The Soviet and Post-Soviet Review

Following the collapse of the Soviet Union, Russia was reduced from the role of a global hegemon to that of a regional hegemon. As the regional hegemon, Russia was responsible for creating a regional order that was nested within the global order. However, since the Soviet Union had collapsed, it could not be assumed that Russia would create a regional order that was compatible with the global order. Would Russia create a regional order that was incompatible with the global order, and further, would Russia be a dissatisfied state that would challenge US hegemony? Using network analysis, I discover that Russia created a regional order that was compatible with the global order. In other words, Russia did not directly challenge the global order. More specifically, Russia accepted the global order that existed at the end of the Cold War. Providing that the global order remained static, Russia would not challenge that order. However, US actions following the collapse of the Soviet Union s...

An essay about the black and white documentary photographic project by Dmitry Vyshemirsky about Kalinigrad (former Königsberg) city.

A town by the sea. Familiar noise and light streaming upon it. Once upon a time a photographer had to set out for faraway shores to see the World, only to return and look at his town in a different light, and create this portrait of the town and land he knows and loves so well. Brought to Kaliningrad in his childhood, he discovered Königsberg which felt like home with its characteristic stone paved streets, pockmarked old walls and gaps left by demolished buildings. Gaps. Ghosts. Just where Kant and his contemporaries could see the castle and those age-old houses. Or, did he find Königsberg in the photographs of lonely silhouettes in morning sunlit streets, the photographs full of the past which one can only feel through empathy and sadness? Who is this story about? It is about Dmitry Vyshemirsky, a photographer from Kaliningrad. What is he working on? He is working on a portrait of the place where he lives. A portrait of the Spirit of the Place, Locus Spiritus. And what is its name? Lar. 1) A warm and very sensitive creature, easily offended by any signs of disrespect towards the place it protects. Roman allegories are not out of place in this former German land where even a visiting Roman would sense the presence of the local Lares demanding as much respect as those he knows at home. Kaliningrad is one of those places which inspire respect by smoothing the differences between capital and province, near and far, centre and suburbs. It is its own capital and its own centre. This is a city where the traces of the past are oozing through the present. Our photographer was born to a family of musicians. His father was labelled "the son of an enemy of the people" for whom Kaliningrad was a place where he could dissolve, a city on the Polish border where his ancestors come from. As a young man Dmitry left for Leningrad, whose Soviet name embraced the pulsing culture of three centuries. It was there in the northern capital of Russia that he became passionate about photography. Then he moved south. But the momentum he had gained in St. Petersburg/Leningrad grew into a life passion. He returned home a photographer. Walking along the streets of the city he knew as a child, he was astonished and unable to recognize it, scrutinising as if seeing it for the first time, and carefully gathering impressions one by one like a jigsaw puzzle only then to share this knowledge in a language he knew best-the language of photography. Dmitry Vyshemirsky developed as a photographer in the mid-1980s-a time of social disturbances, and social responsibilities for an artist. Urban Russian artists of the 1990s switched from that discourse to a new individualistic one. Their work became more alienated and concentrated on the form rather than the content. And the artists eventually lost their interest in addressing and having a dialogue with the audience. Moreover, in recent years the general art of photography gave a start to some independent individual forms like photojournalism, art photography, documentary and commercial photography. Associating oneself with a particular area of photography is not an obstacle to a contemporary artist, but it becomes an internal restriction. Focussing on one particular form of self-expression requires maximum effort and concentration, leaving no space for other forms of photography in today's competitive environment. The younger generation of photographers who started in the 1990s find it impossible to combine various forms of self-expression in their profession. They are hostages within one particular form and cannot change; and attempts to integrate other forms bring ridiculous results. Choosing to live away from the capital brings a number of advantages. The different pace of life gives a photographer some space to think between an event and its reproduction. This time dimension makes a photographer utilise to the full extent his talent as a philosopher and, if the talent is true, his art can become an epic. Being away from the hustle and bustle allows Vyshemirsky to be an artist. 2) The everyday life of Kaliningrad people and the changing urban and rural landscapes that represent the phenomenon of Königsberg-Kaliningrad have been the main focus and theme of his art for over twenty years. He uses the city as an image to engage with the audience and communicate at various levels: from factual and historical to aesthetic and metaphysical understanding of the messages conveyed through photography. For the photographer the visible reality is a narrow gate, a keyhole, a gap between buildings through which he is trying to get to the history of the place, to discover its true character and define the name of the "genius locus". Is it Kaliningrad or Königsberg? Or is there an old mystery living in the surrounding coastal landscapes and other old towns?

