Marcus Templar
Marcus Alexander Templar was born in Thessaloniki, Macedonia, Greece. He is a former Cryptologic Linguist and Principal Subject Matter Expert in All-Source Intelligence Analysis of the U.S. Army. During his military career, he has supported intelligence operations on a national level, and served as instructor in U.S. Intelligence Schools.
His academic research includes the political ideology of Bulgarian intellectuals after the Commune of Paris and the effect of their ideology to the establishment, development, and activities of the Internal Macedonian Revolutionary Organization (IMRO) aka VMRO. The research also examines the organization’s activities in order to create a communist regime of Bulgarians in Macedonia at least 20 years before the founding of the USSR.
More specifically, his work analyzes the relationship and interaction among members and factions of the organization with contemporary political, pan-Slavic movements and governments, as well as the organization’s political and terrorist activities. Academically he is intrinsically interested in matters of national security, public governmental policy, and strategy.
He holds a BA from Western Illinois University (Macomb, Illinois ) in the Social Sciences and Humanities, a Master's degree from Northeastern Illinois University (Chicago, Illinois ) in Human Resource Development, and a second Master’s in Strategic Intelligence from the National Intelligence University (Washington, DC) specializing in the southern Balkans and Turkey.
He is a member of the Greek Politics Specialist Group (GPSG) of the UK’s Political Studies Association (PSA), National Intelligence Education Foundation of the USA, Armed Forces Communications and Electronics Association, National Intelligence University Alumni Association, and National Military Intelligence Association of the USA.
His academic research includes the political ideology of Bulgarian intellectuals after the Commune of Paris and the effect of their ideology to the establishment, development, and activities of the Internal Macedonian Revolutionary Organization (IMRO) aka VMRO. The research also examines the organization’s activities in order to create a communist regime of Bulgarians in Macedonia at least 20 years before the founding of the USSR.
More specifically, his work analyzes the relationship and interaction among members and factions of the organization with contemporary political, pan-Slavic movements and governments, as well as the organization’s political and terrorist activities. Academically he is intrinsically interested in matters of national security, public governmental policy, and strategy.
He holds a BA from Western Illinois University (Macomb, Illinois ) in the Social Sciences and Humanities, a Master's degree from Northeastern Illinois University (Chicago, Illinois ) in Human Resource Development, and a second Master’s in Strategic Intelligence from the National Intelligence University (Washington, DC) specializing in the southern Balkans and Turkey.
He is a member of the Greek Politics Specialist Group (GPSG) of the UK’s Political Studies Association (PSA), National Intelligence Education Foundation of the USA, Armed Forces Communications and Electronics Association, National Intelligence University Alumni Association, and National Military Intelligence Association of the USA.
less
InterestsView All (12)
Uploads
Papers by Marcus Templar
In this edition of the monograph, I have included more evidence on the intricacies of other Greek dialects e.g. the Delphic dialect. In the book of Moralia by Plutarch, one finds information about the intricacies of the Delphic dialect as it relates to the Attic and Macedonian dialects. I also deemed necessary to add some historical information relevant to the geostrategic importance of Macedonia’s last ancient Capital of Pella and the possible reasons behind the move of the Macedonian Capital from Aigai (also spelt Aegai, Aegae) to Pella.
Also, I offered a forensic analysis but also a speculation on the defigens deeming that some additional information would provide a better understanding of the matter.
Furthermore, the indicated monograph attempts to provide information to help the reader understand the topic of the strategic culture of the Republic of Turkey, as well as the reasons that brought forth principles as the ideology and particular aspects of Turkey’s dimensions of national security.
Strategic culture refers to widely shared normative beliefs, attitudes, and policy preferences as they pertain to a country's foreign relations. It is the psychological personality of a country. It simply offers information that one needs to know in order to understand why Turkey as a whole behaves in certain ways and to explain its national personality.
