Design Thesis for MA Chartered Town Planning and Urban Design Apprenticeship, 2021
Drawing inspiration from a diverse range of literature, precedent case studies and participant ac... more Drawing inspiration from a diverse range of literature, precedent case studies and participant action research with community organisers and professionals this major design project proposes a framework for the democratisation of urban design. Establishing the role of urban design to engender transformation towards a just ecological democracy based on citizen participation, the framework seeks to serve as a toolkit for reflection and a resource of various strategies. These range from far-reaching to simple ones across multiple scales of the design and planning process to be useful for both community groups and professionals. The second part of the thesis tests and illustrates the use of the framework through an urban design proposal for Convoys Wharf in Deptford. This large site has been empty for 20 years but has a rich history including having operated as a royal dockyard for 300 years. In 2015, Hutchison Property Group gained outline planning permission for 3500 homes via call-in by the GLA, but the application was heavily criticised by the local community and Lewisham Council. I joined the community campaign group called Voice 4 Deptford (V4D) in trying to influence the plans by creating a re-vision design framework for the site under the theme of Centre for Innovation, Education and Research.
Kings Cross Islington is a central London area located next to rapidly changing environments that... more Kings Cross Islington is a central London area located next to rapidly changing environments that follow the global trend: transforming employment land into mixed use developments. While regeneration provides opportunities, it often displaces those who cannot pay the price (Ferm and Jones 2016; Lees 2019). Usually it also comes with a change of environment that propels commodification and social control at the expense of social need (Edwards 2015). While this is nothing new (Ruth Glass coined the term “gentrification” when talking about 1960s Islington) the premise of this design research process is that it is something that could be and should be addressed. While admittedly cities (and should not!) be planned on paper (Rudlin and Hemani 2019) their change can be shaped. Rudlin argues that the state cities are in is a result of the way that emergent urban growth interacts with planners’ rules and plans. While Rudlin’s idea of ‘natural’ urban growth might be a construct itself as I imply in my proposal and I would challenge the notion of necessary growth itself (Nelson and Schneider 2019), the pur- pose of this framework is still to provide a frame to contain the way Kings Cross changes and set out ‘rules’ which guide how change takes place. This report consists of two parts. First, it presents an in-depth analysis of the area which I carried out together with Ali Weatherup, Jacob Revell, Louise Dins- dale and Bethany Griffin. The study area itself is interesting as it encompasses a variety of uses; commercial, residential and (increasingly disappearing) industrial. This reflects its rich history of including raves and resistance, and been criss-crossed by transport infrastructure. The two major physical barriers; the canal and the railway lines, have shaped the area’s identity but also mean that it lacks “joined-upness” which at the first instance makes it seem like isolated in its urban setting. The analysis uncovered numerous elements that are valuable but hidden, importantly the subterranean River Fleet. (Coursework 1) Second, it proposes a principle of guidance that I call clutter of wilderness ecology. In reality, a masterplan should be devel- oped with the participation of those who live and work in the area, but this document can hopefully serve as a starting point for a framework for urbanism and as illustration of how that can be applied on a site. (Coursework 2)
Dissertation for MSc Social Development Practice, 2019
In this dissertation I aim to unpack the meaning of success in the struggle for social justice, t... more In this dissertation I aim to unpack the meaning of success in the struggle for social justice, thereby defining justice itself and in this way aiding thoughtful action. Reflecting on Western analyses of social movements and participatory development from a post-socialist perspective with the help of a Hungarian grassroots urban social movement organisation I hope to nuance this definition for an international audience. AVM, ‘A Város Mindenkié’ or The City is for All is was the country’s first organisation to engage claiming the ‘right to the city’, in the empowerment, mobilisation and advocacy of homeless people through the participation of both homeless and ally members. Since its foundation in 2009 it has changed both in quantity and quality. This paper builds on the knowledge accumulated in this period which was share with me through the research of social scientist members of AVM as well as two days of workshops at their bi-annual strategic retreat. My framework grounded both in a normative philosophy and in the knowledge of an existing movement illuminates how (parity in) participation may look like. My hypothesis was to understand SMOs as particles of vibrating movements which can take part both in reproducing and rupturing structures at the same time based on Sewell’s and Badiou’s theory of the event. I propose to analyse to what extent SMOs advance social justice through highlighting four — political, cultural, economic and affective — dimensions of the structure they would need to rupture primarily building on Fraser’s (1998) three-dimensional theory of social justice and Lynch et al’s (2009) addition. Although the framework was useful as a basis, learnings from AVM have allowed me to develop it further primarily by establishing a fifth category for success next to Representation/Inclusion, Recognition, Equitable distribution, Care: ‘Motion’. The criteria of Motion is the most significant learning from AVM. It indicates the importance of the ability regenerate as a movement through recognising points of indecency, having points of realisation and being able to form and reform relations with other SMOs of the movement. I illustrate how the framework shall be used on the example of AVM. The framework is meant as a device for the systematic analysis of SMOs’ activities that allows for the consideration of small successes.
