Open AccessArticle

Forgotten Nunneries: A Challenge to Our Understanding of the Rock “Monasteries” of Kucha

Qian Wang

^1,* and

Giuseppe Vignato

^2,*

School of Archaeology and Cultural Heritage, Zhengzhou University, Zhengzhou 450001, China

School of Archaeology and Museology, Peking University, Beijing 100874, China

Authors to whom correspondence should be addressed.

Religions 2025, 16(2), 148; https://doi.org/10.3390/rel16020148

Submission received: 21 August 2024 / Revised: 15 December 2024 / Accepted: 22 January 2025 / Published: 28 January 2025

(This article belongs to the Special Issue Reviving Ancient Wisdom on the Northern Silk Road: Research on Old Uyghur Buddhism and Buddhist Scriptures)

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Figure 1
The relative location of Lubanyao Caves 魯班窯石窟 and Yungang Grottoes 雲岡石窟. Source: Courtesy of Guo Jingna; adapted from (<a href="#B21-religions-16-00148" class="html-bibr">Guo 2021, Figure 1</a>). "> Figure 2
Plan of the three Lubanyao Caves 魯班窯石窟. Source: Courtesy of Guo Jingna; adapted from (<a href="#B21-religions-16-00148" class="html-bibr">Guo 2021, Figure 4</a>). "> Figure 3
The location of Yongning Monastery 永寧寺 and Jingle Nunnery 景樂寺on the sides of Tongtuo dajie 銅駝大街, Luoyang City, during the Northern Wei Dynasty. Source: Adapted from (<a href="#B38-religions-16-00148" class="html-bibr">Qian 2019, p. 79, Figure 1</a>). "> Figure 4
Map of the location of the East and West Monasteries of Subashi 蘇巴什. Source: Adapted from <a href="https://www.tianditu.gov.cn/" target="_blank">https://www.tianditu.gov.cn/</a>, accessed on 24 January 2025. "> Figure 5
Group: Caves 12, 13, 24 and the surrounding meditation cells. Photograph courtesy of Staatliche Museen zu Berlin, Museum für Asiatische Kunst. Diagram by Giuseppe Vignato. "> Figure 6
Bhikṣuṇīs painted on the inner side wall of the right corridor in Kizil central pillar Cave 13. Courtesy of Staatliche Museen zu Berlin, Museum für Asiatische Kunst. Photograph taken by Jürgen Liepe. "> Figure 7
Plan of Kizil Caves 112A–115. Photograph and diagram by Giuseppe Vignato. "> Figure 8
Plan of Kizil Caves 30–32. Diagram by Giuseppe Vignato. "> Figure 9
Kizil monastic cell Cave 57. Diagram by Giuseppe Vignato. "> Figure 10
Typical meditation cells in Kucha, Kizil Caves 25, 25A, 25B, 25C. Photograph and diagram by Giuseppe Vignato. "> Figure 11
Plans of meditation cells allowing bhikṣus or bhikṣuṇīs for silent retreats. Photograph courtesy of Staatliche Museen zu Berlin, Museum für Asiatische Kunst. Diagram by Giuseppe Vignato. ">

Versions Notes

Abstract

The existence of Buddhist nuns (bhikṣuṇīs) in Kucha is documented in Chinese Buddhist literature and further validated by the fragments of the Bhikṣuṇīprātimokṣasūtra recovered from sites in the region. Through the analysis of archaeological remains, this paper explores whether it is possible to identify the nunneries where bhikṣuṇīs resided. While the emphasis is placed on the rock monasteries of Kucha, contemporary material from other areas of China will be examined to facilitate a better understanding of the role, form and functionality of these Kuchean nunneries. Through an examination of the location and degree of concealment within the sites, as well as pictorial representation, this paper provides a tentative identification of the nunnery sites in Kucha. By locating women within the archaeological record, this identification adds a crucial dimension to the already complex archaeological picture of Kucha. Although the role of women in Kucha has previously been overlooked, a clear acknowledgement of their presence and a focus on their location within the archaeological landscape will allow for a better understanding of the Buddhist remains in Kucha. Currently, differences among rock monasteries are interpreted only in terms of chronological or doctrinal variations. However, as this paper highlights, some of these variations are due to the gender of the site’s occupant, essentially whether the site was a monastery or a nunnery.

Keywords:

Kucha; bhikṣuṇī; rock monasteries; nunneries; gender; women

1. Introduction

Female adherents, bhikṣuṇīs, have been an indispensable and integral component of the Buddhist saṅgha from its foundation through to the present day.1 Their lives were characterized by specific, rigorous prescriptions2, and they resided in dedicated and structurally distinct nunneries.3 Recently, scholars have conducted insightful investigations into abstract aspects of the religious and social aspects of female monasticism in Early Ancient South and East Asia (e.g., Schopen 2014; von Hinüber 2016; 2023; Y.-c. Li 1989). However, both primary and secondary works on Buddhism are either silent or cursory on the practicalities of the worship and residence requirements of bhikṣuṇīs. As might be expected, there are significantly more references to the monasteries constructed for bhikṣus in both literary and epigraphic records than to the nunneries constructed for bhikṣuṇīs. As Schopen points out, epigraphic sources from archaeological excavations are often at odds with the received textual records (Schopen 2014). The transition from subservience to canonical records to a serious examination of the archaeological data (including epigraphy, artefacts and site structure) enables us as scholars go beyond conventional wisdom and study issues, such as the role of women in rock “monasteries” from a different perspective. Systematic and in-depth attention and research, particularly in the field of archaeology, can build significantly on the existing literature on the gender of the site occupants (Lü 2007; Kaushik 2016) and allow us to ascertain which Buddhist sites were occupied by bhikṣuṇīs rather than bhikṣus.

Based on in-depth archaeological surveys of the sites of Kucha undertaken by the authors and analysis of relevant archaeological reports, this paper explores how nunneries can be identified from the extant remains of the Buddhist rock monasteries of Kucha, and those elements which allow for the identification of nunnery sites.4 This is supported by an examination of contemporary textual sources in Central China. Such a comparison is applicable, within limits, since the monastic code used in Central China was transmitted and translated from the Kucha one (S. Li 2015). Given the exchanges between the Kucha Kingdom and the Central Plains of China during the first six centuries of the Common Era, especially in terms of Buddhism, data from sites in Central China and written records will be reevaluated to achieve a better understanding of the remains of Kucha. Although there is currently insufficient data to distinguish between monasteries and nunneries, with archaeological investigations and reports of cave temples recently forming a significant focus for heritage units across China, it is essential to raise awareness of the potential for rock “monastery” sites to have been constructed for female adherents, rather than solely for male adherents as has traditionally been assumed. This assumption is based on Buddhist literature, which suggests that bhikṣuṇīs only lived in religious settlements with urban contexts.

2. Nunneries in Central–Northern China During the Northern Wei Dynasty

The political and social history of the Buddhist complex at Yungang Caves 雲岡石窟, the first large-scale imperial Buddhist caves in China, is well recorded. Located 17 km west of Datong City 大同 in Shanxi Province 山西, they were commissioned by the ruling class of Tuoba Xianbei 拓跋鮮卑of the Northern Wei Dynasty (386–534). The dynasty strongly advocated and promoted the dissemination of Buddhism in northern China. Under the rule of the Northern Wei, a profusion of Buddhist temples was constructed. The remains of these sites have been identified and excavated in the two capitals of the Northern Wei, Pingcheng 平城 (modern Datong) in Shanxi and Luoyang 洛陽 in Henan Province 河南, as well as in other cities.

