Women of letters: Gender, writing and the life of the mind in early modern England
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Leonie Hannan
Leonie Hannan is Research Fellow in Eighteenth-Century History at Queen's University, Belfast
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Women of letters - Leonie Hannan
GENDER IN
HISTORY
Series editors:
Lynn Abrams, Cordelia Beattie, Pam Sharpe and Penny Summerfield
image missingThe expansion of research into the history of women and gender since the 1970s has changed the face of history. Using the insights of feminist theory and of historians of women, gender historians have explored the configuration in the past of gender identities and relations between the sexes. They have also investigated the history of sexuality and family relations, and analysed ideas and ideals of masculinity and femininity. Yet gender history has not abandoned the original, inspirational project of women’s history: to recover and reveal the lived experience of women in the past and the present.
The series Gender in History provides a forum for these developments. Its historical coverage extends from the medieval to the modern periods, and its geographical scope encompasses not only Europe and North America but all corners of the globe. The series aims to investigate the social and cultural constructions of gender in historical sources, as well as the gendering of historical discourse itself. It embraces both detailed case studies of specific regions or periods, and broader treatments of major themes. Gender in History titles are designed to meet the needs of both scholars and students working in this dynamic area of historical research.
Women of letters
Image:logo is missingOTHER RECENT BOOKS
IN THE SERIES
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Modern women on trial: sexual transgression in the age of the flapper Lucy Bland
The Women’s Liberation Movement in Scotland Sarah Browne
Modern motherhood: women and family in England, c. 1945–2000 Angela Davis
Gender, rhetoric and regulation: women’s work in the civil service and the London County Council, 1900–55 Helen Glew
Jewish women in Europe in the Middle Ages: a quiet revolution Simha Goldin
The shadow of marriage: singleness in England, 1914–60 Katherine Holden
Women, dowries and agency: marriage in fifteenth-century Valencia Dana Wessell Lightfoot
Women, travel and identity: journeys by rail and sea, 1870–1940 Emma Robinson-Tomsett
Imagining Caribbean womanhood: race, nation and beauty contests, 1929–70 Rochelle Rowe
Infidel feminism: secularism, religion and women’s emancipation, England 1830–1914 Laura Schwartz
Women, credit and debt in early modern Scotland Cathryn Spence
Being boys: working-class masculinities and leisure Melanie Tebbutt
Queen and country: same sex desire in the British Armed Forces, 1939–45 Emma Vickers
The ‘perpetual fair’: gender, disorder and urban amusement in eighteenth-century London Anne Wohlcke
Women of letters
Gender, writing and the life of the mind in early modern England
image missing Leonie Hannan image missing
Manchester University Press
Copyright © Leonie Hannan 2016
The right of Leonie Hannan to be identified as the author of this work has been asserted by her in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988.
Published by Manchester University Press
Altrincham Street, Manchester M1 7JA
www.manchesteruniversitypress.co.uk
British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication Data
A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data applied for
ISBN 978 0 7190 9942 7 hardback
First published 2016
The publisher has no responsibility for the persistence or accuracy of URLs for any external or third-party internet websites referred to in this book, and does not guarantee that any content on such websites is, or will remain, accurate or appropriate.
