Papers by Michael Sharnoff
Journal of South Asian and Middle Eastern Studies, 2024
This article will demonstrate how Arab challenges manifest in two distinct phases: The first phas... more This article will demonstrate how Arab challenges manifest in two distinct phases: The first phase (1953–88) consists of Jordan’s struggle against revolutionary, anti-monarchial regimes, and rivalry over the right to represent Palestine, which included assassinations, military intervention, and subversion. The second phase (1988-present) consists of a shift from military threats and terrorist attacks against Jordan to efforts to undermine the Hashemite custodianship of Jerusalem’s Muslim and Christian holy sites. Additionally, the Trump administration and the so-called Deal of the Century have reawakened Jordanian suspicions of a plot to destabilize the kingdom and transform it into an alternative Palestinian homeland known as the al-watan al-badil conspiracy.
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Middle Eastern Studies, 2024
From 1948 to 1967, most Arab stamp depictions of Palestine showed its borders as it existed durin... more From 1948 to 1967, most Arab stamp depictions of Palestine showed its borders as it existed during the British Mandate (1922-1948), from the Jordan River to the Mediterranean Sea. These borders convey Arab support for the Palestine cause, the right for Palestinians to return to what became Israel in 1948 and strengthen the Arab propaganda war against Israel by rejecting its right to exist. Occasionally Egypt, Jordan and Saudi Arabia deviate from these portrayals by delineating the Gaza Strip and excluding the West Bank from Palestine. This study will argue that Arab stamp fluctuations of Palestine’s borders from 1948 to 1967 occurred because the territories became social constructs by the Arab regimes; Nasser’s Egypt depicted Gaza as part of the imagined ‘Arab nation’, Jordan recognized the West Bank as integral to the Hashemite Kingdom and a temporary deposit until the liberation of Palestine, and all Arab states recognized that Gaza and the West Bank had once comprised part of British Mandatory Palestine.
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British Journal of Middle Eastern Studies, 2023
Jordanian postage stamp depictions of the Islamic holy sites in Jerusalem demonstrate how the Has... more Jordanian postage stamp depictions of the Islamic holy sites in Jerusalem demonstrate how the Hashemite regime aims to bolster its legitimacy, balance relations with the PLO and Israel, affirm domestic and international sympathy and support to administer the Muslim holy places, and convey the kingdom’s close attachment to the Palestinian issue. These depictions aim to create the additional impression that due to Jordan’s special role, it has a strong stake in the stability west of the River and should be consulted in any political settlement between Israelis and Palestinians. Jordanian stamp depictions of the Islamic holy sites in Jerusalem are distinguished from other countries due to the Hashemite guardianship claim since 1924, Jordan’s annexation of Eastern Jerusalem and the West Bank in 1950, and Jordan’s interpretation of UN Resolution 242 that described these lands as Jordanian and should be returned under Hashemite sovereignty. This study aims to chronicle and analyse Jordanian stamp depictions from 1967 to 1989, one year after King Hussein’s decision to disengagement legal and administrative ties to the West Bank.
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Journal of South Asian and Middle Eastern Studies, 2022
This article aims to explain the changing attitudes toward the West Bank in Jordan from 1948 unti... more This article aims to explain the changing attitudes toward the West Bank in Jordan from 1948 until the present. It will expand on Abu-Odeh’s remarks about the fluidity and evolving perceptions of Jordan’s attitude toward the West Bank and explain why some Jordanians espouse views toward the West Bank which challenge official Hashemite policy.
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Contemporary Review of the Middle East, 2021
This article examines Jordanian postage stamp depiction of the West Bank as part of the Hashemite... more This article examines Jordanian postage stamp depiction of the West Bank as part of the Hashemite Kingdom from 1952 to 1985. The majority of maps of the West Bank are featured as part of Jordan, both during Jordanian rule of the West Bank (1948-1967) and after Israel conquered the land during the 1967 war. Sometimes the West Bank is delineated from Jordan to suggest a territorial dispute with Israel, while other times, the West Bank is shown as part of Palestine. The ambiguous representations of the West Bank as Jordanian territory, disputed territory, and Palestinian territory reinforce Hashemite sovereignty claims to the West Bank while also supporting Palestinian rights and acknowledging Jordanian rule of the West Bank was conditional upon settlement of the Palestinian issue. Finally, this analysis seeks to explain why stamps stopped showing the West Bank as part of Jordan in 1985, three years before the kingdom formally severed all legal and administrative ties to the land.