The Yungang Caves are carved on a 1km long stretch of cliff on the north side of the valley of the Wuzhou River 武周川水 (modern Shili River 十里河, Guo 2021). Although previous research has focused almost exclusively on the Yungang Caves, the Lubanyao Caves 魯班窯石窟, which are carved into cliffs a little to the west and on the other side of the river valley to the Yungang Caves and are believed to be contemporary (ca. 460–495, Guo 2021), deserve further attention (Figure 1). A complete understanding of these two sites is also not possible without considering the associated structures, herein referred to as free-standing sites, which have been identified on the plateaus above each of the cave sites (C. Li 2014, pp. 267–88; Yi 2020) and in the valley in front of them (YGRI et al. 2016, 2021). From the Commentary on the Water Classic (Chi. Shui jing zhu 水經注), compiled by Li Daoyuan 酈道元 during the Northern Wei Dynasty, we learn the following:

武周川水又東南流。水側有石祗洹舍，並諸窟室，比丘尼所居也。其水又東轉逕靈岩，鑿石開山，因岩結構，真容巨壯，世法所希。
(Shui jing zhu 2007, p. 316)

The Wuzhou River courses southeastward. Adjacent to the river stood the rock-hewn Jetavanārāma (Shi Qihuanshe), encompassing several rock-cut caves where the bhikṣuṇīs dwelt. The river thereof further swerved eastwardly to the south of the Lingyan [present-day Yungang Caves]. Rock was chiseled and mountains were hewn in consonance with the structure of the cliff. The images are realistic and magnificent. They are exceptional by the standards of this era. The [Buddha] Halls on the mountain were mirrored in the water, and the temples suffused with smoke [of the incense] confront each other.
(Yi 2020, p. 207)

The Yungang Caves are carved into the vertical cliff facade, with the site including some structures in front of the caves and several free-standing monasteries constructed on the plateau above (YGRI et al. 2021). On the other side of the Wuzhou River, the three Lubanyao Caves are carved into a much smaller cliff face. These three caves are approximately the same size and are adjacent to one another, and scholars have previously hypothesized that they formed a nunnery (Lu and Yuan 1989).5 In both the Yungang and Lubanyao sites, the free-standing structures on top of the cliffs appear to have consisted of a stūpa at the center of the vihāra courtyard. The layout draws inspiration from Gandharan monasteries as reinterpreted in the Kucha region, featuring cells encircling a central courtyard with a large stūpa towering at its center (Vignato and Hiyama 2022, p. 233). These two sites both consist, therefore, of caves carved into the cliff and a vihāra with a stūpa above—although the vihāra site above the Lubanyao Caves has only been partially excavated, without reaching the Northern Wei cultural layer.

The architectural characteristics of the Lubanyao Caves demonstrate an affinity with those of the Five Tanyao Caves 曇曜五窟 (Yungang Caves 16–20) constructed under the decree of Emperor Wencheng 文成帝 during the Heping era 和平年間 (460–465), featuring an elliptical plan with walls gradually curving into an irregular dome, albeit on a much smaller scale (Figure 2). Similarities can also be discerned in the décor: the band of triangular pendants and the Thousand Buddhas are analogous to those in the caves of the first and second phases of Yungang (ca. 460–490). Nevertheless, substantial disparities exist as well. In the Lubanyao Caves, the principal image was sculpted in the full round and positioned atop a platform at the center of the main chamber, suggesting that the devotees circumambulated the statue.6 In the Tanyao Caves, conversely, the colossal statues were carved from the rear wall of the main chamber and were designed for frontal viewing from outside the cave. Although a small corridor allowed for ritual circumambulation, most of the rite was carried out within the dark corridor without viewing the colossal image. Another crucial dissimilarity lies in the fact that in the Lubanyao Caves, the decoration on all walls constituted a monotonous reiteration of the Thousand Buddhas, whereas, in the Tanyao Caves, there are triptychs featuring a Buddha and accompanying bodhisattvas, as well as a lavish presentation of donors and devas. These differences in the décor and form of worship might be decisive clues distinguishing monasteries from nunneries, and a complete excavation of the site above them would help to definitively shed light on the differences between the two structures above the cliff.

Written in 554 CE, the Monograph on Buddhism and Taoism (Chi. Shilao zhi 釋老志, Wei shu 魏書) states that during the relocation of the capital to Luoyang in 493 CE, Emperor Xiaowen 孝文帝 issued regulations for the planning of the new capital, including the following edict:

故都城制云，城內唯擬一永寧寺地，郭內唯擬尼寺一所，餘悉城郭之外。欲令永遵此制，無敢逾矩。
(Wei shu 1974, p. 3044)

According to the [construction] rules [of Buddhist temples] that had been adhered to by the former capital [Pingcheng], within the city walls, there will only be the Yongning Monastery and a single nunnery. All other monasteries are to be established outside the city. This system must be perpetually adhered to and no one dares to violate.

The locations of the Yongning Monastery and the “nunnery” of Luoyang are present in the Record of Buddhist Monasteries in Luoyang (Chi. Luoyang qielan ji 洛陽伽藍記) written around 547 CE by Yang Xuanzhi 楊衒之, which states that the Yongning Monastery and the Jingle Nunnery 景樂寺, founded by the Prince of Qinghe 清河王 Yuanyi 元懌, were located on either side of the main thoroughfare leading to the imperial palace, the Tongtuo Dajie 銅駝大街 (Luoyang qielan ji 1963, p. 92) (Figure 3). Yongning Monastery, the preeminent state monastery in Luoyang, boasted a magnificent timber-framed pagoda at its center and supplementary buildings surrounding its courtyard on all sides. In contrast, Jingle Nunnery housed a grand Buddhist Hall at its center, surrounded by smaller corridors and halls (G. Wang 2013, p. 159). Both the monastery and nunnery were evidently arranged according to a well-considered blueprint, yet their plans and centers of worship show clear differentiation. The deliberate separation of the monastery from the nunnery by positioning them on each side of the main thoroughfare reflects the situation in the Yungang area, where the monastery and nunnery were separated by the Wuzhou River.

To recapitulate briefly, the early Yungang Monastery and the Lubanyao Nunnery were established approximately in the same period on the opposite banks of the Wuzhou River. Given that the supplementary free-standing structures have not been fully excavated, we merely know that the monastery and the nunnery shared a somewhat similar layout, featuring caves carved into the cliff and complementary living facilities on the plateau above. Despite the similarity in cave architecture, the caves in the nunnery were of a much smaller scale. Most crucially, the arrangement and sculptural type of the main statues imply a different ritual usage. The situation in Luoyang is not conclusive, as only a part of the Yongning Monastery has been excavated, while the Jingle Nunnery is solely known through historical records. These data indicate that the monumental stūpa at the center of the Yongning Monastery was not replicated in the Jingle Nunnery, which was centered on a Buddha Hall.7 According to canonical records, bhikṣus and bhikṣuṇīs were essentially independent of each other as they were self-governing institutions based on the prātimokṣa. Nevertheless, nunneries were supposed to be situated relatively close to monasteries for the joint observance of rituals such as the upoṣadha. The parallelism in location witnessed in the rock-carved monasteries/nunneries and the free-standing ones in the capital Luoyang and the different ritual core might potentially reveal an unrecorded tradition regarding the locational monastery–nunnery relationship and the different rituals taking place in them during the Northern Wei Dynasty, possibly stemming from Kucha.

Apart from the data gathered from the analysis of the location of nunnery/monastery sites, textual data record the benevolent Buddhist activities of high-ranking bhikṣuṇīs and lay women during the Northern Wei period.

The vigorous propagation of Buddhism by the rulers of the Northern Wei led to the widespread adoption of this faith. Remarkably, women across various social strata, ranging from empresses and concubines to noblewomen and commoners, played an influential role in spreading Buddhist beliefs, as evidenced by historical records, inscriptions, and epitaphs (Xia 1994). Notably, a high-profile position known as Biqiuni Tong 比丘尼統, that is, Bhikṣuṇī Commander, held by an esteemed bhikṣuṇī, such as Sengzhi 僧芝, was established for governing bhikṣuṇīs in the later years of the Northern Wei Dynasty (S. Wang 2008).

In addition to participating in the recitation of sūtras, the observance of precepts, and almsgiving practices within Buddhism, women also made significant contributions to the construction of Buddhist temples. Their efforts played a pivotal role in shaping the material and cultural landscape of Buddhism in northern China during the Northern Wei. Given that the construction of temples demanded substantial expenses, they were primarily sponsored by the empresses, concubines, and affiliated powers. For instance, Empress Dowager Feng 馮太后 issued a decree “for establishing the Siyan Monastery 思燕佛圖 located at Longcheng 龍城” (Wei shu 1974, p. 329), while Empress Dowager Ling 靈太后personally oversaw the construction of the Yongning Monastery, Qin Taishanggong Monastery 秦太上公寺, and Qin Taishangjun Monastery 秦太上君寺 in Luoyang (Luoyang qielan ji 1963). Under the guidance of the two most influential women in the Northern Wei Dynasty, the nobility competed fervently to financially support various temple constructions, including nunneries such as Yaoguang Nunnery 瑤光寺 constructed by the order of Emperor Xuanwu 宣武帝 (r. 499–515), Hutong Nunnery 胡統寺 founded by an aunt of the Empress Dowager Ling, and Mingxuan Nunnery 明懸尼寺 built by the Prince of Pengcheng 彭城王 Yuanxie 元勰 (Y.-c. Li 1989, pp. 145–65). Additionally, there are records of women from other social strata engaging in statue-making (J. Wang 2000) and sutra-copying (Zhou 2023), leveraging their economic capabilities (Liu 1993).

