Saddam Hussein

Political program

In the late 1960s and early 1970s, as vice chairman of the Revolutionary Command Council, formally al-Bakr's second-in-command, Saddam built a reputation as a progressive, effective politician.^[61] At this time, Saddam moved up the ranks in the new government by aiding attempts to strengthen and unify the Ba'ath party and taking a leading role in addressing the country's major domestic problems and expanding the party's following.

Saddam actively fostered the modernization of the Iraqi economy and created a strong security apparatus to prevent coups within the power structure and insurrections apart from it. Ever concerned with broadening his base of support among the diverse elements of Iraqi society and mobilizing mass support, he closely followed the administration of state welfare and development programs.^{[citation needed]}

Foreign relations

In 1972, Saddam signed a 15-year Treaty of Friendship and Cooperation with the Soviet Union. According to historian Charles R. H. Tripp, the treaty upset "the US-sponsored security system established as part of the Cold War in the Middle East. It appeared that any enemy of the Baghdad regime was a potential ally of the United States."^[70] In response, the US covertly financed Kurdish rebels led by Mustafa Barzani during the Second Iraqi–Kurdish War; the Kurds were defeated in 1975, leading to the forcible relocation of hundreds of thousands of Kurdish civilians.^[70]

Saddam focused on fostering loyalty to the Ba'athists in the rural areas. After nationalizing foreign oil interests, Saddam supervised the modernization of the countryside, mechanizing agriculture on a large scale, and distributing land to peasant farmers.^[71] The Ba'athists established farm cooperatives and the government also doubled expenditures for agricultural development in 1974–1975. Saddam's welfare programs were part of a combination of "carrot and stick" tactics to enhance support for Saddam. The state-owned banks were put under his thumb. Lending was based on cronyism.^[64]

Peace treaty with Iran

A peace treaty, which aimed to address the Shatt al-Arab dispute, was signed in 1975.^[72] Under the accord, Iraq was granted sovereignty over the eastern bank of the waterway, while Iran retained control over the western bank.^[72] The agreement also allowed for joint navigation and other provisions.^[72] The 1975 Algiers Agreement, also known as the Algiers Accord, was a significant diplomatic agreement signed between Iran and Iraq on 6 March 1975, to settle border disputes and improve bilateral relations.^[72] The agreement was mediated by the then-President of Algeria, Houari Boumediene.^[72] Prior to the Algiers Agreement, Iran and Iraq had been engaged in a long-standing territorial dispute over the Shatt al-Arab waterway, which serves as the border between the two countries.^[72] Algeria played a crucial role in mediating the negotiations between Iran and Iraq, with President Boumediene acting as the chief mediator.^[72]

The Algiers Agreement was based on the principles of territorial integrity, respect for sovereignty, non-interference in internal affairs, and the peaceful resolution of disputes.^[72] The agreement established a new border line along the Shatt al-Arab, dividing the waterway equally between Iran and Iraq up to the midpoint.^[72] Iran made significant concessions in the agreement, including relinquishing its claims on the eastern bank of the Shatt al-Arab, which had been under Iranian control.^[72] Saddam Hussein aimed to secure Iraq's territorial claims, particularly regarding the Shatt al-Arab waterway, which had been a longstanding source of contention between Iran and Iraq.^[72]

Both parties recognized each other's sovereignty and territorial integrity, affirming the principle of non-aggression.^[72] The Algiers Agreement called for the restoration of full diplomatic relations between Iran and Iraq, including the exchange of ambassadors.^[72] The agreement emphasized the importance of economic cooperation between the two countries, particularly in areas such as trade, transport, and joint development projects.^[72] The signing of the Algiers Agreement occurred during a period of relative stability in Iraq, with Saddam Hussein gradually consolidating power within the ruling Ba'ath Party.^[72] As Vice President, Saddam Hussein played a pivotal role in the negotiations leading up to the Algiers Agreement, representing Iraq's interests.^[72] Saddam Hussein's growing influence within the Iraqi government allowed him to shape Iraq's approach and stance during the negotiation process.^[72] Following the agreement, Iraq and Iran restored full diplomatic relations and exchanged ambassadors, representing a significant diplomatic breakthrough.^[72] The Algiers Agreement emphasized the importance of economic cooperation between Iraq and Iran, particularly in areas like trade and joint development projects.^[72] This agreement, while ultimately unable to prevent future hostilities, remained a notable diplomatic achievement for Iraq during Saddam Hussein's early political career.^[72]

Domestic policy

Succession

This section does not cite any sources. (October 2024)

In 1976, Saddam rose to the position of general in the Iraqi armed forces, and rapidly became the strongman of the government. As the ailing, elderly al-Bakr became unable to execute his duties, Saddam took on an increasingly prominent role as the face of the government both internally and externally. He soon became the architect of Iraq's foreign policy and represented the nation in all diplomatic situations. He was the de facto leader of Iraq some years before he formally came to power in 1979. He slowly began to consolidate his power over Iraq's government and the Ba'ath party. Relationships with fellow party members were carefully cultivated, and Saddam soon accumulated a powerful circle of support within the party.

In 1979, al-Bakr started to make treaties with Syria, also under Ba'athist leadership, that would lead to unification between the two countries. Syrian President Hafiz al-Assad would become deputy leader in a union, and this would drive Saddam to obscurity. Saddam acted to secure his grip on power. He forced the ailing al-Bakr to resign on 16 July 1979, and formally assumed the presidency.

