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In 2020, Margaret Villa became the fourth Green candidate to advance from a top-two primary when she ran in the California State Assembly [[2020 California State Assembly election#District_58|District 58 election]], and she then received 41,100 votes in the general election, 25.1%.{{sfn|State of California, Secretary of State|2020b|p=13}}
In 2020, Margaret Villa became the fourth Green candidate to advance from a top-two primary when she ran in the California State Assembly [[2020 California State Assembly election#District_58|District 58 election]], and she then received 41,100 votes in the general election, 25.1%.{{sfn|State of California, Secretary of State|2020b|p=13}}

In 2022, Michael Kerr became the fifth when he ran in the US House of Representatives [[2022 United States House of Representatives elections in California#District 10|District CA-10 election]], and he then received 52,965 votes in the general election, 21.1%.{{sfn|State of California, Secretary of State|2022e|p=6}}


In 2014, to reform the election code due to the consequences of Proposition 14, the [[California State Legislature]] changed the criteria by which a party could qualify for elections. The threshold to qualify based on registrations is no longer based on the vote in the preceding gubernatorial election, but now is 0.33 percent of the total number of voters registered.{{sfn|Gordon|2014}} The threshold to qualify based on electoral results is now based on the sum of the votes cast for {{em|all}} of a party’s candidates for a statewide-elected office in the preceding gubernatorial {{em|primary}} election.{{sfn|Gordon|2014}}
In 2014, to reform the election code due to the consequences of Proposition 14, the [[California State Legislature]] changed the criteria by which a party could qualify for elections. The threshold to qualify based on registrations is no longer based on the vote in the preceding gubernatorial election, but now is 0.33 percent of the total number of voters registered.{{sfn|Gordon|2014}} The threshold to qualify based on electoral results is now based on the sum of the votes cast for {{em|all}} of a party’s candidates for a statewide-elected office in the preceding gubernatorial {{em|primary}} election.{{sfn|Gordon|2014}}
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|archive-date=2022-11-25
|archive-date=2022-11-25
|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20221125090137/https://elections.cdn.sos.ca.gov/ror/15day-general-2022/county.pdf
|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20221125090137/https://elections.cdn.sos.ca.gov/ror/15day-general-2022/county.pdf
}}
*{{cite web|url-status=live
|author=[[Government of California|State of California]], [[Secretary of State of California|Secretary of State]]
|date=2022e
|title=Statement of Vote: November 8, 2022 {{!}} General Election
|work=Sos.ca.gov
|url=https://elections.cdn.sos.ca.gov/sov/2022-general/sov/complete.pdf
|archive-date=2022-12-17
|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20221217022740/https://elections.cdn.sos.ca.gov/sov/2022-general/sov/complete.pdf
}}
}}
*{{cite web|url-status=live
*{{cite web|url-status=live

Revision as of 19:49, 14 January 2023

Green Party of California
FoundedFebruary 4, 1990; 34 years ago (1990-02-04)[1]
Membership (2022)96,229[2]
Ideology
Political positionLeft-wing
National affiliationGreen Party of the United States
Seats in the US Senate
0 / 2
Seats in the US House
0 / 53
Statewide Executive Offices
0 / 8
Seats in the State Senate
0 / 40
Seats in the State Assembly
0 / 80
Elected officials29 (2022)[3]
Website
www.cagreens.org
Part of a series on
Green politics
Sunflower symbol
Core topics
Four pillars
Perspectives
Organizations
Related topics

The Green Party of California (GPCA) is a California political party. The party is led by a coordinating committee, and decisions are ultimately made by general assemblies.[4] The GPCA is affiliated with the Green Party of the United States (GPUS).[5]

As of October 24, 2022, there are 96,229 people registered to vote with GPCA preference, 0.44%, the sixth-largest.[2] As of January 2022, there are twenty-nine California Green elected officials, including two elected-mayors and three in municipality legislatures.[3]

History

The party’s logo was designed by Harry Driggs, a cartoonist and party member from San Francisco, in the 1980s, who represented letters of the party name as leaves, here only the G.[6] On February 10, 1990 Greens gathered at California State University, Sacramento, authored bylaws, founded the GPCA, and started a voter registration drive.[1]

Ballot access

On January 2, 1990, a month before foundation, Kent Smith sent notice to the secretary of state that the GPCA intends to qualify for ballot access for the June 2, 1992 primary elections.[7] At that time, there were 420 people registered to vote with Green preference and, to obtain this ballot access, the party needed to have registrations of at least one percent of the vote in the previous gubernatorial general election,[a] on December 31, 1991, the 154th day before the election.[b][8] Following the 1990 election, this amounted to 78,992 people.[9]

