Jenn Dumoulin
Part-time Professor and Ph.D Candidate (Department of Communication, University of Ottawa)
www.runwithjenn.ca
• Research interests in media studies, literature, politics, and military law
• Barrister & Solicitor (Non-practising)
• Self-starter, highly organized, great time management skills.
• Passionate volunteer and devoted team player
• Avid runner, cyclist, yogi and weightlifter
Supervisors: Florian Grandena, Department of Communication, University of Ottawa
Address: Ottawa, Ontario, Canada
www.runwithjenn.ca
• Research interests in media studies, literature, politics, and military law
• Barrister & Solicitor (Non-practising)
• Self-starter, highly organized, great time management skills.
• Passionate volunteer and devoted team player
• Avid runner, cyclist, yogi and weightlifter
Supervisors: Florian Grandena, Department of Communication, University of Ottawa
Address: Ottawa, Ontario, Canada
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Papers by Jenn Dumoulin
The purpose of international humanitarian law (IHL) is to regulate the conduct of military operations during armed conflicts and, in particular, to protect civilians and the victims of war. Under IHL, civilians are to be protected from military operations in both international and non-international armed conflicts - unless and for such time that they take a direct part in hostilities. The concept of direct participation in hostilities is, therefore, a determinative factor in armed conflict situations as it delineates those civilians who should be protected from those who have engaged in unlawful conduct and, as a result, have forfeited their protected status. Despite its importance,
identifying the precise conduct that causes a civilian to lose his or her protection remains elusive.
There has been much debate surrounding the concept of direct participation in hostilities. In an attempt to clarify this debate, the International Committee of the Red Cross published its Interpretive Guidance on the Notion of Direct Participation in Hostilities under International Law. The Interpretive Guidance
considered three questions: who is a civilian, what constitutes direct participation and what causes the loss of protection.
Despite the issuance of the Interpretive Guidance, many aspects of direct participation in hostilities remain unsettled. This paper explores the three elements of the "act" component of the concept of direct participation in hostilities: (1) what is meant by direct participation (”conduct-ual” nature of the act); (2) for what length of time does an individual directly participate in hostilities (temporal nature of the act); and, (3) what are hostilities (contextual nature of the act). It then establishes – in a preliminary manner – a classification system that can be used to assess whether a civilian has undertaken an act that should result in the loss of their protected status.
To answer this question, the Canadian House of Commons is explored along three dimensions of the public sphere – structure, representation, and interaction. This system of classification conforms to the essential function and institutional criteria of classical theory and also accounts for revised models of the public sphere. Ultimately, this work argues that the Canadian House of Commons satisfies the structural and representational dimensions of the public sphere. Its interactional dimension, however, is found to be inconsistent with public sphere theory due to a lack of real deliberation and the pervasiveness of party politics.
Drafts by Jenn Dumoulin
The objective of this paper is to dissect the concept of propaganda – examining the mediums used for communication, its functions, and its constitutive features – in order to situate the concept of propaganda as a form of mass communication and therefore differentiate it from other forms of mass communication.
Unlike the American Constitution, the BNA Act did not contain any provisions on Human Rights. The Parliament of Canada enacted the Canadian Bill of Rights in 1960. However, the Bill did not take precedence over other federal laws, had no jurisdiction over provincial laws, and served more as an ideal than as a functional piece of legislation (“Charter of Rights and Freedoms – History”, 2006).
Prime Minister Pierre Elliott Trudeau is credited with the establishment of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms. In order to do so, he lobbied the British Parliament and successfully repatriated the British North American Act in 1982, giving Canada control over its Constitution. Under the Constitution Act of 1982, this historic piece of legislation became known as the Constitution Act of 1867.
The Constitution Act of 1982 also entrenched the Charter of Rights and Freedoms in the Constitution. This meant that the Charter could not be repealed by an ordinary act of Parliament or of provincial and territorial legislatures (Smyth, Soberman, & Easson, 2007). Section 1 of the Charter “guarantees the rights and freedoms set out in it subject only to such reasonable limits prescribed by law as can be demonstrably justified in a free and democratic society” (“Charter of Rights and Freedoms”, n.d.). The Charter is therefore considered to be overriding, wherein the rights guaranteed in the Charter take precedence over other legislation that is in conflict with those rights. The Canadian Charter guarantees four fundamental freedoms along with democratic, mobility, legal, education, language, and equality rights to all Canadian citizens.
Based on the definition in the Charter, Canada is a free and democratic society. In democratic societies, citizens are guaranteed certain rights and freedoms, including the freedom of association and freedom of thought.