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Middle East Quarterly, 2021
Nasser's popularity among Palestinians seems to live on because of fond recollections of his fier... more Nasser's popularity among Palestinians seems to live on because of fond recollections of his fiery pledges to destroy Israel and refusal to make peace with the Jewish state. Yet recently declassified documents reveal that Nasser's championing of the Palestinian cause was largely driven by ulterior motives of personal aggrandizement and pan-Arab leadership. Indeed, as illustrated by his acceptance of U.N. Resolution 242 in November 1967 and the Rogers Plan of July 1970, as well as his private contacts with Soviet, American, and British interlocutors among others, Nasser seemed amenable to dropping the Palestinian cause for a separate Egyptian-Israeli agreement that would restore the Sinai Peninsula to Cairo's rule.
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Strategic Assessment, 2021
Jordan, a close ally of the United States and Israel, has a particular set of security concerns, ... more Jordan, a close ally of the United States and Israel, has a particular set of security concerns, challenges, and threats. Since its founding as the Emirate of Transjordan in 1921, many predicted that a kingdom with artificial borders, a tiny population, and lack of natural resources was an unlikely viable state. However, Jordan's pragmatic policies and wise leadership, cordial ties with Arab states, and commitment to a peaceful resolution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict has helped Jordan navigate many difficult challenges. The kingdom proved more resilient than its neighbors during the Arab Spring uprisings, but it is not immune from conflict. As 2021 continues to unfold, Jordan has five major security challenges, some new and some lingering from the Cold War of the 20 th century.
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Foreign Policy, 2021
The Hashemite Kingdom views custodianship of Jerusalem’s holy sites as a core national interest. ... more The Hashemite Kingdom views custodianship of Jerusalem’s holy sites as a core national interest. Rumors that Riyadh is seeking to displace Amman would humiliate and weaken the Jordanian monarchy and endanger regional security.
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Middle East Quarterly, 2020
Over the past decade, a number of Jordanians have challenged the view that the kingdom has no des... more Over the past decade, a number of Jordanians have challenged the view that the kingdom has no desire to regain the West Bank with some even rejecting the disengagement policy as unconstitutional. They have chastised Palestinian leadership as incapable of securing their people's rights and argued that Amman should resume negotiating over the fate of the West Bank. Others have urged that the West Bank be returned to Jordan. Though a minority opinion, these views are not fringe, held as they are by politicians, academics, and journalists. This minority argues that only by doing so can Jordan protect its sovereignty and internal stability while also defending Palestinian rights and national cause.
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Your Middle East
Iran’s ability to exert its influence in Arab nations should be assessed in relation to the relat... more Iran’s ability to exert its influence in Arab nations should be assessed in relation to the relative decline of Arab state power, not innate Iranian strength.
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Washington Post, 2018
The threat from Tehran has made the Israeli-Palestinian conflict secondary.
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Russia Matters, 2019
The Trump administration’s Oct. 13 announcement of a withdrawal of U.S. troops from northern Syri... more The Trump administration’s Oct. 13 announcement of a withdrawal of U.S. troops from northern Syria created a media storm, in which multiple editors, journalists and op-ed contributors declared the move to be a “win,” “victory” and “gift” for Russia and its leader Vladimir Putin. In my view, however, while Putin’s Russia has indeed collected a number of short-term dividends from the announced withdrawal, this “victory” is far from winning Moscow the war in Syria.
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Washington Post, 2018
Russia's end goal has remained consistent: to preserve Assad’s regime and weaken U.S. influence i... more Russia's end goal has remained consistent: to preserve Assad’s regime and weaken U.S. influence in Syria, and the Middle East more broadly.
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Washington Post, 2018
Despite their alliance, Russia has never had much influence over Syria's policies.