For the voter registration drive, the GPCA had two full-time fundraisers and hired Joe Louis Hoffman as full-time organizer.[10] By November 11, 1991, the party had 50,000 people registered with GPCA preference.[11] Late that November, the party received financial support and was able to pay people for obtaining registrations on a per-registration basis.[12] By 1992, the party registered over 100,000 people with GPCA preference and thereby secured ballot access, which it since has kept continuously.[13]

GPCA members used the ballot access to run for offices, each facing the none of the above vote option, and all but one advanced to the general.[14] Roger Donaldson ran for state assembly district 53, later decided against it, and sent out a letter urging voters to vote for none of the above instead of him.[15] The party did not have a candidates for the presidential, nor the senatorial races.[16]

Party registrations were down to 91,342 people on October 4, 1993.[17] They must have still been at least 78,992 people on January 4, 1994, for the party was qualified for the June 7, 1994 primary elections.

The 1994 gubernatorial general election was the party’s first opportunity to earn ballot access through electoral result. If the party had a candidate running for a statewide-elected office that received at least two percent of the vote, the party would maintain ballot access until the next gubernatorial primary, that is if registrations stayed at least one fifteenth of one percent (0.067%) of the statewide total.[b][18] The GPCA did indeed have a party member, Margaret Garcia, who received 3.8% of the vote in the secretary of state election, 315,079 votes, well over the two percent threshold.[19]

8,900,593 people voted in the 1994 general election, raising the amount of registrations that could qualify a party to 89,006 people.[20] The GPCA did not have this amount on October 24, 1995, to qualify for the March 26, 1996 primary election in this way.[21] Had Garcia not received the total that she did, the GPCA would have lost its ballot access.

The GPCA finally met the registrations requirement in September 1996, and had 95,080 people registered with Green preference on October 7.[22] The party has met the registration requirements since. The party has also had further electoral results that could maintain the party’s ballot access, in every election since first qualifying for the ballot.

The GPCA drafted Ralph Nader to be the first candidate to use its ballot access in a presidential election, in 1996.[23]

Electoral milestones

In 1996, Arcata, a city with a population of about 17,000, became the first city ever to have a Green majority on the city council, with three of five seats.[24] Greens controlled the council from 1996–1998 and again from 2004–2006.

In the 2000s Gayle McLaughlin won elections as city councilor and mayor in Richmond, California, running with the Green Party designation.

2010 Proposition 14

The GPCA opposed the June 8, 2010 primary election’s Proposition 14, which would remove access to the general elections from political parties, limiting access to the two candidates that received the most votes in a nonpartisan blanket primary, for California offices, i.e. not for the presidential race, nor local races.[25] The proposition passed, faced court challenges, and survived those.

The 2018 US House elections were the first to see any Green candidates advance from “top-two” primaries since Proposition 14’s implementation. Three Green Party candidates advanced to the general elections. Laura Wells ran in the House district CA-13 election, advanced from a six-candidate primary, and received 34,257 votes in the general election, 11.6%.[26] Kenneth Mejia ran in the House district CA-34 election, advanced from a three-candidate primary, and received 41,711 votes in the general election, 27.5%.[27] And Rodolfo Cortes-Barragan ran in the House district CA-40 election, advanced from the primary, and received 27,511 votes in the general election, 22.7%.[28] Each faced off against CDP incumbent opponents in the general elections.

In 2020, Margaret Villa became the fourth Green candidate to advance from a top-two primary when she ran in the California State Assembly District 58 election, and she then received 41,100 votes in the general election, 25.1%.[29]

In 2022, Michael Kerr became the fifth when he ran in the US House of Representatives District CA-10 election, and he then received 52,965 votes in the general election, 21.1%.[30]

In 2014, to reform the election code due to the consequences of Proposition 14, the California State Legislature changed the criteria by which a party could qualify for elections. The threshold to qualify based on registrations is no longer based on the vote in the preceding gubernatorial election, but now is 0.33 percent of the total number of voters registered.[18] The threshold to qualify based on electoral results is now based on the sum of the votes cast for all of a party’s candidates for a statewide-elected office in the preceding gubernatorial primary election.[18]

Platform

The GPCA espouses green politics and the Ten Key Values of ecological wisdom, grassroots democracy, social justice, nonviolence, decentralization, community-based economics, feminism, respect for diversity, personal and global responsibility, and sustainability.[31]

Organization

The key values of decentralization, grassroots democracy, feminism, and social justice influence the party’s structure of being composed of autonomous county parties, GPCA decisions being determined by General Assemblies of delegates from the county parties, Coordinating Committees’ composition being determined by yearly, staggered-term elections of six women and six of any gender, and party membership being inclusive of California residents who are disenfranchised by the state in California or the US, provided they affirm the Ten Key Values, and meet other criteria.[31] The GPCA elects delegates to the Green National Convention (GNC) proportionally, rejecting the feature of artificial disproportionality resulting from, in examples, the general ticket or district elections.[c]