3. Bhikṣuṇīs and Nunneries in Kucha as Documented in Texts

The presence of bhikṣuṇīs in Kucha is clearly stated in historical records such as the Preface Relating the History of the Translation of the Bhikṣuṇīprātimokṣa (Chi. Biqiuni jieben suochu benmo xu 比丘尼戒本所出本末序), which forms a section of the Compilation of Notices on the Translation of the Tripitaka (Chi. Chu sanzang ji ji 出三藏記集) document:

拘夷國寺甚多，修飾至麗。王宮雕鏤，立佛形象，與寺無異。有名達慕藍（百七十僧），北山寺名致隸藍（六十僧），劍慕王新藍（五十僧），溫宿王藍（七十僧），右四寺佛圖舌彌所統……阿麗藍（百八十比丘尼），輸若干藍（五十比丘尼），阿麗跋藍（三十尼道），右三寺比丘尼統，依舌彌受法戒。比丘尼，外國法不得獨立也。此三寺尼，多是蔥嶺以東王侯婦女，為道遠集斯寺，用法自整，大有檢制……今所出《比丘尼大戒本》，此寺常所用者也。
(T 2145, 55: 79c10–24)

A considerable number of Buddhist temples exist throughout the Kucha kingdom, elaborately adorned. The king’s palace is embellished with Buddhist statues that show no disparity compared to those within Buddhist temples. Damu Monastery (170 bhikṣus), Beishan Monastery, also known as Zhili Monastery (60 bhikṣus), King Jianmu’s new Monastery (70 bhikṣus), and King Wensu’s Monastery (70 bhikṣus), are all administered by Buddhasvāmin… Three nunneries, Ali Nunnery (180 bhikṣuṇīs), Shuruogan Nunnery (50 bhikṣuṇīs), and Aliba Nunnery (30 bhikṣuṇīs), are under the jurisdiction of bhikṣuṇīs, who received precepts from Buddhasvāmin. Other kingdoms were incompetent to establish independent nunneries without the supervision of monks. A large number of the bhikṣuṇīs in these three nunneries were noblewomen from the area east of the Cong Ling who were devoted to Buddhism. The nunneries adhere to strict precepts … The Bhikṣuṇīprātimokṣa which is currently available, is frequently used in the nunneries.

It is evident from this document that there were a number of nunneries of various sizes in the Kucha Kingdom, with the largest nunnery hosting more individuals than the largest monastery. Interestingly, it appears that the bhikṣuṇīs in Kucha might have enjoyed relative independence, enabling them to govern the nunneries on their own.

Furthermore, Kucha was not only a center for bhikṣuṇīs but also the region where the noblewomen from other kingdoms in the Western Regions assembled for the study of Buddhism, as evidenced by the Biography of Kumārajīva 鳩摩羅什傳, which forms a section of the Biographies of Eminent Monks (Chi. Gaoseng zhuan 高僧傳):

王有妹，年始二十，識悟明敏，過目必能，一聞則誦。且體有赤黶，法生智子，諸國娉之，並不肯行。及見摩炎，心欲當之，乃逼以妻焉，既而懷什。什在胎時，其母自覺神悟超解有倍常日。聞雀梨大寺名德既多，又有得道之僧，即與王族貴女，德行諸尼，彌日設供，請齋聽法。
(T 2059, 50: 330a15–21)

The king had a 20-year-old sister with great talent and wit. She was able to memorize texts after reading them only once and understand words after listening one time. She had red moles on her body, so she should give birth to a son with wisdom based on the doctrinal description. Multiple monarchs asked for matchmaking to marry this princess, but she turned them all down. When she met with Kumārāyana, the princess wanted to marry the latter, so she forced the marriage and became pregnant soon after. During the pregnancy, the future mother felt her faculty of comprehension greatly increased, doubling that of her previous capacity. She heard that many śramaṇas at Great Oriole Temple were virtuous and renowned; some were even enlightened ones. The princess then sat for daily reverence along with noble ladies and bhikṣuṇīs, giving alms and offerings.
(Yang 2022, p. 53)

The noblewomen of the Kucha kingdom, exemplified by Kumārajīva’s mother, were devout adherents of Buddhism and dedicated to their religious practices. In addition to their daily routines in their households, they regularly undertook pilgrimages and participated in solemn ceremonies at the Great Oriole Temple 雀梨大寺, which has been identified as the modern-day Subashi 蘇巴什 site (Ran 2020, p. 7). Since Subashi is located approximately 20 km north of the ancient capital, it would have been too far for devotees to achieve a round trip in a single day. This suggests that the monastic institutions or structures where bhikṣus and bhikṣuṇīs resided were in proximity to each other, due to the necessity of conducting communal rituals together and for the bhikṣuṇīs to receive religious teachings from the bhikṣus, while their housing remained separate. The noble status and influential power of these women appear to have allowed them access to resources for constructing monuments and nunneries for the bhikṣuṇī saṅgha of Kucha. This parallels the situation in the Northern Wei capitals of Pingcheng and Luoyang, as outlined above.

Manuscripts and inscriptions related to bhikṣuṇīs have been unearthed from the free-standing monasteries of Duldur-Akhur East and West (Chi. Wushentuer 烏什吐爾, Xiahetuer 夏合吐爾) and the rock monastery of Kizil 克孜爾.8 They are attributed to approximately 4th century CE. Among them, the unearthed fragments of the Bhikṣuṇīprātimokṣasūtra confirm the authenticity of the information contained in historical documents. The discovery of the fragments of the Bhikṣuṇīprātimokṣasūtra is of particular significance as the bhikṣuṇīs were obligated to recite this text during the fortnight upoṣadha. For the same reason, the fragments found in Kizil potentially imply that bhikṣuṇīs resided at the site. In other words, some of the caves in Kizil might have been purposefully constructed for the use of the bhikṣuṇīs.

4. Analytical Interpretation of the Buddhist Remains in Kucha

The brief survey of the textual and archaeological remains from the 4th to 6th centuries in northern Central China and Kucha provides clear evidence that nunneries existed among the free-standing and rock Buddhist sites. The introduction of gendered space in our analyses allows for a more in-depth and people-based exploration of the remains within Buddhist sites in Kucha in addition to raising several crucial questions that challenge the conventional understanding of the form and function of rock monasteries, creating the possibility for a reassessment. There are, however, several key issues relating to the interpretation of the Buddhist remains in Kucha.

For instance, the known free-standing Buddhist sites in Kucha are restricted to a few sites in peripheral locations. In several cases, the remains of these monasteries/nunneries are barely identifiable, having been surveyed but not excavated (Zhang 2010, pp. 301–16). Although the presence of scattered imposing buildings was identified at some sites during the survey work, only two of these sites, Subashi and Duldur-Akhur, have been the subject of small-scale archaeological excavations in recent years, and there are currently no plans to excavate further sites. The obvious state of dilapidation indicates that the extant structures are considerably fewer than in ancient times. Nevertheless, there is still a shortage of maps showing the layout of entire monasteries/nunneries, and it will take several years before there will be sufficient material to allow a basic understanding of these sites.

The most prominent monasteries/nunneries were undoubtedly free-standing structures concentrated in the capital, which is located beneath the present old section of the city of Kucha. It is reasonable to assume that monasteries/nunneries were also constructed in cities other than the capital. Regarding these, we have no information, and it is a strong limitation for our research, as according to Schopen, nunneries were situated in towns and cities (Schopen 2014, pp. 3–22).

Research on rock monasteries to date has focused on the décor within the caves. Little attention has been paid to the overall structure of the monastery/nunnery as a locale of human activity in the past. In addition to the caves, rock monasteries most likely encompassed a considerable area, with the areas in front of the caves occupied by large free-standing buildings and possibly towering stūpas. In addition to the free-standing structures, there would also have been communal, probably open, spaces where bhikṣus/bhikṣuṇīs would have taken part in the daily activities, as well as providing a venue for religious festivals involving large numbers of pilgrims.