ISBN: 9789752975309
The notes and bibliography of the book was distorted during publishing process by the publisher. The author was not given chance to provide a proper bibliography and notes again.
Kitabın notları ve bibliografyası yayıncı tarafindan bozuk yayınlanmıştır.  Yazar düzeltme olanağı bulamamıştır.

For a thousand years the Russian people have suffered under autocratic or totalitarian rule. Despite hardship, they produced significant literature, art, music, and technical advances.

After centuries of Czarist neglect, the decimation of World War I and a bloody civil war, the Soviets bludgeoned an Ancient Russian empire into the 20th century.

Devoid of an industrial base, the Russian peoples labored through political purges and unworkable five-year plans in a desperate game of catch-up with the western world.

Suffering everything that befell them, the Russian devotion to their motherland remained strong.

The heroism and self-sacrifice of the Soviet peoples helped stop Hitler in his tracks. Yet for many soldiers returning from the West, reward for faithful service was a train ride to the gulag.

Twenty million people died. Stalingrad, Smolensk, Leningrad, Kiev, Minsk, and a hundred other cities lay pummeled. Galleries, libraries, and cathedrals were plundered or destroyed

The Russian soul endured. (download to read more)

This study refers to which dynamics should history be built on while
structuring a state. In this sense, function of history in building a state has been tried
to be determined through historiography that has been carried out in Azerbaijan for
the last two centuries. Thus, role of history, as a constructive element, in building a
state has been pointed out both theoretically and practically.
Azerbaijani historiography on which a feudal historiography tradition limited
to eastern Mohammedanism was prevailing methodologically in the 18th century
could make progress only after the Russian occupation in the 19th century.
Azerbaijani history started to be considered as a part of Turkish history under the
nationalism idea in early 20th century while it has been written in line with Russianguided
Marxist-Leninist views and on the basis of dialectic materialism as the Soviet
regime became prevailing on Azerbaijani life. In this time period, some subjective
approaches to Azerbaijani historiography had been seen and historical realities had
neglected. In particular, several subjects such as history-writing, history training and
establishing national identity had been tried to be re-formed in a Sovietic point of
view in order to be able to damage socio-cultural and political bonds between
Turkish-speaking populations. Azerbaijani historiography was also affected by these
policies designed especially for Turkish-speaking region.
Azerbaijani intelligentsia captivated by nationalism movement with the
dismemberment of the Soviet Union attempted to construct a new nation. The
principle of being national for Azerbaijan has come into existence together with
becoming free from Sovietic elements. On the other hand, duality experienced in
determining the context of nation concept leads to discussions on sincerity. The
national identity that was based on Turkish ethical structure in Elçibey period was
tried to be constructed on a cosmopolite population in Aliyev period which was
similar to the Soviet point of view.
The said fact has affected historiographical activities inevitably. Azerbaijani
history that is still tried to be formed depending on understandings from Soviet
period is now under construction through a cosmopolite structure limited to a
geographical area which is heritage of Soviet historiography. In conclusion,
Azerbaijani historiography suffers from not being able to draw away from Soviet
historiography. Despite all these complications, mission fastened on history in
nation-state construct of the Republic of Azerbaijan holds its validity.

Historiography During the Soviet Nation and State Building Process
The concepts of nation and state embody in themselves both normality and artificiality. It is firmly established by historical experience that the human, as the subject of the former as well as the object of the latter, frequently interferes with the content of these concepts. If this intervention stems from ideological reasons, the implication is that the mechanism for providing legitimacy is involved with its focus on historiography. At this stage, the engine of historiography becomes an office for the approval of political power.
Within that context, the fictionalization of history transforms the knowledge of the past to a reproducible product. This understanding means a neglect of the motive to attain the reality of the past; instead, the aim is to become the social engineering required for the continuity of the ideology. In this concise text, alongside the ongoing philosophical debates as to what history is and how it should be laid out, the instrumentality of history in practical terms will be examined with a special focus on the Soviet Union paradigm.
Keywords: Soviet historiography, Soviet nation-state, Territorial historiography, Soviet nationalism.

