies, and a more general
‘branding campaign’ to recast Turkey as the rightful heir of
powerful political entities such as the Anatolian Seljuks and the
Ottoman Empire.17 As such, during the political campaign for the
general elections of 2011, JDP introduced and heavily promoted
a series of mega-projects, of which Canal Istanbul forms a part.
This background has great bearing on how Istanbul was promoted anew, and how the branding campaigns were shaped for
residential real estate around Canal Istanbul.
As noted above, another noteworthy buzz-phrase that
JDP had begun to use with increasing frequency around this
time was ‘New Istanbul’. It is an important phrase that must be
dissected, for it refers both to a physical place, and an abstract
idea. As a physical place, New Istanbul refers to the prospective
shores of Canal Istanbul, as well as a planned enclave around
the New Airport. In terms of an idea, however, it hearkens both
to Istanbul’s break with its Republican past and is also a nod
towards the “de-peripheralization” of the city. To note, Istanbul’s shift towards becoming a globally integrated city followed,
more or less, the theoretical frameworks laid out by Friedman18,
Sassen19, and Brenner.20 Yet it was also unique, due to the set
of circumstances that have already been discussed, as well as
97
80
30.0%
70
20.0%
60
50
10.0%
40
30
0.0%
SHARES OF CAPITAL INFLOWS
(VERTICAL BARS) WITH GROSS
DOMESTIC PRODUCT (BLACK LINE),
AND CONSTRUCTION SECTOR
GROWTH (GREY LINE) OVERLAYS,
1999 – 2020
ZLOŽKY PRÍLEVU KAPITÁLU
(STĹPCE) S HRUBÝM DOMÁCIM
PRODUKTOM (ČIERNA ČIARA)
A RASTOM STAVEBNÉHO SEKTORA
(SIVÁ ČIARA), 1999 – 2020
20
-10.0%
10
-20.0%
Source Zdroj: Based on data from evds2.
tcmb.gov.tr. CBRT Electronic Data
Dissemination System [online] 2020
[Accessed 28 Oct. 2020]. Available at:
https://evds2.tcmb.gov.tr/index.php
-30.0%
1999
FDI
2000
2001
2002
Portfolio: Equity
2003
2004
2005
Portfolio:Bonds
2006
2007
Others
2008
2009
2010
2011
2012
2013
2014
Gross domestic product, YoY change (right axis)
Istanbul’s position as a city which did not fully experience the
industrialization phase, typical of globalizing cities.
Regardless, parallels can be found with cities such as Seoul,
Jakarta, Guangzhou, Mexico City, among others, both with
regards to how these cities became globally integrated, as well as
the mega-projects that helped them become as such.21 Douglass22
and Flyvbjerg et al.23 , in fact, list a host of reasons for the proliferation of mega-projects in cities aspiring to become globally
integrated. Some of these reasons, such as the globalization of
finance capital, institutional innovations in syndicating loan
packages, promotion of ‘world city’ status by the local political
elite, the difficulty of accurately analyzing feasibility/risk, and
the ‘green light syndrome’ (wherein efforts to stop mega-projects
that are underway become politically damaging to rival entities)
hold true for Istanbul’s case as well.
The nuances of Istanbul’s urban development are also
captured by the pertinent literature related to neoliberalization.
Brenner and Theodore, perhaps the most ardent supporters of
neoliberalization, argue that per the Efficient Market Hypothesis, unregulated markets possess a degree of efficiency and
agility that other forms of governance/regulation fail to achieve.
Yet consecutive waves of economic crises around the world,
many of which revolved around real estate or financing mechanisms thereof, have shown us that unregulated markets cannot
always be relied on to provide economic stability.24 As Leitner
et al. argue, the neoliberalist doctrine has an inherent flaw in
that its power to dispose and to displace eventually becomes
self-destructive.25 This destruction has certainly been the case in
Turkey, and particularly in Istanbul, as a growing body of literature aptly demonstrates.26
Finally, the theoretical framework related to the commodification, branding, and marketing of real estate helps us understand how residential developments have ceased to be only
places of dwelling, but have acquired new layers of meaning,
and derived value. This is explained perhaps most lucidly by
98
2015
FORUM FÓRUM
2016
2017
2018
2019
2020
2020
Construction sector growth, YoY change (right axis)
Baudrillard, who notes that through such strategies, “economic exchange value” is converted into “sign exchange value”.27
Thus, the exchange value of the property in question begins to
exceed its use value, hence making it a vehicle of investment.
