Gaetano Morese
Gaetano Morese has a PhD in history and is adjunct professor at the University of Basilicata. He has conducted research for the State Archives of Potenza, the Chamber of Commerce of Potenza, and the Nitti and Gianturco Foundations on the ruling classes and on social, economic, cultural, and landscape dynamics. He has given seminars and spoken at national and international conferences, and he has authored a number of essays and monographs, including Fra il Vesuvio, l'Etna e l'Himalaya. Giuseppe De Lorenzo dalle lettere a B. Croce e F. S. Nitti (1901-1954) [Potenza, 2017] and Laval Nugent, storia di una bonifica (1819-1843) [Matera, 2014], La mobilitazione civile in Basilicata fra assistenza e propaganda durante la Grande guerra (1915-1918) [Galatina, 2018].
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urbano si colloca la figura di Laval Nugent (1777-1862) le cui vicende
personali intrecciano la storia italiana e quella dell’Impero asburgico in una
dimensione europea in cui la Croazia e, in particolare, la città di Fiume
ebbero un ruolo centrale. Irlandese di nascita, asburgico d’adozione, sposato
con una nobile italiana, Nugent in Croazia costruì la sua influenza politicoeconomica grazie al rapporto con il banchiere fiumano Andrea Lodovico de
Adamich, lasciando nel paesaggio urbano di Fiume un segno della sua
presenza nel Castello di Tersatto. Frutto di oltre dieci anni di ricerche negli
archivi italiani e croati, la presente proposta intende ripercorrere la storia di
Laval Nugent con particolare attenzione al suo contributo nei processi
culturali, politici ed economici della città di Fiume e della Croazia.
Parole chiave: Laval Nugent, Andrea Lodovico de Adamich, Fiume, storia
economica, storia politica
propagandistico fu subito percepito e posto al centro di articolate discussioni e riflessioni. Il cinema fu da subito considerato un potente strumento, sia didattico che educativo, da impiegare anche nelle attività scolastiche e che si andò affermando a livello di massa. Il fascismo strutturò la produzione delle pellicole didattico-educative e di propaganda
e con il ministro Bottai costituì la Cineteca scolastica a servizio degli impianti cinematografici e radiofonici che si andavano diffondendo nelle scuole della penisola. Fra discussioni teoriche e applicazioni pratiche il cinema didattico-educativo, insieme alla radiofonia, si diffuse anche nelle aule degli istituti scolastici della Basilicata.
Parole chiave: Cinema scolastico, radiofonia scolastica, didattica, educazione, fascismo, Bottai, Basilicata
Didactic-educational cinema and the Lucan case between the Great War and Fascism
The modernization process that changed Italy at the opening of the twentieth century supported the expanse of new tools whose educational and propaganda utility was quickly recognized and set at the center of detailed discussions and reflections. Instantly cinema was regarded as a powerful instrument for didactic and education, also to be used in school activities, and it became popular on a mass level. Fascism structured the production of didactic, educational, and propaganda films and the Minister Bottai established the School Film Library at the service of cinema and radio systems that were spreading in the schools of the peninsula.
Didactic-educational cinema, together with radio, between theoretical discussions and practical applications, also expanded into the classrooms of schools in Basilicata.
Keywords: School cinema, school radio, didactics, Fascism education, Bottai,
Basilicata
Parole chiave: Storia dell'anarchia, Obiezione di coscienza, Movimento anarchico italiano
Tommaso Pedio and the anarchist movement In the centenary of Tommaso Pedio's birth, in 2017, his participation in the anarchist movement did not receive much attention, despite having been a significant experience for the Lucanian historian. This contribution recalls others yet published on Pedio's libertarian anti-fascist militancy and his activity as a writer for some Italian and American anarchist newspapers. Unpublished, however, is the reference to his contribution as a lawyer and collaborator of the US anarchist periodical "L'Adunata dei Refrattari" in support of the conscientious objection of anarchist militants.