Ethnic autonomy and rights

Although his position on Kurdish politics has been debated, Saddam has allowed autonomy for Kurds to an extent, with Kurds being allowed to speak Kurdish in schools, on television, and in newspapers, with textbooks being translated for the Kurdish regions. Kurds in Iraq were also able to elect a Kurdish representative to Baghdad with the KDP being legitimized as a legal, progressive party in Iraq.^[76][77] He had already signed a deal in 1970 to grant the Kurds autonomy, but Mustafa Barzani eventually disagreed with the deal, which incited the Second Iraqi–Kurdish War.^[77] In Iraq, especially compared to other middle-eastern countries such as Iran, Turkey, and Syria, Iraqi Kurds were treated well under the regime of Saddam when compared to their conditions in the neighboring countries, with the Kurdish language being tolerated under Saddam's regime in education, and media, and spoken as a official language.^[78]

Saddam also had multiple Kurdish ministers and generals, with the highest ranking one being Taha Yassin Ramadan, an Iraqi Kurd —was appointed by Saddam, largely due to his loyalty, as one of Iraq's three Vice Presidents.^[79] He was also made Deputy Secretary of the Regional Command of the Iraqi Branch of the Ba'ath Party and commander of the People's Army.^[79] Taha Muhie-eldin Marouf, another Kurd, was one of the three vice presidents from 1974 to 2003 and served as ambassador to Italy, Malta, and Albania.^[80] Saddam himself personally enjoyed Kurdish culture, often wearing traditional Kurdish clothing in state visits to northern Iraq.^[81]

Armenians in Iraq obeyed the law of the government and were tolerated by Saddam.^[82] As a result of his modernization efforts, the Armenian community flourished and prospered.^[83] Before 2003, there were 100,000 Armenians in Iraq.^[84] Saddam's nanny was an Iraqi–Armenian, along with one of his body guards, his jeweler, tailor, and housestaff.^[85] During the war with Iran, when the Kurds fled to avoid military service, Armenians went to fight for Iraq.^[82] Many Armenians also fought for Saddam during the Gulf War, where three of them were killed.^[82]

Freedom of religion

With a Muslim majority, Iraq consists of a multi-ethnic, multi-religious and multi-sectarian population.^[98] During his rule, numerous religious and ethnic groups existed in the country.^[98] Saddam, contrary to popular belief, was not inherently sectarian.^[98] While he did place his close relatives in key security and military positions, he also promoted individuals from other communities and minorities to the highest levels of power in Iraq.^[79] His primary criterion for these appointments was unwavering loyalty to him and his regime.^[79] Muhammad Saeed al-Sahhaf, a Shia Muslim, was Saddam's minister of foreign affairs from 1991 to 2001 and later information minister, until 2003.^[98] Taha Yassin Ramadan, Saddam's deputy was from the Shabak community—a small, quasi-Shiite sect.^[79] In 1991, Saddam appointed Saadun Hammadi as the prime minister, a Shi'ite.^[99] He was later removed from his post due to reformist views, but was returned to his post as Speaker.^[100] 80% of the Iraqi Armed Forces were Shia Muslim personnel, who chose Iraq over Iran.^[98]

Before 2003, more than 1.2 million Christians lived in Iraq. Tariq Aziz, an ethnic Iraqi Assyrian and member of the Chaldean Catholic minority, was selected by Saddam to serve as Iraq’s Deputy Prime Minister from 1979 to 2003 and Foreign Minister from 1983 to 1991.^[101] A close advisor to him, Aziz was also appointed as a member of the Revolutionary Command Council and the Regional Command of the Iraqi Branch of the Ba'ath Party.^[101] Michel Aflaq, the founder of Ba'athism, was also a Christian.^[101][102] Cardinal Fernando Filoni, who was Vatican's ambassador to Iraq, stated that under his regime, Christians were free to practice their faith in the majority-Muslim country.^[103] In 2003, Pope John Paul II visited Saddam in March 2003 and addressed the message for peace.^[103][101]

During his rule, Iraq retained a substantial Jewish community, around 15,000.^[104][105] The Jews were protected and treated well by Saddam.^[106] He reportedly helped an estimated 150 remaining Jews, allowing many to leave the country.^[107][108] There was a Jewish representative in his government.^[109] Shaul Sasson, the Technical Head and Expert of state-owned enterprises under the Ministry of Industry, was a Jew.^[110] A Jewish chemist, from Basra, Ibrahim Hesqel was sent by Saddam on a trade mission to China in 1988.^[111] He helped in the restoration of Meir Taweig Synagogue and construction a new cemetery for Jews in Baghdad.^[112] In 1998, on the day of Jewish festival of Sukkot, a Palestinian entered the Baghdad synagogue and shot four people to death, including two Jews.^[113] The attacker was arrested and executed in 1999.^[114] A cabinet meeting chaired by Saddam condemned the attack.^[114] He also said that: "Anyone who hurt the Jews in Baghdad would pay a heavy price".^{[115][116][112][111][108][excessive citations]}

Saddam was also recognized for safeguarding the Mandaean minority in Iraq.^[117] Mandaeans were given state protection under his government.^[118][119] As a sign of respect, the Mandaean Book of John's first copy translation into Arabic was given to Saddam.^{[118][117][120]} After this he vowed to construct temples for the Mandaeans, with quoting, "Iraqis have religious freedom, whether they are Muslims, Christians or Sabaeans".^[121][120] The Sabian–Mandaean Mandi in Baghdad was built on land donated by the Ministry of Finance.^[120][119] Mandaeans were some of the best goldsmiths and jewelers in Iraq, with Saddam's personal jeweler being of Mandaean background.^[120][122] However, after his downfall, Mandaeans faced severe persecution, and constant kidnappings.^[122][120] They often expressed that they were better under Saddam's rule, and praise him for the protection they received.^[120][122]

Foreign policy

Foreign affairs

See also: Foreign relations of Iraq

Saddam enjoyed a close relationship with Russian intelligence agent Yevgeny Primakov that dated back to the 1960s; Primakov may have helped Saddam to stay in power in 1991.^[128]

Saddam visited only two Western countries. The first visit took place in December 1974, when the Caudillo of Spain, Francisco Franco, invited him to Madrid and he visited Granada, Córdoba and Toledo.^[129] In September 1975 he met with Prime Minister Jacques Chirac in Paris, France.^[130]

