Weapons, Armament and Society. The Pre-Roman Iron Age on Zealand and in Scania

Weapons, armaments and society The Pre-Roman Iron Age on Zealand and in Scania Jes Martens Until a few years ago, the Pre-Roman Iron Age was virtually unknown and unrepresented in the archaeological records of Zealand and Scania.1 This situation has been remedied by the most recent two to three decades of systematic trial excavations in connection with development works and subsequent area excavations. These new investigations do, however, shed new light primarily on a single aspect of the period, namely settlement (Artursson 2006; 2008; Boye 1999; 2008; Jacobsson 2000; Martens 2006a). To this can be added Viggo Nielsen’s recording of an- cient field systems preserved in the forests of Zealand, as well as an attempt to locate corresponding field systems with the aid of aerial photos in Scania (Nielsen 1984; 2010; Martens 2006b, 2008a). Apart from these in themselves important and fundamental advances, no great changes have taken place within the picture of the Pre-Roman Iron Age in Eastern Denmark. Relative to the surrounding regions, still exceptionally few graves are known (Hedeager 1992, fig. 64; Arbman 1934; Stjernquist 1947; Björk 2005) and the bog offerings are, as a rule, single deposits Fig. 1. Distribution map for finds from Zealand and Scania mentioned in the text. J. Martens. 147 albeit often of very high quality (Hedeager 1992, figs. 12, 13, 20, 22; Jensen 1997, 298-302; Kaul 2007). As a consequence of all this, the tool inventory of the period is not particularly well-known. This applies especially to weapons. Accordingly, every new find can change the picture radically. An example of this was seen in 1998 with the discovery of a shield boss of Hjortspring type on a Scanian settlement (Martens 2001; 2006c). This underlined how little we know of the armaments of the area and, thereby, how little we can actually conclude concerning the provenance of one of the period’s absolutely most magnificent find – the war booty site in Hjortspring Bog (Rosenberg 1937). The aim of this contribution is to review and analyse the finds available for the study of armaments and fortification in the region (fig. 1) with the aim of evaluating the military and social organisation, as well as cultural links. Finds of weapons Grave finds (see appendix 6) The archaeological record relating graves on Zealand is very limited. Only on Lolland has a large cemetery been investigated: Lundegårdsmarken, from the end of the period. Furthermore, most of the evidence is unpublished. It is therefore not surprising that weapon graves are virtually unknown from this group of islands. The fact that this is not entirely the case is demonstrated by a review undertaken by Lotte Hedeager in her doctoral thesis (Hedeager 1992, fig. 98, list of finds p. 408, reproduced by Jensen 2003, 175). According to Hedeager, there are three weapon graves which can be dated to the end of the Pre-Roman Iron Age.2 However, it is only possible to verify one of these: a grave at Hoby on Lolland containing a La Tène sword and an imported bronze bucket (see Klingenberg, this vol.). The two other graves are said to have been found, respectively, on Falster and at Næstved, and suggest thereby that this tradition has a southerly distribution in the archipelago (fig. 1). A further find often seen assigned to the Early Pre-Roman Iron Age is a sword found in a cremation grave at Gladsaxe (illustrated in Becker 1948a, fig. 20, right, and in Kaul 2003, fig. 4.30). According to the excavation report, produced by H.C. Broholm, in addition to the sword the grave contained only a little highly degraded burnt bone and can therefore not be dated on the basis of its context (its dating is dealt with under the section ‘Weapon types’). Neither can Scania display a large quantity of 148 grave material from the period. Consequently, weapon graves are similarly not numerous. Within the last decade a couple of reviews of the evidence have appeared (Nicklasson 1997; Björk 2005). From these it can be concluded that one to three graves with weapons can be dated to the Pre-Roman Iron Age. The secure example originates from the first part of the period. This is a grave found at Vedhygge, Ignaberga parish, in NE Scania. The equipment comprised a few potsherds, three flint flakes and a lance point of Early Pre-Roman Iron Age form (Björk 2005, 242, fig. 22). There is greater uncertainty with regard to the other finds. These were early investigations, carried out by non-professionals, and the artefacts arising from them have today been lost (Montelius 1887, 76-77, figs. 6-7; Nicklasson 1997, 93; Björk 2005, 240). The best known example was discovered in 1883 during gravel quarrying, and according to Montelius the description suggests that this could have been an inhumation grave. The equipment which was recovered comprised a La Tène sword and two spear heads. There is even less information about the second find. Montelius does not mention anything concerning the find circumstances, while Björk in reference to the find uses the term ‘grave?’ although without giving any background for this presumption (Björk 2005, 241). All that is known about the find is that it comprised a La Tène sword. The exceptionally few finds, and the sparse information concerning their context, make it difficult to use the record for anything other than establishing that the weapon-grave practice was known in the area but not commonly widespread and probably introduced at a very late stage of the period (i.e. phase IIB2, Martens 2002). The Early Pre-Roman Iron Age grave from Scania is interesting in itself as it belongs to a very small group of weapon-furnished graves which precedes the actual weapon-grave horizon (Martens 2001). Wetland finds (see appendix 5) Another category of finds that is abundant elsewhere in Northwestern Europe comprises weapons found in bogs, lakes, watercourses and springs. It can be difficult to distinguish between the sub-groups ‘lake’ and ‘bog deposits’ and also ‘watercourse deposits’ in the absence of specialist investigations, since most finds in this group have been discovered by chance during various forms of work: peat cutting, ditch digging, ditch cleaning and so on. There are several fine finds from this category from the Zealand archipelago. The typologically richest ‘locality’ is the watercourse Værebro Å in NE Zealand. This has produced a double-edged and a single-edged sword, an iron lance head as well as several bone points. These do not, however, represent a single deposit as the artefacts were found over a longer period of time and along an extended stretch during repeated cleaning out of the watercourse. The same stretch has also yielded finds from other periods, and these include weapons, showing that this part of the river was the centre of a watercourse cult with a long tradition stretching both backwards and forwards in time (the finds from the Viking Age and the Medieval period have been discussed by Lund (2004, 199-202)). Most of the other seven finds must be considered to be bog or lake deposits. Four can be seen as single deposits, including two La Tène swords (Tissø: Liversage 1980, fig. 34, E7; Lindholmgård: Klindt-Jensen 1949, 43-45, fig. 15) and two bone points (Høng and Præstemosen). Further to these are a deposit of a couple of single-edged swords in the bog Præstemosen in Holstrup, NW Zealand (Liversage 1980, 78, pl. 53, E3), three to four wooden helmets in the bog Uglemosen on Lolland (Kaul 1996, 29ff) and, finally, 13 bone points in the bog Kildebæk Mose at Stenløse in NE Zealand (Kaul 2003, 168, fig. 4.31). In Scania, it is in particular a river, Sege Å, which has yielded finds. Exactly as was the case for the Værebro Å finds, these have appeared over the course of a number of years and along an extended stretch in connection with cleaning out and straightening of the watercourse. And, as with Værebro Å, the finds here also display a broad chronological range (Salomonsson 1971, 140, 156; Lund 2004, 198). The artefacts which are interesting in the present context comprise 10 bone points found on nine separate occasions (Martens 2001, figs. 11-12). Further to these are three bone points found in a spring, Röekällorna, which also represents an accumulated assemblage with deposits from several periods (Stjernquist 1997) and, finally, two bone points found in a lake, Näsbyholmsjön, and one from a bog, Tormetorps Mosse (Martens 2001). The deposits in the two rivers and the spring must be perceived as being cumulative, allowing the conclusion that multi-type deposits of weapons (i.e. deposits of an army’s equipment) are not known from the Pre-Roman Iron Age within the study area. This is not a surprising observation as finds of this type are rare in Northern Europe during this period. It is actually only possible to name two such finds for Scandinavia as a whole: Hjortspring (Rosenberg 1937) and Krogsbølle (Kjær 2901; Becker 1948a). On the basis of the find circumstances and available records it is, in general, difficult to prove that large depositions, even of single types, took place on Zealand or in Scania. Flemming Kaul highlights the find of 13 bone points from the bog Kildebæk Mose as a possible example of a single deposit (Kaul 2003, 168). However, according to the finds report, the artefacts were submitted to the National museum on two separate occasions. In 1901, nine bone points were submitted but, according to the report, they had been found during peat cutting over the course of a decade. The question then is how much weight should be given to the information that they are said to have been found »in roughly the same place.« In 1906, a further four bone points were submitted, about which is stated that they were found »not close together.« The relationship between the two finds is unclear in the very brief finds record, but both are said to originate from the »SW corner« of Kildebæk Mose. It is therefore difficult to decide whether they represent a single deposit or a cumulative find. This is important when considering whether the find should be interpreted as a minor war booty deposit (Kaul 2003) or lost hunting equipment (Henriksen 1997). A more probable example of a single deposit is seen in the wooden helmets from the bog Uglemose on Lolland (Mathiassen 1952). It is true they were found in a bog displaying evidence of repeated depositions during several periods, but the helmets in themselves are so special that it must be presumed that they represent a single deposit. The same applies to the two double-edged swords from the bog Præstegårdsmosen at Holmstrup in West Zealand. Apart from these two finds, all the finds from Zealand and Scania could represent single depositions. It is clear that the depositions of single artefacts could, theoretically, have had the same meaning as large multi-type depositions, for example in the form of pars pro toto deposits. It is, however, very difficult to prove, just as it is difficult to find out what, in this case, the deposits are intended to symbolise: victory in battle, a peace agreement, the forging of an alliance, a successful plundering trip, a boundary marker, a propitiatory sacrifice? The possibilities are legion. The weapons at the Hjortspring and Krogsbølle sites were partially destroyed. The swords were bent double or broken. Some of the lance heads were also bent. This form of destruction, also seen inflicted on weapons in graves from the Late Pre-Roman Iron Age, is interpreted as being ritual in nature. And when considering wetland depositions, reference is often made to descriptions in Classical sources of how the Barbarians destroyed the enemy’s weapons and offered them to their gods of war (see discussion and literature in Pauli Jensen 2008, 318-330; Jørgensen 2008, 117-120). It is therefore important to note that the wetland finds of weapons from Eastern Denmark do not show signs of such violent treatment. This treatment is often included in the defini149 tion of ‘war booty offerings,’ and therefore the finds discussed here fall outside this find group. It is an interesting feature that two watercourses, Sege Å and Værebro Å, are so conspicuous in the finds record presented here. To these can be added a third, Vædebro Å (FHM 691) near Skanderborg in Eastern Jutland. This well-known site (Andersen 1957; 1959) has achieved renewed relevance through new investigations by the Institute of Anthropology, Archaeology and Linguistics at the University of Aarhus. A characteristic of all three finds is their chronological range, the relatively limited extent of each individual deposition and the fact that they represent depositions in watercourses. Additionally, they belong to an unfortunately poorly studied but widespread find group (Pearson 2003). The reason for the relatively poor state of research is the nature of this source material. Firstly, most of the finds are chance discoveries arising from dredging operations. And should an excavation subsequently be carried out, the