Typeset by Out of House Publishing
Contents
LIST OF FIGURES
LIST OF TABLES
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS
Introduction
Part I: Women and learning
1 Getting started
2 Becoming an ‘intellectual’
Part II: Putting pen to paper
3 Writing and thinking
4 Spaces for writing
Part III: Hearts and minds
5 Connecting reason and emotion
6 A seedbed for change
APPENDIX
BIBLIOGRAPHY
INDEX
Figures
1 A letter written by Mary Clarke and addressed to her husband, Edward Clarke, on 28 April 1690
2 A letter written by Mary Evelyn and addressed to her friend, Ralph Bohun, on 3 February 1668
3 George Ballard’s letter book containing 140 original letters from female contacts, including Elizabeth Elstob
4 A letter written by Elizabeth Elstob and addressed to her friend, George Ballard, on 2 October 1735
5 A letter written by Elizabeth Elstob and addressed to Margaret Cavendish Bentinck, Duchess of Portland
6 A letter written by Cordelia Collier to her mother, Mary Collier, on 1 June 1735
7 A letter written by Jane Johnson to her son, Robert Johnson, on 15 November 1753
8 A letter written by Eliza Worsley and addressed to her sister, Frances Robinson, on 24 February 1749
9 A letter written by Mary Evelyn addressed to her brother-in-law, William Glanville, on 9 October 1671, copied into her letter book for future reference
10 An example of a letter written by Anne Dormer addressed to her sister, Elizabeth Trumbull, on 28 August c . 1686
Tables
1 Content analysis: selected letters of Mary Grey, 1740–41
2 Content analysis: selected letters of Elizabeth Elstob, 1736–37
3 Content analysis: selected letters of Mary Evelyn, 1667–68
Acknowledgements
The ideas that frame this book can be traced back to my earliest days of postgraduate research at Royal Holloway, University of London. Since that time, I have been incredibly fortunate in meeting with friends, advisors and supportive institutions who have made this work not only possible but also enjoyable. But there is one person who has had a defining influence on my development as a researcher, Professor Penelope Corfield, and this project owes an immeasurable debt to her intellectual generosity and firm guidance. I have also benefited hugely from the support and inspiration provided by Professor Margot Finn, Dr Susan Whyman, Professor Michèle Cohen, Dr Simon Werrett, Professor Lisa Jardine and Professor Amanda Vickery.
Various institutions have been critical to the completion of this research, in practical, financial, social and intellectual terms and they include Royal Holloway, University of London, University College London, the Institute of Historical Research, the British Federation of Women Graduates and, more recently, Queen’s University, Belfast. I am also indebted to the conversations made possible by the mighty British History in the Long Eighteenth Century Seminar at the Institute of Historical Research in London, which have nurtured and developed my thinking over many years.
This book is the product of archival research and I am grateful to the very many archivists who have helped me and the archives that gave their permission for manuscripts to be quoted. They include: the Bodleian Library, the British Library, the Bedfordshire and Luton Archive Service, the Derbyshire Record Office, the Keep Archives at the East Sussex Record Office, Hertfordshire Archives and Local Studies, the Library of the Society of Friends, Northamptonshire Record Office, Somerset Archive and Record Office, the University of Nottingham Manuscripts and Special Collections and West Yorkshire Archive Service.
Throughout the research and writing of this book I have continued to work in other professional settings outside the very particular world of academic history. This book has, therefore, been shaped by the cultural influences and collegial support of a host of organisations, most importantly, Museums & Collections at University College London, Lifespan Research Group (formerly of Royal Holloway, University of London), Kensington and Chelsea College, Birkbeck College, University of London, the Highgate Literary and Scientific Institution, the Geffrye Museum, the Old Operating Theatre Museum and Herb Garret, the Hunterian Museum at the Royal College of Surgeons (London) and Milton Manor House. All of these environments and encounters have helped me think through my subject and have removed the possibility of holding a narrow perspective on the practice of history.
I am very grateful to the team at Manchester University Press for shepherding this book to completion and also to the anonymous readers for their rigorous scrutiny of the manuscript and helpful suggestions. I also want to thank Professor John Thompson for giving me a long-term future in academic research and the opportunity to write my next book.
For their personal and intellectual friendship I would like to thank Joey O’Gorman, Julie Mathias, Ananay Aguilar, Jane Hamlett, Polly Bull, Helen Chatterjee, Kate Smith, Eleanor Hannan, John Steward, Melanie Griffiths, Tabitha Tuckett and all of the 100 Hours Collective. A scholarly existence only gets you so far and time spent with all my friends has been crucial at every step. Finally, I owe a deep gratitude to Sheila and Patrick Hannan for imparting such a varied and vibrant childhood education that I could only presume it possible to pursue a life of the mind, and to Joey O’Gorman for sharing it with me.