Several Iraqi leaders, Lebanese arms merchant Sarkis Soghanalian and others have claimed that Saddam financed Chirac's party. In 1991 Saddam threatened to expose those who had taken largesse from him: "From Mr. Chirac to Mr. Chevènement, politicians and economic leaders were in open competition to spend time with us and flatter us. We have now grasped the reality of the situation. If the trickery continues, we will be forced to unmask them, all of them, before the French public."^[130] France armed Saddam and it was Iraq's largest trade partner throughout Saddam's rule. Seized documents show how French officials and businessmen close to Chirac, including Charles Pasqua, his former interior minister, personally benefitted from the deals with Saddam.^[130]

Because Saddam rarely left Iraq, Tariq Aziz, one of his aides, traveled abroad extensively and represented Iraq at many diplomatic meetings.^[131] In foreign affairs, Saddam sought to have Iraq play a leading role in the Middle East.^[131] Iraq signed an aid pact with the Soviet Union in 1972, and arms were sent along with several thousand advisers. The 1978 crackdown on Iraqi Communists and a shift of trade toward the West strained Iraqi relations with the Soviet Union; Iraq then took on a more Western orientation until the Gulf War in 1991.^[132]

After the oil crisis of 1973, France had changed to a more pro-Arab policy and was accordingly rewarded by Saddam with closer ties. He made a state visit to France in 1975, cementing close ties with some French business and ruling political circles. In 1975 Saddam negotiated an accord with Iran that contained Iraqi concessions on border disputes. In return, Iran agreed to stop supporting opposition Kurds in Iraq. Saddam led Arab opposition to the Camp David Accords between Egypt and Israel (1979).

Iraq's relations with the Arab world have been extremely varied. Relations between Iraq and Egypt violently ruptured in 1977, when the two nations broke relations with each other following Iraq's criticism of Egyptian President Anwar Sadat's peace initiatives with Israel. In 1978, Baghdad hosted an Arab League summit that condemned and ostracized Egypt for accepting the Camp David Accords. Egypt's strong material and diplomatic support for Iraq in the war with Iran led to warmer relations and numerous contacts between senior officials, despite the continued absence of ambassadorial-level representation. Since 1983, Iraq has repeatedly called for restoration of Egypt's "natural role" among Arab countries.

Nearly from its founding as a modern state in 1920, Iraq has had to deal with Kurdish separatists in the northern part of the country.^[133] Saddam did negotiate an agreement in 1970 with separatist Kurdish leaders, giving them autonomy, but the agreement broke down. The result was brutal fighting between the government and Kurdish groups and Iraqi bombing of Kurdish villages in Iran, which caused Iraqi relations with Iran to deteriorate. After Saddam negotiated the 1975 treaty with Iran, the Shah withdrew support for the Kurds, who were defeated.

Iran–Iraq War: 1980–1988

In early 1979, Iran's Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi's Pahlavi dynasty were overthrown by the Islamic Revolution, thus giving way to an Islamic republic led by Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini.^[146] The influence of revolutionary Shi'ite Islam grew apace in the region, particularly in countries with large Shi'ite populations, especially Iraq.^[146] Saddam feared that radical Islamic ideas—hostile to his secular rule—were rapidly spreading inside his country among the majority Shi'ite population.^[146] Despite Saddam's fears of massive unrest, Iran's attempts to export its Islamic Revolution were largely unsuccessful in rallying support from Shi'ites in Iraq and the Gulf states. Most Iraqi Shi'ites, who comprised the majority of the Iraqi Armed Forces, chose their own country over their Shi'ite Iranian coreligionists during the war that ensued.^[147] There had also been bitter enmity between Saddam and Khomeini since the 1970s.^[146] Khomeini, having been exiled from Iran in 1964, took up residence in Iraq, at the Shi'ite holy city of Najaf.^[146] There he involved himself with Iraqi Shi'ites and developed a strong religious and political following against the Iranian Government, which Saddam tolerated.^[146] When Khomeini began to urge the Shi'ites there to overthrow Saddam and under pressure from the Shah, who had agreed to a rapprochement between Iraq and Iran in 1975, Saddam agreed to expel Khomeini in 1978 to France.^[146] Here, Khomeini gained media connections and collaborated with a much larger Iranian community, to his advantage.^[146] After Khomeini gained power, skirmishes between Iraq and revolutionary Iran occurred for ten months over the sovereignty of the disputed Shatt al-Arab waterway, which divides the two countries.^[146] During this period, Saddam publicly maintained that it was in Iraq's interest not to engage with Iran, and that it was in the interests of both nations to maintain peaceful relations.^[146]

Iraq invaded Iran on 22 September 1980, first launching airstrikes on numerous targets in Iran, including the Mehrabad Airport of Tehran, before occupying the oil-rich Iranian province of Khuzestan, which also has a sizable Arab minority.^[146] The invasion was initially successful, as Iraq captured more than 25,900 km² of Iranian territory by 5 December 1980.^[148][146] With the support of other Arab states, the United States, and Europe, and heavily financed by the Arab states of the Persian Gulf, Saddam Hussein had become "the defender of the Arab world" against a revolutionary, fundamentalist and Shia Islamist Iran.^[146] The only exception was the Soviet Union, which initially refused to supply Iraq on the basis of neutrality in the conflict, although in his memoirs, Mikhail Gorbachev claimed that Leonid Brezhnev refused to aid Saddam over infuriation of Saddam's treatment of Iraqi communists. Consequently, many viewed Iraq as "an agent of the civilized world."^[147] The blatant disregard of international law and violations of international borders were ignored. Instead Iraq received economic and military support from its allies, who overlooked Saddam's use of chemical warfare against the Kurds and the Iranians, in addition to Iraq's efforts to develop nuclear weapons.^[147]