observations are rendered difficult by the nature of the deposits in the river bed; these are very complex due to repeated re-deposition caused by the flowing water (Martens 2006d). Even so, it is a find group which deserves greater attention. Single deposits of weapons in watercourses and lakes represent a find group with traditions extending far back into prehistory (Karsten 1994; Pearson 2003; Lund 2004; Frost 2010). Solely for this reason, there are grounds to seek other possible frames of understanding than war booty offerings. In her study of single depositions of weapons in wetlands on Zealand and in Scania during Viking times and the medieval period, Julie Lund has suggested other contexts such as initiation rites and travellers’ offerings, the latter with reference to the fact that the finds are often found at fords, bridges and river mouths (Lund 2004). In the same way, it is conceivable that agreements of various kinds which were entered into could be consolidated by the deposition of weapons in the boundary-marking wetland areas. Settlement finds (appendix 7) A final, not very numerous but very interesting find group comprises weapons found on settlements. This group would not have been so extensive were it not for the bone points. On Zealand, it comprises five localities; four of them with only bone points. The fifth, Borrebjerg on Sejerø, also has lance heads of iron (Kjær 1901; Müller 1906). Admittedly, Borrebjerg is not a ‘settlement’ in the classical sense but more a kind of ‘fortified structure’ (Liversage 1973; 1982) and thereby related to the English hill forts, although perhaps remotely. In Scania, bone points 150 have been found at five localities, whereas a shield boss of Hjortspring type was found preserved in a well at a settlement at Kvärlöv (Martens 2001). This sensational find provides food for thought as it gives a striking illustration of the random way in which the archaeological record is formed. Prior to investigation, the site seemed to be a completely ordinary average settlement and was on the point of being discounted in order to limit the level of costs for the developer. The discovery was made on the very margins of the settlement, in a depression; this was only investigated to obtain samples of organic material in order to study activities at the site. And the shield boss was preserved here solely due to it being deposited in a well. If it had been placed in a pit a little higher up at the site there would have been no trace of it. And if it had formed part of grave furnishings it would have been burnt on the cremation pyre or would have rotted and decayed away. It was preserved and found due to the wet conditions and could thereby enter the exclusive group of weapons found on settlements. Whereas weapons deposited in graves and wetland areas can be assumed to have been ascribed symbolic significance, there is a considerably greater chance that weapons found on settlements could have been associated with ‘real life,’ even though it must be recognised that votive contexts can also occur here (Carlie 2004; Hansen 2006). The shield boss from Kvärlöv was damaged at the time of its deposition and could, as such, simply have been discarded. Another interesting settlement find that sheds some light on the use of weapons during the period, is the fortunate discovery made at the settlement of Overbygård in Northern Jutland (Lund 1979). Here, a cellar was destroyed by fire towards the end of the Pre-Roman Iron Age with the result that everything stored in it became charred or heated to a high temperature. As a consequence, two singleedged iron swords were recovered, still within in their wooden sheaths. Apparently the cellar’s owner, a wealthy person judging from the other equipment in the cellar, had the two swords hanging on a peg inside the door. This find sheds light on other finds of weapons from settlements. Weapons were not uncommon at these sites and must, of course, have been kept somewhere before they were used in war, deposited as grave goods or as offerings. Furthermore, the owner of this cellar had not only one but two swords hung up. It is exceptionally rare to find more than one sword in the graves of the period. This can be interpreted as an indication that the family who owned the cellar either included more than one weapon-bearing individual or that they were responsible for equipping more than one weapon- bearing individual. In the latter case, it is difficult not to contemplate Tacitus’ account of how, in the Suiones tribe, the ‘king’ kept the tribe’s weapons locked away in peace time (Tacitus, Germania 44,1). Whether the many bone points should also be assigned to the category of weapons found on settlements is an open question. However, this is suggested not only by the two war booty depositions at Hjortspring and Krogsbølle, but also the occurrence of bone points in combination with iron lances at Borrebjerg can be interpreted in this direction. Fig. 2. The sword found in a grave at Gladsaxe. J. Martens, drawn from original. Weapon types Swords (appendix 3) Despite the very few records of grave sites, a total of nine swords have been found within the area. Most of these are from wetland contexts. Before looking at these in more detail, it should be mentioned that, in several contexts, a tenth sword has been stated as being from the Pre-Roman Iron Age (Becker 1948a, fig. 20 right, and Kaul 2003, fig. 4.30). This sword (fig. 2) was found in a cremation grave in Gladsaxe. According to the excavation report, produced by H.C. Broholm, in addition to the sword the grave only contained a little highly degraded burnt bone, and the sword cannot therefore be dated on the basis of its context. Becker justifies his dating of the piece to the Early Pre-Roman Iron Age by the position of the hilt in continuation of the blade’s longitudinal axis and not in continuation of the back, which is the norm for swords from the Late Pre-Roman Iron Age and Roman Iron Age (Becker 1948a, 172). However, single-edged swords with an approximately central hilt are also characteristic of the Germanic Iron Age (Gudesen 1980; Jørgensen 1999). The sword from Gladsaxe has several typological features which fit better into the latter group, for example the edge and the back curve along the direction of the edge. In addition, its dimensions fit: total length 36 cm, blade length 28 cm, blade width 3.2 cm. Good morphological parallels for this sword are found, for example, in the Norwegian graves from Hermindstad, Nedre Røirvik and Sandvik (Jørgensen 1999, cat. nos. 22, 57, 114) or in a grave from Nørre Sandegård Vest on Bornholm (Jørgensen 1999, cat. no. 212). These swords belong to Jørgensen’s types Sax 2, 3 and 4. On the other hand, with respect to its dimensions, the sword falls within the range of the definition of Sax 1, the short single-edged sword with a narrow blade (Jørgensen 1999, 50). Regardless of its precise identification, there can, however, be no doubt that the sword from Gladsaxe originates from the Merovingian period and not from the Early Pre-Roman Iron Age. Among the other swords, double-edged La Tène swords are the most numerous with a total of six examples (fig. 3): Værebro Å, Lindholmgård, Tissø, Hoby, Nosaby (two finds). Of these, half were found in wetlands, the other with greater or less probability in graves. As La Tène swords can occur in contexts dated to the beginning of the Early Roman Iron Age (Becker 1961, 263, fig. 78; Nielsen 1975, 95) it can be difficult to date more precisely finds lacking a context. The non-professionally recovered find from Nosaby contained, in addition to the sword, two lance heads of at least 15 cm in length. This type of spearhead cannot be dated more closely than to the time around the birth of Christ. The most secure chronological fix point for this grave is Oscar Montelius’ assumption that this was an inhumation burial (Montelius 1887, 76-78, figs. 6-7). In so far as this is the case, then this probably represents a grave from the Early Roman Iron Age. With respect to the Hoby grave, reference is made to Klingenberg’s contribution to this volume. With regard to the magnificent sword from Lindholmgård, David Liversage points out that the ornamental silver ball, which presumably had been mounted on the end of the hilt, is a late feature (Liversage 1980, 78). Silver appears first to any great extent in the Roman Iron Age. In addition, he finds a parallel to the sword in grave 26 of the Harsefeld cemetery at Hamburg (Wegewitz 1937, 151 Fig. 3. Double-edged La Tène swords from Zealand and Scania. a. Værebro Å, J. Martens, drawn from original; b. Tissø, after Liversage 1980, pl. 53; c. Lindholmgård, after Klindt-Jensen 1949, fig. 15; d. Nosaby, after Montelius 1887, fig. 6. 26, pl. 5). This grave is dated to the Early Roman Iron Age on the basis of, among other things, a fibula of unambiguous Early Roman Iron Age form. The remaining three swords are single-edged. Of these, two (fig. 4, b-c), were found together in the bog Præstemosen in Holmstrup parish in NW Zealand (Liversage 1980, 55, 78, pl. 53, E3). These are long swords (more than 70 cm) with a relatively broad, slightly longitudinally curved hilt. There are rivets at the base of the blade and in the handle. Accordingly, the swords fall within the definition of Wolagiewic152 zowie’s type II (Wolagiewiczowie 1964, 41), which is typical of the Pre-Roman Iron Age weapon grave horizon’s second phase or phase IIB-1 (Martens 2002, 257). Accordingly, these swords document the fact that deposition of weapons in wetlands took place in the area during the Late Pre-Roman Iron Age. The final, and perhaps most interesting, sword comes from Værebro Å (fig. 4a). In contrast to the above-mentioned examples, which belong to inter-regional types from the Late Pre-Roman Iron Age and the transition to the Roman Iron Age, this sword is Værebro sword occupies a typological, and thereby a chronological, middle position between the two finds. Lances (appendix 2) Fig. 4. Single-edged swords from the Pre-Roman Iron Age on Zealand. a. Værebro å, J. Martens, drawn from original; b-c: Præstemosen, after Liversage 1980, pl. 53. of a more locally distributed type and from the early part of the period. Flemming Kaul has the honour of having brought this find out into the spotlight (Kaul 2003, 166, fig. 4.28). He compares the sword with those from Hjortspring and, in particular, with the short slashing sword (fig. 13d), but he also highlights the decorative band between the blade and the hilt, seen on several swords from Hjortspring, as a common feature. The broad triangular hilt is a feature in common with certain swords from Krogsbølle (fig. 15a), and this prompts Kaul to assume that the A total of ten lance heads that can be dated to the Pre-Roman Iron Age have been found within the study area. This small number possibly reflects the great typological variation in lance heads from the period and that only a few have been found in datable contexts. The great variation in form is not just a Nordic problem but is also recognised on the Continent (Bochniak 2002; 2005; Luckiewicz 2006). This variation could reflect several different circumstances: firstly, lance heads are easier to manufacture and therefore their production took place in a decentralised way, secondly, lance heads were not ascribed the same signal/symbolic value as large battle weapons and were therefore not subject to a fixed idiom or check and could therefore be manufactured locally and as required. There are arguments for and against both models, but this does not change the fact that this artefact type causes a headache for anyone wishing to assign them to a particular typology. The oldest find from our region (fig. 5a) comes from a cremation grave in Scania and comprises, in addition to a lance head of Salo’s type B (lance heads with ferule embedded in blade, Salo 1962), only a few potsherds and three pieces of flint. It is therefore the characteristic lance head which dates the find (Björk 2005, fig. 22, 242). The type is known from the whole of Scandinavia and occurs in Denmark at Hjortspring and also in a hoard from Wöbs in Eastern Holstein (Bemmann 1998). The type was dealt with in detail by Unto Salo, who lacked, however, good fix points for a more precise dating. His two main arguments were that: Firstly, the type occurs at Hjortspring which he, with reference to Becker, dates to »period II of the Pre-Roman Iron Age« (Becker 1948a), secondly, the type occurs in a grave from Lindsborg in Östergötland. The latter was taken by Salo as an indication that the type was in use until the introduction of the Late Pre-Roman Iron Age weapon grave tradition. However, Jan Bemmann draws attention to the fact that a lance head of this type was found in combination with a spade-headed pin (Spatenkopfnadel) in a grave from Moi in Vest-Agder. This pin type is dated within its main area of distribution in Northern Germany to Hingst’s period Ic1, i.e. the later phase of the Early Pre-Roman Iron Age, corresponding to phase IB in Denmark (Martens 1996, fig. 13). At the same time, radiocarbon dates and a renewed typological analysis of the weapons from Hjortspring show that this find should also be dated to the same period 153 Fig. 5. Lance heads from Zealand and Scania mentioned in the text. a. Vedhygge, Scania, after Bjørk 2005, fig. 22; b. Værebro Å, J. Martens, drawn from original; c. Nosaby, after Montelius 1887, fig. 7. Fig. 6. Lance heads from Borrebjerg, Sejerø. J. Martens, drawn from original. 