Books by Andreas Johansson
Republica Moldova a devenit un teren de luptă pentru diverse forme de naţionalism chiar de la pro... more Republica Moldova a devenit un teren de luptă pentru diverse forme de naţionalism chiar de la proclamarea independenţei. În literatura de specialitate se consideră că o națiune divizată se ciocnește de grave pericole în calea ei spre democratizare. Democraţia în genere poate avea o bază solidă doar în cazul unei naţiuni unite. Deși pericolul divizării mai persistă, Moldova a reuşit să se impună totuși ca un stat cu principii democratice.
Lucrarea de față se oprește îndeosebi asupra acestei probleme – divizarea națională, fenomen care a devenit una dintre temele principale ale cărții. Autorul urmărește impactul pe care îl are respectivul fenomen asupra dezvoltării politice, în general,
şi a democratizării, în special. În carte se dezvoltă ideea că, în statele aflate în stare de tranziţie, naţiunea şi democraţia sunt indisolubil legate între ele. Democrația însăși, rămânând o platformă pe care concurează diferite idei și ambiții politice, poate complica procesul de tranziție, deoarece, în condițiile ei permisive, iminența unui eventual conflict crește. Cu toate acestea, democrația oferă perspectiva de a găsi un teren comun pentru negocieri și acest fapt constituie, în cele din urmă, elementul principal al consolidării, atât a democraţiei, cât şi a naţiunii.
Cuvânt-înainte de Sergiu Musteață
Traducere: Oana Cristescu
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Stockholm studies in politics, 2011
The Republic of Moldova was one of fifteen states to emerge from the dissolution of the Soviet Un... more The Republic of Moldova was one of fifteen states to emerge from the dissolution of the Soviet Union. With weak historical legacy of statehood, deteriorating economy and serious national divisions, the young state lacked many of the prerequisites deemed necessary for successful democratization. From the very beginning of independence, Moldova became the battleground of Romanianists, propagating for the Romanian character of Moldova’s majority population, and Moldovanists, who viewed the people as a separate nation. In the literature on democracy and democratization, a divided nation is singled out as a serious threat to statehood and democratization efforts alike. Without a nation in place it is generally understood that democracy cannot take root.
Nevertheless, Moldova in a few years time managed to make considerable progress on its path towards democracy. A main theme of the dissertation is thus the issue of national division and how it has affected political developments in general and democracy in specific. This picture is then further expanded by including close analysis of political support.
The dissertation contributes to discussions about how nation and democracy goes together in transitional states with no legacy of either of them. The analysis shows that national division in Moldova works on different levels. While political actors often seek support from the electorate according to their positions on the nation, national identity by itself does not suffice to explain differences in political support. Instead other aspects, such as generational values, degree of urbanity and level of education, play a much larger role. Democracy, as a platform where different political ideas and ambitions may form, can both complicate transitions since it provides opportunities for conflicts, but democracy also holds the prospects to find ways to resolve disagreements. In the long run, this carries the seed of consolidation of both democracy and nation alike.
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Papers by Andreas Johansson
Världspolitikens dagsfrågor, 2013
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Östeuropa - stat och nation i förändring, 2009
Fredrika Björklund, Johnny Rodin (eds.)
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Internationella studier, 2005
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Nordisk Østforum, 2007
Det skulle dock vara missvisande att påstå att det nyvaknade intresset för Bessarabien resulterad... more Det skulle dock vara missvisande att påstå att det nyvaknade intresset för Bessarabien resulterade i ett omfattande resande till regionen eller ett stort antal reseberättelser. Vad som gör reseskildringar i allmänhet så intressanta är sättet som de beskriver resmålet
och människorna de möter. Implicit förväntas något annorlunda – vilket gärna tillåter sig kläs i exotismens lockelser – än vad författaren och läsarna är vana vid, och det är i detta förhållande som en bild av motsatsen kan tecknas. Syftet med den här artikeln är
därför att låta bilden av det mellankrigstida Bessarabien framträda genom samtida reseskildringars exempel. Dels handlar det om hur reseskildrarna uppfattar den bessarabiska miljön, men i än högre grad ligger fokus på skildringarna av människorna de mötte.