This is also captured by Harvey’s discussion of the primary and
secondary circuits of capital, as noted earlier. Applebaum’s work
allows us to look at this phenomenon through a branding/marketing lens, wherein the term “sign value” is used to signify the
“prestige factor” that branded projects are expected to have.28
Bourdieu refers to the same phenomenon when he highlights
the process of maximizing value by a distinctive mark.29 Riesman
et al. takes this one step further, where he views branding as
a “reconstitution of self through the force of signs”.30It is precisely this reconstruction that JDP strives to achieve, to demonstrate
the power of the state in implementing large-scale projects, and
thus, to gain global recognition.
It is at this juncture that the new housing developments
along Istanbul’s ambitious mega-project—Canal Istanbul—
come into the limelight. As a new waterway between the Black
and Marmara seas, Canal Istanbul is a massive project by any
standard, and the housing developments that line its prospective
shores are equally grandiose. It is these distorted reflections of
design culture, public policy, and the housing market that this
research focuses on. By deconstructing pertinent elements of the
New Istanbul discourse through a thematic content analysis of
selected housing development websites, this study aims to uncover the unforeseen socio-spatial texture of a newly constructed urban periphery, shaped through the political discourse, and
exposed via the market.
To that end, we ask the following research questions:
What are the keywords used in the branding of residential
real estate along the prospective shores of Canal Istanbul?
How does the branding of residential real estate along Canal Istanbul fit into the New Istanbul discourse in general, and
the promotion of Istanbul’s mega-projects in particular?
Can an in-depth analysis of the branding strategy for
the residential real estate along the shores of Canal Istanbul
contribute to the over-arching debates on Istanbul’s quest of
becoming a global city, and the neoliberal policies that support
such globalization?
In attempting to answer these questions, we have performed a fine-grained reading of real estate ads for large-scale
housing developments in the environs of Canal Istanbul. Methodologically, this falls under the rubric of ‘empirical discourse
analysis’ (EDA), or alternatively, ‘thematic content analysis’
(TCA), though there is considerable overlap in these methodological approaches, as explained by Mayring31, and Vaismoradi et
al.32 EDA itself constitutes a subset of ‘discourse analysis’, which
focuses on the complex set of interactions between humans and
the variety of symbols (verbal, written, or manual) they use to
convey meaning33. It thus casts a wide net that spans different
disciplines, and, as Johnstone notes, “set[s] out to answer many
kinds of questions about language, about speakers, and about
society and culture”34.
By contrast, EDA and TCA both constitute concrete, procedural methods for analyzing communicative material, with
emphasis on identifying and interpreting patterns or “themes”
within the data under scrutiny. The communicative material is
carefully read by at least two independent “coders” to identify
recurrent themes. After 10 – 50% of the material is processed,
a revision of categories is performed to add new themes, or
to prune redundant ones. The material is thus processed to
completion, after which subsequent passes are made to identify
linkages between themes, and to enumerate the frequency of
occurrence of each theme35.
THE CANAL ISTANBUL MASTER
PLAN
HLAVNÝ PLÁN KANÁLU ISTANBUL
Source Zdroj: İstanbul İli Avrupa
Yakası Rezerv Yapı Alanı 1/100.000
Ölçekli Çevre Düzeni Planı Değişikliği
[online] 2019 [Accessed 7 May 2022].
Available at: https://webdosya.csb.
gov.tr/db/istanbul/duyurular/yen-aski-20191230122327.rar
Contextualizing New Istanbul
To contextualize New Istanbul, one must start by dissecting the
mega-project to which it partly owes its existence. In 2011, the
Canal Istanbul project was announced as a 45-km-long channel
to be built as an alternative passage between the Black Sea and
the Marmara Sea. As promoted by the government, the project
would serve to minimize the risk posed by maritime traffic on
the historic mansions of the Bosphorus; and the channel would
be constructed to withstand the periodic earthquakes that the
city of Istanbul experiences.36 Announced as a ‘special zoning
district’, Canal Istanbul neglected most of the stipulations of the
1:100’000-scaled Master Plan of Istanbul.37 With a total area of
244,750,000 sqm, the plan area affects the districts of Arnavutköy, Başakşehir, Küçükçekmece, Avcılar, Bağcılar, Bakırköy,
Başakşehir, Esenler, Eyüp, Küçükçekmece, and Sultangazi.
