Women in Mexican Folk Art: Of Promises, Betrayals, Monsters and Celebrities
By Eli Bartra
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About this ebook
The aim of this book is to engender Mexican folk art and locate women at its centre by studying the processes of creation, distribution, and consumption, as well as examining iconographic aspects, and elements of class and ethnicity, from the perspective of gender.
Eli Bartra
Eli Bartra is a philosopher and forerunner in research on women and folk art in different parts of the world but particularly Mexico. She co-founded the Women, Identity and Power area of the Department of Politics and Culture of the Autonomous Metropolitan University Xochimilco in Mexico City.
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Book preview
Women in Mexican Folk Art - Eli Bartra
IBERIAN AND LATIN AMERICAN STUDIES
Women in Mexican Folk Art
Series Editors
Professor David George (Swansea University)
Professor Paul Garner (University of Leeds)
Editorial Board
David Frier (University of Leeds)
Laura Shaw (University of Liverpool)
Gareth Walters (Swansea University)
Rob Stone (Swansea University)
David Gies (University of Virginia)
Catherine Davies (University of Nottingham)
Richard Cleminson (University of Leeds)
IBERIAN AND LATIN AMERICAN STUDIES
Women in Mexican
Folk Art
Of Promises, Betrayals,
Monsters and Celebrities
ELI BARTRA
UNIVERSITY OF WALES PRESS
CARDIFF
2011
© Eli Bartra, 2011
All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced in any material form (including photocopying or storing it in any medium by electronic means and whether or not transiently or incidentally to some other use of this publication) without the written permission of the copyright owner except in accordance with the provisions of the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. Applications for the copyright owner’s written permission to reproduce any part of this publication should be addressed to the University of Wales Press, 10 Columbus Walk, Brigantine Place, Cardiff, CF10 4UP.
www.uwp.co.uk
British Library CIP
A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library.
ISBN 978–0–7083–2347–2 (hardback)
978–0–7083–2364–9 (paperback)
e-ISBN 978–1–78316–075–4
The right of Eli Bartra to be identified as author of this work has been asserted in accordance with sections 77, 78 and 79 of the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988.
Photographs by Irma Villalobos
Translation by Christopher Follett and Richard Thomson
Contents
Series Editors’ Foreword
Acknowledgements
Introduction
Colour Section
Chapter One: Folk Art and some of its Myths
Chapter Two: Women and Votive Paintings
Chapter Three: Judas was not a Woman, but…
Chapter Four: Fantastic Art: Alebrijes and Ocumichos
Chapter Five: Frida Kahlo on a Visit to Ocotlán: ‘The Painting’s One Thing, the Clay’s Another’
Chapter Six: The Paintings on the Serapes of Teotitlán
Chapter Seven: From Humble Rag Dolls to Zapatistas
Chapter Eight: Embroiderers of Miracles
Epilogue
Notes
Bibliography
Series Editors’ Foreword
Over recent decades the traditional ‘languages and literatures’ model in Spanish departments in universities in the United Kingdom has been superceded by a contextual, interdisciplinary and ‘area studies’ approach to the study of the culture, history, society and politics of the Hispanic and Lusophone worlds – categories that extend far beyond the confines of the Iberian Peninsula, not only in Latin America but also to Spanish-speaking and Lusophone Africa.
In response to these dynamic trends in research priorities and curriculum development, this series is designed to present both disciplinary and interdisciplinary research within the general field of Iberian and Latin American Studies, particularly studies that explore all aspects of Cultural Production (inter alia literature, film, music, dance, sport) in Spanish, Portuguese, Basque, Catalan, Galician and indigenous languages of Latin America. The series also aims to publish research in the History and Politics of the Hispanic and Lusophone worlds, at the level of both the region and the nation-state, as well as on Cultural Studies that explore the shifting terrains of gender, sexual, racial and postcolonial identities in those same regions.
Acknowledgements
The field work for the chapter on ocumichos took place in 1991 and 1992, that for Friditas and serapes in August 1995, April 1996 and December 2006. I did the field work on the Judases from 1993 to 2009, alebrijes in 1992, 2004 and 2009, Zapatista dolls in 1998 and 2009; in San Miguel de Allende in 2002 and Zacatecas in 2008 and 2009. My thanks are due to all the people who told me about their experiences in Ocumicho, Ocotlán de Morelos, Teotitlán del Valle, San Miguel de Allende, Tacoaleche, as well as Mexico City, for all the time they devoted to me.