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Journal of Communist Studies and Transition Politics, 2006
This discussion will focus on the Dnestr Moldovan Republic, but within the context and time-frame... more This discussion will focus on the Dnestr Moldovan Republic, but within the context and time-frame of the altered political landscape since the Moldovan parliamentary elections of March 2005. Given that much of what goes on in PMR is related to events in Moldova proper, neighbouring states such as Ukraine and Romania, and ‘external’ neighbours such as Russia, the attempt here is to place the breakaway republic within a regional context
rather than focus solely on the PMR.
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Kungliga krigsakademiens Handlingar och Tidskrift, 2006
The focus of this article is on Transnistria, a secessionist region within the Moldovan state and... more The focus of this article is on Transnistria, a secessionist region within the Moldovan state and what could be said of its future. After a low-intensive civil war between 1990 and 1992, Transnistria has been beyond the reach of the central powers in Chişinău. Trafficking of weapons, drugs and people is claimed to be a major source of income for Transnistria’s economic and political elite. All attempts to find a negotiated settlement have failed. While Moldova has opted for a strong autonomy within the Moldovan state, Transnistria has leaned towards full independence.
Both Russia and Ukraine have supported the Transnistrian regime because of economic and political considerations. While the Ukrainian support has wavered considerably since the 2004 presidential elections, Russia continues to view Transnistria as a way to influence politics in the South-Eastern parts of Europe. Not least through the presence of Russian troops and weapon depots in the region.
Up to a few years ago Western interest in Transnistria was very small. With
Romania’s accession to the European Union in 2007 this has changed. There is nowadays a strong interest in Brussels to establish and safeguard stable eastern borders.
During Transnistria’s nearly 16 years of independence, little progress in solving the conflict has been made. In March 2005, Ukraine at last introduced an earlier announced border regime that forces Transnistrian enterprises to register in Chişinău in order to get proper custom stamps and hence hamper smuggling. While it is still too early to say anything conclusive of the implementation of the Ukrainian border regime, this could in fact provide an opening which would force the Transnistrian
side to yield some of its earlier demands. In order to say something about Transnistria’s future, one should also remember that the region has enjoyed a considerable time of “independence”, a time during which
school children have been educated in the ideology of the self-proclaimed state. To them there is no other homeland than the Transnistrian, but as before much depends on what stance Russia will take.
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Nordisk Østforum, 2003
I föreliggande artikel ämnar vi göra empiriska nedslag i de båda kvasistaterna Abchazien och Tran... more I föreliggande artikel ämnar vi göra empiriska nedslag i de båda kvasistaterna Abchazien och Transnistrien som bröt sig loss i början av 1990-talet. Abchazien är beläget i Georgiens nordvästra hörn vid Svarta havet, med en landyta ungefär lika stor som Sjælland eller Uppsala län och en befolkning på mindre än 200.000. Transnistrien ligger i de östra delarna av Moldavien på den östra sidan av floden Nistru. Regionen är något större än Gotland och nästan lika stor som Akershus fylke samt anges ha 60.000 invånare. Syftet är att ge en översikt över den politiska utvecklingen i Abchazien och Transnistrien och ställa den i relation till Pål Kolstøs inledande teoretiska ramverk. Analysen av de båda kvasistaterna har utförts utifrån samma frågor: Hur har de uppkommit och vilka faktorer bidrar till, respektive hotar deras vidare existens?
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How a Researcher Is Made: Supervision, Assimilation and Integration, 2004
The members of this project consortium come from three institutions;
Stockholm University, Söder... more The members of this project consortium come from three institutions;
Stockholm University, Södertörn University College and the Stockholm
Institute of Education. Three members of the group are senior researchers and three are graduate students.