154 (Martens 2001; Kaul 2003). Finally, graves containing weapons are not a completely totally unknown phenomenon in the time just prior to the beginning of the Late Pre-Roman Iron Age weapon-grave horizon; this weakens Salo’s argument for extending the type up into the Late Pre-Roman Iron Age (Martens 2001, appendix 2). The fact that Salo was, perhaps, correct anyway is shown by an assemblage which he strangely enough, but like Becker, maintains categorically does not contain the type: i.e. that from the Krogsbølle site. The latter has never been published in its entirety, and it is most commonly illustrated by photographs of the artefacts (Becker 1948a; Kaul 1988, fig. 27; 2003, fig. 4.26-27). This must be the explanation for this fact being overseen until now. The strange thing is that, even though the assemblage has never been fully published, a lance of this type was illustrated in the first account describing it (Kjær 1901, fig. 23). Another definite example can be added in the form of a rather divergent blade form (fig. 16). One of the lance heads has a blade cross-section like Ilkjær’s type 4, the other like type 5 (Ilkjær 1990, fig. 18). In the other lance heads, the free part of the ferrule is generally quite short (0.5-4 cm) and, as a rule, it continues into the blade. Flemming Kaul has proposed a lance head from Værebro Å as being from the Pre-Roman Iron Age (Kaul 2003, 167, fig. 4.29). Its find context is rather uncertain, but it was submitted to the museum together with the single-edged sword of Early Pre-Roman Iron Age type described above (fig. 4a). The lance head has a clearly marked conical ferrule (fig. 5b). In the finds report, the lance head is compared with Rosenberg’s type δ in the Hjortspring find (Schultz 1950; Rosenberg 1937, 44, fig. 24). However, Kaul identifies several typological differences between this type and the Værebro piece and includes instead Continental Celtic parallels. The find circumstances and, not least, the character of the find are so unclear that it is difficult to argue the case for a closed context or a single deposition. Accordingly, there is nothing which conditions contemporaneity between sword and lance head. Conversely, other finds from the river document an extended continuity in the weapon depositions along this stretch (Lund 2004, 199-202). It is therefore possible that parallels should rather be sought in later periods. For example, Jørgen Fig. 7. Unornamented bone points from Borrebjerg, Sejerø. J. Martens, drawn from original. 155 Ilkjær has published a lance head which appears almost identical with the Værebro piece (Ilkjær 1990, 60-61, fig. 44). This comes from Illerup Ådal and Ilkjær assigns it to his type 6. Unfortunately, this type is on the author’s own admission more a ‘residual group’ than an actual type. Even so, he dates it to the Early Roman Iron Age (see also Pauli Jensen 2008, 64-66). In summary, it can be said that the type is very simple and therefore difficult to date more precisely. The close similarity to individual examples of Ilkjær’s lance type 6 and, not least, the chronological spread of the other weapon finds from Værebro Å result in it appearing most probable that the lance head (fig. 5b) represents a single deposition from the Early Roman Iron Age. The largest find of lance heads comes from the remarkable structure at Borrebjerg on Sejerø (Liversage 1973, 104-112; 1982). The find comprises six lance heads of iron which, together with a large number of bone points and pottery, were found in a thick cultural layer at the foot of the hill (Kjær 1901, 48; Müller 1906, 175-178). On the basis of the pottery, David Liversage dates the find to his Rørby phase of the Late Pre-Roman Iron Age (Liversage 1980), which corresponds to phase IIA (Martens 1996). The six lance heads are relatively poorly preserved (fig. 6). Only one survives in its full length, two lack the blade almost completely and a third is only preserved at the rusty core of the blade’s mid rib. The heads display a relatively great typological homogeneity. The most significant divergence is that one point has a blade cross-section like Ilkjær’s crosssection type 6, while the others have a cross-section like Ilkjær’s type 2 (Ilkjær 1990, fig.18). The only fully preserved lance head has a blunt point which could result from re-sharpening. Its surviving length is 15.5 cm, which appears to be the maximum length of the other pieces if they had been fully preserved. The blade is broadest close to the base. On the basis of this description, these artefacts fall within Piotr Luczkiewicz’ type m7 (Luczkiewicz 2006, 129, fig. 45.9-12) and Thomasz Bochniak’s type 9b (Bochniak 2005, 79, tab. XXVIII.4). These types are dated unanimously to the final phase of the Pre-Roman Iron Age in Poland, A3, which corresponds to the late part of phase IIB (IIB-2) in Denmark (Martens 2002, 257, fig. 19). Before embarking on a discussion of the reason for this apparent incongruity between the dating of the lances and the dating of the pottery, it should be pointed out that morphologically the Borrebjerg pieces have good parallels within Luczkiewicz’ type A1 (Luczkiewicz 2006, 101, fig. 30.1-2), which occurs throughout the whole of the Late Pre-Roman Iron Age. The reason that the Borrebjerg pieces do not fall within the definitions for this type is due primarily to 156 the fact that the Polish representatives of this type are considerably larger. It is possible that this particular parameter is not so significant for the dating of the Sejerø pieces, the distance to Poland being taken into consideration. The two final lance heads from the region are from a grave in Nosaby near Kristianstad (fig. 5c). The finds have been lost and we therefore only have the illustration of one of them which Montelius published in his account of the find (Montelius 1887, fig. 7). The illustrated lance head is about 15 cm long, of which just less than half comprises the ferrule. Typologically, it falls within Luczkiewicz’ type M3, which occurs throughout most of the Late Pre-Roman Iron Age (Luczkiewicz 2006, 127-128, 152, fig. 44.6-9). Bone points (appendix 1) Points of bone or antler are manufactured by the base of the piece being cut at either right angles or obliquely and by the point being cut obliquely. The inner tissue is hollowed out and in this the remains of a preserved wooden shaft are sometimes seen. Close to the base there may be one or two perforations, most commonly interpreted as rivet holes for securing a shaft, but points also occur with no rivet holes. The raw material used most commonly comprises sheep metatarsals but other material does occur, for example antler. The length of the points varies somewhat, dependant apparently on the starting material. Also the finishing of the pieces varies from coarse, almost raw examples to finely polished and even ornamented pieces. Due to its primitive appearance, the bone point is an artefact type which can easily be overlooked. Even so, it was recognised as an artefact type as early as the second half of the 19th century (Engelhardt 1869, pl. 19.11-12; Müller 1896, 437). Subsequently, the type was dealt with in detail by Hans Kjær and later, for Scania, by Carl-Axel Althin (Kjær 1901; Althin 1951; see Martens 2001 for other references). Due to its inconspicuous nature it can be difficult to say anything definitive concerning the distribution of the type. New museum visits and revisions of collections would quickly be able to change this. However, it can be established that the type occurs across the whole of Northern and Central Europe from the British Isles in the west to the Baltic countries in the east and is also known in the Balkans. In Scandinavia, it occurs not only in Scania and Denmark but also further north in Sweden and in Norway (Martens 2001; Nummedal 1913, 31). Some scholars have wanted, on the basis of the type’s occurrence at Hjortspring and Krogsbølle, to see it as being a diagnostic type for the Early Pre- Fig. 8. Ornamented bone points from Borrebjerg, Sejerø. J. Martens, drawn from original. Roman Iron Age (Althin 1951; Nicklasson 1997; 2002, 269), but it is actually of significantly broader date, and apparently occurs in securely dated contexts from the end of the Bronze Age and through the whole of the Pre-Roman and Roman Iron Age (Martens 2001, 143-47). The function of these artefacts has been subject to some discussion. As the type is relatively common on settlements, it is in this situation often seen as a tool. The English term used is ‘gouge’, but the lack of wear/trace analyses makes it difficult to confirm this interpretation (Olsen 2003). The wetland finds include individual points found thrust down into the mud along rivers, lakes and coasts. This has led Mogens Bo Henriksen to suggest that at least these examples were used as hunting or fishing implements (Henriksen 1997). The occurrence of bone points fitted onto shafts in the two Pre-Roman Iron Age war booty deposits of Hjortspring and Krogsbølle are, however, a good argument for the points found here being perceived as weapons – a kind of lance. The predominant burial practice in Northern Europe at this time was cremation, and this could have been the reason that the type occurs so rarely in graves. Even so, in 1954 Klaus Raddatz was able to name three graves equipped with bone points from the northern part of Central Germany (Raddatz 1954; Martens 2001, 154). Unfortunately, these are cremation graves so it is difficult to conclude anything about the use of these points on the basis of their context. In England, the burial practice is different, and there are examples here of bone points placed in graves together with iron-tipped lances, and in the same way. One grave was found to contain as many as 13 bone points (Pearson & Field 2003, 175). Further to this, bone points are numerous at the Iron Age hill forts and similarly occur in the finds assemblages from the settlements of the time and in wetland depositions (Olsen 2003, 102). Their occur- rence in graves and at hill forts could suggest that these were weapons. The record from Zealand and Scania can make further contributions to the argument in this respect. A large number of bone points have been found on Zealand and in Scania: 57 from Zealand and 25 from Scania (Martens 2001). Several of these are from settlements that are dated to the Roman Iron Age; others are from wetlands, either in the form of single depositions or without further information concerning their find circumstances. It is both important and interesting that the largest find, which comprises 24-26 bone points (figs. 7-8), comes from the possible fortification at Borrebjerg on Sejerø, where they were found together with six lance heads (fig. 6). On the basis of the pottery, David Liversage dates this find to his Rørby phase (Liversage 1973, fig. 15; 1980, 44; 1982), which corresponds to phase IIA of the Late Pre-Roman Iron Age (Martens 1996). Only six of the 16 pieces can be considered as being fully preserved. Their length varies from 10.5 to 16.5 cm (average 12.4 cm), their weight, correspondingly, from 16 to 30 g (average 22 g). A common feature of the points is the obliquely-cut point. The bases, conversely, were cut either obliquely or at right angles and were, similarly, with and without perforation. The reasons for these differences are not immediately apparent, and it is far from certain that they reflect divergent use. Of greater interest, and of significance for the interpretation of the use and status of the pieces, is the fact that four of the points are carefully ornamented with wavy lines and point circles (fig. 8). This stands in marked contrast to the simple nature of the type and argues against the idea that these were disposable artefacts. Corresponding ornamentation is found, for example, on a point from the river Sege Å in Scania, and on a piece from Hjortspring and a few points found in Northern Germany (fig. 11). The level of care taken 157 in decorating these artefacts suggests that they were ascribed a certain status. Corresponding care and meticulousness is often seen on weapons and personal equipment but rarely on everyday tools. The role played by the points in weaponry is another matter. Klavs Randsborg suggests that they have functioned as points on throwing spears or javelins, launched in the introductory phase of battle (Randsborg 1995, 54-56). Is this a realistic suggestion? On ballistic grounds, the point of balance of a throwing spear should lie within the first 40% of the total