Котломанов А.О. Паблик-арт: страницы истории. Современное русское искусство в общественном пространстве. Часть 1. Монументальная скульптура. Вестн. С.-Петерб. гос. ун-та. Сер. 15. Искусствоведение. 2015. Вып. 4. С. 55—65.
Kotlomanov A.O. Public art: the pages of history. Contemporary Russian art in the public space. Part 1: Monumental sculpture. Vestnik SPbSU. Series 15. Arts, 2015, issue 4, pp. 55–65 (In Russian).
The article continues the series of publications on the topic of public art. It looks at some trends of Russian art life, the key subject is monumental sculpture of 1990–2000s. The article presents a comparative analysis of the strategies of the Western public art and public art of the Soviet Union. It highlights the work of Zurab Tsereteli that characterizes the situation of the traditional monumental sculpture as a whole. The author also focuses on some of the works of Ernst Neizvestny, Mihail Chemiakin and Rezo Gabriadze representing an alternative method of expressing ideas in the sculpture material. The final conclusions of the article are connected with the analysis of the possibility of development in Russia new forms and methods of public art.

It is no accident that the Euromaidan revolution from November 2013 was triggered by President Viktor Yanukovych’s decision to postpone signing the Association Agreement with the European Union. This paper traces the connection between a certain type of Ukrainian state building, here labelled as monist, and the larger context of European institution building based on the eu, which from the pan-European perspective is also monist. These two monist projects, which fail systemically to allow for alternatives and pluralistic diversity, feed off and mutually reinforce each other. Neither in structural terms can imagine alternatives existing outside of themselves. Both are deeply plural internally, but claim certain hegemonic privileges. By contrast, projects for the constitutional incorporation of pluralistic diversity in Ukraine offer the perspective of national reconciliation, and this would be facilitated by the advancement of some sort of greater European pluralism that would obviate...

The Soviet vision of a preordained and predestined future has been replaced by a feeling of limitlessness of individual and collec- tive endeavors. Unpredictability of the future was coupled with a sense of vulnerability vis-à-vis history. The challenges of an open future have led to a multitude of ideological responses in the enor- mous space lying between Tallinn and Vladivostok, Murmansk and Osh, Magadan and Chisinau. Human creativity has been boosted in all spheres, including politics and ideology. Formerly engaged in the dogmas of Soviet Marxism, political and ideological creativity provided these new societies, emerging from the ruins of the USSR, with an opportunity to build freer and more just polities. History has repatriated the post-Soviet lands as a plurality of political ideas and a clash of ideologies.

20. yüzyılın başlarında ulusçu düşüncenin eyleme dönüşmesiyle yeni bir dünya düzeni kurulmuştur. Bu yeni düzende, tarihe şekil veren büyük imparatorluklar yerlerini kendi içlerinden çıkan ulus-devletlere bırakmak zorunda kalmıştır. Yüzyıl başındaki bu değişim Rusya halkları için sadece yönetim biçimiyle sınırlı kalan bir başkalaşımdan ibaret olmuştur. Nitekim imparatorluk ortadan kaldırılmış, fakat beklenen ulus-devletler ortaya çıkmamış, daha doğrusu Bolşevikler böyle bir duruma müsaade etmemiştir. Bu halklar ancak yüzyılın sonunda Sovyetler Birliği'nin dağılmasıyla bağımsızlıklarını elde edebilmişlerdir. Sovyet halkları arasında yer alan Türkdilli halklar geç elde ettikleri bu bağımsızlıklarının meşruiyetini pekiştirmek amacıyla ulusun ve devletin biricikliğine atıfta bulunan toprak, bayrak, dil, tarih ve benzeri objeleri ulusçuluk temelinde yeniden dizayn etmişlerdir. Bu çerçevede siyasal tercihini ulus-devlet anlayışından yana yapan Azerbaycan, ulusçu bir anlayışla tarihine ve kimliğine yeni bir şekil vermeye başlamıştır. Fakat bu süreç bağımsızlık sonrasının siyasi çalkantılarına paralel olarak geliştiğinden Azerbaycan ulusal tarih yazımı kalıcı bir biçim alamamıştır.
Anahtar Kelimeler: Azerbaycan, ulus-devlet, tarih yazımı, ulusal tarih, ulusal kimlik.