Thanks are also due to John, as always, for the full stops and commas in both the text and in my life, and much else besides. To my mother Anna Murià, unfortunately no longer among us today, who as on other occasions read and corrected the original with love and patience. To ‘Curare’, for financial assistance, and to the members of the seminar for their devastating, but useful, suggestions and corrections. I am also grateful to the members of my research area on ‘Women, Identity and Power’ of the Department of Politics and Culture at the Universidad Autónoma Metropolitana-Xochimilco for their comments, in particular to Mary Goldsmith for her acute observations.
To Sam Abrams, I am also indebted for his careful reading of the original, red pencil in hand, and his invaluable comments.
Map of Mexico today. Reworked by Isis Ortiz.
Introduction
It appears no easy task to arrive at a gender-based perspective on folk art. After much careful searching, through all the many libraries I have visited and the many bookshops I have come across in Mexico and abroad, for texts on feminism and folk art – even including texts just on women and folk art – it must be said that the harvest has been meagre, although in recent years there has been a slight increase in output. The starting point for any study of the current situation ought to be the recognition of the fact that today’s is a patriarchal society and that, for this reason, almost all knowledge is androcentric.
Much has been written already on feminism and art, feminist history and theory of art, yet, curiously, feminist thinking in the developed countries – which has made significant efforts to investigate art in general – has shown little interest in the field of folk art. This simply does not form part of ‘The History of Art’. One of the reasons for its having been passed over by the new feminist historiographies may be the supposition that folk art is anonymous. It thus becomes difficult, often impossible, to uncover the identity of those who produced it, and thus we have no way to discover the place of women in the process. Or perhaps the explanation is to be found in the fact that a structured (and hence androcentrically-structured) history of folk art – such as could be compared to those dealing with elite art – does not exist; there is thus not much there to be taken apart or deconstructed. Or perhaps it is also because the folk arts of many developed countries lack richness in comparison with that produced in so many underdeveloped countries, with the exception of indigenous art. Or maybe even because feminist theories of art in Europe, the United States and Canada share the idea that folk art is lesser art, and therefore less important than the ‘greater’ art, and so undeserving of attention.
However, leaving speculation aside, the fact is that folk art has been practically ignored by feminist research. Overall, it has received relatively little attention compared with other aspects of culture, and such studies as exist are often tainted with the picturesque, with paternalistic attitudes and with androcentrism.
It is not only a matter of indifference and lack of interest where the folk arts are concerned. What is, however, patent is a devaluing attitude, whether intentional or not. Of course this in no way prevents items of folk art from being admired, appreciated, consumed, bought (at bargain prices), or used. They arouse wonder and enthusiasm but, ultimately, are undervalued and little studied.¹
A particularly interesting aspect of Mexican folk art is the presence of certain forms whose situation seems rather exceptional – perhaps because they really are exceptional in more than one sense. These are, on the one hand, the painted and embroidered ‘offerings’ or exvotos, the Judases, the ocumichos, the alebrijes and the Zapatista dolls, and on the other, the Friditas and the carpets of Teotitlán del Valle.
Reviewing the literature on the folk arts of Mexico – almost all of which consists of coffee-table books, books for adornment or for entertaining idle moments – we find that, with few exceptions,² the ex-votos are either not mentioned or receive no more than a paragraph; the Judases are either not taken into account or are dismissed with a few lines under the heading of cardboard crafts or toys. Both these forms of folk art are threatened with extinction. Ex-votos are religious art, naïve, figurative. Are they realistic? In a certain sense yes, in spite of all those beds, tables and chairs floating in the air, with those perspectives, proportions and compositions apparently so totally alien to any reality, not to mention the contents of the accompanying texts that, with their stories of individuals who died three times, even fall into the absurd. Roberto Montenegro, who has studied folk art, said of votive paintings that ‘by their enigmatic conceptual approach, they touch the boundaries of hyper-realism’.³
The pottery of Ocumicho, like the alebrijes, is on the other hand a relatively recent art and that is why it has not been much studied: for the same reason these forms are not mentioned in the classic studies on Mexican folk art. Both alebrijes and ocumichos can be considered surrealist art;⁴ or perhaps they are merely fantastic art, and then where is the boundary to be set? Or are they both? Of still more recent appearance are the Friditas: reproductions in clay of the paintings of Frida Kahlo. As Chibnik might put it, they are simply ‘invented traditions’.⁵
It is interesting to note that the common element of five of the folk art forms to which I will be referring is their link to evil. The ex-votos are simply an expression of gratitude to divine forces for having intervened in the face of something bad: Evil. The Judases symbolize Judas Iscariot, the betrayer of Jesus: Evil. As such they are burnt. Alebrijes, according to their creator Pedro Linares,⁶ have a magic power over Evil, and the devils of Ocumicho like the siurells of Majorca, are another representation of Evil, perhaps comparable to the Judases: a playful representation which challenges and pokes fun at Evil. Friditas and serapes are, of course, another matter.
