Makossa

The word "makossa" is originated from the Duala words "m'a" and "kossa". "Kossa" is a term that was a term at the edge of neologism expressed initially as a cry of exhortation, and as "a kind of swear word that has the status of a stimulus, a spur. In the book Le Makossa: une musique africaine moderne, a passage including this quote is written as follows: "En effet, le terme Makossa, dérive de << m'a kossa >> qui veut dire littéralement en langue duala et au pluriel les contorsions ; au singulier << di kossa >> la contorsion. Ce vocable << Kossa >> est un terme à la lisière du néologisme et du cri d'exhortation, mieux, une sorte de juron ayant statut de stimulus, d'aiguillon."^[2] In the same book, the author explains that according to Remy Minko Mba (late journalist),^[7] "Kossa is a kind of exclamation, a cry of joy that is usually uttered to give more vigor, [and] more energy to the dance." In the original French version, a passage including the translated version of this quote reads, "Remy MINKO MBA poursuit: << Kossa est une sorte d'exclamation, un cri de joie que l'on pousse généralement pour donner plus de vigeur, plus d'énergie à la danse. Il s'agit donc d'une sorte de stimulus qui doit nécessairement provoquer une réaction positive >>."^[2] In Cameroonian Pidgin English, a cognate that could one of the ultimate underlying origins of the word "makossa" is: "kosh". One of the definitions of this word is: "to insult, abuse, curse, swear at."^[8]

Before "makossa" as a word existed, the genre of music known as makossa today emerged in the late 19th century.^[1] It was based on the currents of musical influence in the city where it was born. The term makossa was founded by Nelle Eyoum. He did this when casually shouting out "kossa kossa". This was to stimulate partners on the dance floor to redouble or increase in fervency in the dance, especially during the frenzied part of the composition, commonly called "secousse" or "balle à terre". But even though Nelle Eyoum coined the term, they were others who played a significant role in the developing of the music. These include musicians such as Lobe Lobe Rameau, Mouelle Guillaume, Ebanda Manfred, Tibo Essombe, Epee Mbende Richard, Eitel Tobbo, Ebolo Emmanuel, Charles Lembe, Ruth Soppo, Jacqueline Ewondo, Tapelon, Epata, Eyoum Decca, Willy le Pape, etc. Labels such as Opika, Decca, Ngoma, Disques Cousins, etc., allowed them to record for them. These pioneers established the basic characteristics of makossa, such as the tempo, harmonies, melodic phrases possible, timbre that goes along with the phoneme of the Duala language, and the singing technique. They set the basic rules of makossa, in other words. Other rules that came into play include 1-3 chords, from the rhythm guitar and a song that alternates in a melody that they both have in common. Bass and percussion set the stage in a persistent manner, playing as separate elements. Many are truly considered virtuosos in the guitar playing field. Their music is often referred to as a "one man show", despite having more than one musician. Duos exist, such as Rameau and Jacquy Lobe, Ekotto Robert and Ruth Soppo, Mouelle Guillaume and Jaqueline Ewondo. Rumba and merengue influenced the development of makossa.^[9] Makossa can seem, upon attentive listening, to be a slowed-down version of assiko. Assiko itself is a variant of palm-wine music from Sierra Leone. Palm wine music was brought to Cameroon when Kru sailors arrived in Douala. Their merchants ships docked in the port city from other African cities such as Lagos, Nigeria via Cotonou in Benin, Monrovia in Liberia and Freetown in Sierra Leone in late 19th century. The influx of instruments and musical ideas filtered to the local population and influenced the development of this music in the city of Douala.