The party’s most recent General Assembly was held by video teleconference on November 12, 2022.[32] As of January 13, 2023, Laura Wells and David Cobb are the party’s official spokespeople; the party’s treasurer is Justin Richardson; and Jared Laiti is the GPCA liaison to the secretary of state.[33]

The three counties in which the party has the most people registered are Los Angeles (24,442), San Diego (7,765), and Alameda counties (5,628).[34] The counties in which the party has the highest percentages of the county’s registrations are Humboldt (1.68%), Mendocino (1.51%), and Trinity counties (1.05%).[35]

During the 2016 presidential election, GPCA registrations dropped 30%, from nearly 110,000 to 78,604.[36] Party spokesperson Mike Feinstein attributed the drop to outreach from the Sanders campaign, citing mailers sent to Greens.[37] Thousands of California Greens decided to support Sanders’ endeavor for the presidential nomination of the Democratic Party of the United States of America (DPUSA) through voting, which, as there was a semi-closed election, necessitated reregistration either with CDP preference, or with no party preference (NPP), and then, requesting a crossover ballot. Gayle McLaughlin, who had won mayoral election as a Green, reregistered with NPP to vote for Sanders.[38] The Peace and Freedom Party (PFP) saw a similar registration drop-off.[37] The lowest point for the GPCA was around California’s primary elections in June, and by the end of the general election, the GPCA’s registrations rose back to 94,647 people, and the PFP rose back to original levels, also.[39]

Jill Stein 2016 campaign staffer Bruce Dixon hypothesized that Sanders “aims to tie up activist energies and resources till the summer of 2016 when the only remaining choice will be the usual lesser of two evils.”[40] Dixon determined that Sanders was acting as a sheepdog candidate in favor of party politics within certain parties, the DPUSA in this case,[41] despite the parties being opposed to the candidate’s cause,[42] and that dissuades people from politics outside of those parties.[43] These directives result in a lack of parties and electoral wins of candidates that would advance the sheepdog’s stated politics.[44] They also result in captive constituencies[45] that feel compelled to support candidates that they deem the lessers of two evils.[46] Sheepdogs may advocate their strategy before exiting the electoral contest, which could occur because of disqualification, including unsuccessful primary elections, or retraction of candidacy, as was advocated by Sanders before his 2016 disqualification.[47]

Current elected officials

Mayoral offices

As of January 2023, two municipalities have Green elected-mayors:

Election results

Presidential

In the GPCA primary of the 2016 presidential election, Jill Stein received a winning 76.2%, and Darryl Cherney, the runner-up, received 10%.[50] At the GNC, in the presidential nomination election, Stein received a winning 82% of the potential votes, and William Kreml, the runner up, received 6%.[d][51] In the California general election, Stein received 278,657 votes, more than tripling her 2012 vote.[52] Stein did the same nationwide, receiving 1,457,218 votes.

In the GPCA primary of the 2020 presidential election, Howie Hawkins received a winning 36.2%, and the runner-up received 22.0%.[53] At the GNC, in the presidential nomination election, Hawkins received a winning 58.82% of the potential votes, and the runner up received 28.57%.[e][54] In the California general election, Hawkins received 81,029 votes.[55]

Gubernatorial

Election Candidate Votes Received Citation
1994-11-08 No Candidate N/A [19]
1998-11-03 Dan Hamburg 104,117 (1.24%) [56]
2002-11-05 Peter Camejo 393,036 (5.30%) [57]
2003-10-07 Peter Camejo 242,247 (2.8%) [58]
Ivan Hall 2,346 (0.0%)
Daniel Watts 2,021 (0.0%)
Maurice Walker 1,236 (0.0%)
Total 269,764 (3.1%)
2006-11-07 Peter Camejo 205,995 (2.3%) [59]
2010-11-02 Laura Wells 129,224 (1.2%) [60]
2014-06-03 Luis J. Rodriguez 66,872 (1.5%) [61]
2018-06-05 Christopher Carlson 7,302 (0.1%) [62]
Josh Jones 16,131 (0.2%)
Veronika Fimbres 62 (0.0%)
Total 23,495 (0.3%)
2021-09-14 Dan Kapelovitz 64,375 (0.9%) [63]
Heather Collins 24,260 (0.3%)
Total 88,635 (1.2%)
2022-06-07 Luis J. Rodriguez 124,672 (1.8%) [64]
Heather Collins 29,690 (0.4%)
Total 154,362 (2.2%)

Notable members

See also

Notes

  1. ^ not the gubernatorial race, but the election as a whole, which included other races
  2. ^ a b This criteria was replaced with the passage of Assembly Bill No. 2351.
  3. ^ as Lani Guinier would say, all districting is gerrymandering
  4. ^ Ballot Access News says Stein and Kreml received 239.5 and 18.25 votes, respectively, out of 292.5, and The Green Papers says they received 233.5 and 18.5, respectively, out of 286.
  5. ^ Ballot Access News lumped together the differing No Nominee, None of the Above, and Uncommitted votes as votes for “no one,” and mistakenly has Moyowasifza-Curry receiving 3 votes from the Texas party, when she in fact received none from that party, though the total sum is correct.