The Canal Istanbul Special Zoning Plan was drafted by
the Ministry of Environment and Urban Planning (MEUP) in
2014, and, as the Ministry spokesperson noted, would feature
a design language focused on ‘Anatolian Seljuk patterns’.38 The
project was hailed as the new attraction hub of the city by
numerous political figures, both from the local and the central
governments, and was marketed heavily to foreign investors in
particular.
Although the zoning plan mandated a total population of
roughly 500 thousand people in the area, Emlak Kulisi estimates
A&U 1 – 2 / 2022
that if all the announced 800 thousand housing units are built,
a population of 2.4 million people can be expected in the area.
The housing developments located in and around the planned
zone, concurrent with Turkey’s ‘cultural and aesthetic values’39
are to highlight the promoted New Istanbul city image, ideology,
and culture.
Methodology
We derived the data set for the study through a perusal of the
popular real-estate portal Zingat.com. Zingat allows users to run
searches for real-estate projects using filters for location, project
size, project type, and project price, among others. By cross-referencing the information on Zingat with official documents
such as the Canal Istanbul Special Zoning Plan, and cadaster
records obtained from the General Directorate of Land Registry
and Cadaster (Tapu ve Kadastro Genel Müdürlüğü), were able to
derive a list of housing projects that fit the following criteria: (1)
The project is within the Canal Istanbul Special Zoning Plan, (2)
the project is a gated community or controlled-entry high-rise,
99
NAME OF THE DISTRICT
CASES WITHIN THE PLANNING
ZONE
PRÍKLADY V RÁMCI PLÁNOVACEJ
ZÓNY
Authors Autori: Demet Mutman
Uluengin, Mehmet Bengü Uluengin,
Zeynep Ceylanlı
NAME OF THE RESIDENTIAL SITE
Başakşehir
1
B1
Park Mavera IV Lounge
2
B2
Mavera Residence
3
B3
Kuzey Yakası
4
B4
Park Mavera 3. Etap
5
B5
Adım İstanbul
6
B6
Avrupa Konutları Başakşehir
Avcılar
7
A7
Banuevleri Ispartakule 4
8
A8
Banuevleri Ispartakule 1 – 2.Etap
9
A9
Ebruli Ispartakule
10
A10
Sur Yapı Bahçeyaka
11
A11
Firuze Konakları
12
A12
Banuevleri Ispartakule 2
13
A13
Bizim Evler 7
14
A14
Alya Park Ispartakule
15
A15
Banu Evleri Ispartakule 3
(3) the project has broken ground as of September 1, 2020, and (4)
the project has an official website with promotional media.
Concomitantly, we visited each of the identified project
sites and documented them photographically, as well as engaging in unobtrusive observation. We then scoured the official
websites of these housing projects and turned the verbal content
into raw textual data (we downloaded each text-containing
page of the websites in HTML format, and then converted these
into ASCII code text). Consequently, we analyzed the raw data
as per the principles of thematic content analysis as laid out by
Mayring in “Qualitative Content Analysis”.40 The data was coded
independently by two of the authors. In the initial pass, the
authors performed line-by-line coding, while in the second pass,
axial and selective coding was adopted to identify emergent
themes.
Findings and Outcomes
Through the thematic data analysis outlined above, we were
able to identify a series of pertinent, emergent themes. These
are outlined below, based on frequency of occurrence, beginning
with the most frequent.
The new developments’ investment value is duly emphasized in the respective project websites. The word ‘investment’
appears a total of 156 times, with related words such as ‘opportunity’, ‘earning’, and ‘advantage’ appearing 30, 26, and 24 times.
The phrase ‘investment opportunity’ also appears 16 times, with
special focus on ‘foreign investors’, which appears a total of 12
times. Turkish citizenship through investment is also emphasized, with the phrase being mentioned 10 times in the textual
data under scrutiny.