length of the spear. However, as the density of the bone points does not significantly exceed that of the wood of the spear, it would be difficult to achieve this weight distribution without extra measures, about which we know nothing. According to Jon Bryant Finley, the ideal weight for a javelin lies from 600 to 800 g. Through experiments, it has been possible to demonstrate that it is first with a spear point weighing 55 g that the spear attains its ideal, smooth flight (Finley 2006). Even though it must be presumed that the bone points during their time in the earth have through leeching suffered a weight loss of up to 1/3 of their total weight (Nielsen 1991, 69), their adjusted average weight (33 g) is too low, according to Finley’s calculations, for them to be suited as points for actual javelins. Accordingly, they probably functioned as thrusting weapons, whereas javelins were equipped with iron heads of a more functional weight and penetration ability. For the sake of completeness, it should be noted that the two almost complete iron lance heads from Borrebjerg have a weight of around 80 g and could, therefore have served as points for throwing spears according to Finley’s criteria. Defensive weapons (appendix 4) This group of weapons is not abundantly represented in the region. There are, however, two spectacular finds. The bog of Uglemosen on Lolland was the find site for three to four remarkable wooden helmets (Mathiassen 1952) which Flemming Kaul has compared with certain helmets from Negau in Slovenia (Kaul 1996, 29-32, figs. 14-15). Even though it must be conceded that there is great similarity between the helmets in the two finds, radiocarbon dating of one of the Uglemose helmets (AMS dated to 4060±95 BP), Heinemeier et al. 1994, 290) prompts caution. The date assigns the helmets to the Neolithic, a period from which this type of artefact would not be expected. The finding of Funnel Beaker pottery in the same bog could be seen as support for this date, but as there is also pottery and skeletal material dated to the Pre-Roman Iron Age (2450 ± 105 BP, Rahbæk 158 Fig. 9. Shield boss from Kvärlöv, Scania, after Martens 2001, fig. 5, and 2006c fig. 3. 1994, 283), this argument loses its weight. A possible explanation for the time discrepancy is that old wood, for example found in a bog, was used in the manufacture of the helmets. Peat cutting was not an unknown phenomenon in the Pre-Roman Iron Age, and the helmet was carved from root wood, probably of alder, a tree fond of wet conditions. However, even the Negau find is not simple to date as it only comprises helmets, and these represent several time periods apparently extending from Hallstatt times until the 1st century BC. Flemming Kaul suggests that these were deposited in connection with the Cimbrian incursions, which touched this area in 113 BC, and that it was survivors from this campaign who took the form with them to the north (Kaul 1996, 30-32). The surprising find of a wooden shield boss in a well at Kvärlöv in Scania (fig. 9) is mentioned above (Martens 2001; 2006c). The shield boss is of ‘Hjortspring type,’ i.e. lenticular, carved from a single piece of wood and riveted onto the shield (which was not deposited in the well) by the use of wooden rivets. The wood has been identified as willow (Salix sp.), although the rivets are juniper (Juniperus communis). Along the back of the boss, a rib has been Fig. 10. a. Bayonet-shaped wooden point from Dösjebro, Scania, after Martens 2006d, 47; b. Wooden helmet from Uglemose, Lolland, after Kaul 1996 fig. 15a. carved running in longitudinal direction, dividing it symmetrically into two halves. There is a groove running around the outer surface of the edges of the boss which could be associated with attachment of the boss to the shield or of a leather covering to the outer surface of the shield. A leather covering of precisely this kind, radiocarbon dated to c. 350 BC, was found the North Jutish bog of Borremose (Jensen 2003, 87). There are no traces of the actual shield grip, but from the Hjortspring find we know that this feature, which also consisted of wood, would have been let into into the shield board. Material from the well lining has been radiocarbon dated to 2470±70 BP, which corresponds to a calibrated date within the range of 780-400 BC. Due to the behaviour of the calibration curve during this time, there is no indication as to which part of this range is most probable. In archaeological terms, the date corresponds to the end of the Late Bronze Age (periods V-VI) or the earliest Pre-Roman Iron Age (phase IA). The reason it was decided to date the well and not the shield boss is that wickerwork well casings have a limited lifetime and the withies themselves cannot themselves have any great residual age. The date is somewhat earlier than that usually ascribed to the best parallels for the find, the shield bosses from Hjortspring (Becker 1948a; Kaul 1988; 2003). In connection with the new exhibition of the Hjortspring boat at the National Museum in Copenhagen the find site was re-excavated leading to the finding of further parts of the boat. These were radiocarbon dated and the results indicated that the find must be dated to the 4th or the early part of the 3rd century BC (Tauber 1987). The Kvärlöv well is older than this, and taking the contemporaneous archaeological material in consideration, it is most likely that this also applies to the shield boss. In Central Europe, metal fittings provide evidence for shield bosses of this type from the 5th century BC onwards, and it is not at all unlikely that the form could be even older than the metal fittings. An indication of this is given by illustrations on Polish face urns from the 6th century BC which show both oval shield bosses and shields in combination with weaponry that otherwise comprises primarily lances (Martens 2001, 139-142 with references). A date in the 6th or 5th century BC must therefore be seen as being acceptable. The settlement on the small elevation south of Kvärlöv had its main phase at the end of the Late Bronze Age; only two houses were later than this (Artursson 2005, 129, fig. 14; Martens 2006c). Accordingly, the shield boss could have been deposited at the end of the settlement’s main phase, and possibly in order to mark the abandonment. A final find which could be included under this weapon category is a bayonet-like wooden point (fig. 10a) of Borremose type (Martens 2006d). This unusual find was recovered during the investigation of a stream course at Dösjebro in Scania and was the first of its kind outside the eponymous site of Borremose. Preliminary investigations had yielded skeletal remains which were radiocarbon dated to the time around the birth of Christ. Expectations were therefore great. The find circumstances revealed themselves, however, to be very difficult due to the constant re-deposition of the stream course, and the stratigraphy was therefore not to be trusted. In addition to the above-mentioned bayonet-like wooden point, the investigation produced a fragment of the cranium of an older man. Subsequent radiocarbon analysis dated the man’s cranium to 1185 ± 65 BP and the point, which was carved from oak, to 945 ± 75 B.P. Accordingly, it falls outside the scope of this article and is only included in order to draw attention to the fact that this artefact type occurs in the region. At the time of its discovery, there were 159 Fig. 11. Examples of ornamented bone points. a. Hjortspring, Als, J. Martens drawn from original; b. Segeå, after Martens 2001, fig. 11a; c. Pritzerber See, Brandenburg, after Raddatz 1954, fig. 1.3. no secure indications of the function of this artefact type. Subsequently, points like this have been found in situ at two localities in Jutland. Firstly, they occurred pushed down into the base of the moat which surrounded the fortified village of Lyngsmose in Western Jutland (Eriksen & Rindel 2003), and subsequently they were found in extension of a moat which surrounded the Pre-Roman Iron Age village of Brændgårdshede in Central Jutland (Mauritzen in press). Here, there was only a semicircular bank protecting the village towards dry land. The points were pushed into the ground in extension of the moat in the adjoining wetland area. With this new discovery there are grounds to consider whether or not all points of this type formed parts of corresponding structures (contrary to Martens 2006d). The point from Dösjebro was, true enough, not found in a context which provides new information about the function of the type, but Saxo provides information on how Absalon subdued a peasant revolt at Dösjebro in AD 1181 (Saxo, Gesta Danorum, 15.4.26). As this date lies within the range of the radiocarbon date for the wooden point, it is not improbable that it stems from this conflict and that it had a function corresponding to that mentioned above. 160 Fortifications It is difficult to claim that fortified structures have definitively been demonstrated within the region. But even in the light of this situation, it is still possible to identify possible candidates. The most well-known of these is Borrebjerg on the island of Sejerø. Borrebjerg is, by Danish standards, a pronounced hill with relatively steep sides. Here, several large prehistoric earthworks have been demonstrated including some moat-like features at the foot of the hill (Müller 1906, 170-178; Liversage 1973; 1982). The special aspect of these is that they were back-filled before the structure stood finished. Several other aspects render this locality something special. This is a fortified hill, not – as known from Jutland – a fortification on low-lying, wet land. The defensive works do not, as is usually the case, lie at the top of a hillside, but at its foot. In this way the advantages provided by the natural terrain of the difference in height and the difficulty in advancing up the slope, which the choice of the hill top as the defensive position would have given, have not been exploited. This is usually the main criteria for selecting hill tops as defensive positions. Despite the fact that several investigation trenches have been cut, including on the flattened hill top and its edges, no traces have been observed of defensive works here. The question can therefore be asked whether this is a fortified structure in the usual sense of the term (Martens 2007, 89). The finds of weapons suggest this is likely, but it is also conceivable that these represent depositions and that the site should instead be seen as a place where votive offerings were performed, i.e. a parallel to the Jutland-Funen bog offerings, but on dry ground. The fact that this type of find is not unknown in the region is revealed by another example of just such a find from the Roman Iron Age and Migration period, discovered at Uppåkra in Scania (Hårdh 1999, 127-128). Apart from Borrebjerg, only potential sites can be identified. During aerial reconnaissance of a relatively low-lying area to the east of Ubby on Zealand, the Danish National Museum’s long-serving excavation technician Per Poulsen observed crop marks which could be interpreted as a moat, something which subsequent trial excavations at the site were able to confirm. The pottery from the excavations can be dated to the Late Pre-Roman Iron Age (Martens 2007, 95), but the same locality also produced pottery and flint from the Funnel Beaker culture. A corresponding coincidence of periods is found beneath the Viking Age stronghold of Trelleborg near Slagelse. Here, there were not only pits containing Neolithic pottery, which has prompted an interpretation of the promontory as a site of Sarup type, but also pits containing pottery from the Early Pre-Roman Iron Age. It is therefore not inconceivable that, also during this period, the site was selected due to its obvious defensive advantages (Becker 1948b; Martens 2007, 95). A third potential site is the Tibirke causeway in Northern Zealand. This leads out to an islet surrounded by bog and wet meadow, a situation very much reminiscent of the Borremose site. Like in Borremose, no road continuing on from here has been demonstrated. On the islet, finds from the Neolithic were encountered, but nothing which could be interpreted as traces of settlement or fortification linked to the causeway (Kunwald 1944, 85-86). However, the excavators did not investigate larger areas on the islet so it is possible that it does in fact contain a Borremose-like site. The causeway is dated to the Early Pre-Roman Iron Age. This is a period during which we know that the settlements on Zealand do not have many finds and are therefore difficult to demonstrate without opening up large areas. Furthermore, Vilhelm la Cour mentions a couple of medieval stronghold sites which may have prehistoric roots, including Orebygård on Lolland, where an early, undated bank structure is compared with the defensive works at Borremose (la Cour 1972, 32-36). A common feature of la Cour’s sites and those mentioned here is, however, that they have not been