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Muhammad Ali Jinnah: Difference between revisions

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In 1931, [[Fatima Jinnah]] joined her brother in England. From then on, Muhammad Jinnah would receive personal care and support from her as he aged and began to suffer from the lung ailments which would kill him. She lived and travelled with him, and became a close advisor. Muhammad Jinnah's daughter, Dina, was educated in England and India. Jinnah later became estranged from Dina after she decided to marry a Christian, [[Neville Wadia]] from a prominent [[Parsi]] business family.<ref>{{cite journal|last=SINGH|first=KULDIP|title=Obituary: Neville Wadia|journal=THE iNDEPENDENT|date=6 August 1996|url=http://www.independent.co.uk/news/people/obituaryneville-wadia-1308408.html}}</ref> When Jinnah urged Dina to marry a Muslim, she reminded him that he had married a woman not raised in his faith. Jinnah continued to correspond cordially with his daughter, but their personal relationship was strained, and she did not come to Pakistan in his lifetime, but only for his funeral.{{sfn|Bolitho|pp=101–102}}{{sfn|Wolpert|pp=370–371}}
 
 
== Jinnah's conversion by Iqbal ==
 
Initially, [[Muhammad Iqbal]] and Jinnah were opponents, as Iqbal believed Jinnah was aloof from the crises facing the Muslim community in India.<ref>{{cite book|last1=Ahmed|first1=Akbar|title=Jinnah, Pakistan and Islamic Identity: The Search for Saladin|pages=62-73}}</ref> According to [[Akbar S. Ahmed]], this began to change in Iqbal's last days, althoughbefore thehis unanimitydeath Jinnahin expressed with1938. Iqbal didgradually notsucceeded onlyin extendconverting Jinnah over to his politicsview, butwho hiseventually generalaccepted Iqbal as his convictions''"mentor"''.<ref>{{cite book|last1=Ahmed|first1=Akbar|title= comments that Jinnah, Pakistanhad become ''"unerring in the grasp of Iqbal's position''" and Islamicin Identity:his Thenotes Searchto forIqbal's Saladin|pages=117letters, 175-178}}</ref>Jinnah expressed unanimity with Iqbal's views: That Muslims required a separate homeland.
 
Ahmed states that this unanimity Jinnah expressed with Iqbal did not only extend to his politics but his general convictions.<ref>{{cite book|last1=Ahmed|first1=Akbar|title=Jinnah, Pakistan and Islamic Identity: The Search for Saladin|pages=117, 175-178}}</ref> The evidence of this influence began to be revealed from 1937 onwards. Jinnah began to echo Iqbal in his speeches, he started using Islamic symbolism and speaking to the underprivileged. According to Ahmed, ''"something had clearly changed"'' in Jinnah's words and deeds. While Jinnah still advocated freedom of religion and protection of the minorities, the model he was now aspiring to was that of the prophet Muhammad. Ahmed further claims that scholars who have painted a secular picture of Jinnah have misread his speeches which, he argues, must be read in the context of Islamic History and culture. As such, the homeland Jinnah asked for following his "conversion" was of an ''"unequivocal Islamic nature."''
 
== Return to politics ==
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[[File:Muslim League Working Committee, Lucknow Session (Photo 429-4).jpg|thumb|right|Jinnah (front, left) with the Working Committee of the Muslim League after a meeting in Lucknow, October 1937]]
According to Singh, "the events of 1937 had a tremendous, almost a traumatic effect upon Jinnah".{{sfn|Singh|p=188}} Despite his beliefs of twenty years that Muslims could protect their rights in a united India through separate electorates, provincial boundaries drawn to preserve Muslim majorities, and by other protections of minority rights, Muslim voters had failed to unite, with the issues Jinnah hoped to bring forward lost amid factional fighting.{{sfn|Singh|p=188}}{{sfn|Jalal|p=35}} Singh notes the effect of the 1937 elections on Muslim political opinion, "when the Congress formed a government with almost all of the Muslim [[Member of the Legislative Assembly|MLAs]] sitting on the Opposition benches, non-Congress Muslims were suddenly faced with this stark reality of near total political powerlessness. It was brought home to them, like a bolt of lightning, that even if the Congress did not win a single Muslim seat&nbsp;... as long as it won an absolute majority in the House, on the strength of the general seats, it could and would form a government entirely on its own&nbsp;..."{{sfn|Singh|p=198}}
 
Initially, [[Muhammad Iqbal]] and Jinnah were opponents, as Iqbal believed Jinnah was aloof from the crises facing the Muslim community in India.<ref>{{cite book|last1=Ahmed|first1=Akbar|title=Jinnah, Pakistan and Islamic Identity: The Search for Saladin|pages=62-73}}</ref> According to [[Akbar S. Ahmed]], this began to change in Iqbal's last days, although the unanimity Jinnah expressed with Iqbal did not only extend to his politics but his general convictions.<ref>{{cite book|last1=Ahmed|first1=Akbar|title=Jinnah, Pakistan and Islamic Identity: The Search for Saladin|pages=117, 175-178}}</ref>
 
In the next two years, Jinnah worked to build support among Muslims for the League. He secured the right to speak for the Muslim-led Bengali and [[Punjab (British India)|Punjabi]] provincial governments in the central government in New Delhi ("the centre"). He worked to expand the league, reducing the cost of membership to two [[Indian anna|annas]] (⅛ of a rupee), half of what it cost to join the Congress. He restructured the League along the lines of the Congress, putting most power in a Working Committee, which he appointed.{{sfn|Jalal|pp=39–41}} By December 1939, Liaquat estimated that the League had three million two-anna members.{{sfn|Moore|p=548}}