Music and Resistance in the Middle East

Hugh Lovatt Music and Resistance in the Middle East The purpose of this essay will be to compare some of the various forms that music has taken in the Middle East and examine how they have served as a tool for social and political criticism during the twentieth century. As we will see, although different in origin and time, all these different musical genres are born out of profound social and political changes within a society and constitute the artist’s attempt to come to grips with this by singing about personal experiences with which his audience can easily relate. For the purpose of this essay I will limit my analysis to three Middle Eastern music genres. They are in chronologic order: Greek Rempetiko, North African Raï, and Levantine Rap. It is not the intention of this essay to offer an in-depth and exhaustive account of all three genes, but rather to offer a brief overview of each one in order to understand the similarities and differences present within social-political music, regardless of time or space, while also providing an insight into common problems and issues, both past and present, that different societies face throughout the Middle East. Although not physically located in the Middle East, Greece sits at the cross roads of Europe and Asia. This East-West interaction as well as the presence of ethnic Greeks in Asia Minor has led to a considerable Middle Eastern influence upon Greek culture and its musical traditions. Greece’s position at the gates of Asia has also led to significant periods of social and political turmoil throughout Greece’s long history. During the nineteenth century this political turmoil culminated in the end of four centuries of Ottoman rule and the declaration of Greek independence in 1821, ultimately leading to the burning of Smyrna on Turkey’s Ionian cost a hundred years later and the mass exodus 1 of ethnic, although culturally Turkish, Greek refugees back to Greece. This coupled with the industrialization of the Greek economy, subsequent rural exodus towards towns, German occupation during the Second World War and a further civil war had an acute effect on Greek society. These massive upheavals set the scene for the emergence of a new type of song and artist to lend voice to all those disinherited by modern society. Rempetiko1 music, also sometimes referred to as ‘Greek Blues’, would come to represent an oppressed lower class on the fringes of society, and eventually symbolize a whole urban subculture at odds with the values of modern Greece. The subject matter of Rempetiko music focuses above all on society and the problems prevalent amongst the urban poor such as alcoholism, alienation, crime, drugs, emigration, violence, poverty and prostitution. Indeed many Rempetiko singers, called Rembetes, indulged themselves in mafia like activities such as drug trafficking, racketeering and pimping, for which they subsequently spent considerable time in prison, and during which time many of their songs were composed. Such was the nature of these songs that Rempetiko music was heavily censored under successive military regimes. Faced with the ‘sanitization’ of their lyrics as well as the hope of a better future, many Rembetes immigrated to the USA, taking with them their music and ensuring the survival of Rempetiko and its controversial lyrics until the end of state censorship and its popular revival in Greece during the nineteen-sixties. What is remarkable about this genre is not merely its subject matter which as we will see is found throughout social-political music, nor even its fusion of Greek music with Anatolian sounds and instruments such as the ‘oud, but rather the fact that its active lifespan is so 1 Spelling varies according to transliterations, it is sometimes written Rebetiko or Rembetika. The origins of this word can be traced back to the Turkish word ‘rembet’ meaning naughty or restless. 2 short; spanning only thirty years, from 1922 until 1952. However despite this, Rempetiko is now more popular than ever amongst Greek youth. Similar to the process that led to Greek Rempetiko music, Algerian Raï music was a consequence of the tumultuous end to the twentieth century, which saw a prolonged struggle against French Colonialism resulting in independence in 1962, subsequent authoritarian regimes, the rise of Islamism, rapid demographic growth and subsequent migrations from rural areas towards big towns, all of which affected rapid changes within Algerian society and its family structures. It is in this context that Raï2 music would emerge during the nineteen-seventies in the Algerian costal town of Oran. This is hardly surprising, given the fact that the region is famous for its strong musical