Makossa developed, expanded and evolved into one of most popular and ubiquitous modern music genres in Cameroon. Its influence shaped and altered the musical discourse in the country for more than half a century, so much so that its reach expanded far beyond the nation's borders to other parts of West and Central Africa. It is the rhizomic evolutionary offshoot of the musical confluence arising from the colonial era and its revolutionary relationship between the West and sub-Saharan Africa in the 18th century. Along with this came variegated cultural ideas and expressions, intellectual concepts, religious values, as well as radical and disruptive new technologies from Europe that were at the presence of African societies. The outcome was a plethora of newer musical forms and modes of expression along the coast of West and Central Africa. Like the Kru people of Sierra Leone and Liberia, business people, migrant workers, travelers, and musicians who were from the French Congo also brought along another stream of music with them to Douala.^[1]

This junction between "old Africa and a new world of modernity" produced new auditory and visual frontiers. It allowed for a sensory experiential interface which culminated into a wide array of artistic and contemporary forms in West and Central African previously unheard before. It was out of this milieu that makossa would emerge, in one which was being revolutionized by new experimental and experiential realms which would revolutionize the entire continent.^[1]

The cultures of Cameroon, the country where makossa was born, are very diverse: indeed, an estimated 250 distinct ethnic groups in the country. One of the ethnic groups that makossa was originally majorly performed by was the Duala people. But because more and more musician continued to perform the music, many of whom were from backgrounds other than Duala, or even Sawabantu, makossa also became more diverse. For example, the Germans (who were among the first colonists of Cameroon) may have introduced the German accordions that they were playing to entertain themselves to the natives, who upon seeing this, were amazed at the way the German soldiers were playing. The natives would often be hired as servants to the German soldiers. Upon returning to their quarters, they would then make artisanal guitars and afterwards play the music that the German soldiers were playing and shouting interjections, which became prevalent in later music such as makossa.

Prior to the independence of Cameroon that would lead to makossa's creation, there was the classical music of the Bamoun Kingdom. The Bamileke and the Bamoun are two ethnic groups that are related. Mangambeu is a traditional music genre that is related to bolobo in terms of rhythm. Bikutsi is similar, with a 6/8 time signature and is influenced by the Beti culture.^[10] The inspirations range from the history of war connections (being that traditional bikutsi is a war rhythm) to entire kingdoms. The Bamoun classical music was founded in the 14th century when the Royal Court founded the musical orchestra for the Bamoun Kingdom to allow for the traditions of the Bamoun classical music to take place. Classical Bamoun music is based on indigenous Bamoun music with influences from Christian music and Muslim music. There are many instruments within it that are used in bikutsi music, as well as mangambeu music. Mangambeu was developed by the Bamileke people, and their music, as far as rhythm is similar just from listening alone. The main differences are the instruments, and the style. The music is filled with percussion and uses triplets to divide the beats, with log drums as accompaniment. The Duala music known as bolobo is therefore a music of rejoicing, and as an initiation test for sexual life as well as marital and domestic life, the oral literature that is presented as part of this music tradition has been a source of inspiration for the manufacturers of makossa. Some of the major things to take away are that certain themes in makossa music are mere transpositions of original bolobo. The pace of the music tends to be less sped up. A known musician that plays music of this genre is Richard Bona.

Another music of the Duala is makossa is the essewe. The essewe is a funerary dance practiced for psychotherapeutic purpose, and more specifically to relieve sorrow at the loss of a loved one. The music genre is very well balanced and rhythmic, inviting the energetically pianissimo yet fully involved movement of the body while dancing. Lyrics have influenced makossa, such as with the “Masao”.^[2]

Assiko borrows from the Bassa rhythm known as ngola, which is played on bottles with sticks. It developed probably over one hundred years ago. The dance is fast-paced and complex, with twisting hips and acrobatic feats, such as head stands and balancing bottles on the head.^[11]

In 1884, the colony of Kamerun was established by the Germans, after 15 years of settlement. Indigenous African soldiers (known as Schutztruppe) were recruited to fight under German military command as the regiment drawn from various tribes and ethnicities in the West and South-East African colonies of the German Empire. The Schutztruppe were the representation of the significance of military theory and praxis, shown when they defined the musical medium of the colonies as well as cultural and physiological dominance over those colonized. The Germans, and in particular renowned explorer Hermann Wissmann, believed that through the strategic use to civilize the natives, who he viewed as inferior.

Military musicians were among the political and social organizations that celebrated Wissmann's new position as East African Commissar in 1889, who grew increasingly interested in the development of Germany's presence in Africa to improve on their position as a Great Power.