Devils in a car, polychromed clay, Ocumicho, Michoacán.
Unpicking the dense fabric of the folk arts in Mexico is a task that will need still more time to complete. It is a cloth woven, like many others, by female hands, and may perhaps serve to tailor a rich history of the folk arts from what we might call a non-sexist point of view. But this is only possible, obviously, if attention is paid to social division by genders, in other words the hierarchical division between men and women.
Of course, the folk arts and their making have indeed been documented, described and examined time and time again (although such treatment has been very far from exhaustive). There is a need, however, to approach it anew in order to see it with fresh eyes; with a more attentive gaze, to discover and uncover the presence of women in this process, to reveal what they are doing, how they are doing it – and at the same time, of course, what the men are doing and how they are going about it. Behind all this there is also a certain desire to find out whether, in present-day Mexico, folk art is a particular preserve of women, or of men, or if it is a field of activity that keeps both sexes busy equally. To discover this, all folk art production has to be studied little by little. At the same time, certain creations of folk art do need to be examined for the first time, either because they are new or because they have not been studied before. There is a need to build a panorama of Mexican folk art which takes into account the gender difference. We need to bury the notion of neutrality in art once and for all. Folk art is not a product of an abstract entity known as ‘the folk’, or ‘the people’; it is made by particular individuals in specific places with well-defined cultural and gender characteristics.
I make use of the concept of ‘folk art’, but at the same time I believe it should be questioned and reviewed. Perhaps one day this class and often ethnicity-based conception of art that goes hand in hand with the division of society into separate strata will fall into disuse, and then this separation – at times forced and always hierarchical – between popular, lesser or folk art on the one hand, and ‘high’ art, i.e. the ‘cultivated’, ‘erudite’ art of the elites on the other, will also disappear. In general, when one speaks simply of ‘art’, it is this ‘greater’ or ‘high’ art one has in mind. For me, the word art must cover all artistic creation; art is plainly the universe of artistic creations. Nonetheless, in the present context I shall make the practical distinction between folk art, that created by people of the working classes, with scarce economic resources, and elite art, that created by persons belonging, generally speaking, to the urban middle and upper classes: in other words to a select and privileged minority within society as a whole. In a way that is not very explicit, each type of art, aside from its class origin, responds to a set of characteristics, codes, which places it in one or another category. Both elite and folk art are bought by minorities with their purchase power; however, while elite art is sold in galleries and exhibited in museums, folk art is sold in specialist markets and shops and only rarely reaches museums. All contemporary art (whether elitist or popular) can, of course, also be acquired direct from its creators.
A concept that I reject completely is that implied by the expression ‘ethnic art’, very fashionable in Europe and the United States as a denomination for all art created by non-white (that is to say ‘other’) people. I regard this as an eminently racist expression which is, besides, not even methodologically useful.⁷
The present work is situated at the crossroads of several different disciplines; it has to do with aesthetics; perhaps also with cultural anthropology, the anthropology of art, with women’s studies and with art theory. This is what makes it different and, I hope, promising for the construction of a new area of knowledge, but it also limits it both theoretically and empirically. Despite its interdisciplinary nature, this work perhaps finds its most natural home within feminist research.
Folk art is often classified on the basis of the materials used to create it. One speaks for example of earthenware, of textiles, of glassware, or of cardboard figures. But it has also been classified with reference to the principal function which it satisfies socially: whether utilitarian, ornamental, funerary, ludic, artistic, magic/religious. The examples I have selected are of four different materials: clay, cardboard, textiles, and paint on sheet metal. While some of them, such as the ex-votos, have a clear religious function, these may also be viewed, in the same way as others, in terms of their artistic function.
Doll, paper, Celaya, Guanajuato.
It is already a commonplace to speak of syncretism in manifestations of culture in societies like the Mexican. There is a type of production in the field of folk art which is especially indicative of the process I label syncretism (for lack of a more suitable expression) and which I shall be exploring in three examples. I use this word in the simple meaning of a recombination of elements of very different origin and with little apparently in common. Here, the concept has nothing directly to do with philosophical or religious systems which seek to combine different doctrines, but certainly shares with them the idea of reconciling disparate components. The combination of artistic elements originating in two different social spheres (the elite and the popular) gives rise to rather peculiar objects that are also interesting from an aesthetic point of view.
These syncretic creations to which I refer would appear to occupy a middle ground between folk art and so-called cultivated or high art. To a certain extent, they are of a type which could be characterized as hybrids responding to a process of cultural syncretism. Folk artists take ‘models’ from elite art and reproduce