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Begin-Sadat Center for Strategic Studies, 2017
Egypt under Gamal Abdel Nasser once shaped and guided Arab public opinion. Cairo was the capital ... more Egypt under Gamal Abdel Nasser once shaped and guided Arab public opinion. Cairo was the capital of the Middle East, and Nasser's secular pan-Arab ideology challenged the West, Israel, and other Arab states. Nasser's Egypt showed how a developing country with a large population could persevere despite tremendous economic, political, and military challenges. As the 50th anniversary of the 1967 War approaches, Egyptians and Arabs of that generation might reflect with nostalgia on a bygone era when Cairo dominated the Middle East. Cairo was the political capital of the Middle East in the 1950s and 1960s.
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InFocus Quarterly, 2009
Throughout the Cold War, Syria chose to ally with the Soviet Union. From the rise of Khrushchev t... more Throughout the Cold War, Syria chose to ally with the Soviet Union. From the rise of Khrushchev through the Brezhnev years, Syria played a role in the Soviet strategy to undermine U.S. interests in the region. Even during the Gorbachev years, leading to the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991, Syria failed to grasp a golden opportunity to broaden ties with Washington.
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InFocus Quarterly, 2012
President Obama’s failure to alter his policies to match reality, however, has led his administra... more President Obama’s failure to alter his policies to match reality, however, has led his administration down an uncertain and dangerous path not only for America’s interests, but for the interests of the democratic voices in the region.
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Foreign Policy Research Institute, 2017
Despite the peace treaty with Israel, the Kingdom exploits the Palestinian issue to divert attent... more Despite the peace treaty with Israel, the Kingdom exploits the Palestinian issue to divert attention from internal problems. However, critiques of Israel often extend beyond legitimate criticism of specific Israelis policies to defamation against Judaism and the Jewish people.
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Palestine-Israel Journal of Politics, Economics, and Culture, 2012
In this article, the author discusses nonviolent movements executed by Palestinian third parties ... more In this article, the author discusses nonviolent movements executed by Palestinian third parties towards the formation of smooth relations with Israel. He reports that the Palestinian third parties genuinely advocate peaceful coexistence with Israel in order to adhere to the principles of reform, freedom and democracy. He discusses the views of professor Mohammed Dajani Daoudi regarding his moderate Islamic reformist movement Wasatia which support moderate Palestinian Muslims and Christians.
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Vidal Sassoon International Center for the Study of Antisemitism, Mar 2012
President Gamal Abdel Nasser‘s repudiation that Egypt‘s conflict with Israel should
be viewed in ... more President Gamal Abdel Nasser‘s repudiation that Egypt‘s conflict with Israel should
be viewed in the context of Egypt‘s aversion to Zionism — not the Jewish people —
requires a greater examination of the declarations and actions under Nasser‘s Egypt.
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Papers by Michael Sharnoff
be viewed in the context of Egypt‘s aversion to Zionism — not the Jewish people —
requires a greater examination of the declarations and actions under Nasser‘s Egypt.
be viewed in the context of Egypt‘s aversion to Zionism — not the Jewish people —
requires a greater examination of the declarations and actions under Nasser‘s Egypt.
In that era of Cold War politics, Nasser brilliantly played Moscow, Washington, and the United Nations to maximize his bargaining position and sustain his rule without compromising his core beliefs of Arab unity and solidarity. Surprisingly, little analysis is found regarding Nasser’s public and private perspectives on peace in the weeks and months immediately after the 1967 War. Nasser’s Peace is a close examination of how a developing country can rival world powers and how fluid the definition of “peace” can be.
Drawing on recently declassified primary sources, Michael Sharnoff thoroughly inspects Nasser’s post-war strategy, which he claims was a four-tiered diplomatic and media effort consisting of his public declarations, his private diplomatic consultations, the Egyptian media’s propaganda machine, and Egyptian diplomatic efforts. Sharnoff reveals that Nasser manipulated each tier masterfully, providing the answers they desired to hear, rather than stating the truth: that he wished to maintain control of his dictatorship and of his foothold in the Arab world.