The aim of the project is to expand the present training of graduate supervisors by creating a three-day continuation course, which will concentrate on questions of assimilation and interaction. This continuation course will be designed promote integration between graduate students and supervisors from differing ethnic, cultural and social backgrounds, of differing gender and/or sexuality and from differing intellectual traditions.
In order to command the respect of the graduate student, and to facilitate the research process, the supervisor needs to be fully cognisant with
scientific/scholarly discourses and to have the pedagogic skills necessary to convey his/her knowledge and skills to the student. The course, as planned, will consist of a few lectures on theoretical issues relating to the supervisory situation.
However the main emphasis will be on case studies and practical exercises designed to increase the participants' self-awareness. This aspect of the course, it is hoped, will help supervisors improve the quality of their work and develop strategies for dealing with specific problems that can arise in supervision. The project also aims to heighten awareness of the importance of graduate supervision by organising a hearing at Stockholm University and by instituting a basic course in graduate supervision at Södertörn University College.
Key words: Acculturation, Social Integration, Supervisor-supervises relationship, Graduate School Faculty, Gender Issues, Intercultural communication.
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Whither Moldova? Conflicts and Dangers in a Post-Soviet Republic, 2003
Avsikten med denna rapport är att analysera några hotfaktorer i den moldaviska utvecklingen som k... more Avsikten med denna rapport är att analysera några hotfaktorer i den moldaviska utvecklingen som kan leda till en allvarlig instabilitet. Rapporten inleds med en historisk tillbakablick för att ge bakgrunden till dagens problem i den moldaviska utvecklingen. Författaren analyserar därefter mer i detalj utvecklingen 1989-2001, med tonvikt på uppbyggnaden av ett politiskt system efter självständigheten, de etniska frågorna och den geopolitiska orienteringen. Problemen inom de geografiska områdena Gagauzien och Transnistrien behandlas i särskild ordning. Efter att ha analyserat de senaste årens utveckling gör författaren en riskbedömning av kommande utveckling ur fyra perspektiv: det politiskt-ideologiska, det ekonomiska, identitetsperspektivet samt ett perspektiv som utgår från utländska aktörers intressen och agerande. Rapporten utmynnar i några tänkbara scenarier i ett hotperspektiv.
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Books by Andreas Johansson
Lucrarea de față se oprește îndeosebi asupra acestei probleme – divizarea națională, fenomen care a devenit una dintre temele principale ale cărții. Autorul urmărește impactul pe care îl are respectivul fenomen asupra dezvoltării politice, în general,
şi a democratizării, în special. În carte se dezvoltă ideea că, în statele aflate în stare de tranziţie, naţiunea şi democraţia sunt indisolubil legate între ele. Democrația însăși, rămânând o platformă pe care concurează diferite idei și ambiții politice, poate complica procesul de tranziție, deoarece, în condițiile ei permisive, iminența unui eventual conflict crește. Cu toate acestea, democrația oferă perspectiva de a găsi un teren comun pentru negocieri și acest fapt constituie, în cele din urmă, elementul principal al consolidării, atât a democraţiei, cât şi a naţiunii.
Cuvânt-înainte de Sergiu Musteață
Traducere: Oana Cristescu
Nevertheless, Moldova in a few years time managed to make considerable progress on its path towards democracy. A main theme of the dissertation is thus the issue of national division and how it has affected political developments in general and democracy in specific. This picture is then further expanded by including close analysis of political support.
The dissertation contributes to discussions about how nation and democracy goes together in transitional states with no legacy of either of them. The analysis shows that national division in Moldova works on different levels. While political actors often seek support from the electorate according to their positions on the nation, national identity by itself does not suffice to explain differences in political support. Instead other aspects, such as generational values, degree of urbanity and level of education, play a much larger role. Democracy, as a platform where different political ideas and ambitions may form, can both complicate transitions since it provides opportunities for conflicts, but democracy also holds the prospects to find ways to resolve disagreements. In the long run, this carries the seed of consolidation of both democracy and nation alike.