In the first days of the war, there was heavy ground fighting around strategic ports as Iraq launched an attack on Khuzestan. After making some initial gains, Iraq's troops began to suffer losses from human wave attacks by Iran. By 1982, Iraq was on the defensive and looking for ways to end the war.^[146] Middle East special envoy Donald Rumsfeld met Saddam Hussein on 19–20 December 1983. Iraq quickly found itself bogged down in one of the longest and most destructive wars of attrition of the 20th century.^[146] During the war, Iraq used chemical weapons against Iranian forces fighting on the southern front and Kurdish separatists who were attempting to open up a northern front in Iraq with the help of Iran.^[146] Iraqi Foreign Minister Tariq Aziz later acknowledged Iraq's use of chemical weapons against Iran, but said that Iran had used them against Iraq first.^[149][146] These chemical weapons were developed by Iraq from materials and technology supplied primarily by West German companies as well as using dual-use technology imported following the Reagan administration's lifting of export restrictions.^[150] The United States government also supplied Iraq with "satellite photos showing Iranian deployments."^[151] This satellite imagery may have played a crucial role in blocking the Iranian invasion of Iraq in 1982.^[152] However, Saddam's government later blamed the Iraqi defeat in the First Battle of al-Faw in February 1986 on "misinformation from the U.S."^[153]

In a US bid to open full diplomatic relations with Iraq, the country was removed from the US list of State Sponsors of Terrorism in February 1982.^[154] Ostensibly, this was because of improvement in the regime's record, although former US Assistant Secretary of Defense Noel Koch later stated, "No one had any doubts about [the Iraqis'] continued involvement in terrorism ... The real reason was to help them succeed in the war against Iran."^[155] The Soviet Union, France, and China together accounted for over 90% of the value of Iraq's arms imports between 1980 and 1988.^[156] While the United States supplied Iraq with arms, dual-use technology and economic aid, it was also involved in a covert and illegal arms deal, providing sanctioned Iran with weaponry.^[146] This political scandal became known as the Iran–Contra affair.^[157] Saddam reached out to other Arab governments for cash and political support during the war, particularly after Iraq's oil industry severely suffered at the hands of the Iranian navy in the Persian Gulf.^[146] Iraq successfully gained some military and financial aid, as well as diplomatic and moral support, from the Soviet Union, China, France, and the United States, which together feared the prospects of the expansion of revolutionary Iran's influence in the region.^[146]

The Iranians, demanding that the international community should force Iraq to pay war reparations to Iran, refused any suggestions for a cease-fire.^[146] Despite several calls for a ceasefire by the United Nations Security Council, hostilities continued until 20 August 1988.^[146] The bloody eight-year war ended in a stalemate. Encyclopædia Britannica states: "Estimates of total casualties range from 1,000,000 to twice that number.^[146] The number killed on both sides was perhaps 500,000, with Iran suffering the greatest losses."^[158] Neither side had achieved what they had originally desired and the borders were left nearly unchanged.^[146] The southern, oil rich and prosperous Khuzestan and Basra area (the main focus of the war, and the primary source of their economies) were almost completely destroyed and were left at the pre-1979 border, while Iran managed to make some small gains on its borders in the Northern Kurdish area.^[146] Both economies, previously healthy and expanding, were left in ruins.^[146] Saddam borrowed tens of billions of dollars from other Arab states and a few billions from elsewhere during the 1980s to fight Iran, mainly to prevent the expansion of Shi'a radicalism.^[146] This backfired on Iraq and the Arab states, for Khomeini was widely perceived as a hero for managing to defend Iran and maintain the war with little foreign support against the heavily backed Iraq and only managed to boost Islamic radicalism not only within the Arab states, but within Iraq itself, creating new tensions between the Sunni Ba'ath Party and the majority Shi'a population.^[146] Faced with rebuilding Iraq's infrastructure and internal resistance, Saddam desperately re-sought cash, this time for postwar reconstruction.^[146]

Anfal campaign: 1986–1989

The Anfal campaign was a genocidal campaign^[159] that took place during the Iran–Iraq War against the Kurdish people (and many others) in Kurdish regions of Iraq led by the government of Saddam Hussein and headed by Ali Hassan al-Majid. The campaign takes its name from Qur'anic chapter 8 (al-ʾanfāl), which was used as a code name by the former Iraqi Ba'athist administration for a series of attacks against the peshmerga rebels and the mostly Kurdish civilian population of rural Northern Iraq, conducted between 1986 and 1989 culminating in 1988. This campaign also targeted Shabaks and Yazidis, Assyrians, Turkoman people and many villages belonging to these ethnic groups were also destroyed. Human Rights Watch estimates that between 50,000 and 100,000 people were killed.^[160] Some Kurdish sources put the number higher, estimating that 182,000 Kurds were killed.^{[161][162][126]}

On 16 March 1988, the Kurdish town of Halabja was attacked with a mix of mustard gas and nerve agents during the Halabja massacre, killing between 3,200 and 5,000 people, and injuring 7,000 to 10,000 more, mostly civilians.^{[163][164][165]} The attack occurred in conjunction with the Anfal campaign designed to reassert central control of the mostly Kurdish population of areas of northern Iraq and defeat the Kurdish peshmerga rebel forces. Following the incident, The U.S. State Department took the official position that Iran was partly to blame for the Halabja massacre.^[166] A study by the Defense Intelligence Agency held Iran responsible for the attack. This assessment was subsequently used by the Central Intelligence Agency for much of the early 1990s.^[167] Despite this, few observers today doubt that it was Iraq that executed the Halabja massacre.^[168]

Tensions with Kuwait: 1988–1990

The end of the war with Iran served to deepen latent tensions between Iraq and its wealthy neighbor Kuwait. Saddam urged the Kuwaitis to waive the Iraqi debt accumulated in the war, some $30 billion, but they refused.^[169] Saddam pushed oil-exporting countries to raise oil prices by cutting back production; Kuwait refused, then led the opposition in OPEC to the cuts that Saddam had requested. Kuwait was pumping large amounts of oil, and thus keeping prices low, when Iraq needed to sell high-priced oil from its wells to pay off its huge debt.^[169]