Differentiating the physical remains of nunneries within this scanty and incomplete corpus of material is undoubtedly a challenging task. One might also be open to the (unlikely) possibility that all nunneries have completely vanished over the course of centuries. Nevertheless, in the light of the information gathered above, this paper attempts to identify traces of nunneries within the archaeological remains of free-standing structures as well as within rock monasteries.

4.1. The Territory of Monasteries/Nunneries

Defining the territory of the monasteries/nunneries that have come down to us is a crucial task (Wei 2021). The monastic code, Vinaya, prescribes that the boundaries (or territory) of monasteries must be clearly defined and may not overlap with those of another.9 In the case of rock monasteries, boundaries have been overlooked, while free-standing monasteries are usually surrounded by a wall or a moat, making the extent of the monastic territory easily identifiable. Caves have been regarded as the whole of the monastery/nunnery, without taking into consideration the area in front of or above them.

We could start by inquiring whether each site, such as Subashi, Duldur-Akhur, Kizil and Simsim 森木塞姆, was a complete monastery/nunnery or encompassed several of them. The extensive surface of the Buddhist settlement in Subashi presents buildings on both sides of the river, designated as the East and West Monasteries (Figure 4). What we currently observe on both sides of the river cannot be considered one large monastery/nunnery but rather two clusters of several monasteries/nunneries. Each unit seems to have a square or rectangular plan, with massive rammed earth walls against which the monastic cells were constructed. Note that some of these units, aligned north–south on both banks of the Kucha River, do not present a central stūpa. In both cases, the massive outer walls have been interpreted as boundaries delineating the territory of the monastery/nunnery.

Duldur-Akhur presents a comparable situation, where Buddhist archaeological sites are located on both banks of the Muzart River 木紮提河. This site is of significant interest since fragments of the Bhikṣuṇīprātimokṣasūtra were discovered at Duldur-Akhur. Our comprehension of Duldur-Akhur West Monastery is limited to a map of a single monastery, elaborated from the map drawn during the Pelliot exploration in 1907 as modern construction now prevents further investigation at the site. The monastery or nunnery appears to have been restructured and restored on several occasions, none of which included a large stūpa in the main courtyard. Instead, an unimpressive stūpa was set at the center of a much smaller courtyard, accessible from the middle of the west wall of the central courtyard, opposite the main entrance to the east. This is in contrast to the very large stūpa located approximately 100 m north of the monastery/nunnery, with a processional path leading to it, which was probably a subsequent addition.

On the opposite side of the Muzart River, the largely unexcavated Duldur-Akhur East Monastery appears as a cluster of several monasteries/nunneries constructed on top of a plateau. Here, the ongoing excavations, limited in scope, have focused on individual structures rather than attempting to understand the general layout of the site (Lin 2018, pp. 31–46). The chronology of construction, including the stūpa and other buildings identified during the survey, has yet to be adequately explored.

The above description of the two large free-standing Buddhist institutions allows for a comparison between Subashi and Duldur-Akhur, on the one hand, and the Yungang Monastery and the Lubanyao Nunnery, as well as the Yongning Monastery and the Jingle Nunnery in Luoyang, on the other. The absence of a stūpa in the center of the main courtyard in the Duldur-Akhur West Monastery, as well as in the monasteries/nunneries in Subashi and the Jingle Nunnery in Luoyang, could, therefore, be taken as an indication that these structures were intended for habitation by female adherents.

A recent study has reaffirmed the fact that the Buddhism practiced in Kucha was affiliated with the Sarvāstivāda schools (Vignato and Hiyama 2022). In reality, by the period when the monastery and nunnery of Yungang and Lubanyao were established, the texts of the Sarvāstivāda Vinaya and the Bhikṣuṇīprātimokṣasūtra had already been translated into Chinese and were used in northern Central China (Ikeda 1990, p. 97). One might wonder whether the location of the monasteries and nunneries opposite each other either across a river or a main thoroughfare in northern Central China followed a Kuchean tradition that has not been codified in literary records. A comprehensive investigation of the sites might disclose not only the existence of nunneries but also potential monastic customs and practices within ascetic communities that were not fully documented in the literary tradition.

We might re-examine the issue of boundaries. Although the territory of monasteries/nunneries within a city might be identified by the surrounding walls, moats, and the street grid of a city or a smaller settlement, such as the Zhaopengcheng Buddhist site 趙彭城佛寺遺址 and the Hetaoyuan Buddhist site 核桃園佛寺遺址 found in the Ye City site鄴城遺址 of the Northern Qi Dynasty (550–577, JYCAT 2010, 2016), determining the extent and the layout of large rock monasteries in Kucha has proven to be more complicated.

Present research on rock monasteries is mainly focused on the decorated caves, seemingly viewing the development of the rock monastery as successive waves of new caves carved into the cliff and then painted, without realizing that the decorated caves were mere parts of complex monasteries/nunneries. Once the development of a site is studied in its entirety and districts and groups of caves are considered, it becomes evident that the caves were insufficient to carry out the day-to-day monastic life and required supplementation by free-standing buildings. Furthermore, a large site, which we now refer to by a single name, was a collection of different monasteries/nunneries.

The structure of the monasteries/nunneries of Kucha has been interpreted as consisting of independent and complementary districts (Z. Wei 2013). Some districts were formed of several caves of the same type, while others were a combination of groups each devoted to a specific task. The latter case is exemplified by Kizilgaha 克孜爾尕哈 with three districts: one was meant for residence, a second one was dedicated to caves for worship, and a third one was intended for meditation. A similar case is that of the monastery of Tograk Eiken 托乎拉克艾肯. Each of their districts covered one of the monastery’s functions and cannot be considered as a monastery, while the sum of them can be regarded as a complete monastery.

Other rock monasteries are highly extensive and cannot be regarded as a single monastery/nunnery. For instance, there are over 350 caves in Kizil. The complexity of the site is also evident in that it not only comprises different districts but also in the fact that different doctrinal trends can be discerned within the site. Different branches of the Sarvāstivādin have been identified from archaeological findings, as well as from the study of iconographic, textual, and painting techniques (Vignato and Hiyama 2022). It is evident that the Kizil rock monastery was not a single monastic entity but rather a complex conglomeration of monasteries/nunneries that formed a complex pattern of growth, functionality, and decline in this place over time. For instance, it appears that in Kizil some of the early caves were abandoned in later periods, indicating a dynamic development, repurposing, and abandonment of different sections or even whole districts, or monastic cells, opening up to the likeliness that the caves were used in combination with free-standing buildings and stūpas.

We might, therefore, assume that Kizil and other rock monasteries in Kucha were assemblages of several monasteries/nunneries. This supposition is supported by the discovery of several different Chinese names for the temples/monasteries in Kumtura 庫木吐喇 (Chao 1992, pp. 193–97), as well as others in Tocharian (Zhao and Rong 2020). Once we acknowledge that a rock monastery such as Kizil was in fact an assemblage of several monasteries, the existence of nunneries within it becomes feasible.

In the absence of written sources, the structure of the rock monastery itself must become our primary source of data. In Kizil, for example, we observe that the basic groups in some districts consisted of a square cave and a monastic cell; in another district, they consisted of a central pillar cave, a square cave, and a monastic cell. It is hardly conceivable that each group was a monastery/nunnery. In fact, in other districts, the typical group types included two or even five central pillar caves with no residential area. These groups required at least a supplementary residence that could reasonably be expected to have been erected in the large expanse in front of the caves between the cliff and the Muzart River. In Kizil, each monastery/nunnery would, therefore, have included both caves and free-standing buildings. Could a district comprising several groups of caves complemented by free-standing buildings be regarded as a monastery/nunnery, and, if so, is it possible to distinguish between monasteries and nunneries?

Looking at the distinctive features of some groups of caves, one is inclined to assume that nunneries might have existed. Below, we analyze two of these groups in Kizil.

4.2. Are These Nunneries?

The most common group type at the western end of Guxi 谷西 of Kizil includes caves intended for residence, assembly, and worship. The three caves were carved on a straightened section of the cliff next to one another. The dominance of this group type has prompted the identification of the whole area as a district, designated as District Four consisting of Caves 2 to 43 (Wei 2013, pp. 90–105). Of the caves carved into this type of group, the group consisting of square Cave 12, central pillar Cave 13, and monastic cell Cave 24 is atypical.