Contemporary technological advancements are facilitating the collection, tracking, and sharing of personal information between the private and public sectors of society. One method of such data collection, tracking, and sharing is through the use of radio frequency identification (RFID) technology.
Despite the benefits that RFID technology has for the private sector, including inventory management and theft prevention, this paper argues that RFID and other forms of information tracking and collection technology are detrimental to the rights and freedoms of citizens in democratic societies.
The rise of reality television was paralleled in North America by a resurgence in anti-privacy and government surveillance legislation. The increase in such legislation was especially predominant after the terrorist attacks that took place on September 11, 2001 in New York City.
The purpose of this paper is to examine the relationship between the rise of reality television and the post-9/11 surge in American legislation, specifically that which pertains to the increased government surveillance of the American public. In order to fully grasp the impact of reality television on its American audiences, this study begins by examining the history and growth of the genre. The reality television phenomenon has gripped the nation in recent years, due in part to the introduction of sub-genres. This paper evaluates the similarities and differences between the sub-genres as well as their place in contemporary North American culture.
The social and psychological effects of television are scrutinized, and these theories are then applied to reality television. A discussion of how reality television works as well as the reasons why mass audiences are drawn to the genre are used in an analysis about the power that reality television holds over both its audience and its participants. Upon completion of the study of reality television, this paper shifts its focus to provide an overview of American legislation pertaining to privacy and government surveillance. This essay specifically examines the USA-PATRIOT Act and the amendments to the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act since September 11, 2001 to provide concrete examples of the impact that 9/11 and the Bush Administration have had on the privacy of American citizens.
Ultimately, this essay attempts to avoid being labeled as a conspiracy theory and strives instead to suggest the existence of a possible naturalizing relationship between the rise of reality television and the surge in government surveillance and “anti-privacy” legislation.
Real-time techniques have begun to emerge outside of the genres discussed above, transitioning to the world of televised fiction. This is most evident in the FOX television series 24, wherein each season of the series takes place over the course of twenty-four hours, with each individual 60-minute episode representing one hour. Using the series 24 as a lens through which to examine the emphasis on time and the use of real-time techniques in televised fiction, the purpose of this paper is to answer the following question: What impact do time and real-time techniques have on authenticity and the representation of reality in televised fiction?
The purpose of this essay is to determine how television might negatively affect democracy, politics, and government policy in the United States of America following the terror attacks of 9/11. In order to do so, this study begins by briefly examining the development of television technology and the origins of political broadcasting in the United States. This is followed by a discussion of theories on the negative effects of television news media on interpersonal trust, political trust, and policy support. After examining the effects of varying media forms, this essay shifts its focus to a post-9/11 evaluation of news media in the United States in order to examine the degree of influence that the media may have had on government policies, political attitudes, and public opinion. The essay concludes by discussing potential future impacts of information communication technologies on democracy, politics, and government.
While it is possible to debate whether any limits to such a fundamental freedom are justifiable, and indeed the courts have done so many times, it is nevertheless commonly accepted that this is the case. Interestingly, freedom of expression is limited not only within society as a whole, but also within its governing democratic institutions. At first glance, such limitations appear counterintuitive. How can elected representatives properly deliberate and create laws if they do not have the ability to speak freely while doing so?
The purpose of this paper is to explore this inconsistency in the law surrounding freedom of expression. Section I of this paper reviews the existing jurisprudence on freedom of expression as guaranteed by Section 2(b) of the Charter and lays out the analytical framework found in Irwin Toy Ltd. v Quebec (Attorney General) [hereafter Irwin Toy] and Montréal (City) v 2952-1366 Québec Inc. [hereafter Montréal (City)]. Section II then considers the scope of freedom of expression guaranteed within the House of Commons using the lens of parliamentary privilege. Lastly, Section III applies the tests from Irwin Toy and Montréal (City) to determine whether the limits imposed on freedom of expression within the House of Commons are consistent with the Charter guarantee under Section 2(b).
The purpose of this paper is to examine propaganda, in particular wartime propaganda, in a post-9/11 context in order to understand the complex role that television plays as a tool of social control and mass persuasion. In doing so, this paper begins with an in-depth study of propaganda which explores the target audience and scope of propagandistic campaigns, the functions and objectives of propaganda, and, finally, the techniques and features employed in such campaigns. In order to distinguish between propaganda and other forms of promotional discourse, a discussion on the ethics of propaganda is conducted.