Saddam had consistently argued that Kuwait had historically been an integral part of Iraq, and had only come into being as a result of interference from the British government; echoing a belief that Iraqi nationalists had supported for the past fifty years. This belief was one of the few articles of faith uniting the political scene in a nation rife with sharp social, ethnic, religious, and ideological divides.^[169] The extent of Kuwaiti oil reserves also intensified tensions in the region. The oil reserves of Kuwait (with a population of 2 million next to Iraq's 25) were roughly equal to those of Iraq. Taken together, Iraq and Kuwait sat on top of some 20 percent of the world's known oil reserves; Saudi Arabia held another 25 percent. Saddam still had an experienced and well-equipped army, which he used to influence regional affairs. He later ordered troops to the Iraq–Kuwait border.^[169]

As Iraq–Kuwait relations rapidly deteriorated, Saddam was receiving conflicting information about how the US would respond to the prospects of an invasion. For one, Washington had been taking measures to cultivate a constructive relationship with Iraq for roughly a decade. The Reagan administration gave Iraq roughly $4 billion in agricultural credits to bolster it against Iran.^[170] Saddam's Iraq became "the third-largest recipient of US assistance."^[171]

Reacting to Western criticism in April 1990, Saddam threatened to destroy half of Israel with chemical weapons if it moved against Iraq.^[172] In May 1990 he criticized US support for Israel warning that "the US cannot maintain such a policy while professing friendship towards the Arabs."^[173] In July 1990 he threatened force against Kuwait and the UAE saying "The policies of some Arab rulers are American ... They are inspired by America to undermine Arab interests and security."^[174] The US sent warplanes and combat ships to the Persian Gulf in response to these threats.^[175]

The US ambassador to Iraq, April Glaspie, met with Saddam in an emergency meeting on 25 July 1990, where the Iraqi leader attacked American policy with regards to Kuwait and the United Arab Emirates (UAE):^[176]

So what can it mean when America says it will now protect its friends? It can only mean prejudice against Iraq. This stance plus maneuvers and statements which have been made has encouraged the UAE and Kuwait to disregard Iraqi rights. If you use pressure, we will deploy pressure and force. We know that you can harm us although we do not threaten you. But we too can harm you. Everyone can cause harm according to their ability and their size. We cannot come all the way to you in the US, but individual Arabs may reach you. We do not place America among the enemies. We place it where we want our friends to be and we try to be friends. But repeated American statements last year made it apparent that America did not regard us as friends.

Glaspie replied:^[176]

I know you need funds. We understand that and our opinion is that you should have the opportunity to rebuild your country. But we have no opinion on the Arab-Arab conflicts, like your border disagreement with Kuwait. ... Frankly, we can only see that you have deployed massive troops in the south. Normally that would not be any of our business. But when this happens in the context of what you said on your national day, then when we read the details in the two letters of the Foreign Minister, then when we see the Iraqi point of view that the measures taken by the UAE and Kuwait is, in the final analysis, parallel to military aggression against Iraq, then it would be reasonable for me to be concerned.

— April Glaspie

Saddam stated that he would attempt last-ditch negotiations with the Kuwaitis but Iraq "would not accept death."^[176] US officials attempted to maintain a conciliatory line with Iraq, indicating that while George H. W. Bush and James Baker did not want force used, they would not take any position on the Iraq–Kuwait boundary dispute and did not want to become involved.^[177] Later, Iraq and Kuwait met for a final negotiation session, which failed. Saddam then sent his troops into Kuwait. As tensions between Washington and Saddam began to escalate, the Soviet Union, under Mikhail Gorbachev, strengthened its military relationship with the Iraqi leader, providing him military advisers, arms and aid.^[178]

Gulf War: 1990–1991

On 2 August 1990, Saddam invaded Kuwait, initially claiming assistance to "Kuwaiti revolutionaries", thus sparking an international crisis. On 4 August an Iraqi-backed "Provisional Government of Free Kuwait" was proclaimed, but a total lack of legitimacy and support for it led to an 8 August announcement of a "merger" of the two countries. On 28 August Kuwait formally became the 19th Governorate of Iraq. Just two years after the 1988 Iraq and Iran truce, "Saddam did what his Gulf patrons had earlier paid him to prevent." Having removed the threat of Iranian fundamentalism he "overran Kuwait and confronted his Gulf neighbors in the name of Arab nationalism and Islam."^[147] Saddam justified the invasion of Kuwait in 1990 by claiming that Kuwait had always been an integral part of Iraq and only became an independent nation due to the interference of the British Empire.^[179]

When later asked why he invaded Kuwait, Saddam first claimed that it was because Kuwait was rightfully Iraq's 19th province and then said "When I get something into my head I act. That's just the way I am."^[65] Saddam Hussein could pursue such military aggression with a "military machine paid for in large part by the tens of billions of dollars Kuwait and the Gulf states had poured into Iraq and the weapons and technology provided by the Soviet Union, Germany, and France."^[147] It was revealed during his 2003–2004 interrogation that in addition to economic disputes, an insulting exchange between the Kuwaiti emir Al Sabah and the Iraqi foreign minister – during which Saddam claimed that the emir stated his intention to turn "every Iraqi woman into a $10 prostitute" by ruining Iraq financially – was a decisive factor in triggering the Iraqi invasion.^[180] Shortly before he invaded Kuwait, he shipped 100 new Mercedes 200 Series cars to top editors in Egypt and Jordan. Two days before the first attacks, Saddam reportedly offered Egypt's Hosni Mubarak 50 million dollars in cash, "ostensibly for grain."^[181]

George H. W. Bush responded cautiously for the first several days. On one hand, Kuwait, prior to this point, had been a virulent enemy of Israel and was the Persian Gulf monarchy that had the most friendly relations with the Soviets.^[182] On the other hand, Washington foreign policymakers, along with Middle East experts, military critics, and firms heavily invested in the region, were extremely concerned with stability in this region.^[183] The invasion immediately triggered fears that the world's price of oil, and therefore control of the world economy, was at stake. Britain profited heavily from billions of dollars of Kuwaiti investments and bank deposits. Bush was perhaps swayed while meeting with British prime minister Margaret Thatcher, who happened to be in the US at the time.^[184]