Leonie Hannan
Belfast, June 2015
Abbreviations
Introduction
Letters denote exchange, even the unsent letter locked in a bureau drawer speaks of the urge to converse if not the conviction to seal and send. For literate women in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, the letter was a powerful tool – one that privileged discourse, demanded reciprocity and drew letter-writers into a defining cultural practice of their era. The letters discussed here represent far more than the historical information they contain. As letter-writers put pen to paper they engaged in a very particular writing practice, one which saw its reflection in a wide range of print culture, from newspapers to novels. In this way, the practice of writing letters connected individuals with other texts and processes of textual production. However, these lines of ink on folded page are also remnants of an everyday habit which gifted the individual space for reflection and discussion. On a personal level, letters helped letter-writers negotiate relationships with their world but, collectively, epistolary practice fed cultures of friendship, kinship and business. Correspondence informed the literary, intellectual and creative cultures of its day and, in many cases, the familial overlapped with the literary; distant cousins became intellectual companions, neighbours became fellow readers. Networks of correspondents also connected groups of peoples separated by class, nationality, gender and location and in doing so linked ‘men of letters’ with provincial housewives, university scholars with amateur collectors, provincial poets with metropolitan coteries. Although the letter-writing public still reflected the striations of a society riven by social distinction, letters also spoke of the opportunities presented by epistolary aptitude to transcend such boundaries.
The study of letters entails encounters with both the typical and the eccentric and clues to the intricacies of early modern housewifery sit squarely alongside tracts of moral philosophy. This tendency to the diverse makes letters extremely difficult to categorise along lines of modern scholarly enquiry. Here, the focus will be on the ‘familiar letter’, which Susan Fitzmaurice has described as ‘a pragmatic act that is embodied in a text that responds to a previous text, whether spoken or written, and at the same time anticipates new texts’.¹ This dynamic of exchange is integral to the character of the familiar letter, but the term also denotes the fact that such letters did not primarily communicate matters of business or affairs of the state (although these topics might be discussed) – they were instead rooted in personal relationships. This book makes no attempt to carve up the messy multiplicity of this encompassing category of correspondence and, instead, uses the familiar letter to explore the interconnected nature of women’s domestic, familial, intellectual and social lives. Whilst the quiet solitude of a corner with table and book might have proved welcome to the serious reader, the table and corner were part of a greater household in which the reader also acted as housewife, child bearer, carer and teacher, wife, kitchen garden cultivator, provider of poor relief and host to neighbouring friends. These roles and responsibilities informed the rhythm of every day and also the ways in which women engaged with the life of the mind. Interior worlds were marked by exterior environments and the home proved to be the library and lecture theatre for many literate and self-motivated women of seventeenth- and eighteenth-century England.
By considering women’s lives through reading their surviving letters, it can be shown that many more women than have previously been documented or studied engaged with a reflective life of the mind in this period. Literate women across England, who had the benefit of some spare time, access to books and a private space in which to study, could actively develop their inner lives – the evidence of this can be found in their letters, which survive in their many thousands in national collections and local record offices. The aim of this book is to establish the critical role of letter-writing in the process of women’s engagement with the life of the mind and, through doing so, reveal the early modern letter as an analytical tool for historical scholarship.
Letter-writing has been the subject of much recent research and scholars have considered its connections to the literary world,² its role as a social and cultural force in national and global communications³ and its status as a genre of life writing.⁴ Here, the focus is on how women made use of letter-writing to further their own self-educational or intellectual pursuits. It is the process of engagement with reading, writing and ideas, rather than the product of those efforts, that provides the point of departure. Through this analysis of engagement with intellectual life, the varied contexts of childhood experience, personal relationships, family life and domestic space will come to the fore. Nonetheless, the primary concern of this book is with examples of intellectual motivation fostered by letter-writing and the implications these women’s experiences have for our understanding of cultural life in this period.