After establishing a solid definition of the concept and techniques of propaganda, it is further examined in the context of wartime operations. An emphasis is placed upon the techniques and objectives of wartime communication campaigns in order to determine how war propaganda can be employed to influence attitudes and beliefs. In doing so, this paper will also explore how ideologies and values can be employed to promote particular agendas.
Finally, a case study focusing on the television series 24 is conducted to illustrate how patriotic and idealistic images can be used to mobilize support for the American military establishment and its strategic operations, including the acceptance of morally questionable conduct. This case study demonstrates the influential role that television can play in the context of wartime operations by encouraging support for the military and law enforcement agencies.
The purpose of international humanitarian law (IHL) is to regulate the conduct of military operations during armed conflicts and, in particular, to protect civilians and the victims of war. Under IHL, civilians are to be protected from military operations in both international and non-international armed conflicts - unless and for such time that they take a direct part in hostilities. The concept of direct participation in hostilities is, therefore, a determinative factor in armed conflict situations as it delineates those civilians who should be protected from those who have engaged in unlawful conduct and, as a result, have forfeited their protected status. Despite its importance,
identifying the precise conduct that causes a civilian to lose his or her protection remains elusive.
There has been much debate surrounding the concept of direct participation in hostilities. In an attempt to clarify this debate, the International Committee of the Red Cross published its Interpretive Guidance on the Notion of Direct Participation in Hostilities under International Law. The Interpretive Guidance
considered three questions: who is a civilian, what constitutes direct participation and what causes the loss of protection.
Despite the issuance of the Interpretive Guidance, many aspects of direct participation in hostilities remain unsettled. This paper explores the three elements of the "act" component of the concept of direct participation in hostilities: (1) what is meant by direct participation (”conduct-ual” nature of the act); (2) for what length of time does an individual directly participate in hostilities (temporal nature of the act); and, (3) what are hostilities (contextual nature of the act). It then establishes – in a preliminary manner – a classification system that can be used to assess whether a civilian has undertaken an act that should result in the loss of their protected status.
To answer this question, the Canadian House of Commons is explored along three dimensions of the public sphere – structure, representation, and interaction. This system of classification conforms to the essential function and institutional criteria of classical theory and also accounts for revised models of the public sphere. Ultimately, this work argues that the Canadian House of Commons satisfies the structural and representational dimensions of the public sphere. Its interactional dimension, however, is found to be inconsistent with public sphere theory due to a lack of real deliberation and the pervasiveness of party politics.
The objective of this paper is to dissect the concept of propaganda – examining the mediums used for communication, its functions, and its constitutive features – in order to situate the concept of propaganda as a form of mass communication and therefore differentiate it from other forms of mass communication.
Unlike the American Constitution, the BNA Act did not contain any provisions on Human Rights. The Parliament of Canada enacted the Canadian Bill of Rights in 1960. However, the Bill did not take precedence over other federal laws, had no jurisdiction over provincial laws, and served more as an ideal than as a functional piece of legislation (“Charter of Rights and Freedoms – History”, 2006).
Prime Minister Pierre Elliott Trudeau is credited with the establishment of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms. In order to do so, he lobbied the British Parliament and successfully repatriated the British North American Act in 1982, giving Canada control over its Constitution. Under the Constitution Act of 1982, this historic piece of legislation became known as the Constitution Act of 1867.
The Constitution Act of 1982 also entrenched the Charter of Rights and Freedoms in the Constitution. This meant that the Charter could not be repealed by an ordinary act of Parliament or of provincial and territorial legislatures (Smyth, Soberman, & Easson, 2007). Section 1 of the Charter “guarantees the rights and freedoms set out in it subject only to such reasonable limits prescribed by law as can be demonstrably justified in a free and democratic society” (“Charter of Rights and Freedoms”, n.d.). The Charter is therefore considered to be overriding, wherein the rights guaranteed in the Charter take precedence over other legislation that is in conflict with those rights. The Canadian Charter guarantees four fundamental freedoms along with democratic, mobility, legal, education, language, and equality rights to all Canadian citizens.
Based on the definition in the Charter, Canada is a free and democratic society. In democratic societies, citizens are guaranteed certain rights and freedoms, including the freedom of association and freedom of thought.
Contemporary technological advancements are facilitating the collection, tracking, and sharing of personal information between the private and public sectors of society. One method of such data collection, tracking, and sharing is through the use of radio frequency identification (RFID) technology.
Despite the benefits that RFID technology has for the private sector, including inventory management and theft prevention, this paper argues that RFID and other forms of information tracking and collection technology are detrimental to the rights and freedoms of citizens in democratic societies.