The Deutsche Militär-Musiker Zeitung, an exclusive music trade journal of the German armed forces at the time, stated this about Wissmann and his commitment to promote German military music as an essential amenity and a military necessity:

‘Music delights the human heart! Why should the many officers and officials not be able to enjoy this joy? Moreover, one could be convinced that our Sudanese warriors would undoubtedly be even more enthusiastic and fight with even greater enthusiasm if a music corps accompanied them. The enemies would be so frightened by the sound of the instruments that it would be easy to fight them.'^[12]

Another function of military music was for its civilizing properties. The military musicians believed that the regimental bands would bring a vital civilizing influence to the colonies, bringing Heimat to the German settlers and curbing the native's 'childlike' music. It was akin to ‘ballyhoo … clapping and inarticulate sounds of their breathing to the musician’s ears, making the civilising mission of the bands even more vital to the colonies’ success.'

Wissmann intended to use the protection force to promote German cultural work, including music, as a way of civilizing the native population, quickly. This process of civilizing would extend to military training and drill. Wissmann's role was so important in the formation of the colonial forces that they were dubbed "Wissmanntruppe". His physically prime candidates for military employment, in his eyes, lacked moral capacity. He believed 'civilized' music would help raise morality in the indigenous Africans and could correct them from their 'barbaric' ways.

Other commentators saw the colonial troops' regimental and individual musical skills as entry for German culture into the lives of their subjects. Heilborn recalls the performance of a piece that a Schutztruppe officer learned how to play titled Opheus Aria by Christoph Willibald Gluck (1762), noting that after the piece, several Hottentot women had been driven to tears. The song's popularity meant that the singing officer would have always been accompanied by two indigenous voices singing the Aria. Whether apocryphal or true, this paints a picture of the musical officer educating and civilizing the subject through exposure to German culture.

Music that the German military musicians played affected the indigenous people in every one of their colonies, including Kamerunstadt, which today is Douala. German folk music was often played on European instruments, including the accordion. While the colonists were trying plaster their culture onto native Africans via music, the natives often instead found ways to recoding the music performed before them. Oftentimes soldiers would dance and shout interjections, while themselves adopting native customs, which became common in the music that the Sawa played, eventually gaining the name "ambasse bey".^[12][13]

In the 1930s, record companies from France arrived in modern-day Cameroon. They had the goal of persuading the native musicians to record for recording companies such as Pathé. This led to the acceptance and approval of the natives, and they started making records. Oftentimes, and more often than not, the recordings would be very short and not very good quality. Later on, French musicians would inspire musicians in modern-day Cameroon to make more and more music. This was thanks to the French-styled chansons that were popular at the time. This was reminiscent of the original cause of the music to be made (French recording companies).^[14]

The British missionaries who arrived in West and Central Africa brought not only religion (Protestantism), but the culture that came with it. Classical church songs were a huge part of this. Many people who are makossa musicians today are in one way or another ultimately influenced by Protestant hymns and in particular, Baptist church music.^[2] The Duala were an ethnic group that were in contact and in agreement with the European settlers and could hence convert relatively agreeably and peaceably. Composer Daniel Doumbe Eyango is example of a pastor who composed many songs, including "Hymne à la Jeunesse", "Na ma Bolea Oa Nje", and others. LOTIN A SAME, who remains the single greatest composer of hymns in both quality and quantity was a pastor and the father of one of the first makossa musicians to be recorded, EBOA LOTIN and influenced his son in music as well.^[15]

Gospel music origins lie in Presbyterian churches in Scotland and were both brought to Cameroon in the 19th century.^[16][17]

The Portuguese guitar was introduced to Africa via the Portuguese traders who landed on the West African coast in the 15th century, which was the start of the trans-Atlantic slave trade as well as the beginning of the European Age of Discovery. The guitar made its entry into Africa in what is now Sierra Leone, going down south through Cameroon, where musicians would use it to play music that would be the predecessor of makossa, including assiko.^[18]

