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Bodhgaya is the most holy place for the followers of the Buddhist faith all over the world, the other three being kushinagar, Lumbini and Sarnath. Situated on the bank of river Neranjana the place was then known as Uruvela. There are four famous pilgrimage sites for Buddhists namely: Lumbini, where he was born; Bodhgaya, where he attained Supreme Enlightenment; Deer Park in Sarnath, where he preached the First Sermon; and Kusinara, where he passed into Mahaparinibbana. The pious disciple should visit these places reflecting on the particular event of the Buddha's life connected with each place. By the time of King Asoka, four more places, namely: Savatthi, Sankasia, Rajagraha and Vaishali, that were closely associated with the Buddha and scenes of his principal miracles, were added to the pilgrimage itinerary. Together they make the Eight Great Places of pilgrimage. The aim of this research paper is to discuss about the historical perspective of ancient pilgrimage, It also throw...
Bodh Gaya, the sacred town and pilgrimage centre for Buddhist, is well-known for its Mahabodhi temple (a World Heritage Site, enlisted in 2002) that serves as nucleus for all events in the town. There are many temples and monasteries built by Buddhist Sanghas of different countries that attract a large number of tourists and pilgrims come here for worshipping, meditation and to attain peace of mind. This led to develop infrastructure to support the visitors, which further led to socio-economic changes. Of course, the inhabitants are mostly Hindus, but pilgrims are predominantly Buddhists. Based on field survey and participatory observations the perception of people (both native and visitors) concerning heritages and their preservation are documented and analyzed; this clearly indicates negligence of local stakeholders, and complicated politics of management. If these issues solved, there will be a bright future. Key words: historical perspective, heritage valuation, perception, Buddhist tradition, development, renovation, future plan.
Religion had played a role for controlling power in Indian monarchy in the ancient past, and in contemporary India too it played a role in the formation of religious landscape and corporate identity of religious heritage, through commonly using processions, pilgrimage, religious assemblies, religious fairs (melā), and sacred places. Ayodhya-Faizabad represents an aesthetic and unique type of cultural landscape and heritagescape that include natural, cultural, tangible and intangibles heritages, and variety of cultural landscapes. The city’s cultural landscapes, are illustrated with riverfront sacredscapes and faithscapes, sacred sites associated with Hindus, Jains, Sikhs, Buddhist and ever Sufis (and other Muslims), and several other small congregations. The existence, maintenance and functioning of intangible heritages and sacredscapes make this city a role model for understanding spirit of place, ritualscapes, and finally a model for inclusive heritage development.
Ayodhya for a period of over two thousand years has borne witnessed to the presence of Jainism, Buddhism, Shaivism, Vaishnavism, and Islam (Sufism) too projected city as place of religious solidarity. According to the ancient history, Ayodhya was one of the holiest cities where the religious faiths of Hinduism, Buddhism, Jainism and Islam flourished together to build a place of enormous sacred importance. Ayodhya records ca 186 Muslim sacred properties, consisting of mosques, mazars (tombs), idgahs (prayer ground), Karbala (burial place), etc. that together makes distinct sacred/ritual landscapes. Ayodhya-Faizabad represents an aesthetic and unique type of religio-cultural landscape and heritagescape that include natural, cultural, and tangible and intangibles heritages, and variety of cultural landscapes. The existence, maintenance and functioning of intangible heritages and Muslim sacredscapes together with other religious group make this city a role model for understanding spirit of place, ritualscapes, and finally a model for inclusive heritage development based on mosaicness of religio-cultural landscape. Keywords: Cultural landscapes, intangible heritage, dargahs, mazars, faithscape, heritagescapes, sacredscapes, UNESCO.