Dissertation for BA(Hons) Human, Socal and Political Sciences, 2018
The community of Calafou in Catalonia is a radical experiment of fusing three types of hacking — ... more The community of Calafou in Catalonia is a radical experiment of fusing three types of hacking — cooperativism, the development of sovereign technologies and trans-hack-feminism — in the pursuit of an alternative way of life and economy that is based on egalitarianism. In this context, hacking does not mean unauthorised access but overcoming of problems in a creative way. Calafou’s collaborative and experimental vision of development defies modernist visions of progress which, by imagining change through utopias, evaluate all action as failure. In contrast, the practice of autogestion in terms of hacking allows the theoretical exercise of radical criticism to go beyond the enervating dominance-resistance divide. Instead of messianic expectations for social change to emerge out of a simple confrontation between the bourgeoisie and the proletariat, Calafou directs efforts towards an alternative way of living now, and does so through cooperation across class boundaries. Such pragmatism strengthens the power of their social imaginary — the multimedia mythology — rather than contradicting it because it sustains hope in the struggle’s viability. This myth that does not present itself as beyond criticism and change could be of inspiration not just for the hacker community, but for public policy discourse and academic discussions too.
This short paper explores good practice guidance on sustainable urban development . It will exami... more This short paper explores good practice guidance on sustainable urban development . It will examine whether the Garden Town model could be reinvented with learnings from Tübingen to further its aims of creating socially, environmentally and economically sustainable communities. The German town of Tübingen seeks to restore the city’s social and economic function as an ‘integration machine’ through urban structures and municipality-led public participation. With this philosophy and method the local council has created 6 successful neighbourhoods since the 1990s (with the seventh being currently underway) and inspired planners in Europe and beyond. First, I will briefly review the literature on the transnational flow of planning (Healey, 2013; Huxley, 2013) and set out to probe how the Tübingen ‘good practice’ could be transferred to the masterplanning of Tewkesbury Garden Town (TGT) in England. Second, I will examine the two countries’ shared and diverging context of urban planning (Jacobs, 1961; Feldtkeller (ed), 2001; Hamiduddin and Gallent, 2017; Schaller, 2021) as well as the projects themselves. Third, I take a closer look at the details of the Tübingen good practice and draw out learnings for Tewkesbury in terms of planning tools, masterplan design and participation (Schaller, 2021). Fourth, I reflect on neoliberal urbanism and gentrification in Tübingen. Finally, I conclude that there is potential for the Garden Town to be reinvented but the space for experimentation is dependent on the political will created by the interplay of bottom-up citizen action and top-down planning.
There is an increasingly growing literature on the transnational flow of planning ideas that rese... more There is an increasingly growing literature on the transnational flow of planning ideas that researchers attribute to the interconnected and globalised nature of political systems (Healey, 2013). It seems that ideas move from one place to another with speed and ease, yet the investigation of this process reveals the dispersing role actors play in negotiating “diffusion” and the complexity that lies within translating and adapting policies (Huxley, 2013). In this essay I will focus on Central Eastern Europe (CEE) as the transition of the formerly socialist block to capitalist liberal democracy provides a particularly illuminating case for understanding and theorising the process of transnational flows of planning ideas.This essay consists of five parts. In the first section through delineating existing theoretical approaches that explain the flow of planning ideas with the help of Healey’s (2013) and Varró and Bunders (2019), I set out to utilise Huxley’s genealogical methodology to “problematise” such processes. Accordingly, next I give a brief summary of Hungary’s planning history in order to reveal spatial rationalities and discourses which underpinned the “EUropean” (Varró and Faragó, 2016) reform (Hurton, 2010; Hoffman 2017; Locsmándi 2001; SPECIAL, 2005). Third, I problematise the flows in Hungarian planning and show how policy objectives were hollowed out because of an uncritical pursuit of policy ideals (Medve-Bálint, 2018), resulted in quasi-failure because of excessive volatility (Kemmerling and Makszin, 2018), and were sabotaged due to deeply rooted debates about planning ideals (Varró and Faragó, 2016). Fourth, argue for a the need of a multiscalar perspective in the theorisations of policy flows and the continuing relevance of the problematisation of European policies in the region (Varró and Faragó, 2019). Fifth, problematise the ideological framework of liberal planning, the normative demand of participation set by “EU democratisation project” Gille, 2010).