How the group was ascended, being carved as it is in a high position on the cliff, was certainly different from the recent cement walkway now connecting it to Caves 8–10 and Caves 14–19 above. The group was presumably accessed from the east, though identifying the exact route is hindered by the erosion of the cliff facade.

While the central pillar Cave 13 and square Cave 12 were carved at the same level, the monastic cell Cave 24 was carved below them. The group elements are similar to other groups in District Four, yet the layout on two levels is rarely seen in Kucha. Another atypical feature is the presence of at least seven meditation cells in the group (Caves 12A, 12B, 24, 25, 25A, 25B, and 25C). To recapitulate the situation, it can be appreciated that there was only one ritual core of the group, central pillar Cave 13, and a relatively small square Cave 12 whose function, as is the case with the other square caves in the groups of District Four, remains to be determined. The only monastic cell, Cave 24, was carved below Cave 13 and has a relatively large antechamber (Figure 5).

Studies of how monastic cells were utilized are severely lacking, and this deficiency impedes our understanding of their true function and the number of individuals that could reside in them. However, some insights can be gleaned from the Preface Relating the History of the Translation of the Bhikṣuṇīprātimokṣa collected in the Compilation of Notices on the Translation of the Tripitaka:

寺僧皆三月一易屋、床、座，或易藍者……此三寺尼……亦三月一易房，或易寺。
(T 2145, 55: 79c14–15, 21)

Bhikṣus are required to rotate their living quarters, bedding, seats, or monasteries every three months … Bhikṣuṇīs are also obligated to rotate their living quarters or nunneries every three months …

The practice described in this text might facilitate the interpretation of some features in the caves: many monastic cells exhibit a few layers of plaster on the walls and in between them tens of whitewash layers. We could assume that the incredibly high number of whitewash layers might reflect the situation described by Sengyou if it is assumed that the cave was whitewashed each time its occupant changed. Moreover, it appears that there were more rigorous regulations concerning the residential quarters for bhikṣuṇīs, such as the prohibition of painting images and the restriction on the use of colors (Howard and Vignato 2015, pp. 62–64). Such information could provide valuable insights into how monastic cells were used. A comparative study between the actual caves and the monastic rules applied to them may shed light on the differences between bhikṣus’ and bhikṣuṇīs’ monastic cells. However, there is no clear indication of the number of people that could live—or sleep—within a cell. Nonetheless, it can be reasonably inferred that seven bhikṣus/bhikṣuṇīs could not dwell in a monastic cell with a floor area of approximately 10 square meters. The fact that seven meditation cells were associated with this group indicates that most of the bhikṣus/bhikṣuṇīs using them resided in another place, possibly within free-standing facilities in front of the cliff.

From monastic cell Cave 24, one could readily access meditation cell Cave 24A and, via a tunnel, reach the orderly row of four meditation cells, Caves 25, 25A, 25B, and 25C, which were carved at a lower level in a section of the cliff set at a different angle. Among them, Cave 25 was a deeper cave that might have been used for silent retreats (biguan 閉關).10 However, the two meditation cells carved to the left of Cave 12 (Caves 12A and 12B) could only be accessed by passing in front of Caves 12 and 13.

“Privacy” appears to have been a vital element within this group. A protruding section of the cliff was selected and most likely accessed independently from the neighboring groups. Privacy is a trait inferred from the distinctive position of the monastic cell, remaining undisturbed and unseen by those engaged in activities in the central pillar and square caves above.11 The number of meditation cells implies that at least seven individuals could meditate simultaneously—with the potentiality of having one person carrying out solitary retreats in Cave 25. The group’s unusual structure distinguishes it from the other groups in District Four.

We now move to examine the paintings in the central pillar Cave 13. The main chamber presents the common layout and themes seen in similar central pillar caves. The intriguing fact is that in the corridors, two rows of six half-life-size bhikṣuṇīs are depicted on the inner walls of both the right and left corridors (Figure 6). The identification of these figures as bhikṣuṇīs is primarily based on their wearing the saṅkakṣikā. In fact, the robes include a side-covering cloth to prevent the exposure of the chest and right shoulder, along with a skirt in addition to the traditional three robes of the bhikṣu (Lü 2007, pp. 56–58). The five robes of a bhikṣuṇī consist of an outer robe known as saṅghātī, an upper robe called uttarāsaṅga worn over an inner robe named antarvāsa that covers the lower body, a side-covering cloth known as saṅkakṣikā to conceal the chest and right shoulder, and a skirt covering from the navel to the four fingers above the ankles.12 While the depiction of bhikṣuṇīs and female donors is not exceptional in the caves of Kucha, the peculiarity here is the representation of bhikṣuṇīs in the corridors as if performing the pradakṣiṇa, a fact suggesting that the cave was specifically used by them.13 This possibility is reinforced by similar features found in another group of caves.

Kizil Caves 112A–115 constitute another distinctive group situated in District Six (Figure 7). The group encompasses several caves, some of which are not visible from below. Central pillar Cave 114 had a small antechamber carved out of the rock. Monastic cell Cave 115 was carved at the same level to its right. Its antechamber could be accessed through a doorway carved in the dividing wall separating it from the antechamber of Cave 114. The presence of a wooden door is indicated by the marks of its installation. Therefore, monastic cell Cave 115 was accessed by passing in front of Cave 114, while it enjoyed considerable privacy. Once the door was closed, the cell remained undisturbed. Privacy was also enhanced by the atypical layout of the entrance areas of the monastic cell—in the diagram, one can observe an additional stretch of corridor compared with the typical monastic cell.

Turning to Cave 114, several architectural and decorative differences can be discerned when compared with caves of the same type—comprising the wooden elements below the impost inserted in the side and front walls, the hollow carved in the base of the main niche and its painted background, and the representation of the median strip in the ceiling. Most notably, the inner walls of the side corridors are decorated with a painted representation of 12 bhikṣuṇīs.

The two aforementioned caves represent the earliest stage of the group. Subsequently, a stairway was carved to the left of Cave 114, designated as Cave 113. It consisted of two flights of steps positioned at a right angle and connected by a landing. The now heavily damaged stairway led to the upper level, which has now been eroded to look like a deep groove of the type caused by rainwater. On this second level, several other caves were carved, including the monastic cell Cave 112. Other caves include Cave 112A accessible through a doorway carved in the antechamber of Cave 112 and, carved across the top end of the stairway in a slightly higher position, Cave 112B. The extremely damaged meditation cell Cave 113A was carved above the lower flight of steps. This upper level, thus, included one monastic cell and several meditation cells intended for silent retreats.

A third level of this group, now unreachable, can be observed. It appears to be a meditation cell provisionally designated as Cave 112C. It was carved several meters above the second level and from what can be apprised from below, it might have been a meditation cell. One cannot exclude that there were other caves carved adjacent to Cave 112C at such a high position.

We can summarize the findings regarding this unique group. The lower level encompasses a central pillar and a monastic cell that could be accessed only through the antechamber of the central pillar cave, affording a considerable degree of privacy. A stairway carved into the cliff next to the central pillar led to a second level where a monastic cell and three cells for silent retreats were carved. On an even higher floor, there was at least one cell for meditation. As the caves at the upper levels could only be reached via the stairway, they are regarded as part of the group comprising Caves 114 and 115 (Vignato 2005).

This group is unparalleled in Kucha. It incorporated one central pillar cave utilized as the place of worship, two monastic cells, and several cells designated for solitary retreats and also meditation cells, carved at three different levels on the cliff. The location of the group deserves appropriate attention as well. District Six, where the group is located, represents one of the most secluded areas in Kizil. The structure of the group intentionally kept out of sight the meditation caves, which could not be seen from below.

The comparison of the two groups described above discloses substantial similarities. In both cases, the groups were excavated across different levels. Furthermore, although there are other instances in which meditation caves were constructed within or in the vicinity of groups of caves, such occurrences are infrequent. There are no other such groups that also contain caves intended for solitary retreats. Additionally, the two central pillar caves had depictions of bhikṣuṇīs as if they were participating in the pradakṣiṇa.