Assiko was a local variant of palm wine music in Cameroon, with an up-tempo beat. It was played with guitar, bottle-tapping and singing. There are four types of assiko: Assiko bassa, assiko eton, assiko Bulu, and the Bottle dance of the North-West Region of Cameroon. These are the main subgenres of this music. It is important to distinguish this music (assiko of Cameroon) from that of Sierra Leone (or better put, ashiko), or aṣíkò from Nigeria. Assiko is affectionately called the "Bottle-bop" by Jean-Luc Ponty, a French violinist. Assiko is also known of in other parts of Africa besides the aforementioned, but of course as different styles. The style in Cameroon is different from that of Senegal, or the Gambia, for example. This is due to their origins within the borders of their respective countries.^[19]

The guitar can be played as a solo or rhythmic (accompaniment) instrument. A guitarist can play with diversity in roles as an accompaniment instrument while in between choruses. A rhythm that is common is the 3/2 rhythm, as played on the various percussion instruments accompanying it, including the bottle. The local Cameroonian variant of assiko is different from palm wine music (or maringa) in its speed, and the language it is sung in (as it is typically sung in Bassa). Assiko, however, retained the lilting, syncopated picking of the guitar. It may have originated from the ragtime composed and performed in the 19th century from the United States. It can be said that before the formative years of palm wine music, the transatlantic slave trade being over, and slavery abolished in America, the music of African Americans at the time may have been transported to West Africa, specific to Liberia. This could then have included ragtime music. Ragtime is syncopated, and hence the characteristic makes sense to have ultimately been inherited by assiko.

Assiko, like palm wine music, is not complicated music. It is rather simple, and informal. It was played historically at bars where palm wine (an alcoholic beverage found in West Africa) was served, and it was born out of both casual interactions and musical expression. In this respect, assiko is not much different. It was taught by ear, like much sub-Saharan African music, and was therefore not notated as far as for performances. It requires a knowledge of music theory but also feeling. It is repetitive and requires the use of not many musicians. Assiko guitarists often sang their own songs while playing guitar. The combination of a knowledge of various musical motifs that imply a particular sound as an extension of the ultimate music and its sources (palm wine music, as it was influenced by calypso, mento, and ragtime, and these genres musically being tied to European music styles such as ballroom music like quadrilles, pasillo, and classical European music among others) as well a sense of feeling (that often allowed the easier transmission of music in sub-Saharan African cases) brought that about and led to the expediting of that music which is uniquely assiko.

Makossa is a type of funky dance music, best known outside Africa for Manu Dibango, whose 1972 single "Soul Makossa" was an international hit. Outside of Africa, Dibango and makossa were only briefly popular, but the genre has produced several Pan-African superstars through the 70s, 80s and 90s. Following Dibango, a wave of musicians electrified makossa in an attempt at making it more accessible outside of Cameroon. Another pop singer in 1970s Cameroon was André-Marie Tala, a blind singer who had a pair of hits with "Sikati" and "Potaksima".

By the 1970s, bikutsi performers like Maurice Elanga, Les Veterans and Mbarga Soukous added brass instruments and found controversy over pornographic lyrics. Mama Ohandja also brought bikutsi to new audiences, especially in Europe. The following decade, however, saw Les Tetes Brulées surpass previous artists in international popularity, though their reaction at home was mixed. Many listeners did not like their mellow, almost easy listening-styled bikutsi. Cameroonian audiences preferred more roots-based performers like Jimmy Mvondo Mvelé and Uta Bella, both from Yaoundé.

By the 1980s, makossa had moved to Paris and formed a new pop-makossa that fused the fast tempo zouk style popularized by Kassav from the French Caribbean. Prominent musicians from this period included Moni Bilé, Douleur, Bébé Manga, Ben Decca, Petit-Pays, and Esa.

The 80s also saw rapid development of Cameroon's media which saw a flourishing of both makossa and bikutsi. In 1980, L'Equipe Nationale de Makossa was formed, joining the biggest makossa stars of the period together, including Grace Decca, Ndedi Eyango, Ben Decca, Guy Lobe and Dina Bell. Makossa in the 80s saw a wave of mainstream success across Africa and, to a lesser degree, abroad, as Latin influences, French Antilles zouk, and pop music changed its form. While makossa enjoyed international renown, bikutsi was often denigrated as the music of savages and it did not appeal across ethnic lines and into urban areas. Musicians continued to add innovations, however, and improved recording techniques; Nkondo Si Tony, for example, added keyboards and synthesizers, while Elanga Maurice added brass instruments. Les Veterans emerged as the most famous bikutsi group in the 80s, while other prominent performers included Titans de Sangmelima, Seba Georges, Ange Ebogo Emerent, Otheo and Mekongo President, who added complex harmonies and jazz influences.