dated or investigated to a sufficient degree. To a great extent this unfortunately reflects the status of Danish prehistoric stronghold research (Andersen 1992). It is therefore not possible to involve these sites in a discussion either of battle techniques or social organisation during the Pre-Roman Iron Age on Zealand and in Scania. The sword as an emblematic type during the Late Pre-Roman Iron Age Even though there are only few finds of weapons from the region, they do even so reflect general tendencies, both regionally and chronologically. It can be perceived that, also in this region, there was a shift from regional Nordic weapon types to interregional types during the course of the Pre-Roman Iron Age (Martens 2002). Even though the record is very sparse, it is also possible to detect a move towards more generous burial practices, where the inclusion of weapons, among other things, was introduced. These changes reflect the supra-regional phenomenon which during the course of the Late Pre-Roman Iron Age washed over Northern Europe and the northern part of Central Europe and which goes by the term of ‘La Tèneisation’ (Martens 1998). Despite its name, this does not comprise an actual ‘Celtification’ of Barbaricum to the north of the Central European Highlands. Conversely, there was an active selection of Celtic forms and elements which were employed in an alternation of the ideological and social organisation of lowland European societies (Martens 1998, 178). In brief, it involved the use of specific Celtic style elements and types by the elite in order to create a common emblematic idiom across cultures and societies. Where costume and burial practices previously demonstrated an affiliation to a particular local group, they now signalled to a greater degree affiliation to a particular social stratum. Whereas the burial practice previously ordained moderation and placed the group above the individual, it now emphasised the role and the prestige of the person being buried (Martens 1998; 2008b; 2009). This also means, unfortunately, that it is more difficult, although not impossible, to demonstrate regional differences and therefore cultural links in the ‘La Tèneisated’ Late Pre-Roman Iron Age. It does, however, require a greater body of evidence than that available from Zealand and Scania. It is possible, even so, to draw some further conclusions 161 Fig. 12. a. The re-forged La Tène sword from Tjetthög, Öland, after Rasch 2002, fig. 8b; b. The re-forged singleedged sword from Harsefeld near Hamborg, Northern Germany, after Wegewitz 1937, fig. 44. with regard to the Early Pre-Roman Iron Age. This is due to the fact, as mentioned above, that the material culture during this period reflects to a higher degree local conditions and groups. In the case of costume accessories this is a phenomenon which has long been recognised (Becker 1956; Keiling 1968). In the following it will be demonstrated that this also applies to certain weapon types. The fact that weapons, including swords, can appear in the role of an emblematic type is illustrated by several examples. In the Late Pre-Roman Iron Age there is no doubt that there is a difference in the symbolic value of single-edged and double-edged swords. In certain areas the types occur side by side, in others they exclude one another. Öland is an area where the single-edged sword is universal. Even so, a grave in Tjetthög, Gårdlösa parish contained a sword (fig. 12a), the blade of which was unmistakably double-edged. The hilt and the blade had, however, been re-forged and the base of the blade equipped with rivet holes in the same manner as an actual singleedged sword (Rasch 2002, 289, fig. 8b). In its present form, the sword is single-edged and not just the hilt but also the blade have been adapted to the local requirements concerning the appearance of a sword. A corresponding example is known from the Hamburg 162 area. Along the lower reaches of the Elbe, around the birth of Christ, double-edged swords were, if not universal, then heavily dominant (Adler 1993, 63-66). From grave 21 on the cemetery at Harsefeld there is a weapon showing the unmistakable features of a single-edged sword (Wegewitz 1937, 12, fig. 44 and pl. 4; Adler 1993, fig. 12, SII-Sonderform). Even so, the blade is double-edged. Adler is therefore of the opinion that this must be a re-forged sword. Both of these finds illustrate the great significance ascribed, in the time around the birth of Christ, to the shape of a sword and the battle technique consequent upon this. At the same time, the finds tell of swords that must have followed peculiar routes in reaching their owners. These two swords were obviously of such great importance to their owners that, instead of acquiring a local sword, they chose to re-forge the foreign swords. Therefore they very probably do not represent war booty, as in that case it would have been more in line with tradition to destroy the weapons. Instead, they could represent gifts or the possessions of foreign warriors who married into the local population and brought their own weapons with them to their new home. Not just the sword, but also the lance head in the Tjetthög grave is of foreign design and indicates that the weapons, and possibly also the deceased’s origins, should be sought south of the Baltic. A re-forging of foreign weapons to a local form is a powerful symbolic action which must have had the function of demonstrating that the bearer of the weapon had been accepted into his new group. The reforging of the sword can be interpreted as a symbol of a bond forging two distant social groups or elites together. Corresponding indications of long-distance exogamy have previously been demonstrated on the basis of female accessories (Becker 1993; Martens 1998). The great distances over which these relationships have taken place, bear witness to an extended system of alliances that, at the end of the Pre-Roman Iron Age, bound Europe together in all directions. Excursus: Sword typology in the Early Pre-Roman Iron Age The swords of the Early Pre-Roman Iron Age are often described as strongly typologically variable and therefore an expression of a society with a low degree of organisation. Flemming Kaul, who is the most recent to have dealt with the subject in detail writes, for example, in his account of the swords from Hjortspring, that »the swords differ greatly from each other, save for one significant, shared fea- ture: they are single-edged and have a hilt that lies on the central axis of the sword« (Kaul 2003, 149). It is further apparent that the Hjortspring swords are perceived as originating from a time prior to swords becoming subject to general rules regarding their shape (Kaul 2003, 164). In other words, in the Early Pre-Roman Iron Age, swords were rare and were not of prominent significance in military equipment. Therefore, there were no fixed rules for the shape of the swords and it was implied that they could be manufactured by anyone and anywhere. The Krogsbølle site represents for Kaul the typological link between this anarchist state and the fixed interregional types which characterise the end of the Late Pre-Roman Iron Age. Kaul does not, however, deny that the difficulty in isolating types could be due to so few swords having been found from the period and that the burial practices can be an important factor in this. According to Rosenberg, the Hjortspring find comprises eight virtually complete swords, as well as fragments of three blades (Rosenberg 1937, 40). Rosenberg divided them up into three types, primarily on the basis of the cross-section of the blade. If this typology is accepted, then it also requires acceptance of very great variation within each type. Thereby, one is also forced to accept the claim that no fixed rules existed regarding the shaping of swords in the Early Pre-Roman Iron Age. But Kaul is critical of this classification as, in his opinion, it does not take account of the swords’ more obvious typological features. After an examination of the swords, I find it more obvious to divide them up into the following four types: Sword type HS1 comprises find numbers 517, 521, 523 and 520, which could be a part of 523 (see Rosenberg 1937, 40-42) (fig. 13a). These swords are approximately 60 cm long, slender and with an approximately T-shaped blade cross-section. The back is sturdy, around 1 cm wide and presumably had the function of stabilising the long, narrow (up to 2.5 cm wide) blade, which is so thin that it has often corroded away. In the final third of the blade, the back and the edge may curve downwards. The hilt is 8-12 cm long, slightly tapered and lacks rivet holes. At the transition between blade and hilt on all these swords there is a profiled metal band. From one of the swords, a disc-shaped pommel of bronze survives which presumably decorated the hilt. This group, which includes most of the swords in Rosenberg’s type a, is very homogeneous. Sword type HS2 comprises find numbers 518, 525, 526 (two fragments) and 527 (?) (fig. 13b). The swords in this group are significantly less well preserved and only one (518) is sufficiently complete that a full impression of the type is gained. This is, conversely, almost preserved at its full length and measures 56 cm from the butt of its hilt to blade tip. The blade is narrow (up to 2 cm) and only hollow-ground on one side; the back is c. 0.5-0.6 cm wide. In other words, the cross-section of these swords lacks the broad back and the markedly T-shaped profile that characterises type HS1 and is more in the shape of an L. The hilt is shaped as a narrow tang, with approximately parallel sides, extending 10-12 cm out from the blade. At the transition between hilt and blade, a characteristic V-shaped depression or ‘fold’ is apparent which presumably was produced during forging. The swords of this group are classified by Rosenberg to his types a and c. Sword type HS3 comprises finds numbers 515 and 516 (fig. 13c). These are two well-preserved swords of, respectively, 49 and 39 cm in length. These are characterised by broad (up to 3.5 cm) blades with flat side surfaces and a narrow back. The back can be slightly arched along its longitudinal axis. On one of the swords (516), there is a double-sided blood groove running below the back. Only this sword has a preserved hilt of full extent. This is short (6 cm), with an approximately rectangular cross-section and parallel sides; near its base there is a rivet hole. At the transition from hilt to blade there is a profiled metal band, and there are also four bronze bands, presumably belonging to the handle, which indicate that the sword has had a grip of organic material with a diameter of just less than 2 cm. On the slightly less well-preserved sword 515, remains of organic material can be seen at the base of the hilt. Conversely, metal bands are not preserved. Rosenberg classified the two swords into two separate groups, respectively c and b, due to the presence or absence of rivet holes in the hilt. Sword type HS4 comprises find number 524 (fig. 13d). The latter find number can hardly be classed as a ‘sword.’ It is a sturdy, just less than 34 cm long slashing knife with a broad (up to 7 cm) blade. In common with the other swords it has, as pointed out by Kaul, the placing of the hilt in extension of the sword’s longitudinal axis and profiled metal bands at the transition between hilt and blade. Furthermore, the blade has the T-profile characteristic of type HS1, which in this case is difficult to justify. A special feature of the sword is also the short, broad, almost triangular plate-like hilt which is, furthermore, equipped with two rivet holes. On the basis of the latter mentioned feature, Rosenberg places the type in his b group. Of the four types outlined here, the first two can be said to be so consistent to type that they can be assumed to represent two distinct but different 163 workshops. Consequently, one could also assume a different provenance. Confirmation that these really are distinct types and not variations on an undefined theme would come from finding representatives of the type outside the Hjortspring assemblage. In this respect, a problem is quickly encountered in that weapon finds from the Early Pre-Roman Iron Age are generally very rare, probably in particular due to the predominant burial practice. In spite of this, there is a find which confirms the typology proposed here or, at least, the identification of type HS2. This is a single-edged sword (fig. 14a) found in a bog, Stengårds Mose, close to the east end of lake Mossø, near Skanderborg. It was C.J. Becker who involved the sword in the discussion of the Hjortspring find (Becker 1948a, 172, fig. 20), whereas Kaul does not mention it in his examination of the comparative material (Kaul 2003). The sword is 51 cm long, has a maximum surviving breadth of c. 2 cm and has the characteristic fold in the blade at the transition to the hilt, indicative of type HS2. The sole deviation relative to the Hjortspring examples is that the blade is hollow-ground on both sides and thereby has a weakly T-shaped cross-section, which is a little reminiscent of the cross-section of type HS1. The back is, however, much less robust than on the latter pieces Fig. 13. The four sword types in the Hjortspring assemblage, Als, Jylland: a HS1, b, HS2, c HS3 and d HS4. J. Martens, drawn from original. 