Regarding the two groups described above, considering the group and cave structure as well as the painted depictions of bhikṣuṇīs, we assert that the cells for individual seated meditation and the larger cells for solitary retreats were part of the group and were used by the individuals affiliated with it, most likely bhikṣuṇīs. Whether the positioning of meditation caves adjacent to the residences and places of worship were exceptional cases or typical characteristics of Buddhist nunneries needs to be further investigated.14

Further research is necessary to verify whether the interpretation suggested above can be supported by further data. The unconventional features observed in these two groups—such as location, group type, architectural characteristics, the layout of the décor, and represented subjects—suggest an exceptional and distinctive function of the group. We could tentatively hypothesize that the two groups might have been utilized by the bhikṣuṇīs.15

Based on the two groups discussed above, we carry out a preliminary exploration of a chosen number of individual caves that might have been used by bhikṣuṇīs.

4.3. Individual Caves That Might Have Been Part of Nunneries

Special features within individual caves might be insufficient to determine whether they were used by bhikṣuṇīs, but their analysis could facilitate a more profound comprehension not only of these caves themselves but also of the entire site.

Monastic cells in Kucha are indeed a much-standardized type. In a recent study, certain differences between the monastic cells of “Tradition A” and those of “Tradition B” have been pointed out, enabling a primary classification of this type related to different traditions (Vignato and Hiyama 2022).16

There is a need to further investigate the monastic cells. The monastic cells in the two aforementioned groups (Caves 12–25 and 112A–115) belong to Tradition B. In addition, they possess a distinctive layout that affords a considerable degree of privacy. They are either positioned at different levels compared with the other caves of the group (Cave 24 below Cave 13 and Cave 112A above Cave 114) or placed as the last cave of the group, that is, one that could be isolated by shutting the door leading to the antechamber (Cave 115). There are few such caves in Kizil. Cave 30, currently submerged under debris, might potentially have been part of a group encompassing the central pillar Cave 32, square Cave 31, and perhaps even the meditation cell Cave 30B (Figure 8). Notably, the monastic cell Cave 30 is located in a recessed location carved at a higher position on the cliff and holds an additional stretch of corridor similar to that in Cave 115.

The monastic cell Cave 57 (Figure 9) was constructed after the collapse of a previous cave and was intended to form a group with the central pillar Cave 58. The two caves are unusually distant, with Cave 57 featuring a more elaborate access corridor. Despite the absence of discernible representations of bhikṣuṇīs on the side walls of Caves 32 and 58, it cannot be excluded that these two monastic cells were utilized by bhikṣuṇīs.

A systematic exploration of monastic cells might exert a profound influence on our comprehension of rock monasteries/nunneries. Given that bhikṣuṇīs have a stronger demand for privacy and security, their residences might have been designed in such a way as to meet these requirements.

In recent years, a strong interest has emerged around the issue of meditation and the cave where it was practiced (Howard and Vignato 2015; Vignato and Li 2024; Ran 2020). Meditation cells are numerous in Kucha, being found both within the rock monasteries and in the vicinity of the free-standing monasteries of Subashi and Duldur-Akhur.

The available materials suggest that meditation cells were of different types. Among the earliest meditation caves were elongated corridors, particularly observed in Subashi, Duldur-Akhur, Mazabaha 瑪紮伯哈, and Kizil. They have been interpreted as places for mindful pacing (Skt. caṅkrama; Chi. jingxing 經行).17

A second type consists of cells for individual seated meditation. Each cell has a square base with sides of one meter, and the height mostly amounts to 120 cm (Figure 10). They could be carved in isolation or near one another, sometimes sharing the antechamber. A third type consists of corridor-shaped caves with niches carved on the sides, representing a merger of the two. In the latter case, two layouts were possible, either a cross plan or a “U” plan. The primary function seems to have been collective seated mediation—but could also be used for mindful pacing. At times carved in isolation, and at others next to meditation cells, there is a cave type intended for silent retreats (approx. 200 cm deep × 100 cm wide × 180 cm high) (Figure 11). The question herein lies in whether these caves were used by both bhikṣus and bhikṣuṇīs, or whether a specific type could be associated with male or female practitioners, as it appears in the groups mentioned above.

Another element that emerges from the aforesaid analysis is the uneven distribution of meditation cells across the rock monasteries. Some sites seem to emphasize meditation. Perhaps the most indicative instance is that of Mazabaha, a site which, in its initial stage, encompassed entirely monastic cells and corridor-shaped caves used for mindful pacing. Another is Tograk Eiken, where over 30 meditation cells were carved in orderly rows placed near each other, while two others were designated for silent retreats and set further apart. Besides these cells, the site presented a few decorated caves, a small number of monastic cells, and a large area for surface buildings at the center of the site. What was the purpose of such a site? Was it intended for bhikṣus or bhikṣuṇīs or for a prolonged stay or a stage of training?

On the contrary, there are sites lacking meditation cells, such as Simsim, the sole exception among the rock monasteries of Kucha, which also has no monastic cells. Both functions likely having been removed to free-standing buildings positioned at the center of the site. Hence, it is reasonable to inquire as to the cause of this distinctive solution—one potential explanation might be that the site was a nunnery, although such a hypothesis requires additional evidence.

In Kucha, decoration was executed in central pillar caves, monumental image caves, some square caves, and niches. The variations in the architecture, layout, and theme of the paintings, as well as stylistic analysis, are typically regarded as the outcome and indicators of chronological or doctrinal development. No comprehensive research has been carried out from the perspective of whether these variations were related to the individuals in charge of the caves, be they bhikṣus or bhikṣuṇīs.

A further line of investigation could be ethnographic. Research on present-day bhikṣuṇīs and their nunneries could offer insights into how to interpret ancient Buddhist remains, as demonstrated by pioneering studies (Deji Zhuoma 2003).18

5. Conclusions

Bhikṣuṇīs and nunneries constituted integral components of Kuchean Buddhism, as evidenced by historical and Buddhist texts and further corroborated by the fragments of the Bhikṣuṇīprātimokṣasūtra unearthed in the region. Tocharian inscriptions in the Kucha area further attest to the presence of female adherents. This paper has taken an archaeological approach with the aim of identifying the nunneries where bhikṣuṇīs carried out their spiritual practices. In the past, rock monasteries were understood as solely male spaces, inhabited solely by bhikṣus. The exclusion of the females from the interpretation of the archaeological record, in spite of the nunneries named in the documents, shows the extent to which the male gaze has, to date, influenced the interpretation of rock “monasteries”. By examining the few archaeological data in Kucha and drawing parallels with contemporary Central China, we raise the issue and propose some research directions.

Despite the absence of definitive evidence linking any particular archaeological site to a nunnery, we pointed out a chain of evidence that may facilitate a more accurate understanding of the issue. These include the geographical location of the site, namely, the likelihood that nunneries and monasteries were typically established across rivers or roads from each other; the distinctive features of a district, group or individual cave that exhibit a heightened level of concealment; relevant inscriptions that mention bhikṣuṇīs; and images or scenes within caves that depict bhikṣuṇīs. Some of these elements are consistent with Buddhist traditions, such as the requirement for nunneries to be located in close proximity to monasteries in order to receive the authoritative leadership and guidance of the bhikṣus, and the need for bhikṣuṇīs to be vigilant about the privacy of their living circumstances.

The lack of research into female spaces within Buddhist rock-carved sites is not unique to Kucha but extends to Buddhist sites in Central Asia and rock monasteries in Central China. Textual deficiency and the lack of attention, and a tendency to rely on textual sources that locate nunneries within cities, have diverted the issue. This paper aims to draw attention to the potential existence of nunneries among the rock monasteries of Kucha. It, therefore, serves as an appeal to those scholars who will excavate these sites over the next two or three decades to be aware of the presence of a gendered space within these sites. At the same time, it intends to caution scholars reviewing earlier publications since several of the sites previously identified as monasteries may, in fact, be nunneries. The identification of nunneries relies on both future archaeological excavations as much as in the attentive reading and research of published material. The acknowledgement of gender and gendered space will be essential in the interpretation of the sites currently being excavated and must also be applied retrospectively to sites already excavated.

Author Contributions

Conceptualization, G.V. and Q.W.; methodology, G.V.; writing—original draft preparation, Q.W.; writing—review and editing, G.V. and Q.W.; funding acquisition, Q.W. All authors have read and agreed to the published version of the manuscript.

Funding

This research was founded by China Postdoctoral Science Foundation grant number 2022M712885.

Data Availability Statement

Data are contained within the article.

Conflicts of Interest

The authors declare no conflict interest.

