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==Biography==
==Biography==


He was born in Hungary, his father being [[Tibor Szamuely (historian)|Tibor Szamuely]] (1925–1972) and his great-uncle the Communist revolutionary [[Tibor Szamuely]] (1890–1919), and he was educated in [[England]] at the [[London School of Economics and Political Science]]. He worked for some years as an editor at the [[Times Literary Supplement]] and at [[The National Law Journal]]. He was also a columnist at [[New York Press]].
He was born in Hungary, his father being [[Tibor Szamuely (historian)|Tibor Szamuely]] (1925–1972) and his great-uncle the Communist revolutionary [[Tibor Szamuely]] (1890–1919), and he was educated in [[England]] at the [[London School of Economics and Political Science]]. He worked for some years as an editor at the [[Times Literary Supplement]] and at [[The National Law Journal]]. He was also a columnist at [[New York Press]].


==Political views{{anchor|Political Views}}==
==Political views{{anchor|Political Views}}==
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[[Category:American people of Hungarian descent]]
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Revision as of 21:59, 25 January 2012

George Szamuely is a frequent columnist for the Taki's Top Drawer pages of the New York Press. Szamuely has also written for Antiwar.com, Counterpunch, Commentary, The Observer and the Centre for Research on Globalization.

Biography

He was born in Hungary, his father being Tibor Szamuely (1925–1972) and his great-uncle the Communist revolutionary Tibor Szamuely (1890–1919), and he was educated in England at the London School of Economics and Political Science. He worked for some years as an editor at the Times Literary Supplement and at The National Law Journal. He was also a columnist at New York Press.

Political views

Szamuely has been an ardent critic of the United States foreign policy. Despite his former association with the neoconservative Hudson Institute, his opposition to the state of Israel has allied him with the paleoconservatism and libertarianism.[1]

He has been highly critical of the workings of the United Nations tribunals, in particular the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia.[2] He argues that it and human rights groups like Human Rights Watch foster conflict rather than reconciliation and serve the interests of Western powers by targeting their opponents, while ignoring or minimizing their, often far more serious, crimes as well as those of their allies.[3] He has argued that Serbia's actions in Yugoslavia have been unfairly misinterpreted.[4]

References

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