The Center Did Not Hold: A Biden/Obama Balance Sheet
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About this ebook
With Joe Biden stepping back into the national scene, the time is ripe for a close assessment of the administration in which he served as vice-president.
The Center Did Not Hold weighs the progressive—and not so progressive—contributions of the Obama-Biden White House across more than a hundred issues involving international relations, domestic cultural and economic matters, and social justice.
While Obama and Biden campaigned in the early 2000s on a host of progressive promises, Eisenberg’s meticulous accounting shows that, over eight years, they failed to achieve any substantial, lasting change to that end, instead perpetuating a tradition of cautious centrism.
Among the disappointments, the former president and vice-president reneged on environmental promises, pandered to lobbyists, prosecuted a record number of whistle-blowers, and failed to implement the simplest of financial reforms in response to the 2008 crisis. Under Biden’s trademark “counterterrorism plus” strategy, they oversaw tens of thousands of civilian deaths in Afghanistan, and escalated violence in the Middle East.
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The Center Did Not Hold - Robert Eisenberg
INTRODUCTION
President Barack Obama and Vice President Joe Biden left a lingering bad taste in the mouths of many progressives who had high hopes for their administration. With the advantage of hindsight since his departure from the White House, Obama can be characterized as a cautious centrist, not a bold progressive. As for Vice President Joe Biden, his fifty-year career in politics is marked by a hawkish stance on both foreign policy and crime. This book revisits over one hundred issues dealt with—or obstinately not dealt with—by the Obama–Biden administration and comes to the following conclusions:
•On many issues Obama and Biden did not take a progressive position but instead passively allowed the opportunity to initiate change to slip by.
•On other issues they took a conservative position.
•On still other issues on which they took a progressive stance, many were, in the end, rejected by a conservative Congress, or overturned by the courts. President Donald Trump also rescinded many of Obama’s executive orders.
The number of progressive changes under the Obama–Biden administration were meager indeed. Either the impetus for change somehow fizzled or was retroactively blocked and, in the end, scant progress was made.
There was some good news. Homicides and violent crimes trended downward during the Obama–Biden years. Inflation was tame, infant mortality rates declined in states that accepted Medicaid expansion, and the jobless rate dropped below its historical median. The number of federal prisoners declined. First Lady Michelle Obama led the charge to set new nutrition standards for schools. Her Let’s Move!
initiative promoted exercise, and she advocated for the Healthy, Hunger-Free Kids Act, which passed in 2010. Finally, there was the successful bailout of the auto industry, potentially saving many thousands of jobs, albeit at the expense of initiating a two-tiered wage system.
But beyond the few issues that trended positive under Obama and Biden, and the rare progressive successes that stuck,
they have little to point to with pride. The entries in this book represent a disappointing legacy. With Joe Biden having defeated Trump in the 2020 presidential election, the time is ripe for a close assessment of the administration in which he served as vice president.
PART I
DEMOCRACY
Transparency
On his very first day in office, President Barack Obama expressed a commitment to creating an unprecedented level of openness in government,
and announced a series of transparency-related reforms.¹ These measures included expediting the process of obtaining records under the Freedom of Information Act (FOIA). Obama sent a memo to federal agencies with assurances that the administration would work with them to ensure the public trust and establish a system of transparency, public participation, and collaboration.
² But by March 2010, a mere year later, the Associated Press found that seventeen major agencies under Obama were 50 percent more likely to reject FOIA requests than under his immediate predecessor.³ Records that were released were typically redacted, sometimes heavily, with a black felt-tipped pen obscuring contents deemed to be secret.
An AP analysis of 2014 federal data found that the Obama administration refused a record number of times to turn over files that might be especially newsworthy, said more regularly than any prior administration that it couldn’t find documents, and took longer than ever to turn over any files when it provided them.⁴ An unprecedented 714,231 requests for information were recorded that year. According to the AP, the administration spent an unprecedented $434 million in response to the requests, and $28 million on lawyers’ fees to keep records secret.
The AP determined in 2017 that during its final year, the Obama administration spent even more, $36.2 million, on legal costs defending its refusal to turn over federal records under the Freedom of Information Act,
and broke another record for times federal employees responded to requests by saying they couldn’t find a single page of information.