In the beginning of 1902, the Greek Prime Minister, Alexander Zaimis, openly admitted, “The chief threat to Hellenism in Macedonia came, not from the Ottoman Turks, but from the Bulgarians.” The continuous political and military involvement of the Great Powers officially was intended to alleviate the plight of the Christians under Ottoman misgovernment. In reality, the same Powers were interested (and still are) in establishing their political and military outposts in their client states of the region.
As an antidote to the political antagonism between the Pan-Slavist movement of St. Petersburg, Russia and the Western Powers, Bulgarian intellectuals in Macedonia found political recourse in Marxism and Anarchism believing that if those philosophies were implemented and spread, they would liberate not only themselves from the Ottomans, but also from the supremacy among the Great Powers.
By the end of the 19th century, the Bulgarian idealists in Macedonia created secret societies bracing their military groups with thugs and brigands who had re-invented themselves as patriots and liberators while they covertly continued their old lifestyle and directly threatened the existence of anything Greek.
Whether one regards NATO as North America’s and Europe’s encroaching hand or whether one conceptualizes the Alliance as the ready policeman of the world, NATO considers itself as the instrument of stability and solidity of the North Atlantic countries.
Upon the fall of the Wall in 1989, NATO hastily employed an open door policy, inviting and admitting former Warsaw Pact country members that militarily qualified to join, but lacked democratic values and principles, the absence of which contravene NATO’s own values. On other occasions, the Alliance invited quasi-qualified countries on the basis of their strategic geo-political location only vis-à-vis the former Soviet Union (USSR).
The Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia’s (FYROM) candidacy to NATO is not only problematic, but also pointless. The FYROM does not meet any of the preconditions set by NATO and save for the exception of some troops that the FYROM sent to NATO’s International Security Assistant Force (ISAF), it does not meet any other NATO requirements, including a less than medium rated strategic location.
This fact-based paper attempts to prove that the FYROM has not met the preconditions of a democratic society or the military criteria for joining NATO. The conclusions are based on the results of competing hypothesis in intelligence analysis.
Conference Presentations by Marcus Templar
The original version of "Hellenic Migrations and Katadesmos: A Paradigm of Macedonian Speech" I had presented at the Ninth Biennial Conference on Greek Linguistics at the University Of Chicago, Department Of Linguistics, University Of Chicago, on October 30, 2009. Due to time constraints, I did not include the appropriate extent of information.
In this second edition of this monograph, I have included more evidence on the intricacies of other Greek dialects e.g. the Delphic dialect. In the book of Moralia by Plutarch, one finds information about the intricacies of the Delphic dialect as it relates to the Attic and Macedonian dialects. I also deemed necessary to add some historical information relevant to the geostrategic importance of Macedonia’s last ancient Capital of Pella and the possible reasons behind the move of the Macedonian Capital from Aigai (also spelt Aegai, Aegae) to Pella.
Also, I offered a forensic analysis but also a speculation on the defigens deeming that some additional information would provide a better understanding of the matter.
Teaching Documents by Marcus Templar
The size of the Turkish minority in Cyprus –some 18 percent of the island’s population, settlers brought illegally from Turkey excluded -- equals the percentage of the Kurdish minority in Turkey itself. Given long-standing Kurdish demands for greater political and other rights in Turkey, an interesting “what if” question arises--if the Annan Plan were implemented within Turkey for its Kurdish minority, would the Turks still find the plan fair and practical?
Here’s the “what if?”
In this edition of the monograph, I have included more evidence on the intricacies of other Greek dialects e.g. the Delphic dialect. In the book of Moralia by Plutarch, one finds information about the intricacies of the Delphic dialect as it relates to the Attic and Macedonian dialects. I also deemed necessary to add some historical information relevant to the geostrategic importance of Macedonia’s last ancient Capital of Pella and the possible reasons behind the move of the Macedonian Capital from Aigai (also spelt Aegai, Aegae) to Pella.