164 Fig. 14. a. Sword of Hjortspring type HS2 found in Stensgård Mose, near Skanderborg, Eastern Jutland. J. Martens, drawn from original; b. Sword related to HS2 found in Schwelbeck, Eastern Holstein, after Raddatz 1958, fig. 1a. and measures only 0.6 cm. The find from Stensgård Mose indicates, accordingly, that people with swords manufactured in the same workshop operated both on Als and in the eastern Central Jutland sometime in the Early Pre-Roman Iron Age. It is of further interest that the find site lies not far from the abovementioned Vædebro find (just less than 1 km south of this), and that the watercourse Vædebro Å drains the valley of Illerup Ådal, the site of the great Roman Iron Age war-booty site, which lies only 5-6 km upstream. A sword related to type HS2 (fig. 14b) was found in a bog at Schwelbeck in SE Holstein (Raddatz 1958, fig. 1a; Völling 1998, 563, fig. 3a). This measures almost 82 cm in length and the hilt terminates in a round disc, as seen on one of the swords of type HS1. Conversely, the cross-section of the blade resembles type HS2, although it is somewhat more robust (0.8 cm thick across the back). It is not possible, on the basis of the published illustration, to determine whether the sword has the fold between the hilt and blade typical of type HS2. The blade is sturdier (up to 3 cm wide) than on the similar swords from Hjortspring, but despite these differences there can be no doubt as to the relationship between the Schwelbeck sword and the two slender Hjortspring types. Another way of looking at the sword types presented here is according to the fighting technique for which the swords were intended. It is difficult to imagine a battle between two opponents where one uses an HS1 sword and the other an HS4 sword. The swords can thus be divided up into two clearly distinguishable main groups, according to blade type: swords with long, narrow blades (HS1 and 2) and swords with short, broad blades (HS3 and 4). The latter main group is the one which survives in the Late Pre-Roman Iron Age and is a form which implies the use of the sword as a slashing weapon. This is underlined by the ultra-short sword HS4, which does not permit any great distance to the enemy if the blow is to strike home. Of greater interest is the slender type. Flemming Kaul has already directed attention towards this type by comparing it with the Greek machaira, a sword type which was used as a slashing sword by the classical Greek infantry (Kaul 1988, 80-82); 2003, 170). The Hjortspring swords of type HS1 do, however, have a feature which makes it difficult to imagine that they were suited to, and that their main function was, slashing. The blade’s broad back (1 cm) and the consequent pronounced T-shaped cross-section, as well as the length relative to the breadth, makes these swords unsuited for cleaving let alone delivering a forceful cut or blow. In the light of its form, HS1 appears better suited 165 Fig. 15. The single-edged sword types represented in the Krogsbølle assemblage, Northern Funen. a. KS1; b. KS1a; c. KS2; d. KS3; e. Parallel to type KS1 found in Gravdalen, Oppland, Norway. J. Martens, drawn from original. to keeping the enemy at bay and seems more like a fencing and stabbing weapon rather than a traditional slashing sword. The almost rapier-like blades on type HS1 seem to demand single combat and not a chaotic battle between two armies clashing tumultuously together. With its long narrow blade, type HS2 seems to be best suited to this form of fighting. Völling also interprets the sword from Schwelbeck as a stabbing weapon (Völling 1998, 563). The swords in the Hjortspring assemblage represent, therefore, two different battle types and perhaps a transitional stage between them – archaic, heroic single combat between a society’s leaders and a battle between organised armies, led by these leaders. 166 According to Kaul, the Krogsbølle swords constitute an intermediate stage between the apparent typological anarchy of the Hjortspring phase and the fixed interregional types of the Late Pre-Roman Iron Age. In contrast to the Hjortspring finds, the Krogsbølle assemblage has never been published in its entirety and it can be difficult to gain a precise overview of the find without carrying out new studies of the artefacts. The assemblage comprises six single-edged swords and one double-edged sword (Becker 1948a, 166-168, fig. 17; Kaul 2003, 164-166, fig. 4.26-27). Just as at Hjortspring, there is a dominant form, as well as some swords which are difficult to classify. Sword type KS1 (fig. 15a) comprises three swords (NM C7764, C7856 and FS5136), of which only one is preserved in its entirety. This is a sword with a relatively broad (more than 4 cm), flat blade and a c. 7 cm long, almost triangular plate-like hilt with one to two rivet holes. The hilt lies almost on the sword’s central axis, only slightly displaced towards the back. Between the hilt and the blade there is a narrow guard. The total length of these swords lies between 56 and 70 cm; one of them has a doublesided blood groove running along the back. These swords are rather uniform and could originate from the same workshop. Sword type KS1a (fig. 15b). Further to the previous type is a smaller sword, the total length of which could not have been much more than the surviving 26.5 cm (FS5038). It deviates from the swords in the previous group primarily by way of its smaller dimensions, the lack of a hilt and in that the blade tapers more markedly towards the point. In reality, this is not really a sword but more of a combat knife. Due to the great typological similarity with the above type, the knife could originate from the same workshop environment. Sword type KS2 (fig. 15c) comprises a small sword (C7855) which cannot have been much longer than the surviving 39.5 cm. The blade is broad (up to 4 cm), flat and tapers gradually towards its tip. The hilt lies almost in continuation of the back, the transition only marked by a ledge. At the hilt end, which is relatively short and almost rectangular, there is a rivet hole. Sword type KS3 (fig. 15d) comprises one sword (FS5135) which had originally measured at least 45 cm in length. The blade is broad (4 cm), flat and has a double-sided blood groove. The hilt on this sword is preserved solely in the form of a short, upturned 1 cm long protrusion. If this is the original extent of the hilt, then the protrusion must have functioned as an attachment hook for a grip of organic material. There are no traces of rivets either in the blade or in the hilt. As this account shows, the swords in the Krogsbølle assemblage are just as typologically variable as those from Hjortspring. Presumably as a consequence of the smaller number, only one type is represented by more than one example. Remarkably, there is no real overlap between the types in the two finds, although there is a certain similarity between types HS4 and KS1. Whether this is due to chronological or regional circumstances cannot be determined. However, in general, the Krogsbølle find is perceived as being later than Hjortspring. Therefore, HS4, which represents the typological link, must represent the most modern weapon form in the Hjortspring assemblage. As was the case with type HS2 in the Hjortspring Fig. 16. Lance head of Salo’s type B in the Krogsbølle assemblage. J. Martens, drawn from original. assemblage, it is also possible to identifiy good and less good parallels to the types at Krogsbølle. On a previous occasion, I have drawn attention to the similarity between the swords in two Pre-Roman Iron Age graves from Himmerland and the swords of types KS2 and KS3 (Martens 1998, 171, fig. 9a-c; 2002, 230-238, fig. 1). These are, however, not directly identical pieces but parallels which display a cultural and chronological affinity. Even so, these parallels are important because, together with the double-edged La Tène sword in the Krogsbølle assemblage, they point forward in time, whereas the main type in the find, KS1, has clear roots in the Early Pre-Roman Iron Age. It is this type which has an almost identical parallel in a sword (fig. 15c) found in Gravdalen, Vågå district in Oppland, Norway (Oslo C36421). The similarity is so great that these swords must have been produced in the same workshop. The Norwegian sword was found at great altitude in the mountains at a place usually covered by snow and ice. In the catalogue text, mention is made of a trapping system in the vicinity. Finds arising from the melting of glaciers are generally not uncommon in Norway, but from this period they are. A sword is no hunting implement and must therefore have been deposited in this unusual place for other reasons. The Norwegian sword forces us to lift our gaze to an, for the Early Pre-Roman Iron Age, unexpected height. But the sword is not the only link between 167 Funen and Jutland and the Scandinavian Peninsula. The previously mentioned lance head with embedded ferrule (Salo’s type B) is also a type which is best perceived as belonging to the Scandinavian Peninsula. The distribution of this type has been mapped by Jan Bemmann in connection with the publication of a hoard of these lance heads found in Eastern Holstein. In connection with this, he also drew attention to a Norwegian find which has the combination of a lance head of this type with a spade-headed pin of Jastorf type. The latter pin type is a foreign form in Norway and therefore presumably an imported find (Bemmann 1998). The Hjortspring assemblage and SE Scandinavia From Zealand and Scania there is only one known sword of Early Pre-Roman Iron Age type: that from Værebro Å. Flemming Kaul considers this to be a typologically intermediate form between representatives of the sword types identified here, HS4 and KS1, but also points out that it has the profiled metal bands at the transition between hilt and blade, characteristic of several of the Hjortspring swords (Kaul 2003, 166). Even though Kaul is correct in these observations, closer analysis shows that the sword lies typologically much closer to type HS4 than type KS1. In addition to the already mentioned profiled metal band, the outline of the actual blade is also very similar to HS4. The Værebro sword also has a short, almost triangular blade which has, furthermore, the suggestion of a splayed-out back (a slight hint of T-profile) in the style of, although not as marked as, HS4. In contrast to this, the swords of type KS1 have long, flat blades with roughly parallel sides that first taper near the tip. Accordingly, these swords are much closer typologically to the single-edged swords from the final phase of the Late Pre-Roman Iron Age. Even though it must be admitted that the hilt plate of the Værebro sword, due to its more slender form, appears to lie closer to KS1, the narrower form can be attributed to the fact that the blade is also narrower than that on the Hjortspring sword. Normally, a certain amount of variation is permitted within a type and the so-called fixed sword types of the Late Pre-Roman Iron Age are a good example of this (see Wolagiewiczowie 1964). The Værebro sword can therefore be identified as a representative of type HS4, and the sword supports accordingly Kaul’s hint at the possibility of participation from Zealand in the Hjortspring army (Kaul 2003, 177). Another definite Early Pre-Roman Iron Age 168 Fig. 17. Distribution map for spearheads of Salo’s type B (black circles), after Bemmann 1998, fig. 3, with addition of the finds from Vedhygge, Eastern Scania and Krogsbølle, Northern Funen (grey circles). Solid and open triangles show finds of spade-headed pins. weapon from the region is the lance head found at Vedhygge in Eastern Scania. Apart from this, there are only three grave finds containing points of this kind, all from the Scandinavian Peninsula (Moi: Bemmann 1998; Lindsborg: Salo 1962, 76; Nyckelby: Nicklasson 2002, 269). Despite their modest number it can be assumed that they demonstrate where the type was in use. There are actually also a few Early Pre-Roman Iron Age graves containing lance heads on the Continent, although none of these include this type (Martens 2001, appendix 2). The assumption concerning a Scandinavian origin is also supported by the general distribution of the type; outside the Scandinavian Peninsula, it has only been found in the war booty depositions at Krogsbølle on Funen,3 Hjortspring on Als and in a single-type hoard at Wöbs in Eastern Holstein (fig. 17). The type documents and supports thereby the Nordic involvement in these finds as already suggested by the aforementioned Norwegian sword of KS1 type. The final definite weapon from the period is the shield boss of Hjortspring