quo, strategia, debolezze e frammentazioni portarono all’unificazione non negoziata istituzionalmente e condotta dal governo con centralizzazione amministrativa, apparati periferici e burocrazie a tutela del controllo di un articolato territorio, soprattutto nel Mezzogiorno
Young people have been among the many protagonists in the history of European integration since the 1950s, and a further impulsion came directly from the community institutions favoring the establishment of the Youth Forum of the European Communities (YFEC), a corporate body representing youth organizations active in the EC. Among the many political positions and activities carried out by the young people of the Youth Forum from 1978 to 1996, there was also the construction of a cooperation structure with the former European colonial countries of Africa, the Caribbean and the Pacific (ACP) that were part of the Convention of Lomè in 1975 and repeatedly renewed. The ACP/EC Youth Cooperation critically inserted itself in the various renewals of the Lome Convention, committed itself to the recognition of education and culture as cooperation forms and strongly supported the young people's role and their organizations as development actors. At the same time young Europeans supported their counterparts in ACP countries in the structuring of a representative platform, in establishing official relations with institutions and in promoting regional integration, encouraging discussion on the most sensitive issues for young people. This essay is only a first elaboration of a broader research on YFEC that, for about twenty years, has brought youth demands and needs to the attention of the highest European institutions, gradually opening up more and more to a global context.
Basilicata. Dal quadro ricostruito emerge non solo il consolidamento e la tenuta del Nittismo ma anche la formazione di gruppi d’opposizione che prima si servirono e poi aderirono al fascismo.
Parole chiave: Nitti, campagne elettorali, combattentismo, risultati elettorali, Basilicata
The years 1919-1921 in Italian history were a profound rupture moment of consolidated balances and the affirmation of new protagonists and were the years of Francesco Saverio Nitti, the Lucanian Prime Minister. The post-war Basilicata, between recovery programs and socio-economic conflicts, have only been partially reconstructed and analyzed. The framework emerging from this essay is characterized by the formation-opposition of two liberal political poles: that of Nittians and their opponents, while the clear resizing of socialist component and the limited popular presence was recorded. This framework, in clear contrast with the national panorama, is analyzed in the light of the roots of the various fronts, movements and parties active in Basilicata from 1914 to 1921, with particular attention to their articulation between mass parties, liberal parties and fighting movements. Retracing the various electoral
campaigns, of the political and administrative elections, between 1919 and 1921 and analyzing the electoral data, on one hand, emerged the process of massification between continuity and innovations and on the other emerged forms of participation and articulation of electoral consensus in Basilicata. From the reconstructed framework emerges not only the consolidation and stability of Nittism but also the formation of opposition groups that first used and then joined fascism.
Keywords: Nitti, electoral campaigns, combatism, electoral results,
Basilicata
based on the institution’s activities and norms interacting with social
and individual factors. In the state-building process, the bureaucracy
was set up to protect interest, morals, order and public health by
controlling specific types of people. The Cavour Rule on prostitution
introduced in 1860 an identification process to recognize and
record prostitute, assigning a document attesting her position within
the society. The Rule and its application were based on social and
gender discrimination, interacting with citizens, identifying and
monitoring the prostitutes and entering in the intimacy of personal
relationships. Economic returns and public health justified this bureaucratic
apparatus that progressively articulated its procedures
regulated from above with the urban and rural contexts. Women
came under such an identification, recognition and registration as
prostitutes, used it, paradoxically, to have access to the rights of citizenship
that the Rule partly allowed and on the other hand denied.
Liberal ruling classes tool, the Rule was the first norm to promote
identification and social control policies of prostitution in Italy, continued
with different denominations and norms until the abolition
of tolerated prostitution in 1958.
Keywords: Cavour Rule, Prostitution, Bureaucracy
formazione di una coscienza di classe transnazionale fascista accolse fra le sue pagine anche voci discordanti che lasciano supporre una sorta di “indipendenza” dalle strette maglie del regime. Il presente contributo è una prima rielaborazione della relazione tenuto a Bari in occasione della settima Migration Conference, tenutasi dal 10 al 20 giugno 2019 presso l’Università degli studi “Aldo Moro” di Bari.
Parole chiave: fascismo, emigrazione, stampa, coscienza di classe, propaganda.
The construction of a complex identity among Italians abroad between national and patriotic values, the affirmation of fascism and integration in the host countries in the period between the two wars was influenced by fascist politics. In this dynamic is the case of the periodical “Italians for the world” which, in an attempt to favor the formation of a fascist transnational class consciousness, also included discordant voices among its pages, suggesting a sort of “independence” from the narrow tangles of the regime. This contribution is a first revision of the speech
held in Bari during the seventh Migration Conference, held from 10 to 20 June 2019 at the “Aldo Moro” University of Bari.