The rise of reality television was paralleled in North America by a resurgence in anti-privacy and government surveillance legislation. The increase in such legislation was especially predominant after the terrorist attacks that took place on September 11, 2001 in New York City.
The purpose of this paper is to examine the relationship between the rise of reality television and the post-9/11 surge in American legislation, specifically that which pertains to the increased government surveillance of the American public. In order to fully grasp the impact of reality television on its American audiences, this study begins by examining the history and growth of the genre. The reality television phenomenon has gripped the nation in recent years, due in part to the introduction of sub-genres. This paper evaluates the similarities and differences between the sub-genres as well as their place in contemporary North American culture.
The social and psychological effects of television are scrutinized, and these theories are then applied to reality television. A discussion of how reality television works as well as the reasons why mass audiences are drawn to the genre are used in an analysis about the power that reality television holds over both its audience and its participants. Upon completion of the study of reality television, this paper shifts its focus to provide an overview of American legislation pertaining to privacy and government surveillance. This essay specifically examines the USA-PATRIOT Act and the amendments to the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act since September 11, 2001 to provide concrete examples of the impact that 9/11 and the Bush Administration have had on the privacy of American citizens.
Ultimately, this essay attempts to avoid being labeled as a conspiracy theory and strives instead to suggest the existence of a possible naturalizing relationship between the rise of reality television and the surge in government surveillance and “anti-privacy” legislation.
Real-time techniques have begun to emerge outside of the genres discussed above, transitioning to the world of televised fiction. This is most evident in the FOX television series 24, wherein each season of the series takes place over the course of twenty-four hours, with each individual 60-minute episode representing one hour. Using the series 24 as a lens through which to examine the emphasis on time and the use of real-time techniques in televised fiction, the purpose of this paper is to answer the following question: What impact do time and real-time techniques have on authenticity and the representation of reality in televised fiction?
The purpose of this essay is to determine how television might negatively affect democracy, politics, and government policy in the United States of America following the terror attacks of 9/11. In order to do so, this study begins by briefly examining the development of television technology and the origins of political broadcasting in the United States. This is followed by a discussion of theories on the negative effects of television news media on interpersonal trust, political trust, and policy support. After examining the effects of varying media forms, this essay shifts its focus to a post-9/11 evaluation of news media in the United States in order to examine the degree of influence that the media may have had on government policies, political attitudes, and public opinion. The essay concludes by discussing potential future impacts of information communication technologies on democracy, politics, and government.
While it is possible to debate whether any limits to such a fundamental freedom are justifiable, and indeed the courts have done so many times, it is nevertheless commonly accepted that this is the case. Interestingly, freedom of expression is limited not only within society as a whole, but also within its governing democratic institutions. At first glance, such limitations appear counterintuitive. How can elected representatives properly deliberate and create laws if they do not have the ability to speak freely while doing so?
The purpose of this paper is to explore this inconsistency in the law surrounding freedom of expression. Section I of this paper reviews the existing jurisprudence on freedom of expression as guaranteed by Section 2(b) of the Charter and lays out the analytical framework found in Irwin Toy Ltd. v Quebec (Attorney General) [hereafter Irwin Toy] and Montréal (City) v 2952-1366 Québec Inc. [hereafter Montréal (City)]. Section II then considers the scope of freedom of expression guaranteed within the House of Commons using the lens of parliamentary privilege. Lastly, Section III applies the tests from Irwin Toy and Montréal (City) to determine whether the limits imposed on freedom of expression within the House of Commons are consistent with the Charter guarantee under Section 2(b).
The purpose of this paper is to examine propaganda, in particular wartime propaganda, in a post-9/11 context in order to understand the complex role that television plays as a tool of social control and mass persuasion. In doing so, this paper begins with an in-depth study of propaganda which explores the target audience and scope of propagandistic campaigns, the functions and objectives of propaganda, and, finally, the techniques and features employed in such campaigns. In order to distinguish between propaganda and other forms of promotional discourse, a discussion on the ethics of propaganda is conducted.
After establishing a solid definition of the concept and techniques of propaganda, it is further examined in the context of wartime operations. An emphasis is placed upon the techniques and objectives of wartime communication campaigns in order to determine how war propaganda can be employed to influence attitudes and beliefs. In doing so, this paper will also explore how ideologies and values can be employed to promote particular agendas.
Finally, a case study focusing on the television series 24 is conducted to illustrate how patriotic and idealistic images can be used to mobilize support for the American military establishment and its strategic operations, including the acceptance of morally questionable conduct. This case study demonstrates the influential role that television can play in the context of wartime operations by encouraging support for the military and law enforcement agencies.