type from Kvärlöv in Scania. Even though this is of a supra-regional type, the find also contributes to underlining the likelihood of a Scandinavian or Eastern Danish participation in the actions which led to the war booty deposits on Funen and along the eastern coast of Jutland (Martens 2001; 2006c; Kaul 2003, 177). Seen in isolation, these three finds are a fragile basis for a statement concerning supra-regional alliances and warfare. The Early Pre-Roman Iron Age is, however, a period of inferences, something which presumably is due first and foremost to the dominant egalitarian ideology and the consequent restrictive burial practices (Martens 1998; 2009). Furthermore, the period is generally poor in finds, for which the Hjortspring finds provides an explanation. As Flemming Kaul has proposed, these suggest that the army, or parts of it, originated from a place where wooden containers were preferred to pottery vessels (Kaul 2003, 177). This appears to have been the case over large parts of Scandinavia. In the Early Pre-Roman Iron Age, we find only pottery of high quality and in abundant quantities on the Continent as well as in Jutland and on Funen. On the Scandinavian Peninsula the pottery found in graves is, in general, of such poor quality that it can hardly have been used for any other purpose than as urns. Furthermore, the remains of the deceased were often buried in containers made of organic material rather than pottery (Nybruget & Martens 1997, 86-87). Kaul is correct in his view that the turned wooden containers in the Hjortspring finds assemblage bear witness to a highly developed level of craftsmanship. This would make sense if production of these containers was not in competition with, but in place of, pottery, as could have been the case in Eastern Denmark and on the Scandinavian Peninsula during the Early Pre-Roman Iron Age. Conclusions ex silentio are, however, dangerous and support must therefore be sought for such a theory, however difficult this may be. The fact that an advanced level of wood-carving and wood-turning craftsmanship really existed at the end of the Bronze Age and during the Early Pre-Roman Iron Age is shown by the surprisingly abundant evidence from Norway (Marstrander 1967; 1980). Here, there are both bowls like those from Hjortspring and ornamental carvings of high artistic quality. The most important of these finds, from Høstad, comprising several bowls as well as a low stool, is dated by Marstrander on the basis of technique and typological features to the end of the Bronze Age or the beginning of the Pre-Roman Iron Age. This date has subsequently been confirmed by radiocarbon dating (Solberg 2005, 396). Høstad is in Central Norway (Trøndelag), which could seem very far away considering the period, but from the same region there is also a fragment of a boat of Hjortspring type (Sylvester 2006). In addi- tion to this, the only other known physical remains of yet another possible boat of Hjortspring type is a thwart fragment found at Hämpnäs in Central Sweden (Crumlin-Pedersen 2003). Together with rock carvings, these show the widespread Scandinavian distribution of this type. Randsborg uses as an argument for a more southern origin of the Hjortspring boat the fact that it is built of broad planks of lime wood, which require access to trees of considerable girth (Randsborg 1995). However, lime’s area of distribution covers much of the Scandinavian Peninsula, extending northwards to just south of Trondheim (Skard 2002, 117). Even though it would not have been possible to find trees of sufficient girth for the purpose all over this area, this would be the case in the areas which are of interest here; Eastern Norway, Southern Sweden, Scania and Zealand. Klavs Randsborg was the first to involve the small pyxis-like wooden boxes from Hjortspring in the discussion of the origin of the military equipment (Randsborg 1995, 33-36, figs. 10-12). Even though he used their form to argue the case for a link between Hjortspring and the Lower Elbe, he did, however, point out that there is a good parallel to these in a small pottery box from Bornholm. Subsequently, it has been demonstrated that this type is also found elsewhere in Eastern Scandinavia (Martens 2002, 148, fig. 15). One of the very finest wooden artefacts in the Hjortspring find is find no. 538, which is described as a »wheel-shaped, carved disc« (Rosenberg 1937, 67, fig. 34). The artefact is not only beautifully ornamented but also executed in open-work design. On the basis of a central perforation, Rosenberg suggests that it could have functioned as a spindle whorl. The artefact is, like most of the artefacts from Hjortspring, without any clear parallels. The interesting feature in the present context is its open-work ornamentation. There are actually parallels to this on certain andirons (i.e. fire dogs) from Zealand and Scania (Becker 1948b, fig. 165; Holmberg 1965, figs. 5-6; Salomonsson 1971, 133; Stjernquist 1969, fig. 8; 1998, fig. 6; Vifot 1934, figs. 4-5). According to an unpublished but oft-quoted study carried out by Jan Augustsson, this type of andiron first appears at the end of the Pre-Roman Iron Age (phase IIB) and the Early Roman Iron Age (Stjernquist 1998, 179; Bäck 2003, 27-28 and fig 1). However, if the context for the andirons from Trelleborg is considered (Becker 1948b, particularly figs. 161-163), this date appears too late. The pottery from Trelleborg pit 4, the origin of the best parallels, can be dated at the latest to a time corresponding to phase IIA of the Late Pre-Roman Iron Age. Accordingly, the andirons are still later than the Hjortspring find, but at least they document the 169 presence not only of open-work ornamentation but also the kerbschnitt-like zig-zag band ornamentation on Zealand and in Scania in the time immediately following the deposition of the Hjortspring find. Conclusion: Zealand and Scania in the Early Pre-Roman Iron Age and the long-term perspective No clear and unambiguous evidence for a SE Scandinavian origin of the Hjortspring army is presented here, and neither was it the intention. Firstly, the archaeological record does not provide a basis for such a conclusion, and, secondly, it is far from certain that the origin of the Hjortspring army should be sought just in one place. As demonstrated with respect to the Late Pre-Roman Iron Age, societies during the Early Pre-Roman Iron Age were very probably linked in all directions by long-distance alliances. The finding of a Krogsbølle sword in the Norwegian interior and a Jastorf pin on the SW coast of Norway provide mere tiny glimpses of a reality which was considerably more complex than we usually assume. As argued in another context (Martens 2009), behind an apparently impoverished and egalitarian society hides an organisation which managed to form supra-regional networks and gather armies with contingents from several different regions. The Hjortspring find contains features which point towards eastern Central Jutland, the Hamburg region, Zealand, Scania and Bornholm. This alone should be enough to explain the diversity of the weapon types. In so far as the Hjortspring army was composed of small contingents from many different areas – who were these people? In a newly published paper, Heiko Steuer feels able to see indications of an early system of retainers (Gefolgschaft) behind the find. His arguments include the numerical ratio between leaders and warriors of 1:9 – a ratio he also finds in other earlier and later finds (Steuer 2009). The company is said to consist of people from near and far who were attracted by the leader’s charisma. The leader armed them and secured their livelihood through plundering raids. This model requires a leader with the power and accommodation to house and feed such a company of retainers. These requirements are described by Frands Herschend in his study of the Late Iron Age hall (e.g. Herschend 1999). The question is whether these conditions could be met in the Early Pre-Roman Iron Age. Apart from the fact that the 1:9 ratio of leaders to warrior cannot be read from 170 the Hjortspring find, there are much more serious objections to this model. There are no known traces of actual halls from the Pre-Roman Iron Age and it is only possible to point out a very few farmsteads having larger living quarters than others (Rindel 2001; Martens 2010). Furthermore, a much smaller variation in weaponry would be expected than is actually the case if one or a few leaders had equipped the Hjortspring army. Something which does appear to be able to support a theory that a retainer system existed in the Late Pre-Roman Iron Age is that, during this period, large cauldrons are found in richly equipped graves. Similarly, graves may be furnished with a large number of pottery vessels. These two features could be interpreted as an expression of the dead being seen as having to entertain a large entourage. The two elements do not, however, go hand in hand and there also seem to be far too many graves containing large quantities of pottery for this to be perceived as an exclusive feature reserved for leaders with a company of retainers (Martens 1998, table 4b). Flemming Kaul has compared the peculiar, slender single-edged swords of type HS1 with the Greek machaira. Perhaps this comparison should be taken further and comparison made between the Hjortspring army and Agamemnon’s levy at Troy. It was not ethnicity or a strong central power which made possible and assembled the Hjortspring army on Als but rather mutual connections and obligations between leading families. This would provide an excellent clarification for the diffuse origin of the find. It would also be a good explanation for the strange rapier-like swords. These were intended as single-combat weapons between equals. War was a privilege and a game for people of noble birth. The ratio between ‘officers’ and ‘privates’ was, if each warrior was equipped with two lance heads, c. 1:5.4 If one assumes that the enclosed village of Grøntoft is a reflection of an average village during the Early PreRoman Iron Age, this corresponds to the levy only being made up of the inhabitants of larger farms. The people occupying smaller houses were presumably dependant on the inhabitants of the larger ones, and thereby not worthy of military service, apart from possibly in defence of their own village. Participation in long-distance campaigns extending over longer periods must, on the other hand, have been a privilege and a duty for the wealthier classes. This does not, however, answer the question concerning in whose interest it was that they found themselves on an inhospitable shore on Als on that fateful day in the 4th century BC. If Bemmann’s distribution map of lance heads with embedded ferrules is updated to include the most recent finds, a very interesting picture emerges (fig. 17). This picture re- sembles to a very high degree the pattern from the Late Roman Iron Age war booty offering horizons. The war booty offering sites lie on Funen and the east coast of Jutland, whereas their artefact types originate from the Scandnavian peninsula (Ilkjær 1990, 337-339, figs. 202-207). Zealand and Scania lie in the eye of the storm. Bearing in mind the common features seen in the distribution maps from the two periods it is tempting to assume that these reveal different expressions of the same phenomena. The composition of the army and the apparently great distance from home do not suggest that this was a plundering voyage but more probably, as Flemming Kaul has suggested (Kaul 2003, 177, 185), a punitive expedition. The reasons for this could have been many: broken obligations, response to attacks etc. In a new study of the Viemose find, Xenia Pauli Jensen has underlined the difficulties in identifying a particular geographical area or a particular tribe as being the place of origin for sacrificed military equipment from the Early and Late Roman Iron Age (Pauli Jensen 2008, 296-311, figs. 80-88). Pauli Jensen also discusses the nature of the depositions and, with reference to Roman sources, questions whether they always only contain weapons belonging to the defeated (Pauli Jensen 2008, 322-326). If the victorious part offered some of their own equipment together with that of the defeated enemy, for example, as was the practice of the Romans, this would contribute to explaining the divergent provenances of the finds while at the same time confusing any attempt to calculate the composition, organisation and extent of the forces involved. It can be added that corresponding mixtures of local and foreign types would also arise if the conflict was between two local chieftains, each with their army comprised of contingents of allies from near and far. These are important objections which, to a high degree, render difficult any interpretation of Early Iron Age war booty depositions, but which at the same time challenge us to be aware of the ambiguity of the finds. With respect to the Early Pre-Roman Iron Age it is, due to the limited