Keywords: fascism, emigration, press, class consciousness, propaganda.
urbano si colloca la figura di Laval Nugent (1777-1862) le cui vicende
personali intrecciano la storia italiana e quella dell’Impero asburgico in una
dimensione europea in cui la Croazia e, in particolare, la città di Fiume
ebbero un ruolo centrale. Irlandese di nascita, asburgico d’adozione, sposato
con una nobile italiana, Nugent in Croazia costruì la sua influenza politicoeconomica grazie al rapporto con il banchiere fiumano Andrea Lodovico de
Adamich, lasciando nel paesaggio urbano di Fiume un segno della sua
presenza nel Castello di Tersatto. Frutto di oltre dieci anni di ricerche negli
archivi italiani e croati, la presente proposta intende ripercorrere la storia di
Laval Nugent con particolare attenzione al suo contributo nei processi
culturali, politici ed economici della città di Fiume e della Croazia.
Parole chiave: Laval Nugent, Andrea Lodovico de Adamich, Fiume, storia
economica, storia politica
propagandistico fu subito percepito e posto al centro di articolate discussioni e riflessioni. Il cinema fu da subito considerato un potente strumento, sia didattico che educativo, da impiegare anche nelle attività scolastiche e che si andò affermando a livello di massa. Il fascismo strutturò la produzione delle pellicole didattico-educative e di propaganda
e con il ministro Bottai costituì la Cineteca scolastica a servizio degli impianti cinematografici e radiofonici che si andavano diffondendo nelle scuole della penisola. Fra discussioni teoriche e applicazioni pratiche il cinema didattico-educativo, insieme alla radiofonia, si diffuse anche nelle aule degli istituti scolastici della Basilicata.
Parole chiave: Cinema scolastico, radiofonia scolastica, didattica, educazione, fascismo, Bottai, Basilicata
Didactic-educational cinema and the Lucan case between the Great War and Fascism
The modernization process that changed Italy at the opening of the twentieth century supported the expanse of new tools whose educational and propaganda utility was quickly recognized and set at the center of detailed discussions and reflections. Instantly cinema was regarded as a powerful instrument for didactic and education, also to be used in school activities, and it became popular on a mass level. Fascism structured the production of didactic, educational, and propaganda films and the Minister Bottai established the School Film Library at the service of cinema and radio systems that were spreading in the schools of the peninsula.
Didactic-educational cinema, together with radio, between theoretical discussions and practical applications, also expanded into the classrooms of schools in Basilicata.
Keywords: School cinema, school radio, didactics, Fascism education, Bottai,
Basilicata
Parole chiave: Storia dell'anarchia, Obiezione di coscienza, Movimento anarchico italiano
Tommaso Pedio and the anarchist movement In the centenary of Tommaso Pedio's birth, in 2017, his participation in the anarchist movement did not receive much attention, despite having been a significant experience for the Lucanian historian. This contribution recalls others yet published on Pedio's libertarian anti-fascist militancy and his activity as a writer for some Italian and American anarchist newspapers. Unpublished, however, is the reference to his contribution as a lawyer and collaborator of the US anarchist periodical "L'Adunata dei Refrattari" in support of the conscientious objection of anarchist militants.
quo, strategia, debolezze e frammentazioni portarono all’unificazione non negoziata istituzionalmente e condotta dal governo con centralizzazione amministrativa, apparati periferici e burocrazie a tutela del controllo di un articolato territorio, soprattutto nel Mezzogiorno
Young people have been among the many protagonists in the history of European integration since the 1950s, and a further impulsion came directly from the community institutions favoring the establishment of the Youth Forum of the European Communities (YFEC), a corporate body representing youth organizations active in the EC. Among the many political positions and activities carried out by the young people of the Youth Forum from 1978 to 1996, there was also the construction of a cooperation structure with the former European colonial countries of Africa, the Caribbean and the Pacific (ACP) that were part of the Convention of Lomè in 1975 and repeatedly renewed. The ACP/EC Youth Cooperation critically inserted itself in the various renewals of the Lome Convention, committed itself to the recognition of education and culture as cooperation forms and strongly supported the young people's role and their organizations as development actors. At the same time young Europeans supported their counterparts in ACP countries in the structuring of a representative platform, in establishing official relations with institutions and in promoting regional integration, encouraging discussion on the most sensitive issues for young people. This essay is only a first elaboration of a broader research on YFEC that, for about twenty years, has brought youth demands and needs to the attention of the highest European institutions, gradually opening up more and more to a global context.
Basilicata. Dal quadro ricostruito emerge non solo il consolidamento e la tenuta del Nittismo ma anche la formazione di gruppi d’opposizione che prima si servirono e poi aderirono al fascismo.