Cooperation between the United States and the Soviet Union made possible the passage of resolutions in the United Nations Security Council giving Iraq a deadline to leave Kuwait and approving the use of force if Saddam did not comply with the timetable.^[64] The United States officials feared Iraqi retaliation against oil-rich Saudi Arabia, since the 1940s a close ally of Washington, for the Saudis' opposition to the invasion of Kuwait.^[64] Accordingly, the United States and a group of allies, including countries as diverse as Egypt, Syria and Czechoslovakia, deployed a massive number of troops along the Saudi border with Kuwait and Iraq in order to encircle the Iraqi army, the largest in the Middle East. Saddam's officers looted Kuwait, stripping even the marble from its palaces to move it to Saddam's own palace.^[64]

During the period of negotiations and threats following the invasion, Saddam focused renewed attention on the Palestinian problem by promising to withdraw his forces from Kuwait if Israel would relinquish the occupied territories in the West Bank, the Golan Heights, and the Gaza Strip. Saddam's proposal further split the Arab world, pitting US- and Western-supported Arab states against the Palestinians. The allies ultimately rejected any linkage between the Kuwait crisis and Palestinian issues.

Saddam ignored the Security Council deadline.^[185] Backed by the Security Council, a US-led coalition launched round-the-clock missile and aerial attacks on Iraq, beginning 16 January 1991.^[185] Israel, though subjected to attack by Iraqi missiles, refrained from retaliating in order not to provoke Arab states into leaving the coalition.^[185] A ground force consisting largely of US and British armored and infantry divisions ejected Saddam's army from Kuwait in February 1991 and occupied the southern portion of Iraq as far as the Euphrates.^[185] On 6 March 1991, Bush announced "What is at stake is more than one small country, it is a big idea—a new world order, where diverse nations are drawn together in common cause to achieve the universal aspirations of mankind: peace and security, freedom, and the rule of law."^[186] In the end, the Iraqi army proved unable to compete on the battlefield with the highly mobile coalition land forces and their overpowering air support.^[186] Some 175,000 Iraqis were taken prisoner and casualties were estimated at over 85,000.^[186] As part of the cease-fire agreement, Iraq agreed to scrap all poison gas and germ weapons and allow UN observers to inspect the sites.^[186] UN trade sanctions would remain in effect until Iraq complied with all terms.^[186] Saddam publicly claimed victory at the end of the war.^[186]

1990s

Iraq's ethnic and religious divisions, together with the brutality of the conflict that this had engendered, laid the groundwork for postwar rebellions. In the aftermath of the fighting, social and ethnic unrest among Shi'ite Muslims, Kurds, and dissident military units threatened the stability of Saddam's government. Uprisings erupted in the Kurdish north and Shi'a southern and central parts of Iraq, but were ruthlessly repressed. Uprisings in 1991 led to the death of 100,000–180,000 people, mostly civilians.^[187]

The US, which had urged Iraqis to rise up against Saddam, did nothing to assist the rebellions. The Iranians, despite the widespread Shi'ite rebellions, had no interest in provoking another war, while Turkey opposed any prospect of Kurdish independence, and the Saudis and other conservative Arab states feared an Iran-style Shi'ite revolution. Saddam, having survived the immediate crisis in the wake of defeat, was left firmly in control of Iraq, although the country never recovered either economically or militarily from the Gulf War.^[147]

Saddam routinely cited his survival as "proof" that Iraq had in fact won the war against the US. This message earned Saddam a great deal of popularity in many sectors of the Arab world. John Esposito wrote, "Arabs and Muslims were pulled in two directions. That they rallied not so much to Saddam Hussein as to the bipolar nature of the confrontation (the West versus the Arab Muslim world) and the issues that Saddam proclaimed: Arab unity, self-sufficiency, and social justice." As a result, Saddam Hussein appealed to many people for the same reasons that attracted more and more followers to Islamic revivalism and also for the same reasons that fueled anti-Western feelings.^[147]

One US Muslim observer^[who?] noted: "People forgot about Saddam's record and concentrated on America ... Saddam Hussein might be wrong, but it is not America who should correct him." A significant shift became visible among many Islamic movements in the post war period, "from an initial Islamic ideological rejection of Saddam Hussein, the secular persecutor of Islamic movements, and his invasion of Kuwait to a more populist Arab nationalist, anti-imperialist support for Saddam (or more precisely those issues he represented or championed) and the condemnation of foreign intervention and occupation."^[147]

Some elements of Sharia law were re-introduced, and the phrase "Allahu Akbar" ("God is great"), in Saddam's handwriting, was added to the national flag. Saddam also commissioned the production of a "Blood Qur'an", written using 27 litres of his own blood, to thank God for saving him from various dangers and conspiracies.^[188]

The United Nations-placed sanctions against Iraq for invading Kuwait were not lifted, blocking Iraqi oil exports. During the late 1990s, the UN considered relaxing the sanctions imposed because of the hardships suffered by ordinary Iraqis. Studies dispute the number of people who died in south and central Iraq during the years of the sanctions.^{[189][190][191][192][193]} On 9 December 1996, Saddam's government accepted the Oil-for-Food Programme that the UN had first offered in 1992.