Abbreviations

T	Taishō Shinshū Daizōkyō 大正新修大藏經 [The Taishō Tripitaka], followed by text number, volume number, page number by register [a, b, c], and line number. Edited by Takakusu, Jun-Jirō 高楠順次郎, and Kaigyoku Watanabe 渡邊海旭, et al. Tokyo: Taishō Shinshū Daizō Kyō Kankōkai,1924–1933.

Notes

1	There were a considerable number of bhikṣuṇīs, significantly more than bhikṣus. In Dunhuang 敦煌, for instance, the number of bhikṣuṇīs surpassed that of bhikṣus throughout most historical periods (Fujieda 1959; Z. Li 1988; Hao 1998; Chen 2010; Shi 2013).
2	There are 257 precepts for bhikṣus and 355 precepts for bhikṣuṇīs in the Sarvāstivāda Vinaya 十誦律. Nevertheless, with regard to the number of precepts followed by bhikṣus and bhikṣuṇīs, the records vary according to the different vinayas, such as Mahāsāṃghika Vinaya 摩訶僧祇律 and Dharmagupta Vinaya 四分律. In all cases, however, bhikṣuṇīs are always subject to more regulations than their male counterparts. Bhikṣuṇīs must abide by eight fundamental rules (gurudharmas), such as the bhikṣuṇī saṅgha sitting below the bhikṣu saṅgha, indicating a formalized hierarchical composition within the saṅgha; the bhikṣuṇīs are required to report to the bhikṣu saṅgha every fortnight to ensure the correct observation of the posatha, and, although the upsaṃpadā ordination for a bhikṣuṇī is first conducted in the bhikṣuṇī saṅgha, it needs then to be performed also in the bhikṣu saṅgha.
3	After the ordination of the Buddha’s aunt Mahāprajāpatī Gautamī, the Buddha requested that she reside in a separate place. The intention was to avoid having bhikṣus and bhikṣuṇīs living together. Additionally, he affirmed that bhikṣus should be responsible for teaching bhikṣuṇīs. Buddhist texts recorded instances in which bhikṣuṇīs set up nunneries, as exemplified in the Sarvāstivāda Vinaya, Volume 40: “The Buddha was in Śrāvastī. At that time, all the bhikṣuṇīs lived amidst the noises of elephants, horses, men, women, boys, and girls, which hindered their meditation and recitation of sutras. These bhikṣuṇīs, rising early, went to the house of their kinsfolk, and when asked by the laypeople, ’Are you at peace?’ They replied, ‘No, I am not! Why not? The sounds of elephants, horses, men, women, boys, and girls prevent us from sitting in meditation and chanting the sutras and practicing the Way.’ The bhikṣus said: ‘I will build a house for you.’ The bhikṣuṇīs said: ‘The Buddha does not permit us to live in a house.’ This was reported to the Buddha, who declared, ‘From now on, I will allow the bhikṣuṇīs to establish a nunnery.’” (《十誦律》卷40: “佛在舍衛國。爾時諸比丘尼，依放牧人住，以象聲、馬聲、男女聲、童男童女聲故，妨坐禪誦經。是諸比丘尼，早起著衣持缽，到親裡知識檀越家，諸居士問言：‘汝安隱不？’答言：‘不安隱！何以故？我等近放牧人住，象聲、馬聲、男女聲、童男童女聲故，妨我等坐禪誦經行道。’諸居士言：‘我為汝等作房舍。’比丘尼言：‘佛未聽我等住房舍。’是事白佛，佛言：‘從今聽諸比丘尼起僧坊’” (T 1435, 23: 293c25–294a4). Again, in the Mūlasarvāstivāda Vinaya Gāthā根本說一切有部毗奈耶頌, Volume 3, it is stated: “The monasteries can be constructed with three or five floors and five or seven halls … However, the nunneries are restricted to three floors and five halls. The regulations regarding the rooms are familiar to all bhikṣus.” (苾芻應自上，供養大師心。造寺三五層，香台或五七……尼寺限三層，香台隨至五；寺中房軌則，准苾芻應知) (T 1459, 24: 651b7–21). This entry might suggest that the layout and architectures of the nunneries was different from that of monasteries, a fact that might be exploited in the search for nunneries among the extant archaeological remains.
4	According to the Buddhist doctrines, towns and cities were the domains of Buddhist bhikṣuṇīs, suggesting that a bhikṣuṇī vihāra should preferably be located within the boundaries of a town or city, contrary to a monastery, which should be neither too far nor too near to the city (Schopen 2014, p. 3). Sometimes, the literary records are silent on the issue of the actual existence and participation of the bhikṣuṇīs. Archaeological data can provide the basis for determining the historical reality, specifically in relation to whether the bhikṣuṇīs resided within or outside the boundaries of towns or cities.
5	At present, there are two divergent viewpoints regarding the location of the nunnery next to the Yungang caves during the Northern Wei. One supports the idea the nunnery was indeed the Lubanyao Caves (Lu and Yuan 1989; Guo 2021), while the other suggests it was located immediately to the west of Yungang Cave 20 (Su 1996, pp. 64–65). Through an analysis of the Commentary on the Water Classic and a comprehensive examination of surrounding grottoes, natural environment, and river course, we support the former hypothesis. The latter view relies primarily on the Guang hongming ji 廣弘明集 (Extended treatises on Buddhism) written in 664 CE, nearly 200 years after Northern Wei, and the mention of the Xitou Nunnery 西頭尼寺potentially reflects circumstances of Tang Dynasty. Additionally, using the bhikṣuṇīs’ votive inscriptions found next to Cave 20 as evidence lacks substantial support since Bhikṣuṇīs’ votive inscriptions are found in several caves of Yungang and do not indicate the caves’ ownership, or their being exclusively used by them.
6	At the center of each of the three Lubanyao Caves lay a platform made of white limestone slabs, which is not a local stone. The lotus petals decorating them serve as the primary clue for dating them to the Northern Wei Dynasty. As bas-reliefs of Thousand Buddha were carved on all the walls of the caves, the object of worship was undoubtedly the Buddha on the platform, likely seated in a cross-legged posture. Unearthed from Cave 3, the four large limestone Buddha heads carved in the round are too large to belong to the statues in these caves (with head height of 92, 69, 73, and 61 cm, respectively). They might have belonged to ground temples and were deposited in the caves after their abandonment. For detailed information, see (Guo 2021).
7	Based on the archaeological data from India, the custom of women circumambulating stūpas was prohibited at some early stage (3rd century BCE) of Buddhism due to the notions of purity and pollution, as elaborated in the Buddhist canonical texts such as Lalitavistara Sūtra 普曜經 (Kaushik 2016, pp. 87–89). This might provide a perspective for understanding why the distinct worship centers of Yongning Monastery featuring a stūpa and the Jingle Nunnery with its Buddhist Hall existed. Nevertheless, in Luoyang, there were also stūpas constructed in nunneries concurrently, such as Yaoguang Nunnery 瑤光寺 with a five-story stūpa and Mingxuan Nunnery 明懸尼寺 with a three-story stūpa.
8	As Kieffer-Pülz has pointed out, the fragments of the Bhikṣuṇīprātimokṣasūtra edited and published by Waldschmidt belong to the Sarvastivadin lineage (fragment Pa = SHT I 44) and come from the “Library Cave” in Kizil. Meanwhile, the two fragments P.Skt.bleu 46 [NP final One Ode to Pāt./Pāc.8] and P.Skt.bleu 47 [Pāt./Pāc.41–42], seemingly belonging to the same manuscript, come from Duldur-Akhur. Several fragments of this text in Eastern Tocharian, as well as fragments of formulas (karmavācanā) for bhikṣuṇīs in Tocharian, have been found in Duldur-Akhur (Kieffer-Pülz 2022, pp. 259–60, n. 5).
9	Concerning the boundaries of a monastery, there are strict regulations. We reference Pali texts to gather some information, although we are aware that these specific texts were not used in Kucha. “A territory should not be mixed with (another) territory. Whoever should do so: an offense of wrong doing.” Mv.II.13.1. “A territory should not submerge (another) territory. Whoever should do so: an offense of wrong doing. I allow, when a territory is being authorized, that it be authorized having set aside a buffer zone.” Mv.II.13.2. Territories—The Buddhist Monastic Code. Volumes I and II (dhammatalks.org).
10	Silent retreats seems to have been practiced in Kucha. On this, see the recent article by Vignato, Lee. Kucha and Termez—Caves for Mindful Pacing and Seated Meditation (Vignato and Li 2024).
11	Bhikṣuṇīs seem to have had a greater need for privacy compared to their counterparts, as seen in most ancient Indian Buddhist caves associated with bhikṣuṇīs. A survey of several Buddhist monastic sites in India has brought Kaushik to believe that one of the crucial features in telling apart nunneries from monasteries is the issue of privacy and security. For detailed information, refer to Kaushik 2016 (pp. 157–59). In the group, we are examining the issue of privacy manifested in the architectural plan and design, with the residence posed at a different level and “unseen” by the people accessing the central pillar cave.
12	Huo Xuchu (Huo 2011) also remarks on the fact that this style of robes aligns with the prescriptions documented in A Record of the Buddhist Religion as Practiced in India and the Malay Archipelago 南海寄歸內法傳 written by Yijing 義淨. “According to the Vinaya, there are five garments for a nun (Bhikṣuṇī). 1. Saṅghātī 僧伽知. 2. Uttarāsaṅga 嗢呾羅僧伽. 3. Antarvāsa安呾婆娑. 4. Saṅkakṣikā 僧腳崎. 5. Skirt 裙. The style and rules of the first four are the same as those of the elder (male) members of the Saṅgha, but a part of the skirt is different. In Sanskrit a bhikṣuṇī’s skirt is called ‘Kusūlaka’ 俱蘇洛迦… It may cover as far up as the navel, and comes down as low as four fingers above the ankles.” (T 2125, 54: 216a11–12).
13	In the past, the hypothesis that caves with portrayals of bhikṣuṇīs or female donors—queens, princesses, and noblewomen—or with the representation of bhikṣuṇīs within the painted narratives were associated with bhikṣuṇīs (Lü 2007). The representation of women from diverse religious and social backgrounds is insufficient evidence to infer that the caves were exclusively used by bhikṣuṇīs.
14	The meditation caves at the ruins of the Subashi Buddhist Temple might potentially unveil intriguing clues. Both the East and West Monasteries had areas allocated for meditation. Regarding the investigation of the meditation caves of the West Monasteries, refer to Ran 2020. The exploration and excavation of the East Monasteries have been carried out by an archaeological team from Renmin University of China since 2022. From the information disclosed hitherto, it can be perceived that there exist both similarities and differences in the meditation caves of the two monasteries. Further research is indispensable, and the gender factor could serve as an investigational perspective in future endeavors.
15	Another group of caves in Kizil worthy of attention consists of Caves 216–219. The core of this typical group consists of a central pillar cave, a square cave, and a monastic cave. Located in a relatively isolated area of Houshan 後山, the front sections of all these caves have collapsed. The interesting feature is the presence of three meditation caves carved above them. Despite several differences, there are several parallelisms between the two groups described above. Additionally, there are two unadorned caves in front of them—Cave 231A, a meditation cell, and Cave 231B, a cave that could be used for silent retreat, possibly also for mindful pacing. They might have been exploited by a group of bhikṣus/bhikṣuṇīs utilizing Caves 216–219.
16	Specifically, in most cases, the monastic cells of “Tradition B” include a deposit at the end of the entrance corridor and a platform carved or constructed in wood or mudbricks along one side wall of the main chamber. These two elements are absent in the monastic cells of “Tradition A”. This implies that while bhikṣus/bhikṣuṇīs residing in the “Tradition B” monastic cells were allowed to store their belongings in the deposit room, “Tradition A” bhikṣus/bhikṣuṇīs were not allowed to do the same. Currently, no research on the Vinaya elucidates whether it is possible to distinguish between different schools or male/female cells from an architectural point of view.
17	Such caves can likewise be identified in Afghanistan and the western part of Central Asia, such as Cave 1 in Ghār-e Shākī Nowkah and Caves 15–20 in Tapa Zaytun (Verardi and Paparatti 2004, pp. 48, 74).
18	Ethnographic data from present-day nunneries and the lives of the bhikṣuṇīs might reveal crucial information. Tibetan scholar Deji Zhuoma 德吉卓瑪 has carried out fieldwork to explore contemporary Tibetan Buddhist bhikṣuṇīs and nunneries. Regarding the types of nunneries, there exist specialized temples shared by both bhikṣus and bhikṣuṇīs, within which separate living quarters are provided for them. In terms of location, the nunneries are mainly constructed in secluded areas near mountains or rivers, and located in the vicinity of the monasteries. Thirdly, as for the layout of the nunneries, they typically consist of walls, the central main hall for conducting Buddhist activities, living rooms, and two or three chambers for storing their personal belongings. Additionally, some large monasteries comprise Buddhist seminaries 紮倉 where bhikṣus can systematically learn Dharma teachings, but no similar institution exists in the nunneries (Deji Zhuoma 2003).