Papers by Andreas Johansson
och människorna de möter. Implicit förväntas något annorlunda – vilket gärna tillåter sig kläs i exotismens lockelser – än vad författaren och läsarna är vana vid, och det är i detta förhållande som en bild av motsatsen kan tecknas. Syftet med den här artikeln är
därför att låta bilden av det mellankrigstida Bessarabien framträda genom samtida reseskildringars exempel. Dels handlar det om hur reseskildrarna uppfattar den bessarabiska miljön, men i än högre grad ligger fokus på skildringarna av människorna de mötte.
rather than focus solely on the PMR.
Both Russia and Ukraine have supported the Transnistrian regime because of economic and political considerations. While the Ukrainian support has wavered considerably since the 2004 presidential elections, Russia continues to view Transnistria as a way to influence politics in the South-Eastern parts of Europe. Not least through the presence of Russian troops and weapon depots in the region.
Up to a few years ago Western interest in Transnistria was very small. With
Romania’s accession to the European Union in 2007 this has changed. There is nowadays a strong interest in Brussels to establish and safeguard stable eastern borders.
During Transnistria’s nearly 16 years of independence, little progress in solving the conflict has been made. In March 2005, Ukraine at last introduced an earlier announced border regime that forces Transnistrian enterprises to register in Chişinău in order to get proper custom stamps and hence hamper smuggling. While it is still too early to say anything conclusive of the implementation of the Ukrainian border regime, this could in fact provide an opening which would force the Transnistrian
side to yield some of its earlier demands. In order to say something about Transnistria’s future, one should also remember that the region has enjoyed a considerable time of “independence”, a time during which
school children have been educated in the ideology of the self-proclaimed state. To them there is no other homeland than the Transnistrian, but as before much depends on what stance Russia will take.
Stockholm University, Södertörn University College and the Stockholm
Institute of Education. Three members of the group are senior researchers and three are graduate students.
The aim of the project is to expand the present training of graduate supervisors by creating a three-day continuation course, which will concentrate on questions of assimilation and interaction. This continuation course will be designed promote integration between graduate students and supervisors from differing ethnic, cultural and social backgrounds, of differing gender and/or sexuality and from differing intellectual traditions.
In order to command the respect of the graduate student, and to facilitate the research process, the supervisor needs to be fully cognisant with
scientific/scholarly discourses and to have the pedagogic skills necessary to convey his/her knowledge and skills to the student. The course, as planned, will consist of a few lectures on theoretical issues relating to the supervisory situation.
However the main emphasis will be on case studies and practical exercises designed to increase the participants' self-awareness. This aspect of the course, it is hoped, will help supervisors improve the quality of their work and develop strategies for dealing with specific problems that can arise in supervision. The project also aims to heighten awareness of the importance of graduate supervision by organising a hearing at Stockholm University and by instituting a basic course in graduate supervision at Södertörn University College.
Key words: Acculturation, Social Integration, Supervisor-supervises relationship, Graduate School Faculty, Gender Issues, Intercultural communication.
Lucrarea de față se oprește îndeosebi asupra acestei probleme – divizarea națională, fenomen care a devenit una dintre temele principale ale cărții. Autorul urmărește impactul pe care îl are respectivul fenomen asupra dezvoltării politice, în general,
şi a democratizării, în special. În carte se dezvoltă ideea că, în statele aflate în stare de tranziţie, naţiunea şi democraţia sunt indisolubil legate între ele. Democrația însăși, rămânând o platformă pe care concurează diferite idei și ambiții politice, poate complica procesul de tranziție, deoarece, în condițiile ei permisive, iminența unui eventual conflict crește. Cu toate acestea, democrația oferă perspectiva de a găsi un teren comun pentru negocieri și acest fapt constituie, în cele din urmă, elementul principal al consolidării, atât a democraţiei, cât şi a naţiunii.