number of finds, very difficult to distinguish between local and foreign. It is therefore also difficult to evaluate which of the alternative interpretations lies closest to the truth. In the Late Roman Iron Age the distribution pattern of centres of wealth/power and war booty depositions seem to be complementary. In so far as this is not coincidental, but an expression of a connection, the bog sites could be interpreted as an expression of both an east-west conflict and a north-south conflict in Southern Scandinavia. These are conflicts which, according to Saxo, can be traced far up into the Middle Ages and, consequently, they have their roots way back in the Early Pre-Roman Iron Age. This is then a phenomenon which can be traced through many centuries and very different historical contexts. The question which arises is whether this phenomenon was, during all these times, an expression of the same type of historical event. The answer must necessarily be no, but this does not mean that it could not be an expression of different stages in the same historical process; that which ultimately led to formation of the Danish Kingdom. Extrapolation of this process all the way back to the Early Pre-Roman Iron Age would undoubtedly provoke protest. It is, however, not ‘Project Denmark’ but the process which later led up to this phenomenon which is referred to here. With the development of seaworthy, highspeed boats such as the Hjortspring boat, the foundation was laid for rapid seaborne communication. This would, as a consequence, result in areas of land cut traversed by navigable waters being linked together in an increasingly stronger network. Zealand and Scania presumably played a central role in this process from the very beginning. In the Pre-Roman Iron Age, Southern Jutland formed, however, part of another strong network which linked it to the northern part of the Continent. This is also a long-term trend which, recurrently, has caused conflict with the east-west network. Notes 1. I would like to thank Xenia Pauli Jensen, Torbjörn Brorson, Benny Staal and, not least, my wife Vibeke Vandrup Martens for valuable input and help in obtaining records and other evidence as a basis for this article. Also thanks to the staff of Odense City Museums, Moesgård Museum, the National Museum in Copenhagen, the Heritage Agency of Denmark/Sites and Monuments, Malmöhus Museum and Lund University Historical Museum for help in locating artefacts and records. 2. Weapon graves from the Zealand archipelago according to Hedeager 1992, fig. 98, finds list p. 408 and microfiche: 5.5: C9488-91, found at 05.04.08, Rønnebæksholm; 7.1: 18221, found at 07.02.11, Corselitze; 7.25: C9428-29, found at 07.05.08, Hoby. Only the latter can be identified today. The two other find numbers refer to finds from other periods. 3. After completion of the manuscript, a further example has appeared on Funen. This was found in the bog, Rønninge Mose, Rønninge parish, close to a large settlement area from the Pre-Roman Iron Age. The find, OBM 7171x3, comes from Christian Mikkelsen’s collection. Personal communication from Mogens Bo Henriksen, 15th April 2010. 4. According to Rosenberg, there were 130 iron lance heads in the find (Rosenberg 1937, 43). If each warrior was equipped with two lance heads, as suggested by Randsborg (Randsborg 1995, 38-42), this corresponds to 69 warriors, of which 11 also carried a sword. The ratio is then (69/11)/11 = 1:5.27. 171 Appendices Finds of weapons Zealand Sejrø 010605-84 Kildebæk, Stenløse, bone points (C10214-22, C13251-54) 030204-83 Høng Mose, Finderup, Holbæk, bone point (NM file no. 30/56, C14583) Appendix 1 Finds of bone points of Hjortspring type Wetland – see appendix 5 Zealand: nos. 1, 2, 3, 5, 6, 7, Scania: nos. 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18, 19, 20, 21, 22, 23, 24 Settlement finds – see appendix 7 Zealand: nos. 1, 2, 3, 4, 5 Scania: nos. 6, 7, 8, 9, 10 Stray finds/lacking information – see appendix 8 Zealand: nos. 1, 2, 3, 4 Scania: nos. 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10 Appendix 2 Finds of lance heads Wetland – see appendix 5 Zealand: no. 2 Grave finds – see appendix 6 Scania: nos. 1, 2 Settlement finds – see appendix 7 Zealand: no. 1 Appendix 3 Finds of iron swords Wetland – see appendix 5 Zealand: nos. 2, 4, 8, 9, 10 Grave finds – see appendix 6 Zealand no. 4 Scania nos. 2, 3 Appendix 4 Finds of defensive weapons Wetland finds – see appendix 5 Zealand no. 11 Settlement finds – see appendix 7 Scania no. 11 Appendix 5 Wetland finds 172 Zealand archipelago 1. Værebro Å IV, Jyllinge parish, Frederiksborg county, 020407-32 Bone point, NM 525/69, NMC30368 (?) 2. Værebro Å II, between Kirkeholmen and Stenløse bridge. Gundsømagle parish, Frederiksborg county Single-edged sword, lance head of iron, two bone points, NMC26038-41 3. Værebro Å III, Værebro Drengehjem, Gundsømagle parish, Frederiksborg county, 020403-125 Bone point, NMC26241 4. Værebro Å I, Viksø Bro, Viksø parish. Frederiksborg county La Tène sword found when cleaning out watercourse, NMC26687 5. Kildebæk Mose, Stenløse, Zealand, 010605-84 13 bone lance heads, bog deposit (Kaul 1988, 38, fig. 28), NM file no. 575/01, 790/06, NMC10214-22, C13251-54 6. Høng Mose, Finderup, Holbæk, bone point, 030204-83, NM file no.30/56, NMC14583 7. Præstemosen, Holmstrup parish, Holbæk county, 030605-62 Bone point, NM file no. 30/56 8. Præstemosen, Holmstrup parish, Holbæk county, 030605-54 Two single-edged swords found during peat cutting, 1 m below the surface (Liversage 1980, 55, pl. 53, E3), NMC26025 9. Tissø, Store Fuglede parish, Holbæk county, 030106-90 Double-edged La Tène sword found by amateur archaeologist using metal detector in shallow waters (Liversage 1980, 57, fig. 34, E7), NM file no. 868/57, NMC27244 10. Lindholmgårdsmose, Uvelse, Frederiksborg county, 010314 Double-edged La Tène sword with bronze- and silverornamented grip (Liversage 1980, 55; Klindt-Jensen 1949, 43f, fig. 15) 11. Uglemosen, Birket parish, Maribo county, Lolland 070401-110 Three to four wooden helmets (Mathiassen 1952) classified by F. Kaul as helmets of Negau type (Kaul 1996, 29ff), AMS radiocarbon dated to 4060BP ±95 (Heinemeier et al. 1994, 290). Scania 12. Näsbyholmsjön, Gärdslöv parish, Scania, LUHM 8440:17 Bone lance head found in lake (Althin 1951, 274, fig. 1e; Martens 2001, fig. 13b) 13. Näsbyholmsjön, Gärdslöv parish, Scania, LUHM 8440:12 Antler lance head found in lake (Martens 2001, fig. 13e) 14. Segeå stream, Arlövsgården, Burlöv parish, Scania, LUHM 26485:69 Antler lance head, ornamented with circular grooves at base and a wave-shaped groove at point, found when cleaning out the watercourse Segeå in 1932 (Althin 1951, 274, fig. 2a; Martens 2001, fig. 11a) 2. Nosaby, Kristanstad Inhumation grave? Destroyed. Heavily rusted doubleedged sword and two spearheads (Nicklasson 1997, 248, find no. 14; Björk 2005, 240, Kat. No. 187. SFT VI, 77-78) 15. Segeå stream, Arlövsgården, Burlöv parish, Scania, LUHM 26950:7-8 Antler lance head and bone lance head found when cleaning out Segeå in 1933, »not far from LUHM 26485« (Althin 1951, 274, not depicted; Martens 2001, fig. 11b-c) 3. Nosaby Kristanstad Destroyed grave? Heavily rusted double-edged sword (Nicklasson 1997, 252, find no. 37; Björk 2005, 240, Cat. No. 188, SFT VI, 77) 16. Segeå stream, Arlövsgården, Burlöv parish, Scania, LUHM 28005:4 Bone lance head found when cleaning out Segeå in 1935 (Althin 1951, 274, fig. 2b; Martens 2001, fig. 12a) 17. Segeå stream, Stjärnelund, Görslöv parish, Scania, LUHM 27098:4 Bone lance head found when cleaning out Segeå in 1933/1934 (Althin 1951, 274, fig. 2e; Martens 2001, fig. 11f) 18. Segeå stream, St. Bernstorpsgården, Södra Sallerup parish, Scania, LUHM 26977:2 Bone lance head found when cleaning out Segeå in 1933 (Althin 1951, 274, fig. 2c; Martens 2001, fig. 11d) 19. Segeå stream, St. Bernstorpsgården, Södra Sallerup parish, Scania, LUHM 27062:12 Point of bone lance head, found when cleaning out Segeå in 1933/1934 (Althin 1951, 274, not depicted; Martens 2001, fig. 11e) 20. Segeå stream, St. Bernstorpsgården, Södra Sallerup parish, Scania, LUHM 28119:b Bone lance head, found by dredging Segeå in 1936 (Althin 1951, 274, fig. 2d; Martens 2001, fig. 12c) 21. Segeå stream, St. Bernstorpsgården, Södra Sallerup parish, Scania, LUHM 28266:6 Bone lance head, found by dredging Segeå in 1937 (Althin 1951, 274, fig. 2f; Martens 2001, fig. 12b) 22. Segeå stream, Törringe parish, Scania, private collection Bone lance head found by Segeå (Salomonsson 1971, 131, fig.? on p. 131) 23. Tormetorps Mosse, Ö. Sallerup parish, Scania, LUHM 20569 Antler lance head, bog find (Althin 1951, 274, fig. 1d) 24. Röekällorna, Hagastad 41, Löderup parish, Scania, LUHM Three bone lance heads (Stjernquist 1997, 41, figs. 5, 100, 101) Appendix 6 Grave finds Scania 1. Vedhygge, Ignaberga, Kristianstad Cremation grave, four potsherds, including one from a sieving vessel, three flint flakes, spearhead of Salos type B, human bone (teenager) (Björk 2005, 242, fig. 22) Zealand archipelago 4. C9428-29, Hoby La Tène sword, imported bronze bucket (see contribution by Susanne Klingenberg) Appendix 7 Settlement finds Zealand archipelago 1. Borrebjerg, Sejerø 26 bone lance heads, found at a fortified site in association with six iron lance heads and pottery, which Liversage dates to his Rørby phase (Liversage 1980, 44), i.e. phase IIA; four are ornamented with circles or semicircles arranged in rows (Kjær 1901, 48-49; Müller 1906, 175; Becker 1948a, 170; Liversage 1973, figs. 13-14; Liversage 1980, 44; Liversage 1982) 2. Hemshøjgård, Vig, Zealand Bone lance heads, settlement, pottery dating it to the Early Roman Iron Age (B2) (Liversage 1980, 45f, 78, 94f, fig. 34, C12) 3. Gurede, Hagested, Zealand Bone lance head, settlement, pottery dating it to the Early Roman Iron Age (B1/B2) (Liversage 1980, 45, 78, 94f, fig. 34, C9) 4. Nissehøj, Næstved, Zealand Bone lance head, settlement, pottery dating it to the Early Roman Iron Age (B1) (Liversage 1980, 48, 78, 94f, fig. 34, C21) 5. Vejleby, Vejleby parish, Lolland Five bone lance heads found at Early Roman and Late Roman Iron Age settlement (Kjær 1901, 49; Müller 1906, 124ff) Scania 6. Sunnanå 15:1, Burlöv parish, Scania, MHM 7371 Bone lance head found in well at settlement (Nicklasson 1997, 246, fig. 3; Martens 2001, fig. 13a) 7. Valdemarsro, Malmö town, Scania, MHM 6541 Bone lance head, found at settlement (Nicklasson 1997, 246, fig. 15) 8. Ringvägen, Södra Sallerup 15D, Södra Sallerup parish, Scania, MHM 9141:1183 Bone lance head, found in well A697 at settlement (pers. comm. Nina Norha, Malmöhus Museer) 9. Risaberga Grustäkt, Husie/Västra Skrävlinge parish, Scania, MHM 6270 Bone lance head, pottery, fire dogs, Early Pre-Roman Iron 173 Age, found in pit complex A95 at settlement (Martens 2001, fig. 14c) 10. Hötofta 18:3, Södra Åkarp parish, Scania, LUHM 80420 Three bone lance heads found at Early Roman Iron Age settlement (Stjernquist 1969 (does not mention the lance heads); Martens 2001, fig. 14a-b) 11. Kvärlöv, Annelöv parish, Malmö Wooden shield boss found in well (Martens 2001, figs. 4-5) Appendix 8 Stray finds Zealand archipelago 1. Ganløse, Ore, Zealand Bone lance head, further similar objects lost (Kjær 1901, 50, note 2) 2. Møn, unknown location Two bone lance heads (Kjær 1901, 50, note 2) 3. Lolland-Falster, unknown location Bone lance head (Kjær 1901, 50, note 2) 4. Zealand, unknown location Four bone lance heads at the National Museum, two in private collections (Kjær 1901, 50, note 2) Scania 5. Arlövsgården, Burlöv parish, Scania, LUHM 28005:5 Antler lance head? Fragment of point, find circumstances unknown (Martens 2001, fig. 12d) 6. Stjernelund, Görslöv parish, Scania LUHM 27098:2 Antler/bone lance head, fragment of the point, find circumstances unknown (Martens 2001, fig. 12e) 7. Stengård, Grönby parish, Scania, LUHM 25048 Bone lance head, acquired from private collection (Niels Nilsson’s Collection), find circumstances unknown (Martens 2001, fig. 13c) 8. Rebbelberga, Osbyholm, Hörby parish, Scania, LUHM 20570 Antler lance head, point facetted, reverse ornamented with parallel grooves; acquired from private collection, find circumstances unknown (Althin 1951, 274, fig. 1c; Martens 2001, fig. 13f) 9. Scania, unknown find site, SHM 3142 Bone lance head, find circumstances unknown (Althin 1951, fig. 1a; Salo 1962, 74, fig. 28; Martens 2001, fig. 14d) 10. Scania, unknown find site, LUHM 5086 Antler lance head, acquired from private collection (Sven Nilsson’s Collection), find circumstances unknown (Martens 2001, fig. 13d) References Abeg-Wigg, A. 2008. Zu den Grabinventaren aus den »Fürstengräbern« von Neudorf-Bornstein. In: A. Abegg-Wigg & A. Rau (eds.): Aktuelle Forschungen zu Kriegsbeuteopfern und Fürstengräbern im Barbaricum, 279-98. Neumünster. Adamsen, C., U. Lund Hansen, F.O. Nielsen & M. Watt (eds.) 2008. Sorte Muld. Bornholms Museum, Wormianum & Kulturarvstyrelsen. Rønne. Adler, W. 1993. Studien zur germanischen Bewaffnung. 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