This paper examines the practices of pilgrimage and ritual at the Bodhgaya, a site of paradigmatic importance within the Buddhist world. This paradigmatic importance of Bodhgaya emerged after the nirv¢´a (death) of the Buddha and was subsequently recorded in the Buddhist Pali and Sanskrit literature and archaeological and other remains at the site. With the subsequent growth of different Buddhist schools, tenets, philosophy and literature, the simplistic conception of the Buddha [his body], his life events and important sites, as reflected in the early Nikaya literature were also transformed in to a much more complex biography. Based on this change in the conception of the representations of the Buddha in the Buddhist literature, this paper will analyse the emergence of the multi-layered sacred landscape of the Bodhgaya and the religious practices involved there. Therefore this paper, while taking into account the textual, archaeological and inscriptional sources, will explore the linkages between the contemporary perceptions of Buddha [and Bodhgaya] and the practices of pilgrimage and rituals.
Practising Cultural Geographies: Essays in Honour of Rana P.B. Singh. Advances in 21st Century Human Settlements Series (ISSN: 2198-2546), 2022
The city of Ayodhya represents is an example of holy-heritage city of India, recording variety of cultural landscapes and multi-cultural religious sites in the form of sacred landscapes. The sacredscapes are known as tirtha in classical Hindu literature, and in general is translated as a sacred or a holy place. For the sacredscape history matters, it concerned for the sacred (spiritual) ecology; thus, the messages conveyed by sacredscapes are obscure and functions in a variety of festive and religious functions. Ayodhya possesses a good mass of multi-cultural sacredscapes associated with the devotees consisting of Hindus, Jains, Sikhs, Buddhists, and even Muslims, and Christians, including even recent addition of Korean culture. These are recorded and described in ethnological context, while taking various niches and frames developed and attested by Professor Rana P.B. Singh in his studies of holy-heritage cities of north India. Keywords: Sacredscapes, faithscape, multi-cultural religious sites, sacred space, manifested space.
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Antiquity, 2000
Shaw, J. (2000). Ayodhya's sacred landscape: Ritual memory, politics and archaeological ‘fact’. Antiquity, 74(285), 693-700. doi:10.1017/S0003598X00060087 **More recent discussion, and OPEN ACCESS excerpts from original paper in UCL Material Religions (Exploring the Basis of Religious Traditions) Blog (2014) http://materialreligions.blogspot.co.uk/2014/10/ayodhyas-sacred-landscape-ritual-memory.html ABSTRACT Great astonishment has been expressed at the recent vitality of the Hindu religion at Ajudhia [sic], and it was to test the extent of this chiefly that … this statement has been prepared. As the information it contains may be permanently useful, I have considered it well to give it a place here. This information is as correct as it can now be made and that is all that I can say CARNEGY(1870: appendix A) After the destruction of Ayodhya's Babri mosque in 1992 by supporters of the Vishva Hindu Parishad (VHP), the statement above seems laden with premonition of the events to come (Rao 1994). More importantly, Carnegy’s comments highlight that the mosque’s destruction was not simply the result of 20th-century politics. The events surrounding and following the outbreak of violence in 1992 have resulted in more ‘spilt ink’ than Carnegy could ever have imagined. This literature can be divided into two main categories; firstly, the initial documentation submitted to the government by a group of VHP aligned historians, which presented the ‘archaeological proof’ that the Babri mosque had occupied the site of a Hindu temple dating to the 10th and 11th century AD (VHP1990; New Delhi Historical Forum 1992). This was believed to have marked the birthplace of the Hindu god Rama (hence the name Rama Janmabhumi — literally ‘birthplace of Rama’), and been demolished at the orders of the Mughal emperor Babur during the 16th century. As a response, a second group of ‘progressive’ Indian historians began a counter-argument, based on the same ‘archaeological proof’ that no such temple had ever existed (Gopal et al. 1992; Mandal 1993). The second category is a growing body of literature which has filled many pages of international publications (Rao 1994; Navlakha 1994). Especially following the World Archaeology Congress (WAC) in Delhi (1994), and subsequently in Brač, Croatia (1998), this has been preoccupied with finding an acceptable route through the battlefield which arises as a result of the problematic, but recurrent, marriage between archaeology, folklore and politics (Kitchen 1998; Hassan 1995).
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