Also, I offered a forensic analysis but also a speculation on the defigens deeming that some additional information would provide a better understanding of the matter.
Furthermore, the indicated monograph attempts to provide information to help the reader understand the topic of the strategic culture of the Republic of Turkey, as well as the reasons that brought forth principles as the ideology and particular aspects of Turkey’s dimensions of national security.
Strategic culture refers to widely shared normative beliefs, attitudes, and policy preferences as they pertain to a country's foreign relations. It is the psychological personality of a country. It simply offers information that one needs to know in order to understand why Turkey as a whole behaves in certain ways and to explain its national personality.
In the beginning of 1902, the Greek Prime Minister, Alexander Zaimis, openly admitted, “The chief threat to Hellenism in Macedonia came, not from the Ottoman Turks, but from the Bulgarians.” The continuous political and military involvement of the Great Powers officially was intended to alleviate the plight of the Christians under Ottoman misgovernment. In reality, the same Powers were interested (and still are) in establishing their political and military outposts in their client states of the region.
As an antidote to the political antagonism between the Pan-Slavist movement of St. Petersburg, Russia and the Western Powers, Bulgarian intellectuals in Macedonia found political recourse in Marxism and Anarchism believing that if those philosophies were implemented and spread, they would liberate not only themselves from the Ottomans, but also from the supremacy among the Great Powers.
By the end of the 19th century, the Bulgarian idealists in Macedonia created secret societies bracing their military groups with thugs and brigands who had re-invented themselves as patriots and liberators while they covertly continued their old lifestyle and directly threatened the existence of anything Greek.
Whether one regards NATO as North America’s and Europe’s encroaching hand or whether one conceptualizes the Alliance as the ready policeman of the world, NATO considers itself as the instrument of stability and solidity of the North Atlantic countries.
Upon the fall of the Wall in 1989, NATO hastily employed an open door policy, inviting and admitting former Warsaw Pact country members that militarily qualified to join, but lacked democratic values and principles, the absence of which contravene NATO’s own values. On other occasions, the Alliance invited quasi-qualified countries on the basis of their strategic geo-political location only vis-à-vis the former Soviet Union (USSR).
The Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia’s (FYROM) candidacy to NATO is not only problematic, but also pointless. The FYROM does not meet any of the preconditions set by NATO and save for the exception of some troops that the FYROM sent to NATO’s International Security Assistant Force (ISAF), it does not meet any other NATO requirements, including a less than medium rated strategic location.
This fact-based paper attempts to prove that the FYROM has not met the preconditions of a democratic society or the military criteria for joining NATO. The conclusions are based on the results of competing hypothesis in intelligence analysis.
The original version of "Hellenic Migrations and Katadesmos: A Paradigm of Macedonian Speech" I had presented at the Ninth Biennial Conference on Greek Linguistics at the University Of Chicago, Department Of Linguistics, University Of Chicago, on October 30, 2009. Due to time constraints, I did not include the appropriate extent of information.
In this second edition of this monograph, I have included more evidence on the intricacies of other Greek dialects e.g. the Delphic dialect. In the book of Moralia by Plutarch, one finds information about the intricacies of the Delphic dialect as it relates to the Attic and Macedonian dialects. I also deemed necessary to add some historical information relevant to the geostrategic importance of Macedonia’s last ancient Capital of Pella and the possible reasons behind the move of the Macedonian Capital from Aigai (also spelt Aegai, Aegae) to Pella.
Also, I offered a forensic analysis but also a speculation on the defigens deeming that some additional information would provide a better understanding of the matter.
The size of the Turkish minority in Cyprus –some 18 percent of the island’s population, settlers brought illegally from Turkey excluded -- equals the percentage of the Kurdish minority in Turkey itself. Given long-standing Kurdish demands for greater political and other rights in Turkey, an interesting “what if” question arises--if the Annan Plan were implemented within Turkey for its Kurdish minority, would the Turks still find the plan fair and practical?
Here’s the “what if?”