In 1984, a new wave of bikutsi artists emerged, including Sala Bekono formerly of Los Camaroes, Atebass, a bassist, and Zanzibar, a guitarist who would eventually help form Les Têtes Brulées with Jean-Marie Ahanda. 1985 saw the formation of Cameroon Radio Television, a television network that did much to help popularize Cameroonian popular music across the country.

Jean-Marie Ahanda became the most influential bikutsi performer of the late 80s, and he revolutionized the genre in 1987 after forming Les Têtes Brulées, whose success changed the Cameroonian music industry. The band played an extremely popular form of bikutsi that allowed for greater depth and diversity. Guitarist Zanzibar added foam rubber to the bridge of his guitar, which made the instrument sound more like a balafon than before, and was more aggressive and innovative than previous musicians. Les Têtes Brulées emerged as a reaction against pop-makossa, which was seen as abandoning its roots in favor of mainstream success. The band's image was part of its success, and they became known for their shaved heads and multi-colored body painting, done to represent traditional Beti scarification, as well as torn T-shirts that implied a common folkness in contrast to the well-styled pop-makossa performers of the period. They also wore backpacks on stage, a reference to Beti women's traditional method of carrying babies while they danced bikutsi.

It took only a few weeks for Les Têtes Brulées to knock makossa off the Cameroonian charts, and the band even toured France. While in France, Les Têtes Brulées recorded their first LP, Hot Heads, which was also the first bikutsi music recorded for the CD. Hot Heads expanded the lyrical format of the genre to include socio-political issues. Tours of Japan, Africa, Europe and the United States followed, as well as Claire Denis' film Man No Run, which used footage from their European tour.

In the 1990s, both makossa and bikutsi declined in popularity as a new wave of genres entered mainstream audiences. These included Congolese-influenced new rumba and makossa-soukous, as well as more native forms like bantowbol, northern Cameroonian nganja (which had gained some popularity in the United Kingdom in the mid-80s) and an urban street music called bend-skin.

Les Têtes Brulées remained the country's most well known musical export, especially after accompanying the Cameroonian soccer team to the World Cup in 1990 in Italy and 1994 in the United States. A new wave of bikutsi artists arose in the early 1990s, including Les Martiens (formed by Les Têtes Brulées bassist Atebass) and the sexually themed roots singer Katino Ateba ("Ascenseur: le secret de l'homme") and Douala singer Sissi Dipoko ("Bikut-si Hit") as well as a resurgence of old performers like Sala Bekono. Bikutsi's international renown continued to grow, and the song "Proof" from Paul Simon's Rhythm of the Saints, released to mainstream promotion and success in 1990, gained yet more renown from international audiences. Vincent Nguini also contributed guitar arrangements and performance to Simon's Rhythm of the Saints, which became an influential world music album, introducing many North American listeners to the wide range of instrumentation and genres.

In 1993, the Pedalé movement was born as a reaction to the Cameroonian economic slump. Youthful artists like Gibraltar Drakuss, Zele le Bombardier, Eboue Chaleur, Pasto, Roger Bekono, Mbarga Soukous and Saint-Desiré Atango was a return to the aggressive, earthy sound of bikutsi roots. Meanwhile Henri Dikongué, whose music incorporated, amongst others, bikutsi and makossa, began to release albums which met international success. He went on to tour Europe and North America. The most recent form of Cameroonian popular music is a fusion of Congolese soukous and makossa, a scene which has produced Petit Pays, Marcel Bwanga, Kotto Bass, Papillon and Jean Pierre Essome. Other popular genres include tchamassi, mangambeu and makassi.

• West, Ben (2004). Cameroon: The Bradt Travel Guide. Guilford, Connecticut: The Globe Pequot Press Inc.
• Noah, Jean-Maurice (2010). Le Makossa: une musique africaine moderne. Paris, France: L'Harmattan