⁵
Meanwhile, the Columbia Journalism Review, among others, noted that the Obama years had witnessed the prosecution of more leakers than had all of the previous presidential administrations combined.⁶ As for bona fide whistleblowers under the Obama watch, twice the number were prosecuted under provisions of the 1917 Espionage Act than under all previous presidents combined.
1https://obamawhitehouse.archives.gov/the-press-office/transparency-and-open-government
2https://obamawhitehouse.archives.gov/the-press-office/transparency-and-open-government
3https://www.latimes.com/archives/la-xpm-2010-mar-21-la-na-ticket21-2010mar21-story.html
4https://www.pbs.org/newshour/nation/obama-administration-sets-new-record-withholding-foia-requests
5https://www.ap.org/ap-in-the-news/2017/obamas-final-year-us-spent-36-million-in-records-lawsuits
6https://www.cjr.org/criticism/barack_obamas_press_freedom_legacy.php
Binney, Drake, Loomis, Wiebe
President Obama employed the Woodrow Wilson-era Espionage Act a record eight times during his first term. He used it against officials suspected of leaking classified information.
Four intelligence figures who felt morally compelled to become whistleblowers were William Binney, Thomas Drake, Edward Loomis, and J. Kirk Wiebe, all of the National Security Agency (NSA). In 2002, three of the four—Binney, Loomis, and Wiebe—requested that the Department of Defense investigate why the NSA had wasted money on a multi-billion-dollar signals intelligence system called Trailblazer, which it chose instead of a significantly smaller and cheaper in-house program, ThinThread. ThinThread was widely considered to be more effective than Trailblazer.
The in-house system was jettisoned in August 2001, only weeks before 9/11, and just before it could be deployed. Wiebe later told the Nation that NSA intelligence had stopped in its tracks
once the agency cancelled ThinThread.⁷ The same article reported that the so-called NSA Four believed that as a result, the agency failed to detect critical phone and e-mail communications that could have tipped U.S. intelligence to Al Qaeda’s plans to attack.
Binney, Drake, Loomis, and Wiebe furthermore complained about massive corruption in the system procurement process, including bid-rigging and other forms of fraud. Moreover, while programs created for ThinThread were to be used for spying on enemy subjects, they were also used illegally for surveillance of American citizens, when earlier built-in privacy restraints were eliminated after 9/11. The four went public with this information in 2013.
In 2010, the Obama administration’s Department of Justice indicted Drake on ten felony counts, including five under the Espionage Act.⁸ The charges were based primarily on information he conveyed to a Baltimore Sun reporter. The government alleged a mishandling of documents by Drake. If convicted, he would have faced up to thirty-five years in prison. All ten charges were dropped in 2011, when Drake pleaded guilty to the misdemeanor offense of exceeding the authorized use of a computer. For his steadfastness, Drake was awarded the Ridenhour Prize for Truth-Telling and the Sam Adams Associates for Integrity in Intelligence (SAAII) award.
After they left the NSA, Binney, Wiebe, and Loomis formed a consulting service for government agencies. But, soon enough, they discovered that they could not get any work. In 2013, the Pentagon’s Inspector General rejected the trio’s request for an investigation into their claims of having been blackballed.
7https://www.thenation.com/article/archive/obamas-crackdown-whistleblowers
8https://www.smithsonianmag.com/history/leaks-and-the-law-the-story-of-thomas-drake-14796786/
Kiriakou
Ex-CIA analyst and case officer John Kiriakou is also former senior investigator for the Senate Foreign Relations Committee. He was involved in CIA counterterrorism but refused to be trained in so-called enhanced interrogation techniques.
In 2007, after resigning from the CIA, Kiriakou gave an interview to ABC News during which he became the first former CIA officer to confirm that the agency waterboarded, and to call waterboarding torture.⁹ He also revealed in the interview that it was official U.S. policy to torture prisoners.
As a result, the CIA launched an investigation into Kiriakou. In 2012, half a decade after the interview, the government charged him with five felonies. He was the sixth whistleblower indicted by the Obama administration under the Espionage Act, which had been promulgated to punish spies, not whistleblowers. Kiriakou plea bargained his way down from a potential forty-five-year sentence to one of thirty months.
As the Government Accountability Project put it: Kiriakou is the sole CIA agent to go to jail in connection with the U.S. torture program, despite the fact that he never tortured anyone. Rather, he blew the whistle on this horrific wrongdoing.