Parole chiave: Nitti, campagne elettorali, combattentismo, risultati elettorali, Basilicata
The years 1919-1921 in Italian history were a profound rupture moment of consolidated balances and the affirmation of new protagonists and were the years of Francesco Saverio Nitti, the Lucanian Prime Minister. The post-war Basilicata, between recovery programs and socio-economic conflicts, have only been partially reconstructed and analyzed. The framework emerging from this essay is characterized by the formation-opposition of two liberal political poles: that of Nittians and their opponents, while the clear resizing of socialist component and the limited popular presence was recorded. This framework, in clear contrast with the national panorama, is analyzed in the light of the roots of the various fronts, movements and parties active in Basilicata from 1914 to 1921, with particular attention to their articulation between mass parties, liberal parties and fighting movements. Retracing the various electoral
campaigns, of the political and administrative elections, between 1919 and 1921 and analyzing the electoral data, on one hand, emerged the process of massification between continuity and innovations and on the other emerged forms of participation and articulation of electoral consensus in Basilicata. From the reconstructed framework emerges not only the consolidation and stability of Nittism but also the formation of opposition groups that first used and then joined fascism.
Keywords: Nitti, electoral campaigns, combatism, electoral results,
Basilicata
based on the institution’s activities and norms interacting with social
and individual factors. In the state-building process, the bureaucracy
was set up to protect interest, morals, order and public health by
controlling specific types of people. The Cavour Rule on prostitution
introduced in 1860 an identification process to recognize and
record prostitute, assigning a document attesting her position within
the society. The Rule and its application were based on social and
gender discrimination, interacting with citizens, identifying and
monitoring the prostitutes and entering in the intimacy of personal
relationships. Economic returns and public health justified this bureaucratic
apparatus that progressively articulated its procedures
regulated from above with the urban and rural contexts. Women
came under such an identification, recognition and registration as
prostitutes, used it, paradoxically, to have access to the rights of citizenship
that the Rule partly allowed and on the other hand denied.
Liberal ruling classes tool, the Rule was the first norm to promote
identification and social control policies of prostitution in Italy, continued
with different denominations and norms until the abolition
of tolerated prostitution in 1958.
Keywords: Cavour Rule, Prostitution, Bureaucracy
formazione di una coscienza di classe transnazionale fascista accolse fra le sue pagine anche voci discordanti che lasciano supporre una sorta di “indipendenza” dalle strette maglie del regime. Il presente contributo è una prima rielaborazione della relazione tenuto a Bari in occasione della settima Migration Conference, tenutasi dal 10 al 20 giugno 2019 presso l’Università degli studi “Aldo Moro” di Bari.
Parole chiave: fascismo, emigrazione, stampa, coscienza di classe, propaganda.
The construction of a complex identity among Italians abroad between national and patriotic values, the affirmation of fascism and integration in the host countries in the period between the two wars was influenced by fascist politics. In this dynamic is the case of the periodical “Italians for the world” which, in an attempt to favor the formation of a fascist transnational class consciousness, also included discordant voices among its pages, suggesting a sort of “independence” from the narrow tangles of the regime. This contribution is a first revision of the speech
held in Bari during the seventh Migration Conference, held from 10 to 20 June 2019 at the “Aldo Moro” University of Bari.
Keywords: fascism, emigration, press, class consciousness, propaganda.
liberò la città di Fiume dall’occupazione francese, Laval Nugent (1777-1862) smascherò il doppio gioco di Murat, favorendo così la restaurazione di Ferdinando IV di Borbone sul trono di Napoli.
Nel 1817 conseguì il comando delle forze armate del neonato Regno
delle Due Sicilie. Con lo scoppio della rivoluzione costituzionale del 1820-21 lasciò Napoli, passando a sovraintendere alla difesa militare dell’Impero ai confini fra Croazia, Illiria e Tirolo.
Il Nugent fu anche socio fondatore delle Assicurazioni Generali e si impegnò nella gestione delle sue tenute campane e lucane, fra le quali figurava Castel Volturno, ex feudo concessogli da Ferdinando I delle Due
Sicilie perché ne bonificasse i terreni malsani.
La storia di questa bonifica abbraccia opere materiali, personaggi, dinamiche ambientali, sociali, economiche e tecniche che interessarono non solo l’area di Castel Volturno, ma anche le tenute di Montepeloso in Basilicata e quelle croate, nel contesto economico e produttivo più ampio che nel XIX coinvolgeva non solo il Mezzogiorno italiano, ma
l’intero continente europeo.