Not surprisingly, the number of words focusing on the location of the new properties, and the advantages that these locations behold, are also quite high (see figure 9 and 10). The word
‘center’ appears a total of 123 times, while the word ‘location’ is
LOCATION OF EACH CASE WITHIN
THE ZONING PLAN
UMIESTNENIE JEDNOTLIVÝCH
PRÍKLADOV V RÁMCI ÚZEMNÉHO
PLÁNU
Authors Autori: Demet Mutman
Uluengin, Mehmet Bengü Uluengin,
Zeynep Ceylanlı
100
FORUM FÓRUM
used no less than 77 times. Here, the focus is on proximity to
‘transportation networks’ (50), as well as to different locations in
the city, such as the ‘new airport’ (72), and ‘Canal Istanbul’ (47).
Reference to ‘North Marmara’ is also made (40), but interestingly, the phrase ‘New Istanbul’ appears much less frequently
(8). Proximity to shopping malls is also of lesser concern in the
branding of real-estate in New Istanbul, with such references appearing only 13 times. The phrase ‘city square’ however, is rather
prominent, with 41 mentions.
A third cluster of keywords focus on the perks and exclusivity of living in the new residential developments under scrutiny.
Here, the most prominent words are ‘safety’ (119), ‘special’ (105),
‘serene’ (55), and ‘dream-like’ (47). Emphasis on a ‘high-quality
lifestyle’ is also made (19), as well as ‘happiness’ (8).
Also notable are words that focus on family values, as well
as the importance of tradition, and history. The word ‘family’
appears 87 times, while ‘child’ follows close behind with 63
mentions. In fact, if ‘children’ is also added into the count, the
two combined are mentioned slightly more frequently than
‘family’ (93). The word ‘neighbor’ appears 64 times, with terms
such as ‘neighborly relations’ (13), ‘culture of community’ (14),
and ‘tradition of [being in a] neighborhood’ (2) appear relatively
frequently as well. Emphasis is also made on ‘nation’, with the
word appearing 13 times in total. A number of developments
also boast apartments with ‘Turkish baths’ (11), thus emphasizing tradition, and traditional ways of personal hygiene.
EXPOSITION OF THE THEMATIC
CONTENT ANALYSIS FINDINGS
PREZENTÁCIA VÝSLEDKOV
TEMATICKEJ OBSAHOVEJ ANALÝZY
Authors Autori: Demet Mutman
Uluengin, Mehmet Bengü Uluengin,
Zeynep Ceylanlı
A
INVESTMENT VALUE
B
LOCATION
C
EXCLUSIVITY
D
FAMILY VALUES, TRADITIONS
E
TURKEY'S IMAGE
F
BRAND IMAGE
A&U 1 – 2 / 2022
A fifth cluster of words focus on Turkey’s image as a new
economic powerhouse, and the country’s ability to finance and
realize so-called ‘mega-projects’. The word ‘Turkey’ appears a total of 64 times in the texts under scrutiny, while ‘largest’ is mentioned 39 times. Reference is also made to ‘mega-project’, ‘huge
project’, and ‘huge investment’ 12, 6, and 3 times respectively.
Finally, the sixth cluster of words focus on the brand image
and architectural style of the new residential developments. The
word ‘brand’ appears 59 times in the textual data under scrutiny,
while related phrases such as ‘branded development’, or ‘branded
housing project’ are used a total of 10 times. The word ‘design’
appears 16 times, with references to ‘architecture’, ‘modern architecture’, ‘special architectural style’, and ‘stylish architecture’
appearing 24, 12, four, and three times respectively.
Also of interest are words that might be expected to appear
in the data set, but which appear very infrequently. Among these
are words such as ‘earthquake’, which appears only three times
in the data set. Following the devastating Marmara earthquake
of 1999, earthquake safety was a very important selling point for
new residential developments. Likewise, being in a natural setting, away from the hustle and bustle of city life was an important requirement for would-be buyers of residential real-estate.
However, the words ‘nature’ or ‘natural’ appear very infrequently
(a total of 15 times) in the data set at hand.
Conclusion
The residential real-estate projects of ‘New Istanbul’ employ
a number of branding strategies to differentiate themselves in
the market, and, to use Baudrillard’s terms, to gain semiotic exchange value. As noted in the “Findings and Outcomes” section,
these range from an emphasis on location, and proximity to mega-projects such as the New Istanbul Airport and Canal Istanbul
itself, to an emphasis on family values and tradition, or to the
grandeur of the projects. Yet it is not the sign exchange value,
but economic exchange value of these properties that the official
promotional materials point most markedly towards.