At the beginning of the 20 th century, as the nationalist thinking turned into action a new world order emerged. In this new world order, great empires had to leave their autonomy to the nation-states, which arose within those empires. This conversion taking place at the beginning of the century was only a rebellion for Russian nations, which is limited to a change of regime. As a matter of fact the empires were destroyed, but the expected nation states did not emerge, or more precisely the Bolsheviks did not allow them to do so. These nations could only gain their independence after the dissolution of the Soviet Union at the end of the century. In order to consolidate the legitimacy of their delayed independence, the Turkish speaking nations among the Soviet communities redesigned the concepts of land, flag, language, history and similar elements that refer to the uniqueness of the nation and the state, on the basis of nationalism. In this respect, Azerbaijan, which made its political choice in favor of being a nation-state, started to redesign its history and identity with a national perspective. However, since this process developed in line with political upheaval, the national historiography of Azerbaijan could not adopt a permanent shape.

This book considers the process of legal modernization in Russia from the development of the mechanism of complaints addressed to the authorities from the pre-revolutionary period to today. It analyzes wide-ranging data and sources, collected over 17 years, such as legislation, in-depth interviews, archival materials, original texts, and examples of different methods of complaints in Soviet and contemporary Russia.
Being marginal to the legal system and almost invisible for researchers of legal development, the complaint mechanism has functioned as an extremely important way of restoring justice, available to the majority of people in Russia for centuries. It has survived several historical gaps and, in a sense, acts as a thread that stitches together different eras, coexisting with the establishment and modernization of legal institutions, compensating, accompanying, and sometimes
substituting for them. The research covers a period of over 100 years, and shows how and why at major historical crossroads, Russia chooses between full-fledged legal modernization and saving the authoritarian social contract between the state and society.
This book will be especially useful to scholars researching Soviet society and Post-Soviet transformations, socio-legal studies, and liberal legal reforms, but will also appeal to those working in the broader fields of Russian politics, the history of Soviet society and justice issues more generally.

Unter der "russischen Idee" verstand man ursprünglich einen Kreis von Problemen im geistigen Leben Rußlands, die von den Philosophen zu Anfang des Jahrhunderts, etwa zehn Jahre vor der Oktoberrevolution, aufgeworfen wurden.' Später (besonders nach der Verbannung und
teilweise freiwilligen Emigration einiger herausragender Vertreter des russischen Denkens im Jahre 1922) wurde darunter die Betrachtung jedes einigermaßen wichtigen gesellschaftspolitischen oder kulturgeschichtlichen Themas unter einem eschatologischen Blickwinkel gefaßt. Im Zentrum der so verstandenen "russischen Idee" steht immer Rußland als höchster geistiger Wert und als höchste Realität. In den letzten Jahren wurde der Begriff willkürlich von jedem, der sich als Sprecher oder Erbe der "russischen Idee" sah, mit konkret-historischem Inhalt gefüllt.
Bis ca. 1985 existierte ein relativ einfaches Interaktionsmodell zwischen der "gebildeten Gesellschaft" (von den Dissidenten und Halbdissidenten innerhalb der Intelligenz bis zu den kultivierteren höheren Funktionären) und den russischen geschichts- und religionsphilosophischen
Traditionen. Unter der ideologischen marxistisch-leninistischen Oberfläche dessen, was im geistigen Leben der Sowjetmenschen erlaubt war, wurde die Tiefe einer vorsowjetischen russischen Vergangenheit beschworen.

Resumo: A partir da obra de Svetlana Aleksiévitch, busca-se analisar a sua postura em relação aos testemunhos e a inscrição da escuta enquanto elemento linguístico de hospitalidade e acolhimento em relação ao trauma. Para tanto, procuramos dialogar com a teoria do reconhecimento de Judith Butler, a hospitalidade de Derrida e a teoria das imagens de Didi-Huberman. Assim, foi analisado um pouco do seu processo de escrita imagética, enquanto produtora de discursos sensíveis de alteridade a partir de violências extremas. Os recursos sígnicos, enquanto atos de inscrição do sensível na linguagem, foram vinculados à narrativa traumática, e buscam trabalhar as potencialidades da autora no que diz respeito à escrita.