Design Thesis for MA Chartered Town Planning and Urban Design Apprenticeship, 2021
Drawing inspiration from a diverse range of literature, precedent case studies and participant ac... more Drawing inspiration from a diverse range of literature, precedent case studies and participant action research with community organisers and professionals this major design project proposes a framework for the democratisation of urban design. Establishing the role of urban design to engender transformation towards a just ecological democracy based on citizen participation, the framework seeks to serve as a toolkit for reflection and a resource of various strategies. These range from far-reaching to simple ones across multiple scales of the design and planning process to be useful for both community groups and professionals. The second part of the thesis tests and illustrates the use of the framework through an urban design proposal for Convoys Wharf in Deptford. This large site has been empty for 20 years but has a rich history including having operated as a royal dockyard for 300 years. In 2015, Hutchison Property Group gained outline planning permission for 3500 homes via call-in by the GLA, but the application was heavily criticised by the local community and Lewisham Council. I joined the community campaign group called Voice 4 Deptford (V4D) in trying to influence the plans by creating a re-vision design framework for the site under the theme of Centre for Innovation, Education and Research.
Kings Cross Islington is a central London area located next to rapidly changing environments that... more Kings Cross Islington is a central London area located next to rapidly changing environments that follow the global trend: transforming employment land into mixed use developments. While regeneration provides opportunities, it often displaces those who cannot pay the price (Ferm and Jones 2016; Lees 2019). Usually it also comes with a change of environment that propels commodification and social control at the expense of social need (Edwards 2015). While this is nothing new (Ruth Glass coined the term “gentrification” when talking about 1960s Islington) the premise of this design research process is that it is something that could be and should be addressed. While admittedly cities (and should not!) be planned on paper (Rudlin and Hemani 2019) their change can be shaped. Rudlin argues that the state cities are in is a result of the way that emergent urban growth interacts with planners’ rules and plans. While Rudlin’s idea of ‘natural’ urban growth might be a construct itself as I imply in my proposal and I would challenge the notion of necessary growth itself (Nelson and Schneider 2019), the pur- pose of this framework is still to provide a frame to contain the way Kings Cross changes and set out ‘rules’ which guide how change takes place. This report consists of two parts. First, it presents an in-depth analysis of the area which I carried out together with Ali Weatherup, Jacob Revell, Louise Dins- dale and Bethany Griffin. The study area itself is interesting as it encompasses a variety of uses; commercial, residential and (increasingly disappearing) industrial. This reflects its rich history of including raves and resistance, and been criss-crossed by transport infrastructure. The two major physical barriers; the canal and the railway lines, have shaped the area’s identity but also mean that it lacks “joined-upness” which at the first instance makes it seem like isolated in its urban setting. The analysis uncovered numerous elements that are valuable but hidden, importantly the subterranean River Fleet. (Coursework 1) Second, it proposes a principle of guidance that I call clutter of wilderness ecology. In reality, a masterplan should be devel- oped with the participation of those who live and work in the area, but this document can hopefully serve as a starting point for a framework for urbanism and as illustration of how that can be applied on a site. (Coursework 2)
Dissertation for MSc Social Development Practice, 2019
In this dissertation I aim to unpack the meaning of success in the struggle for social justice, t... more In this dissertation I aim to unpack the meaning of success in the struggle for social justice, thereby defining justice itself and in this way aiding thoughtful action. Reflecting on Western analyses of social movements and participatory development from a post-socialist perspective with the help of a Hungarian grassroots urban social movement organisation I hope to nuance this definition for an international audience. AVM, ‘A Város Mindenkié’ or The City is for All is was the country’s first organisation to engage claiming the ‘right to the city’, in the empowerment, mobilisation and advocacy of homeless people through the participation of both homeless and ally members. Since its foundation in 2009 it has changed both in quantity and quality. This paper builds on the knowledge accumulated in this period which was share with me through the research of social scientist members of AVM as well as two days of workshops at their bi-annual strategic retreat. My framework grounded both in a normative philosophy and in the knowledge of an existing movement illuminates how (parity in) participation may look like. My hypothesis was to understand SMOs as particles of vibrating movements which can take part both in reproducing and rupturing structures at the same time based on Sewell’s and Badiou’s theory of the event. I propose to analyse to what extent SMOs advance social justice through highlighting four — political, cultural, economic and affective — dimensions of the structure they would need to rupture primarily building on Fraser’s (1998) three-dimensional theory of social justice and Lynch et al’s (2009) addition. Although the framework was useful as a basis, learnings from AVM have allowed me to develop it further primarily by establishing a fifth category for success next to Representation/Inclusion, Recognition, Equitable distribution, Care: ‘Motion’. The criteria of Motion is the most significant learning from AVM. It indicates the importance of the ability regenerate as a movement through recognising points of indecency, having points of realisation and being able to form and reform relations with other SMOs of the movement. I illustrate how the framework shall be used on the example of AVM. The framework is meant as a device for the systematic analysis of SMOs’ activities that allows for the consideration of small successes.