As per the findings of this study, in addition to emphasizing Turkey’s position as an economic powerhouse, the selected
projects also point to their potential as ‘Turkey’s (64) largest (39)
investment (156) opportunity (30)’. Rather than promoting their
spatial, physical, and architectural characteristics, they prefer to
circumscribe their raison d’être through an economic-political
discourse based on New Istanbul, investment opportunity, and
economic power. The projects clearly display preference for
a new environment that is ‘safe’ (119), ‘special’ (105), ‘serene’ (55),
and ‘dream-like’ (47), rather than being in the hustle and bustle
of the city’s historic neighborhoods. The promotional materials
also emphasize the practicality of being near the center of New
Istanbul, as well as proximity to main transportation axes, and
shopping malls. ‘Turkey’s largest investment opportunities
invite their investors to projects that are centrally (123) located
(77) and in close (proximity with 50) to the city’s main transportation network (airport 72, Canal Istanbul 47, shopping malls 13,
New Istanbul 8, city square 41 and North Marmara 40), which is
a special (105), serene (55) and a safe (119) neighborhood (64) for
families (87).
101
PROMOTION OF PROFITABLE
INVESTMENT THROUGH THE
WEBSITE CONTENTS OF THE ADIM
İSTANBUL PROJECT
PROPAGÁCIA ZISKOVÝCH
INVESTÍCIÍ NA WEBOVEJ STRÁNKE
PROJEKTU ADIM İSTANBUL
Source Zdroj: Adım Istanbul [online]
n.d. [Accessed 8 May 2018]. Available
at: http://www.adimistanbul.com.tr/
dukkan
PROMOTION OF THE PROJECT
THROUGH CITIZENSHIP OFFERS ON
THE WEBSITE CONTENTS OF THE
BANUEVLER PROJECT
PROPAGÁCIA PROJEKTU
PROSTREDNÍCTVOM OBČIANSTVA
NA WEBOVEJ STRÁNKE PROJEKTU
BANUEVLER
Source Zdroj: Banu Evleri [online] n.d.
[Accessed 5 Nov. 2020]. Available at:
https://banuevleri.com.tr/en/
PHOTOGRAPH TAKEN FROM
BAŞAKŞEHIR NEIGHBORHOOD
OF CANAL ISTANBUL, SHOWING
A REAL ESTATE AGENCY TERMING
ITSELF AN ‘ISTANBUL GATE’
FOTOGRAFIA ZO ŠTVRTI
BAŞAKŞEHIR KANÁLU ISTANBUL, NA
KTOREJ JE REALITNÁ AGENTÚRA
NAZÝVANÁ „ISTANBULSKÁ BRÁNA“
Photo Foto: Demet Mutman Uluengin,
2022
102
FORUM FÓRUM
OVERVIEW FROM BAŞAKŞEHIR
NEIGHBORHOOD OF CANAL
ISTANBUL, WITH A CITY SQUARE
IS SURROUNDED BY NEW
INVESTMENT OPPORTUNITIES,
SHOPPING MALL CONSTRUCTIONS
AND A CITY PARK
POHĽAD ZO ŠTVRTE BAŞAKŞEHIR
KANÁLU ISTANBUL, KDE NÁMESTIE
OBKLOPUJÚ NOVÉ INVESTIČNÉ
MOŽNOSTI, STAVBY OBCHODNÝCH
CENTIER A MESTSKÝ PARK
Photo Foto: Mehmet Bengü Uluengin,
2022.
ACCESSIBILITY TO OTHER
‘MEGA’ PROJECTS AROUND THE
MASTER PLAN AREA IS PROMOTED
THROUGH THE WEBSITE CONTENT
OF THE BANUEVLER PROJECT IN
THE AVCILAR NEIGHBORHOOD
BLÍZKOSŤ K ĎALŠÍM „MEGA“
PROJEKTOM V OKOLÍ HLAVNÉHO
PLÁNU JE PROPAGOVANÁ NA
WEBOVEJ STRÁNKE PROJEKTU
BANUEVLER ŠTVRTE AVCILAR
Source Zdroj: Banu Evleri [online] n.d.