Azerbaijan’s independence came after seven decades of militant atheism of the Soviet modernisation project and emerged into staunch secularism of Western modernity, two factors that, on a par with the country’s precarious neighbourhood, promised a sustained indigenous effort towards a desacralisation of the country’s political space and the associated exclusion of religion from politics, a modern blueprint that the Azerbaijani state and its society have stood united to diligently follow over the cause of the country’s independent existence.  Yet the specific dynamics facing the country in the third decade of independence and the changing contours of its international engagements have gradually been working to loosen up the latter formula and lay the groundwork for a quintessentially Azerbaijani pathway of statehood to follow, one combining the nation’s historical embeddedness in an Islamic milieu with its century-old practical experience of modern policy making.

Котломанов А.О. Паблик-арт: страницы истории. Современное русское искусство в общественном пространстве. Часть 2. Новые формы // Вестн. С.-Петерб. гос. ун-та. Сер. 15. Искусствоведение. 2016. Вып. 1. С. 68—80.
Kotlomanov A.O. Public art: the pages of history. Contemporary Russian art in the public space. Part 2: New forms of art. Vestnik SPbSU. Series 15. Arts, 2016, issue 1, pp. 68–80 (In Russian).
The article continues the series of publications on the topic of public art. It looks at some trends of Russian art life of the last two decades; the key subject is contemporary art. The article presents the most vivid examples of social activity of contemporary Russian artists associated with collective projects and art festivals. Also it makes a comparative analysis of the Western public art and its analogies in Russia. It analyzes the reaction of the domestic public to contemporary art, the interactions of the artists and society. The author focuses on public art projects in St. Petersburg, Moscow and Perm, highlighting the most typical, in his view, names and events. The final conclusions of the article are connected with analysis of the possibility of development in Russia distinctive forms and methods of public art.

For more than a quarter-century, the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict has been one of the most important factors influencing the political map of the South Caucasus. On 12 May 1994, Nagorno-Karabakh, Armenia, and Azerbaijan signed a cease-fire agreement that ended military operations in the conflict zone and has been observed until recently.
Negotiations for a peaceful settlement have been underway within the framework of the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe Minsk Group co-chaired by the USA, Russia, and France since 1992, but society and the elite in Armenia, Nagorno-Karabakh, and Azerbaijan remain largely unprepared for compromise. Considering the settlement process a zero-sum game, they have generally accused one another of
escalating the conflict and of a lack of willingness to restore peace. Other countries and international organizations involved in the negotiations do not share a vision of the future and frequently pursue their own interests. Accordingly, the Karabakh conflict could remain unresolved for decades more. The aim of the paper is a general assessment of the current stage and dynamic of this conflict and the impact of new trends and old obstacles on the prospects for further settlement.

The Catalogue for solo-exhibition of photographs about Coal Miners done by Maxim Marmur (Russia) in 2017-2018, for 18th International Festival of Photography in Pingyao (China), curator of the exhibition: Irina Chmyreva.
Russian / English / Chinese

This chapter discusses strategies of reckoning with the communist past that were adopted in Belarus by the Orthodox Church (BOC), the country’s largest religious denomination. It examines major factors that shaped the process of coming to terms with legacy of communist oppression and the human rights abuses within the BOC, such as dependence on the official ideology of the Belarusian state and subordination to the Russian Orthodox Church.  While the BOC adopted various measures aimed at the commemoration of the victims of Soviet anti-religious policies, it avoided taking any formal steps towards lustration. Dependence on the Russian Orthodox Church prevents the BOC from closer engagement with the memory work conducted by opposition parties, which have become major advocates for transitional justice in Belarus.

This volume examines Russian discourses of regionalism as a source of identity construction practices for the country's political and intellectual establishment. The overall purpose of the monograph is to demonstrate that, contrary to some assumptions, the transition trajectory of post-Soviet Russia has not been towards a liberal democratic nation state that intended to emulate Western political and normative standards. Instead, its foreign policy discourses have been constructing Russia as a supranational community which transcends Russia's current legally established borders.