Dissertation for BA(Hons) Human, Socal and Political Sciences, 2018
The community of Calafou in Catalonia is a radical experiment of fusing three types of hacking — ... more The community of Calafou in Catalonia is a radical experiment of fusing three types of hacking — cooperativism, the development of sovereign technologies and trans-hack-feminism — in the pursuit of an alternative way of life and economy that is based on egalitarianism. In this context, hacking does not mean unauthorised access but overcoming of problems in a creative way. Calafou’s collaborative and experimental vision of development defies modernist visions of progress which, by imagining change through utopias, evaluate all action as failure. In contrast, the practice of autogestion in terms of hacking allows the theoretical exercise of radical criticism to go beyond the enervating dominance-resistance divide. Instead of messianic expectations for social change to emerge out of a simple confrontation between the bourgeoisie and the proletariat, Calafou directs efforts towards an alternative way of living now, and does so through cooperation across class boundaries. Such pragmatism strengthens the power of their social imaginary — the multimedia mythology — rather than contradicting it because it sustains hope in the struggle’s viability. This myth that does not present itself as beyond criticism and change could be of inspiration not just for the hacker community, but for public policy discourse and academic discussions too.
This short paper explores good practice guidance on sustainable urban development . It will exami... more This short paper explores good practice guidance on sustainable urban development . It will examine whether the Garden Town model could be reinvented with learnings from Tübingen to further its aims of creating socially, environmentally and economically sustainable communities. The German town of Tübingen seeks to restore the city’s social and economic function as an ‘integration machine’ through urban structures and municipality-led public participation. With this philosophy and method the local council has created 6 successful neighbourhoods since the 1990s (with the seventh being currently underway) and inspired planners in Europe and beyond. First, I will briefly review the literature on the transnational flow of planning (Healey, 2013; Huxley, 2013) and set out to probe how the Tübingen ‘good practice’ could be transferred to the masterplanning of Tewkesbury Garden Town (TGT) in England. Second, I will examine the two countries’ shared and diverging context of urban planning (Jacobs, 1961; Feldtkeller (ed), 2001; Hamiduddin and Gallent, 2017; Schaller, 2021) as well as the projects themselves. Third, I take a closer look at the details of the Tübingen good practice and draw out learnings for Tewkesbury in terms of planning tools, masterplan design and participation (Schaller, 2021). Fourth, I reflect on neoliberal urbanism and gentrification in Tübingen. Finally, I conclude that there is potential for the Garden Town to be reinvented but the space for experimentation is dependent on the political will created by the interplay of bottom-up citizen action and top-down planning.