Literacy, education and the life of the mind
In examining letter-writing as a conduit for intellectual engagement, levels of literacy and access to education for women correspondents naturally have a strong bearing. Literacy, the essential prerequisite for educational achievement, is measurable on a sliding scale, from the ability to sign a name to owning the versatility and finesse to write for reasons of communication, literary creativity or personal advocacy. Most women, like many working men, simply lacked the skills of reading and writing necessary to participate in intellectual life. David Cressy’s important study of literacy found that women in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries were much less likely to be able to sign their names than were their male counterparts.⁵ Although literacy improved in the period 1650–1750,⁶ it was only in London that female literacy breached 50 per cent; elsewhere in the country as a whole only about a quarter of women were classed as literate.⁷ However, female literacy amongst the middling and upper sorts in seventeenth- and eighteenth-century England was high and literacy rates of 100 per cent have been claimed for society’s elites.⁸ Recently, Jacqueline Eales has shown that female literacy was compulsory within clerical families of the seventeenth century, most of whom firmly occupied the ranks of the middling sort.⁹ Access to education inside or outside the home for young people in this period varied widely; the content, duration and results of that educational experience were correspondingly diverse.¹⁰ It is also worth noting, that many women were taught to read without being taught to write, so for some women engagement with text began and ended with the read or spoken word.
Where erratic spelling in some women’s letters of this period betrayed a deficient education, verbal fluency was often evident on the page, and from this starting point skills could be honed through activities such as letter-writing.¹¹ Susan Whyman has valuably highlighted the concept of ‘epistolary literacy’, seeing letter-writing as ‘a training ground for composing other types of literature’.¹² Whyman advises that instead of looking ‘for women’s education in makeshift methods and informal places’ historians need ‘to recognize the importance of domestic literacy’.¹³ More recently, Whyman has demonstrated widespread epistolary literacy across the social scale.¹⁴ These discoveries are crucial to our understanding of female intellectual life in this period. Illiteracy and inadequate educational provision have been blamed consistently for women’s silence on matters of academic note. Letters housed in archives and record offices point to a different story: one of widespread written literacy. But, more than this, correspondence collections highlight the adventurous use women made of the epistolary form. Letters were the home of ideas, perhaps erratically spelled, but nonetheless evident on the page.
Of course, well-to-do girls in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries were expected to have an education of some degree during childhood. A small minority might even be sent away to school, and teaching provided adult women with a possible vocation and source of income. Mothers were key educators in the home, especially of very young children of both sexes, as most boys of middling or gentry families would not be sent away to school until they were seven or eight years old.¹⁵ Mothers were usually responsible for their girls’ educations throughout their formative years. Evelyn Arizpe and Morag Styles have explored the dynamic evidence of the Jane Johnson archive, which shows how Buckinghamshire clergyman’s wife Johnson drew on her own reading and creative talents to develop effective materials for teaching her children at home in the 1740s.¹⁶ Likewise, Michèle Cohen has argued persuasively that a domestic education was not necessarily an inferior education.¹⁷
Where childhood education had been sufficiently thorough, adult women could become readers. Indeed, the figure of the woman reader was a popular subject of literary and artistic representation but female reading could be both extolled as a rational pursuit and deplored as dangerously corrupting of women’s characters.¹⁸ Of course, a long tradition of morally sanctioned female religious reading existed and reading the Bible had a strong influence on early modern women’s own writings.¹⁹ However, there was a perceived difference between religious and informative kinds of reading and literature that engaged the imagination.²⁰ During the eighteenth century, concerns about the particularly damaging effects of novel reading on women abounded in popular culture and perpetuated a deeply polarised view on the ‘proper’ relationship between women and books.²¹
Despite a social context fraught with fears about both the morally corrupting qualities of reading and the capacity of this pursuit to take women away from their household and familial duties, women did read all of the genres (prohibited or otherwise) and discussed their reading in letters to friends. These epistolary conversations contributed to a broad culture of textual analysis, which has been linked to historical developments as significant as the changing status of the middle class or the emergence of the Enlightenment.²² Indeed, detailed studies of reading practice are revealing about the ways in which early modern readers diverged from prescribed genres and availed themselves of impressively diverse reading matter. Using the records of Midland booksellers for the second half of the eighteenth century, Jan Fergus provides demographic information on who bought and borrowed fiction, concluding that – contrary to the fears of moralists – ‘The raw numbers for women readers of novels and plays confirm that provincial women do not constitute a particularly large or broad market for fiction’ in this period.²³ Other scholars have focused on individual readers so as to cut across genre and represent the experience of reading for early modern people.²⁴ A particularly illuminating example of this approach is Naomi Tadmor’s exploration of two reading households, where she finds the practice of reading ‘connected not to idleness, listlessness or frivolity but to a routine of work and religious discipline’.²⁵ This study shows that for a tradesman and his wife, reading was part of the household routine and books were picked up intermittently, between other domestic and business responsibilities, and also that reading moved between genres on a daily basis.²⁶ Other studies have confirmed that individuals of modest social standing might engage with a wide variety of literature, accessed not only through buying books but also through the use of subscription and circulating libraries.²⁷ Both the study of the distribution of books and the reading practices of individuals in this period show that the literate negotiated a range of strategies for getting hold of reading material and integrated time for reading into their often busy lives. Once literacy and access to reading material had been established, opportunities might present themselves for more in-depth intellectual exploration.