The study undertakes a systematic and comprehensive survey of Russian official (authorities) and semi-official (establishment affiliated think tanks) discourse for a period of seven years between 2007 and 2013. This exercise demonstrates how Russia is being constructed as a supranational entity through its discourses of cultural and economic regionalism. These discourses associate closely with the political project of Eurasian economic integration and the “Russian world” and “Russian civilization” doctrines. Both ideologies, the geoeconomic and culturalist, have gained prominence in the post-Crimean environment. The analysis tracks down how these identitary concepts crystallized in Russia's foreign policies discourses beginning from Vladimir Putin's second term in power.

The given publication brings to light the transcript of the speech by the
Deputy Chairman of the Council for Religious Affairs of the USSR, Peter Makartsev, during the organization’s meeting in Vilnius in 1977. This transcript is of special interest, since it brings the reader into the context of Soviet religious policy during the Helsinki Hearings. This speech was considered by contemporaries as quite extraordinary and open. Part of it was published in the Samizdat. Yet later on, it was kept in the archives of the Council for Religious Affairs. The concept of the Council for Religious Affairs, which Makartsev tried to attract the audience with, can be summarized as follows: the churches and their management in the USSR were loyal to the government; moreover, socialist values were shared by the major part of religious thinkers. Thus, there was no reason to consider religious institutions as enemies of the socialist system. Moreover, the desire to use the factor of Soviet religious persecution, brought to light by certain parties during the Cold War as an argument against the USSR, must drive the Soviet State to keep neutrality
towards religious institutions. Within Soviet society, the process of secularization was inevitable and must be gradual. Yet the desire to show the progress of secularization in the country of «triumphant socialism», manifested by the reduction of religious communities
and the decrease of religious rituals, led to opposite effects. Makartsev tried to show his Lithuanian colleagues a new concept that legalization and de-politicization of religious life provided with new opportunities of control and gradual neutralization of religious influence on society. Meanwhile, the attempts of Lithuanian authorities to fight religious
figures only led to growing protests and incitement of religious feelings, slowed the process of secularization and turned religious structures into strength of opposition. The use of administrative resources in the fight against religion led to the growth of fanaticism and extremism.
During the previous decades, the Soviet administration had been developing the conditions, under which Catholic parishes could exist in the USSR, however, the Vatican influence was brought down to a minimum. The goal of the Council for Religious Affairs was not to allow religious organizations in the USSR to become a factor in the Cold War.

Siyasal ve sosyal bir kavram olarak ulusa dayalı devlet kendine has hususiyetlere sahip olmak durumundadır. Bu aslında bir meşruiyet kazanma uğraşısıdır. Ulusun etnik bileşimi ve ortaya çıkış yeri bu süreçte özel bir önem taşır. Ulusun kimlerden oluştuğu ve nereden ortaya çıkıp yayıldığı sorularına verilecek cevabın tutarlılığı ve gerçeğe yakınlığı ulusal tarih bilincini olduğu kadar siyasal erki de güçlü kılar.
1990’ların başında Azerbaycan’ın bağımsızlığını kazanmasıyla ortaya çıkan iki devlet bir millet söylemi Türkiye ile Azerbaycan halkları arasında bir gönül birlikteliği oluşturmuşsa da atıfta bulunulan milletin tarihsel olarak ata yurdu ve menşeinin gerçekten de aynı olduğu konusu biraz ihtilaflı durmaktadır. Ülkemizde icra edilmekte olan tarihçilikte Türklerin etnik menşei ve ata yurdu mevzusu bazı ayrıksı düşünceler dışında çoktan halledilmiş görünmektedir. Oysaki Türk tarihçiliğinin bir parçası olarak ele alındığında Azerbaycan’da yürütülmekte olan tarihçilikte bu iki konuya çok farklı yaklaşımlar sergilendiği görülecektir.
Bağımsızlığı yeni elde etmiş bir devletin geçmiş kurgusunda ortaya çıkan ihtilaflar, hem ulusal tarih bilincinin oluşumunda tutarsızlıklara yol açabileceğinden hem de uluslararası arenada meşruiyetinin tanınmasında belirsizlikler doğurabileceğinden ivedilikle halledilmesi gereken bir sorun olarak karşımıza çıkmaktadır.
Türklerin ata yurdu ve menşei konusuna Türk tarihçiliği çerçevesinden bakıldığında birbirinden farklı düşüncelerin var olması bir zenginlik olarak algılanabilirse de bu duruma tarih bilimi açısından yaklaşıldığında daha net ve tutarlı bir söylemin ortaya konulması kaçınılmaz bir gerekliliktir.