Relations between the US and Iraq remained tense following the Gulf War. The US launched a missile attack aimed at Iraq's intelligence headquarters in Baghdad 26 June 1993, citing evidence of repeated Iraqi violations of the "no fly zones" imposed after the Gulf War and for incursions into Kuwait. US officials continued to accuse Saddam of violating the terms of the Gulf War's cease fire, by developing weapons of mass destruction and other banned weaponry, and violating the UN-imposed sanctions. Also during the 1990s, President Bill Clinton maintained sanctions and ordered air strikes in the "Iraqi no-fly zones" (Operation Desert Fox), in the hope that Saddam would be overthrown by political enemies inside Iraq. Western charges of Iraqi resistance to UN access to suspected weapons were the pretext for crises between 1997 and 1998, culminating in intensive US and British missile strikes on Iraq, 16–19 December 1998. After two years of intermittent activity, US and British warplanes struck harder at sites near Baghdad in February 2001. Former CIA case officer Robert Baer reports that he "tried to assassinate" Saddam in 1995,^[194] amid "a decade-long effort to encourage a military coup in Iraq."^[195]

Saddam continued involvement in politics abroad. Video tapes retrieved after show his intelligence chiefs meeting with Arab journalists, including a meeting with the former managing director of Al-Jazeera, Mohammed Jassem al-Ali, in 2000. In the video Saddam's son Uday advised al-Ali about hires in Al-Jazeera: "During your last visit here along with your colleagues we talked about a number of issues, and it does appear that you indeed were listening to what I was saying since changes took place and new faces came on board such as that lad, Mansour." He was later sacked by Al-Jazeera.^[196]

Final years: 2000–2003

In August 2000, Venezuelan president Hugo Chávez made a visit to Iraq and met Saddam.^[197] He was first leader of a foreign state to visit the country, since the Gulf War.^[198][197] His meeting with Saddam was criticized by the United States, who is a major importer of Venezuela's oil.^[198] During his tour to invite the leaders of the 10 OPEC member states to a summit the following month, Chávez expressed that he had engaged in "fruitful" discussions with Saddam regarding the future role of the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries and the defense of reasonable oil prices.^[198] Chávez emphasized the significance of bilateral cooperation between their nations in these matters.^[198] The discussions between Chávez and Saddam took place in the past, during a period when both leaders were active.^[198] Chávez sought to strengthen ties and foster collaboration among OPEC member states, focusing on the organization's future trajectory and the importance of maintaining oil prices at a reasonable level.^[198] The aim was to ensure stability and fairness in the global oil market.^[198]

In October 2000, Saddam was also visited by then Libyan leader Muammar Gaddafi's daughter Ayesha Gaddafi.^[199] Saddam later decided to use Euro, instead of Dollars for Iraqi oil.^[200] Almost all of Iraq's oil exports under the United Nations oil-for-food program were paid in euros since 2001.^[200] Approximately 26 billion euros (£17.4bn) was paid for 3.3 billion barrels of oil into an escrow account in New York.^[200] Internally Saddam continued authoritarian way of governance and suppressed political opponents.^[201] Between October and November 2000 Saddam led volunteer's campaign in solidarity with the Palestinians during the second intifada.^[202] Diplomatic isloation of Iraq with Arab states were disappearing gradually.^[203] On 25 April 2001, the British government started investigation on alleged war crimes done by Saddam.^[204] On 28 April 2001, Saddam celebrated his birthday, in form of a mega event.^[205]

Following month Saddam was chosen as party general secretary at the Baath congress in Baghdad, with every delegate in the hall rising to their feet.^[206] However, the Baath's 18-member executive, known as the Iraqi Regional Command, was selected through a secret ballot.^[206] The state television reported that 24 candidates stood, and eight new members were elected.^[206] Among them was Qusay, Saddam's younger son.^[206] Despite holding no high position in the Baath or government, Uday had long been considered the likely successor to his father.^[206] This situation resembled Syria, where Bashar al–Assad succeeded his father as president of the country the 2000, despite not previously holding a high position in the party or government.^[206] Saddam commenced the Baghdad party meeting with a speech advising the more than 300 delegates on how to vote.^[206] After the speech, the elections took place.^[206] Another surprise was the election of Huda Saleh Mehdi Ammash, the first woman to win a seat on the party executive.^[206] Saddam had recently encouraged women to play a greater role in Iraq.^[206] The deputy secretary general of the command, Izzat Ibrahim, was re-elected, and according to the constitution, he would become the interim president in the event of Saddam's sudden death.^[206] Among those who lost their executive seats was the deputy prime minister, Mohammed Hamza al-Zubaidi.^[206]

Russian president Vladimir Putin sent a message to Saddam, promoting diplomatic relations between Iraq and Russia.^[207] Saddam also invited Kurds to the negotiation table.^[208] A foreign coup d'état was planned to overthrow Saddam, which was later dropped down after three months of September 11 attacks.^[209] In 2002, Austrian prosecutors investigated Saddam government's transactions with Fritz Edlinger that possibly violated Austrian money laundering and embargo regulations.^[210] Fritz Edlinger, president of the General Secretary of the Society for Austro-Arab relations (GÖAB) and a former member of Socialist International's Middle East Committee, was an outspoken supporter of Saddam Hussein. In 2005, an Austrian journalist revealed that Fritz Edlinger's GÖAB had received $100,000 from an Iraqi front company as well as donations from Austrian companies soliciting business in Iraq.^[211] In 2002, a resolution sponsored by the European Union was adopted by the Commission for Human Rights, which stated that there had been no improvement in the human rights crisis in Iraq.^[211] The statement condemned Saddam's government for its "systematic, widespread and extremely grave violations of human rights and international humanitarian law."^[211] The resolution demanded that Iraq immediately put an end to its "summary and arbitrary executions ... the use of rape as a political tool and all enforced and involuntary disappearances."^[212]

Capture and interrogation

In April 2003, Saddam's whereabouts remained in question during the weeks following the fall of Baghdad and the conclusion of the major fighting of the war.^[219] Various sightings of Saddam were reported in the weeks following the war, but none were authenticated.^[219] At various times Saddam released audio tapes promoting popular resistance to his ousting.^[219] Saddam was placed at the top of the US list of most-wanted Iraqis, which included officials of his government and the party members.^[219]