[Accessed 5 Nov. 2020]. Available at:
https://banuevleri.com.tr/en/
This finding is of particular interest, because the official
rhetoric of the country’s governance is focused almost entirely
on the grandeur of the mega-projects that New Istanbul is to be
constructed around, as well as ties to an imagined or reconstructed history, tradition, and family values that the residential developments in New Istanbul are expected to have. Yet
collectively, in the promotional materials of these developments
themselves, the words ‘investment’ ‘opportunity’, ‘earnings’, and
‘advantage’ scream most loudly at potential buyers. Furthermore, the fact that these are, at least in part, aimed towards attracting foreign investors (and hence, foreign funds) is evidenced
by the emphasis on acquiring Turkish citizenship that these
properties can afford their new owners. Hence it seems that Turkey’s financial stability is indeed at center stage when it comes
to the country’s housing sector in general, and the residential
developments around Canal Istanbul in particular.
This is not to negate the importance of other strategies
of branding employed by the residential developments of New
Istanbul. Indeed, these have come to differ significantly from
branding strategies employed by other housing developments
of recent years. For example, nature and natural environments
A&U 1 – 2 / 2022
were (and often still are) important for other peripheral gated
communities in Istanbul. Yet, as noted above, the words ‘nature’
or ‘natural’ appear very infrequently in the data set. The same is
true for earthquake safety.
Thus it seems that a complex, and multi-layered branding
strategy is employed for the residential developments that are
expected to comprise New Istanbul. Looking at the data itself,
investment value and earnings potential seem to be the most
prominent selling points for these properties. Yet these are
cloaked in a new and emerging set of keywords that are quite
different than what the housing sector in Istanbul has hitherto
seen. While it is not the aim of this article to gauge the success
of such branding strategies, nor to document them, it would,
nevertheless, be interesting to see if they are game changers for
a market that seems to be almost fully saturated. Another trend
that would be interesting to follow is whether these projects will
act as triggers for a new set of ambitious, and equally grandiose
projects. One such project is planned for the holiday village of
Çeşme, near the city of Izmir.41
103
PROMOTION OF FAMILY VALUES
AND LIFESTYLE THROUGH THE
WEBSITE CONTENT OF THE
BAHCEYAKA RESIDENTIAL
PROJECT IN THE AVCILAR
NEIGHBORHOOD
PROPAGÁCIA RODINNÝCH HODNÔT
A ŽIVOTNÉHO ŠTÝLU NA WEBOVEJ
STRÁNKE REZIDENČNÉHO
PROJEKTU VO ŠTVRTI AVCILAR
Source Zdroj: Suryapı Bahçeyaka [online]
n.d. [Accessed 5 Nov. 2020]. Available
at: https://suryapibahceyaka.com.tr/en
AN OVERVIEW FROM THE AVCILAR
NEIGHBORHOOD OF CANAL
ISTANBUL’S EBRULI HOUSING
BLOCKS WELCOMING THE
VISITORS OF THE COMPLEX TO
THEIR ‘NEW HOME’
POHĽAD NA ŠTVRŤ AVCILAR
KANÁLU ISTANBUL, BYTOVKY
EBRULI, KTORÉ VÍTAJÚ
NÁVŠTEVNÍKOV KOMPLEXU V ICH
„NOVOM DOMOVE“
Photo Foto: Demet Mutman Uluengin,
2022.
ASST. PROF. DR. DEMET MUTMAN
ULUENGIN
ÖZYEĞIN UNIVERSITY, FACULTY OF
ARCHITECTURE AND DESIGN
34794 Nişantepe-Çekmeköy
Istanbul-Turkey.
demet.mutman@ozyegin.edu.tr
PROF. DR. MEHMET BENGÜ
ULUENGIN
BAHCESEHIR UNIVERSITY, FACULTY
OF ARCHITECTURE AND DESIGN
34353 Gayrettepe-Beşiktaş
Istanbul-Turkey
bengu.uluengin@arc.bau.edu.tr
ASST. PROF. DR. ZEYNEP CEYLANLI
ÖZYEĞIN UNIVERSITY, FACULTY OF
ARCHITECTURE AND DESIGN
34794 Nişantepe-Çekmeköy,
Istanbul-Turkey.
zeynep.ceylanli@ozyegin.edu.tr
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