Аннотация: В статье рассмотрены особенности внешнеполитического курса США в отношении государств Центральной Азии в постбиполярный период. Охарактеризованы императивы и константы, а также трансформация центрально азиатской политики Вашингтона. Показано, что пять центрально-азиатских государств в течение последних тридцати лет находятся в фокусе американской внешней политики. Большое значение при формировании внешнеполитического курса США в Центральной Азии играло наличие в регионе значительных запасов энергетических и минеральных ресурсов. Поэтому на первый план выходило соперничество за каспийские энергоресурсы и маршруты их транспортировки. Помимо диверсификации транспортно-логистических потоков и поддержки американских компаний, энергетическая политика США в Центральной Азии была нацелена на предотвращение восстановления экономического и политического влияния России, а также на противодействие проникновению Китая, заинтересованного в экономическом сотрудничестве со странами региона. В рассматриваемый период наблюдалась следующая трансформация механизмов и средств политики Вашингтона на центрально-азиатском направлении: политика «экспорта демократии»; попытки «взращивания» проамериканской элиты; стремления разделить государства на отдельные группы с перманентным «назначением» лидеров; вовлечение в единую военную систему по борьбе с терроризмом; воздействие на сознание населения в целях дестабилизации геополитических соперников; выстраивание сотрудничества на прагматичной основе вследствие внутренних трудностей и внешних ограничений. Государства Центральной Азии симпатизировали американскому курсу по причине заинтересованности в технологиях и инвестициях. При этом они всячески дистанцировались от импульсов «демократизации» со стороны Вашингтона. Постоянным региональным союзником США выступил Казахстан, к которому стремился подключиться Узбекистан. Второй эшелон во взаимоотношениях с американской стороной заняли Кыргызстан, Таджикистан и Туркменистан. Особенностью позиций центрально-азиатских стран является получение максимальной выгоды от сотрудничества с Вашингтоном при выстраивании добрососедских отношений с Россией и Китаем, что входит в диссонанс с региональными императивами США. В перспективе американская стратегия в Центральной Азии предполагаемо будет исходить из целесообразности привлечения региональных союзников и стимулирования противоречий для сдерживания геополитических соперников в регионе.
Ключевые слова: Большая Центральная Азия, США, Россия, Китай, геополитика, энергетические ресурсы, «цветные революции», «экспорт демократии», «мягкая сила».
Abstract: The article examines the features of the US foreign policy towards the Central Asian states in the post-bipolar period. The imperatives and constants, as well as the transformation of Washington’s Central Asian policy, have been characterized. It is shown that five Central Asian states have been in the focus of American foreign policy over the past thirty years. In the process of shaping the US foreign policy in Central Asia, the presence of significant reserves of energy and mineral resources in the region was of great importance. Therefore, rivalry for Caspian energy resources and their transportation routes came to the fore. In addition to diversifying transport and logistics flows and supporting American companies, the US energy policy in Central Asia was aimed at preventing the restoration of Russia’s economic and political influence, as well as countering the penetration of China, which is interested in economic cooperation with the countries of the region. During the period under review, the following transformation of mechanisms and means of Washington’s policy in the Central Asian direction was observed: the policy of “exporting democracy”; attempts to “nurture” the pro-American elite; striving to divide states into separate groups with permanent “appointment” of leaders; involvement in a unified military system to combat terrorism; impact on the consciousness of the population in order to destabilize geopolitical rivals; building cooperation on a pragmatic basis due to internal difficulties and external constraints. Central Asian states sympathized with the American course because of their interest in technology and investment. At the same time, these states in every possible way distanced themselves from the impulses of “democratization” from Washington. Kazakhstan was a permanent regional ally of the United States, to which Uzbekistan was striving to join. The second echelon in relations with the American side was occupied by Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan and Turkmenistan. A feature of the positions of the Central Asian countries is the maximum benefit from cooperation with Washington while building good-neighborly relations with Russia and China, which is in dissonance with the regional imperatives of the United States. In the future, the American strategy in Central Asia will presumably proceed from the expediency of attracting regional allies and stimulating contradictions in order to contain geopolitical rivals in the region.
Keywords: Greater Central Asia, US, Russia, China, geopolitics, energy resources, “color revolutions”, “export of democracy”, “soft power”.