On 13 December 2003, in Operation Red Dawn, Saddam was captured by American forces after being found hiding in a hole in the ground near a farmhouse in ad-Dawr, near Tikrit.^[219] Following his capture, Saddam was transported to a US base near Tikrit, and later taken to the American base near Baghdad Airport.^[219] Documents obtained and released by the National Security Archive detail FBI interviews and conversations with Saddam while he was in US custody.^[224] On 14 December, US administrator in Iraq Paul Bremer confirmed that Saddam had indeed been captured at a farmhouse in ad-Dawr near Tikrit.^[225] Bremer presented video footage of Saddam in custody.^[225] Saddam was shown with a full beard and hair longer than his familiar appearance.^[225] He was described by US officials as being in good health.^[225] Bremer reported plans to put Saddam on trial, but claimed that the details of such a trial had not yet been determined.^[225] Iraqis and Americans who spoke with Saddam after his capture generally reported that he remained self-assured, describing himself as a "firm, but just leader."^[226]

British tabloid newspaper The Sun posted a picture of Saddam wearing white briefs on the front cover of a newspaper. Other photographs inside the paper show Saddam washing his trousers, shuffling, and sleeping. The US government stated that it considered the release of the pictures a violation of the Geneva Convention and that it would investigate the photographs.^[227][228] During this period Saddam was interrogated by FBI agent George Piro.^[229]

The guards at the Baghdad detention facility called their prisoner "Vic", which stands for "Very Important Criminal" and let him plant a small garden near his cell. The nickname and the garden are among the details about the former Iraqi leader that emerged during a March 2008 tour of the Baghdad prison and cell where Saddam slept, bathed, kept a journal, and wrote poetry in the final days before his execution; he was concerned to ensure his legacy and how the history would be told. The tour was conducted by US Marine Maj. Gen. Doug Stone, overseer of detention operations for the US military in Iraq at the time. During his imprisonment he exercised and was allowed to have his personal garden; he also smoked his cigars and wrote his diary in the courtyard of his cell.^[230]

Trial

On 30 June 2004, Saddam Hussein, held in custody by US forces at the US base "Camp Cropper", along with 11 other senior Ba'athist leaders, was handed over to the interim Iraqi government to stand trial for crimes against humanity and other offences.

A few weeks later, he was charged by the Iraqi Special Tribunal with crimes committed against residents of Dujail in 1982, following a failed assassination attempt against him. Specific charges included the murder of 148 people, torture of women and children and the illegal arrest of 399 others.^[231][232] Among the many challenges of the trial were:

• Saddam and his lawyers contesting the court's authority and maintaining that he was still the President of Iraq.^[233]
• The assassinations and attempted assassinations of several of Saddam's lawyers.
• The replacement of the chief presiding judge midway through the trial.

On 5 November 2006, Saddam was found guilty of crimes against humanity and sentenced to death by hanging. Saddam's half-brother, Barzan Ibrahim, and Awad Hamed al-Bandar, head of Iraq's Revolutionary Court in 1982, were convicted of similar charges. The verdict and sentencing were both appealed, but subsequently affirmed by Iraq's Supreme Court of Appeals.^[234]

Execution

Saddam was executed by hanging on the first day of Eid ul-Adha, 30 December 2006,^[235] despite his wish to be executed by firing squad (which he argued was the lawful military capital punishment, citing his military position as the commander-in-chief of the Iraqi military).^[236] The execution was carried out at Camp Justice, an Iraqi army base in Kadhimiya, a neighborhood of northeast Baghdad.

Saudi Arabia condemned Iraqi authorities for carrying out the execution on a holy day. A presenter from the Al-Ikhbariya television station officially stated: "There is a feeling of surprise and disapproval that the verdict has been applied during the holy months and the first days of Eid al-Adha. Leaders of Islamic countries should show respect for this blessed occasion ... not demean it."^[237]

Video of the execution was recorded on a mobile phone and his captors could be heard insulting Saddam. The video was leaked to electronic media and posted on the Internet within hours, becoming the subject of global controversy.^[238] It was later claimed by the head guard at the tomb where his remains lay that Saddam's body had been stabbed six times after the execution.^[239] Saddam's demeanor while being led to the gallows has been discussed by two witnesses, Iraqi Judge Munir Haddad and Iraqi national security adviser Mowaffak al-Rubaie. The accounts of the two witnesses are contradictory as Haddad describes Saddam as being strong in his final moments whereas al-Rubaie says Saddam was clearly afraid, but the common view is not of the latter.^[240]

Saddam spoke his last words during the execution, "May God's blessings be upon Muhammad and his household. And may God hasten their appearance and curse their enemies." Then one of the crowd repeatedly said the name of the Iraqi Shiite cleric Moqtada Al-Sadr. Saddam laughed and later said, "Do you consider this manhood?" The crowd shouted, "go to Hell." Saddam replied, "To the hell that is Iraq!?" Again, one of the crowd asked those who shouted to keep quiet for God. Saddam Hussein started recitation of final Muslim prayers, "I bear witness that there is no god but Allah and I testify that Muhammad is the Messenger of Allah." One of the crowd shouted, "The tyrant [dictator] has collapsed!" Saddam said, "May God's blessings be upon Muhammad and his household (family)". He recited the shahada one and a half times, as while he was about to say 'Muhammad' on the second shahada, the trapdoor opened, cutting him off mid-sentence. The rope broke his neck, killing him instantly.^[241]

Not long before the execution, Saddam's lawyers released his last letter.^[242]

A second unofficial video, apparently showing Saddam's body on a trolley, emerged several days later. It sparked speculation that the execution was carried out incorrectly as Saddam Hussein had a gaping hole in his neck.^[243]

Saddam was buried at his birthplace of Al-Awja in Tikrit, Iraq, on 31 December 2006. He was buried 3 km (2 mi) from his sons Uday and Qusay Hussein.^[244] His tomb was reported to have been destroyed in March 2015.^[245] Before it was destroyed, a Sunni tribal group reportedly removed his body to a secret location, fearful of what might happen.^[246]