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Figure 1. The relative location of Lubanyao Caves 魯班窯石窟 and Yungang Grottoes 雲岡石窟. Source: Courtesy of Guo Jingna; adapted from (Guo 2021, Figure 1).

Figure 2. Plan of the three Lubanyao Caves 魯班窯石窟. Source: Courtesy of Guo Jingna; adapted from (Guo 2021, Figure 4).

Figure 3. The location of Yongning Monastery 永寧寺 and Jingle Nunnery 景樂寺on the sides of Tongtuo dajie 銅駝大街, Luoyang City, during the Northern Wei Dynasty. Source: Adapted from (Qian 2019, p. 79, Figure 1).

Figure 4. Map of the location of the East and West Monasteries of Subashi 蘇巴什. Source: Adapted from https://www.tianditu.gov.cn/, accessed on 24 January 2025.

Figure 5. Group: Caves 12, 13, 24 and the surrounding meditation cells. Photograph courtesy of Staatliche Museen zu Berlin, Museum für Asiatische Kunst. Diagram by Giuseppe Vignato.

Figure 6. Bhikṣuṇīs painted on the inner side wall of the right corridor in Kizil central pillar Cave 13. Courtesy of Staatliche Museen zu Berlin, Museum für Asiatische Kunst. Photograph taken by Jürgen Liepe.

Figure 7. Plan of Kizil Caves 112A–115. Photograph and diagram by Giuseppe Vignato.

Figure 8. Plan of Kizil Caves 30–32. Diagram by Giuseppe Vignato.

Figure 9. Kizil monastic cell Cave 57. Diagram by Giuseppe Vignato.

Figure 10. Typical meditation cells in Kucha, Kizil Caves 25, 25A, 25B, 25C. Photograph and diagram by Giuseppe Vignato.

Figure 11. Plans of meditation cells allowing bhikṣus or bhikṣuṇīs for silent retreats. Photograph courtesy of Staatliche Museen zu Berlin, Museum für Asiatische Kunst. Diagram by Giuseppe Vignato.

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Wang, Q.; Vignato, G. Forgotten Nunneries: A Challenge to Our Understanding of the Rock “Monasteries” of Kucha. Religions 2025, 16, 148. https://doi.org/10.3390/rel16020148

AMA Style

Wang Q, Vignato G. Forgotten Nunneries: A Challenge to Our Understanding of the Rock “Monasteries” of Kucha. Religions. 2025; 16(2):148. https://doi.org/10.3390/rel16020148

Chicago/Turabian Style

Wang, Qian, and Giuseppe Vignato. 2025. "Forgotten Nunneries: A Challenge to Our Understanding of the Rock “Monasteries” of Kucha" Religions 16, no. 2: 148. https://doi.org/10.3390/rel16020148

APA Style

Wang, Q., & Vignato, G. (2025). Forgotten Nunneries: A Challenge to Our Understanding of the Rock “Monasteries” of Kucha. Religions, 16(2), 148. https://doi.org/10.3390/rel16020148

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Forgotten Nunneries: A Challenge to Our Understanding of the Rock “Monasteries” of Kucha

Abstract

1. Introduction

2. Nunneries in Central–Northern China During the Northern Wei Dynasty

3. Bhikṣuṇīs and Nunneries in Kucha as Documented in Texts

4. Analytical Interpretation of the Buddhist Remains in Kucha

4.1. The Territory of Monasteries/Nunneries

4.2. Are These Nunneries?

4.3. Individual Caves That Might Have Been Part of Nunneries

5. Conclusions

Author Contributions

Funding

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Conflicts of Interest

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