There is an increasingly growing literature on the transnational flow of planning ideas that rese... more There is an increasingly growing literature on the transnational flow of planning ideas that researchers attribute to the interconnected and globalised nature of political systems (Healey, 2013). It seems that ideas move from one place to another with speed and ease, yet the investigation of this process reveals the dispersing role actors play in negotiating “diffusion” and the complexity that lies within translating and adapting policies (Huxley, 2013). In this essay I will focus on Central Eastern Europe (CEE) as the transition of the formerly socialist block to capitalist liberal democracy provides a particularly illuminating case for understanding and theorising the process of transnational flows of planning ideas.This essay consists of five parts. In the first section through delineating existing theoretical approaches that explain the flow of planning ideas with the help of Healey’s (2013) and Varró and Bunders (2019), I set out to utilise Huxley’s genealogical methodology to “problematise” such processes. Accordingly, next I give a brief summary of Hungary’s planning history in order to reveal spatial rationalities and discourses which underpinned the “EUropean” (Varró and Faragó, 2016) reform (Hurton, 2010; Hoffman 2017; Locsmándi 2001; SPECIAL, 2005). Third, I problematise the flows in Hungarian planning and show how policy objectives were hollowed out because of an uncritical pursuit of policy ideals (Medve-Bálint, 2018), resulted in quasi-failure because of excessive volatility (Kemmerling and Makszin, 2018), and were sabotaged due to deeply rooted debates about planning ideals (Varró and Faragó, 2016). Fourth, argue for a the need of a multiscalar perspective in the theorisations of policy flows and the continuing relevance of the problematisation of European policies in the region (Varró and Faragó, 2019). Fifth, problematise the ideological framework of liberal planning, the normative demand of participation set by “EU democratisation project” Gille, 2010).
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Papers by Herta Gatter
The second part of the thesis tests and illustrates the use of the framework through an urban design proposal for Convoys Wharf in Deptford. This large site has been empty for 20 years but has a rich history including having operated as a royal dockyard for 300 years. In 2015, Hutchison Property Group gained outline planning permission for 3500 homes via call-in by the GLA, but the application was heavily criticised by the local community and Lewisham Council. I joined the community campaign group called Voice 4 Deptford (V4D) in trying to influence the plans by creating a re-vision design framework for the site under the theme of Centre for Innovation, Education and Research.
This report consists of two parts. First, it presents an in-depth analysis of the area which I carried out together with Ali Weatherup, Jacob Revell, Louise Dins- dale and Bethany Griffin. The study area itself is interesting as it encompasses a variety of uses; commercial, residential and (increasingly disappearing) industrial. This reflects its rich history of including raves and resistance, and been criss-crossed by transport infrastructure. The two major physical barriers; the canal and the railway lines, have shaped the area’s identity but also mean that it lacks “joined-upness” which at the first instance makes it seem like isolated in its urban setting. The analysis uncovered numerous elements that are valuable but hidden, importantly the subterranean River Fleet. (Coursework 1)
Second, it proposes a principle of guidance that I call clutter of wilderness ecology. In reality, a masterplan should be devel- oped with the participation of those who live and work in the area, but this document can hopefully serve as a starting point for a framework for urbanism and as illustration of how that can be applied on a site. (Coursework 2)
Drafts by Herta Gatter
First, I will briefly review the literature on the transnational flow of planning (Healey, 2013; Huxley, 2013) and set out to probe how the Tübingen ‘good practice’ could be transferred to the masterplanning of Tewkesbury Garden Town (TGT) in England. Second, I will examine the two countries’ shared and diverging context of urban planning (Jacobs, 1961; Feldtkeller (ed), 2001; Hamiduddin and Gallent, 2017; Schaller, 2021) as well as the projects themselves. Third, I take a closer look at the details of the Tübingen good practice and draw out learnings for Tewkesbury in terms of planning tools, masterplan design and participation (Schaller, 2021). Fourth, I reflect on neoliberal urbanism and gentrification in Tübingen. Finally, I conclude that there is potential for the Garden Town to be reinvented but the space for experimentation is dependent on the political will created by the interplay of bottom-up citizen action and top-down planning.
investigation of this process reveals the dispersing role actors play in negotiating “diffusion” and the complexity that lies within translating and adapting policies (Huxley, 2013). In this essay I will focus on Central Eastern Europe (CEE) as the transition of the formerly socialist block to capitalist liberal democracy provides a particularly illuminating case for understanding and theorising the process of transnational flows of planning ideas.This essay consists of five parts. In the first section through delineating existing theoretical approaches that explain the flow of planning ideas with the help of Healey’s (2013) and Varró and
Bunders (2019), I set out to utilise Huxley’s genealogical methodology to “problematise” such processes. Accordingly, next I give a brief summary of Hungary’s planning history in order to reveal spatial rationalities and discourses which underpinned the “EUropean” (Varró and Faragó, 2016)
reform (Hurton, 2010; Hoffman 2017; Locsmándi 2001; SPECIAL, 2005). Third, I problematise the flows in Hungarian planning and show how policy objectives were hollowed out because of an uncritical pursuit of policy ideals (Medve-Bálint, 2018), resulted in quasi-failure because of excessive volatility (Kemmerling and Makszin, 2018), and were sabotaged due to deeply rooted debates about planning ideals (Varró and Faragó, 2016). Fourth, argue for a the need of a multiscalar perspective in the theorisations of policy flows and the continuing relevance of the problematisation of European policies in the region (Varró and Faragó, 2019). Fifth, problematise the ideological framework of liberal planning, the normative demand of participation set by “EU democratisation project” Gille, 2010).