Cuvânt-înainte de Sergiu Musteață
Traducere: Oana Cristescu
Nevertheless, Moldova in a few years time managed to make considerable progress on its path towards democracy. A main theme of the dissertation is thus the issue of national division and how it has affected political developments in general and democracy in specific. This picture is then further expanded by including close analysis of political support.
The dissertation contributes to discussions about how nation and democracy goes together in transitional states with no legacy of either of them. The analysis shows that national division in Moldova works on different levels. While political actors often seek support from the electorate according to their positions on the nation, national identity by itself does not suffice to explain differences in political support. Instead other aspects, such as generational values, degree of urbanity and level of education, play a much larger role. Democracy, as a platform where different political ideas and ambitions may form, can both complicate transitions since it provides opportunities for conflicts, but democracy also holds the prospects to find ways to resolve disagreements. In the long run, this carries the seed of consolidation of both democracy and nation alike.
och människorna de möter. Implicit förväntas något annorlunda – vilket gärna tillåter sig kläs i exotismens lockelser – än vad författaren och läsarna är vana vid, och det är i detta förhållande som en bild av motsatsen kan tecknas. Syftet med den här artikeln är
därför att låta bilden av det mellankrigstida Bessarabien framträda genom samtida reseskildringars exempel. Dels handlar det om hur reseskildrarna uppfattar den bessarabiska miljön, men i än högre grad ligger fokus på skildringarna av människorna de mötte.
rather than focus solely on the PMR.
Both Russia and Ukraine have supported the Transnistrian regime because of economic and political considerations. While the Ukrainian support has wavered considerably since the 2004 presidential elections, Russia continues to view Transnistria as a way to influence politics in the South-Eastern parts of Europe. Not least through the presence of Russian troops and weapon depots in the region.
Up to a few years ago Western interest in Transnistria was very small. With
Romania’s accession to the European Union in 2007 this has changed. There is nowadays a strong interest in Brussels to establish and safeguard stable eastern borders.
During Transnistria’s nearly 16 years of independence, little progress in solving the conflict has been made. In March 2005, Ukraine at last introduced an earlier announced border regime that forces Transnistrian enterprises to register in Chişinău in order to get proper custom stamps and hence hamper smuggling. While it is still too early to say anything conclusive of the implementation of the Ukrainian border regime, this could in fact provide an opening which would force the Transnistrian
side to yield some of its earlier demands. In order to say something about Transnistria’s future, one should also remember that the region has enjoyed a considerable time of “independence”, a time during which
school children have been educated in the ideology of the self-proclaimed state. To them there is no other homeland than the Transnistrian, but as before much depends on what stance Russia will take.
Stockholm University, Södertörn University College and the Stockholm
Institute of Education. Three members of the group are senior researchers and three are graduate students.
The aim of the project is to expand the present training of graduate supervisors by creating a three-day continuation course, which will concentrate on questions of assimilation and interaction. This continuation course will be designed promote integration between graduate students and supervisors from differing ethnic, cultural and social backgrounds, of differing gender and/or sexuality and from differing intellectual traditions.
In order to command the respect of the graduate student, and to facilitate the research process, the supervisor needs to be fully cognisant with
scientific/scholarly discourses and to have the pedagogic skills necessary to convey his/her knowledge and skills to the student. The course, as planned, will consist of a few lectures on theoretical issues relating to the supervisory situation.
However the main emphasis will be on case studies and practical exercises designed to increase the participants' self-awareness. This aspect of the course, it is hoped, will help supervisors improve the quality of their work and develop strategies for dealing with specific problems that can arise in supervision. The project also aims to heighten awareness of the importance of graduate supervision by organising a hearing at Stockholm University and by instituting a basic course in graduate supervision at Södertörn University College.
Key words: Acculturation, Social Integration, Supervisor-supervises relationship, Graduate School Faculty, Gender Issues, Intercultural communication.