Citations

  1. ^ a b News 10 1990, note the next segment on the Moscow protest that happened on Feb. 4, 1990, see e.g. Remnick 1990.
  2. ^ a b State of California, Secretary of State 2022d, pp. 11–12.
  3. ^ a b Green Party of California 2022a.
  4. ^ Green Party of California 2022b, secs. 4-2, 4-1.
  5. ^ Green Party of California 2022b, sec. 11-1.
  6. ^ Green Party of California n.d.c.
  7. ^ Smith 1990.
  8. ^ Winger 1990; Gordon 2014.
  9. ^ State of California, Secretary of State 1990, p. vii.
  10. ^ Winger 1991a; Green Party of California n.d.a.
  11. ^ Winger 1991b.
  12. ^ Winger 1992.
  13. ^ State of California, Secretary of State 1992a, 2022a, pp. 8-2–8-3, and n.d..
  14. ^ State of California, Secretary of State 1992b, p. xxxii; Harvey 1992.
  15. ^ Donaldson 1992.
  16. ^ State of California, Secretary of State 1992b, p. xxv.
  17. ^ State of California, Secretary of State 1993, p. iv.
  18. ^ a b c Gordon 2014.
  19. ^ a b State of California, Secretary of State 1994, p. xi.
  20. ^ State of California, Secretary of State 1994, p. ix.
  21. ^ Green Party of California n.d.b.
  22. ^ State of California, Secretary of State 1996, p. viii.
  23. ^ State of California, Secretary of State 1996, p. xiv.
  24. ^ Associated Press 1996; Kirkpatrick 1997.
  25. ^ Green Party of California 2010.
  26. ^ State of California, Secretary of State 2018a, p. 19; State of California, Secretary of State 2018b, p. 7.
  27. ^ State of California, Secretary of State 2018a, p. 21; State of California, Secretary of State 2018b, p. 8.
  28. ^ State of California, Secretary of State 2018a, p. 21; State of California, Secretary of State 2018b, p. 9.
  29. ^ State of California, Secretary of State 2020b, p. 13.
  30. ^ State of California, Secretary of State 2022e, p. 6.
  31. ^ a b Green Party of California 2022b, art. 2, art. 5, sec. 4-1, subsec. 8-2.1, sec. 3-1; Weintraub 1992.
  32. ^ Green Party of California n.d.e.
  33. ^ Green Party of California n.d.d.
  34. ^ State of California, Secretary of State 2022d, pp. 7, 9, and 5, respectively.
  35. ^ State of California, Secretary of State 2022c, p. II.
  36. ^ State of California, Secretary of State 2015, p. 7; State of California, Secretary of State 2016a, p. 7.
  37. ^ a b Harkinson 2016.
  38. ^ Wildermuth 2017.
  39. ^ State of California, Secretary of State 2016c, p. 7.
  40. ^ 2015
  41. ^ Dixon 2015; Hawkins 2015.
  42. ^ Dixon 2015 and 2016; Hawkins 2015; Mook 2015; Brana 2019.
  43. ^ Dixon 2015; Marshall 2015; X n.d., pp. 206–207; Hawkins 2015; Hedges 2015, 20:00–24:00, 26:00–29:00.
  44. ^ Dixon 2015.
  45. ^ Dixon 2016; Frank 2016.
  46. ^ Dixon 2015 and 2016.
  47. ^ Strauss 2016; Tapper 2016; Linthicum 2016; Nutting 2016.
  48. ^ City of Baldwin Park n.d.
  49. ^ City of Marina n.d.
  50. ^ State of California, Secretary of State 2016b, p. 13.
  51. ^ Winger 2016; Berg-Andersson & Roza n.d..
  52. ^ State of California, Secretary of State 2016d, p. 6.
  53. ^ State of California, Secretary of State 2020a, p. 15.
  54. ^ Winger 2020.
  55. ^ State of California, Secretary of State 2020b, p. 8.
  56. ^ State of California, Secretary of State 1998.
  57. ^ State of California, Secretary of State 2002, p. xv.
  58. ^ State of California, Secretary of State 2003, pp. xiv–xv.
  59. ^ State of California, Secretary of State 2006, p. xix.
  60. ^ State of California, Secretary of State 2010, p. 8.
  61. ^ State of California, Secretary of State 2014, p. 20.
  62. ^ State of California, Secretary of State 2018a, p. 17.
  63. ^ State of California, Secretary of State 2021, p. 11.
  64. ^ State of California, Secretary of State 2022b, p. 16.

References

Further reading

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