Women’s intellectual lives in an era of Enlightenment
The eighteenth century is an era synonymous with the notion of rapid growth in rational and scientific thought. For many scholars this period is still directly referred to as ‘the Enlightenment’ and in its epistemological waters are traced the origins of subsequent scientific discovery.²⁸ Although men dominated institutions of political and intellectual note, women participated in the developments of their time.²⁹ However, in terms of women, it is the second half of the century that has drawn most scholarly attention as the era of Bluestockings and Wollstonecraft feminism. History titles that focus on the period after 1750 abound, but the late seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries fall between early modern scholarship and research which looks forward to the modern period.³⁰ Moreover, late seventeenth- and early eighteenth-century England deserves the attention of readers interested in women’s mental worlds. After all, it was in 1696 that Mary Astell famously made A Serious Proposal to Ladies concerning their education. Formal institutions of the age, such as the Royal Society (founded in 1660), may have excluded women members, but a vibrant correspondence culture was commandeered by female thinkers who wished to contribute to the debates of their time.
Recent scholarship has shown the importance of letter-writing networks to cultures of knowledge in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. Increasingly, historians have been able to make use of the data provided by digital collections of correspondence to map these networks across Europe and North America and gain insights into the geographies of intellectual life.³¹ Whilst many of the letters that have provided the focus for these studies have been those of the most well-known literary and scientific men,³² studies have also begun to capture the women who were active in these networks.³³ These valuable works demonstrate that by the seventeenth century, correspondence was a well-established route for women’s participation in scholarship.³⁴ Moreover, recent efforts to digitise these archival collections has emphasised the operation of networks over the works of individuals and helped scholars to see intellectual production as a collaborative venture which encompassed broader communities of individuals.³⁵ But women did not just participate in cultures of intellectual exchange, they also lent their social and financial support to knowledge production. In this way, correspondence networks connected distant individuals, promoted patronage and provided a space for discourse. Letters performed these functions for pairs or groups of women who wished to be in contact, but – likewise – for men and women who had intellectual interests in common. Together they formed a diffuse and diverse ‘Republic of Letters’.
This book employs an interpretation of intellectual life that can more accurately be described as the ‘life of the mind’.³⁶ The phrase, used most famously by Hannah Arendt in her exploration of the ‘activity of thinking’, is used here to emphasise the experience of thinking life as well as the tangible textual outcomes of thought.³⁷ In Arendt’s discussion of the life of the mind, she identifies as a defining feature ‘the habit of examining whatever happens to come to pass or to attract attention, regardless of results and specific content’.³⁸ This inclusive approach to human thought is helpful when considering women’s epistolary writing in this period because it took such diverse forms and fulfilled multiple functions. Moreover, Arendt’s conceptualisation of the life of the mind as being composed of three main mental activities: ‘thinking, willing, and judging’ bypasses traditional divisions between reason and intellect, contemplation and knowledge production.
The focus here on women as overlooked intellectual participants begins the important work of integrating gender and intellectual histories. However, many of the same arguments could be made for other marginalised intellectuals, such as amateur male scholars, collectors and readers who, whilst distant from institutions of intellectual note, remained fully engaged in research and writing. The examples explored in this book include female circles of intellectual acquaintance as well as cases of cross-gender exchange. Some made letters the primary forum for their considered