Giulia Valeria Anderson
Freelance Researcher, Contributor, and Fellow at The Washington Kurdish Institute, theSquare – Mediterranean Centre for Revolutionary Studies, Asia Power Watch, The Global Americans, the Africa Center for Strategic Progress, and the Italian "Istituto Analisi Relazioni Internazionali".
Journalist at Formiche.net
Award-winning dissertation: "US-Kurdish Relations: The 2nd Iraqi-Kurdish War and the Al-Anfal Campaigns" - Premio di Laurea Mons. Giuseppe Pittau S.J.
- II Level Master's Degree in Geopolitics and Global Security (La Sapienza University of Rome).
- Master’s Degree in Comparative International Relations (Ca' Foscari University Venice).
- Bachelor's Degree in Political Science and International Relations (University of Trieste).
Journalist at Formiche.net
Award-winning dissertation: "US-Kurdish Relations: The 2nd Iraqi-Kurdish War and the Al-Anfal Campaigns" - Premio di Laurea Mons. Giuseppe Pittau S.J.
- II Level Master's Degree in Geopolitics and Global Security (La Sapienza University of Rome).
- Master’s Degree in Comparative International Relations (Ca' Foscari University Venice).
- Bachelor's Degree in Political Science and International Relations (University of Trieste).
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Papers by Giulia Valeria Anderson
However, what has played an important role in Iran’s relations with both Japan and China is the US-imposed sanctions. As a matter of fact, these bans brought Iran closer to the Asian continent: since the US withdrew from the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action and imposed new sanctions, China has continued to purchase oil from Iran making it clear it will not abide by the US embargo. Consequently, political engagement has been an important variable in Chinese and Japanese bilateral relations with Iran, impacting economic investments, trade, and furthering new relations and agreements.
As of the beginning of May, a suicide bomber attacked the intelligence headquarters in Kirkuk, a couple of days later a military-controlled checkpoint in northern Baghdad was ambushed in the middle of the night, and in the days following this attack, many others occurred in the northern areas of Iraq where the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) is settled. One may believe the nation-wide lockdown due to Covid-19 has played a fundamental role in the resurgence of IS in Iraq, as police and military officers are busy patrolling towns, and many Iraqi government operations against the Islamic State have been frozen.
Though, the recent withdrawal of the United States (US) has also left an open scenario that allows IS to regain its control – as may be seen in Kirkuk, where the US has already left the territory and IS did not hesitate to attack it first. NATO, as well, suspended its operations due to the Covid-19 outbreak – though, it is believed they will resume their operations as soon as the virus is eradicated. This brief study wants to analyze the alleged resurgence of IS in Iraq, as the organization remains weak withstanding its recent initiatives. It also wants to understand the causes of this reawakening: if Covid-19 has indeed played a central role and if there are other external or internal (as the dispute with the KRG) inputs that have challenged these attacks.
However, what has played an important role in Iran’s relations with both Japan and China is the US-imposed sanctions. As a matter of fact, these bans brought Iran closer to the Asian continent: since the US withdrew from the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action and imposed new sanctions, China has continued to purchase oil from Iran making it clear it will not abide by the US embargo. Consequently, political engagement has been an important variable in Chinese and Japanese bilateral relations with Iran, impacting economic investments, trade, and furthering new relations and agreements.
As of the beginning of May, a suicide bomber attacked the intelligence headquarters in Kirkuk, a couple of days later a military-controlled checkpoint in northern Baghdad was ambushed in the middle of the night, and in the days following this attack, many others occurred in the northern areas of Iraq where the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) is settled. One may believe the nation-wide lockdown due to Covid-19 has played a fundamental role in the resurgence of IS in Iraq, as police and military officers are busy patrolling towns, and many Iraqi government operations against the Islamic State have been frozen.
Though, the recent withdrawal of the United States (US) has also left an open scenario that allows IS to regain its control – as may be seen in Kirkuk, where the US has already left the territory and IS did not hesitate to attack it first. NATO, as well, suspended its operations due to the Covid-19 outbreak – though, it is believed they will resume their operations as soon as the virus is eradicated. This brief study wants to analyze the alleged resurgence of IS in Iraq, as the organization remains weak withstanding its recent initiatives. It also wants to understand the causes of this reawakening: if Covid-19 has indeed played a central role and if there are other external or internal (as the dispute with the KRG) inputs that have challenged these attacks.