¹⁰
9https://abcnews.go.com/Blotter/story?id=3978231
10 https://whistleblower.org/bio-john-kiriakou/
Associated Press
In a move to root out the source of an investigative piece on the CIA’s foiling of an al-Qaeda terror plot in 2012, the Obama administration in May 2013 seized phone records from offices of the Associated Press (AP).¹¹ The Justice Department, with no advance warning to the AP, obtained under subpoenas records of two months’ worth of the incoming and outgoing calls of approximately one hundred reporters and editors in the news organization’s offices in New York, Washington, and Connecticut.
AP President and CEO Gary Pruitt protested the action in a letter to Attorney General Eric Holder, calling it a serious interference with AP’s constitutional rights to gather and report the news.
¹² The records potentially revealed confidential sources and provided a road map as to how AP goes about gathering news, as well as other information that, according to Pruitt, the government has no conceivable right to know.
The AP noted that the Obama administration had, to date, brought six cases against people suspected of leaking classified information—more than those brought by all other presidential administrations combined. The cases ranged from a CIA former officer discussing waterboarding with reporters, to a former NSA employee speaking to reporters about the fraud, waste, and abuse
he witnessed at the agency.¹³
The Obama executive office denied any involvement in, or knowledge of, the Justice Department move, citing the supposedly insurmountable divide between the executive and judicial branches of government (although the Justice Department is part of the executive branch). Moreover, the CIA’s thwarting of the plot, set to take place on the first anniversary of the White House’s announcement of the killing of Osama bin Laden, contradicted the Obama administration’s stance that it had no knowledge of any plans for attacks marking the anniversary.
11 https://www.theguardian.com/world/2012/may/07/cia-al-qaida-bomb-plot
12 https://www.theguardian.com/world/2013/may/14/associated-press-phone-records
13 https://www.newyorker.com/magazine/2011/05/23/the-secret-sharer
Surveillance
As a professor at Harvard Law School in 2008, Cass Sunstein wrote a controversial academic paper proposing that the U.S. government deploy teams of covert agents and pseudo-independent
advocates to cognitively infiltrate
online groups, websites, and activist groups that espoused what he termed false conspiracy theories.
¹⁴ The idea was to use the agents, some of whom would be paid, to bolster citizens’ trust in government officials and undermine the credibility of so-called conspiracists. The following year, Sunstein was appointed by Obama to head the Office of Information and Regulatory Affairs, a position he held for three years. The job put him in charge of policies relating to privacy, information quality, and statistical programs.
Four years later, Sunstein, a close friend of Obama’s since their faculty days at the University of Chicago Law School, was named by him to serve on a five-man panel to review the National Security Agency.¹⁵ The panel was formed in response to leaked information that was published in the Washington Post and the Guardian in June 2013 on the NSA’s PRISM surveillance program, revealing the enormous breadth of its bulk spying on Americans.¹⁶ The PRISM program was enabled by changes to U.S. surveillance law introduced under President Bush and renewed under Obama in December 2012. Classified documents had also revealed that, under the Obama administration, the NSA was collecting—indiscriminately and in bulk—the communication records of millions of U.S. citizens, regardless of whether they were suspected of any wrongdoing.
In addition to Sunstein, the review group, which Obama promised would be an independent
and outside
panel of experts, was made up of a former deputy director of the CIA, a former member of the National Security Council, a former dean of the University of Chicago Law School, and Obama’s former Chief Counselor for Privacy in the Office of Management and Budget. Director of National Intelligence James Clapper issued a memo saying he would head up the group.¹⁷ He had recently come under fire for falsely testifying before Congress that the government did not wittingly
collect the telephone records of millions of Americans.¹⁸ The day after issuing the memo, however, the White House backtracked, saying Clapper’s role would be limited.
The top-secret information on PRISM was leaked by former NSA contractor Edward Snowden. An internal document showed that the NSA had direct access to the systems of Google, Facebook, Apple, Microsoft, YouTube, and other major tech companies, allowing officials to collect material including search history and the content of emails, file transfers, and live chats.¹⁹ Snowden also had leaked a court order showing that Verizon, one of America’s largest telecoms providers, was handing over the calling records and telephone metadata of all its customers to the NSA on an ongoing daily basis.²⁰
Just days before he left office in 2017, Obama issued new rules under Executive Order 12333 to allow the NSA to share the raw streams of communications it intercepts directly with sixteen other agencies that make up the U.S. intelligence community, including the FBI, the DEA, and the Department of Homeland Security.²¹