The second part of the thesis tests and illustrates the use of the framework through an urban design proposal for Convoys Wharf in Deptford. This large site has been empty for 20 years but has a rich history including having operated as a royal dockyard for 300 years. In 2015, Hutchison Property Group gained outline planning permission for 3500 homes via call-in by the GLA, but the application was heavily criticised by the local community and Lewisham Council. I joined the community campaign group called Voice 4 Deptford (V4D) in trying to influence the plans by creating a re-vision design framework for the site under the theme of Centre for Innovation, Education and Research.
This report consists of two parts. First, it presents an in-depth analysis of the area which I carried out together with Ali Weatherup, Jacob Revell, Louise Dins- dale and Bethany Griffin. The study area itself is interesting as it encompasses a variety of uses; commercial, residential and (increasingly disappearing) industrial. This reflects its rich history of including raves and resistance, and been criss-crossed by transport infrastructure. The two major physical barriers; the canal and the railway lines, have shaped the area’s identity but also mean that it lacks “joined-upness” which at the first instance makes it seem like isolated in its urban setting. The analysis uncovered numerous elements that are valuable but hidden, importantly the subterranean River Fleet. (Coursework 1)
Second, it proposes a principle of guidance that I call clutter of wilderness ecology. In reality, a masterplan should be devel- oped with the participation of those who live and work in the area, but this document can hopefully serve as a starting point for a framework for urbanism and as illustration of how that can be applied on a site. (Coursework 2)
First, I will briefly review the literature on the transnational flow of planning (Healey, 2013; Huxley, 2013) and set out to probe how the Tübingen ‘good practice’ could be transferred to the masterplanning of Tewkesbury Garden Town (TGT) in England. Second, I will examine the two countries’ shared and diverging context of urban planning (Jacobs, 1961; Feldtkeller (ed), 2001; Hamiduddin and Gallent, 2017; Schaller, 2021) as well as the projects themselves. Third, I take a closer look at the details of the Tübingen good practice and draw out learnings for Tewkesbury in terms of planning tools, masterplan design and participation (Schaller, 2021). Fourth, I reflect on neoliberal urbanism and gentrification in Tübingen. Finally, I conclude that there is potential for the Garden Town to be reinvented but the space for experimentation is dependent on the political will created by the interplay of bottom-up citizen action and top-down planning.
investigation of this process reveals the dispersing role actors play in negotiating “diffusion” and the complexity that lies within translating and adapting policies (Huxley, 2013). In this essay I will focus on Central Eastern Europe (CEE) as the transition of the formerly socialist block to capitalist liberal democracy provides a particularly illuminating case for understanding and theorising the process of transnational flows of planning ideas.This essay consists of five parts. In the first section through delineating existing theoretical approaches that explain the flow of planning ideas with the help of Healey’s (2013) and Varró and
Bunders (2019), I set out to utilise Huxley’s genealogical methodology to “problematise” such processes. Accordingly, next I give a brief summary of Hungary’s planning history in order to reveal spatial rationalities and discourses which underpinned the “EUropean” (Varró and Faragó, 2016)
reform (Hurton, 2010; Hoffman 2017; Locsmándi 2001; SPECIAL, 2005). Third, I problematise the flows in Hungarian planning and show how policy objectives were hollowed out because of an uncritical pursuit of policy ideals (Medve-Bálint, 2018), resulted in quasi-failure because of excessive volatility (Kemmerling and Makszin, 2018), and were sabotaged due to deeply rooted debates about planning ideals (Varró and Faragó, 2016). Fourth, argue for a the need of a multiscalar perspective in the theorisations of policy flows and the continuing relevance of the problematisation of European policies in the region (Varró and Faragó, 2019). Fifth, problematise the ideological framework of liberal planning, the normative demand of participation set by “EU democratisation project” Gille, 2010).