In democracies, elites should be responsive to public opinion. This is especially true in Eastern Europe, where politicians fear electoral sanctions in the process of reform (Roberts and Kim 2011). Public opinion in general in Eastern Europe has been overwhelmingly in favor of European integration (Caplanova et al. 2004). In Ukraine, public opinion was in favor of increased cooperation with the eu, while in Moldova, public opinion was in favor of increased cooperation with the Russian led Customs Union. Ukraine refused to sign an association agreement with the eu, while Moldova enthusiastically signed the same association agreement. Why should both Ukrainian and Moldovan political elites have chosen not to be responsive to public opinion in such an important decision? Using network analysis of bilateral treaties between Russia and Moldova and Russia and Ukraine, I predict the responsiveness of political elites to public opinion toward European integration. I argue that the denser a ...

Following the collapse of the Soviet Union, Russia was reduced from the role of a global hegemon to that of a regional hegemon. As the regional hegemon, Russia was responsible for creating a regional order that was nested within the global order. However, since the Soviet Union had collapsed, it could not be assumed that Russia would create a regional order that was compatible with the global order. Would Russia create a regional order that was incompatible with the global order, and further, would Russia be a dissatisfied state that would challenge US hegemony? Using network analysis, I discover that Russia created a regional order that was compatible with the global order. In other words, Russia did not directly challenge the global order. More specifically, Russia accepted the global order that existed at the end of the Cold War. Providing that the global order remained static, Russia would not challenge that order. However, US actions following the collapse of the Soviet Union s...

... The New Ukrainian Literature: Between the Postmodern and the Postcolonial. Autores: VitalyChernetsky; Localización: The Soviet and post-Soviet Review, ISSN 1075-1262, Vol. 28, Nº 1-2, 2001 , págs. 29-46. Fundación Dialnet. Acceso de usuarios registrados. ...

Вестник КРСУ. 2020. Том 20. № 2 41 П.И. Дятленко УДК 94(575.2) ВЛИЯНИЕ РЕАБИЛИТАЦИИ РЕПРЕССИРОВАННЫХ ЧИНОВНИКОВ НА ИСТОРИЧЕСКУЮ И КУЛЬТУРНУЮ ПОЛИТИКУ В КИРГИЗСКОЙ ССР В КОНЦЕ 1950-х-1960-х гг.
The article is devoted to analyze of previously unpublished archive document – the transcript of a meeting of historians and two prosecutors dated January 23, 1959, which was dedicated to the inclusion of the names of rehabilitated officials and cultural figures in the forthcoming "Essays on the History of the Communist Party of Kyrgyzstan".
Проанализирован ранее не публиковавшийся архивный документ-стенограмма собрания историков и двух прокуроров от 23 января 1959 г., которое было посвящено включению имен реабилитированных чиновников и деятелей культуры в готовившиеся "Очерки истории Коммунистической партии Киргизии".

Bushuev A.S., Shafigullina L.R. Sotsiokul'turnoe razvitie postsovetskogo Tatarstana v zerkale istoriografii [Sociocultural Development of the Post-Soviet Tatarstan in the Mirror of Historiography] // Izvestiya Samarskogo nauchnogo tsentra Rossiiskoi akademii nauk. 2013. Vol. 15, 5: 213-219.

В статье представлен аналитический обзор исследований, затрагивающих различные аспекты социокультурного развития постсоветского Татарстана. Авторами охарактеризованы общие тенденции историографии проблемы, показано состояние изученности развития культуры, культурной политики, межкультурных коммуникаций, а также отдельных направлений и областей культуры и искусства региона.
Исследование выполнено при поддержке РГНФ, проект №12-11-16015а/В.


The paper presents an analytical review of studies relating to various aspects of socio-cultural development of the post-Soviet Republic of Tatarstan. The authors analyze the general trends in the historiography of given problem, in the study of the cultural development, cultural policy, intercultural communication, as well as history of different spheres of art and culture in Tatarstan.