traditions. As with Rempetiko music, Raï builds upon a pre-existing body of music and popular songs, in this case fusing traditional Mahlun poems, Bedouin folksongs, Moroccan wedding tunes and Egyptian preludes with western musical instruments and sounds such as American disco as well as Julio Iglesias.3 This perplexing mix quickly caught on amongst Algerian youth and culminated in the 1979 hit ‘ma hlali n-num’ or ‘Sleep does not come to me’ by up-and-coming female singer Cheba Fadela. To say however that Raï’s success was guaranteed would be a lie. In fact many singers had to endure repeated criticism, censorship and even persecution at the hands of Islamists, and only a very few artists were able to make a successful transition to foreign audiences and, most important of all, to the French music industry. Perhaps the biggest source of criticism that Raï faced was its lyrics which flouted many of the traditional 2 3 The term Raï is in fact the Arabic word for ‘opinion’ Schade-Poulsen, Men and Popular music in Algeria. p.5 3 values present in conservative Arab Society. Raï songs deal predominantly with the age old topic of love; however for the first time in contemporary Algerian Society, they openly discussed subjects long considered off limits, such as prostitution, alcohol, forbidden love and sex. According to Marc Schade-Poulsen, who has carried out extensive fieldwork on this subject, ‘Raï could be seen as a cry of revolt, a quest to breakdown taboos and prohibitions.’4 In addition to its provocative content, the milieu of Raï and its singers was inexorably linked to cabaret culture and late-night socializing, which hardly helped to endear the music to conservative Algerians. This inevitably led some to view this new form of music as an imperialistic attempt to destabilize Algerian Society by sapping away at its morals and identity. However this attitude overlooks the hidden subtleties present in Raï. As Schade-Poulsen goes on to say in his book Men and Popular Music in Algeria: ‘Topics of national politics are expressed in Raï in terms of women and love, and Raï gives a clue to the understanding of two major movements amongst Algerian youth: one toward the mosque, and the other towards the west.’5 As previously noted, this position at the crossroads of two radically different outlooks has occasional made Raï music and its artists victims of extremism, exemplified by the suppression of Raï in Oran during the 1988 Islamist revolt and the assassination of world famous Raï artist Cheb Hasni in 1994. Today, Raï is still going from strength to strength finding ever increasing popularity amongst foreign listeners with the continued international success of the likes of Cheb Khaled, Cheb Mami and Rashid Taha. Although this success does come at the expense of authenticity; as most songs have been 4 5 Schade-Poulsen, Men and Popular music in Algeria. p.23 ibid. p.13 4 westernized to suit the tastes of foreign markets, leading some listeners to even mistake Raï music for a French genre - a supreme irony! Unlike Rempetiko and Raï music which are indigenous to Greek and Algerian culture respectively, Rap6 music is a global music genre adopted by a vast majority of countries around the world. However, as with Rempetiko and Raï, Rap has built upon a preexisting body of music while incorporating traditional sounds and instruments to produce a genre culturally specific to the Middle East. In places such as Palestine and Lebanon, traditional Arab music, in particular songs by Fairuz, Marcel Khalifa and Abdel Wahab, were innovated upon and fused with western Rap beats to produce a completely distinct musical genre. Also similar to the two genres of music previously discussed, Rap music has been adopted by Middle Eastern youths seeking a means of expressing their anger and discontent against the political and social problems prevalent in the region. As one would expect, Middle Eastern Rap subject matter is characterized by its unreserved criticism for authoritarian regimes, failure of democracy, subjugation of woman, high unemployment rates, as well as Israel and the rise of religious extremism, all of which have instilled amongst Arab youths a profound sense of humiliation, powerlessness and outrage. In rap music, frustrated adolescents have found an alternative form of resistance to violent protest. Indeed Rap artists often liken themselves to ‘lyrical soldiers’. Perhaps what spurred artists the most to pick up the microphone was the second Palestinian Intifada in 2000. The subsequent disproportionate use of violence by Israeli forces against Palestinians would become a core theme of Palestinian Rap, and 6 the verb ‘to rap’ is defined in the Oxford dictionary as meaning “to strike with a series of rapid audible blows” or “to rebuke or criticize” 5 lead to the first Arab Rap hit ‘Meen Irhabe?’or ‘Who’s a terrorist?’ by the PalestinianIsraeli group DAM. These ongoing difficulties and the effects that they have had on youth have led Mark LeVine, Professor of Middle Eastern Studies at the University of California, to observe that ‘MENA [Middle East and North Africa] fans of Metal and Rap are converting their musical communities into a space where they can carve out a bit of autonomy, if not freedom, with which they can imagine alternatives to the status quo.’7 Moreover, this need to fight oppression and speak out against injustices has led to the flourishing of Rap music in Palestine and its subsequent spread to Egypt, Jordan and Lebanon as well as further a field in the Gulf , North Africa and even Iran. While still very much an underground music genre heavily imbued with social and political criticism, Arab Rap music is slowly starting to gain popularity and acceptance amongst those who initially dismissed it as a western import, although it will still be some time before Arab Rap reaches the dizzying heights of Raï. However, if any Arab country is a sign of things to come music wise, it most definitely would be Lebanon. There, Lebanese Rap music has been increasingly mainstreamed, while at the same time keeping a strong social and political critique against not only the westernization of Lebanese Society but also against the ruling elite. Something that has earned Lebanese Rap groups like Ashekman frequent censorship and arrests. As previously mentioned the story of Arab Rap music is only beginning, but with the emergence of a second generation of Rappers and the appearance of native record labels willing to sign Arab Rap groups, there is every reason to believe that Arab Rap music will be around for quite some time to come and become a leading expression of dissent throughout the Middle East. 7 Mark LeVine. Heavy Metal. 6 As we have seen through the examples of Rempetiko, Raï and Rap; socio-political music thrives in societies suffering profound changes and disruption. In these societies, music gives the voiceless a voice with which to express their woes. Consequently, these genres and their artist will always occupy the fringes of society. We have also seen the problems artists and producers face when they reach the point of seeking wider acceptance amongst listeners, and how they battle to reach a mainstream audience while at the same time conserving the social and political edge of their songs. However, this position as a fringe genre does have its benefits, namely allowing artists to speak out and break down barriers or taboos present in their society, while at the same time enabling them to experiment with new sounds by combining foreign music with their native tunes, thus creating a completely new fusion of cultures. Perhaps this is the most encouraging aspect of all, the fact that artists from different ethnic backgrounds have been able to sit down together, mix different cultures and create something truly unique, something that will hopefully be emulated one day by Society in general. 7 Appendix: brief illustration of social-political lyrics Extract from Greek Rempetiko Society persecuted me It has wronged me, truly And my body does not cease, for one moment To suffer and be tormented I felt what society is I felt the cruelty in the world What I have loved, I have just lost I’ve not seen any joy in the world Society has deprived me Of whatever I deserved in life8 ‘H Koinonia’ by Sotira Bellou Extract from Algerian Raï You didn’t make a home; you didn’t have small children You like Ricard, oh my life, and walk the streets Let my passion do what she wants, why do you interfere? What’s in you is in me, and what hurts you hurts me9 […] ‘Diri Dar’ 8 9 Lyric translation from ‘Damn Society: An introduction to Greek Rembetika’ Lyric translation by Marc Schade-Poulsen. Men and popular music in Algeria. p.210 8 Extract from Palestinian Rap Who’s the terrorist? I’m the terrorist?! How am I the terrorist? When you’ve taken my land Who’s the terrorist? You’re the terrorist You’ve taken everything I own While I’ve been living in my homeland You’re killing us like you’ve killed our ancestors […] ‘Meen Irhabe?’ by DAM 9 Bibliography This essay is in part the result of my correspondence with leading Arab Rappers as well as subsequent fieldwork in Israel and the West Bank in January 2009. Books and Articles Biddle, Ian & Knights, Vanessa. Music, National Identity and the Politics of Location: Between the Global and the Local. Ashgate Publishing. United Kingdom. 2007. Cultures of Resistance. Palestine: History of Musical Resistance. http://www.culturesofresistance.org/make-music-not-war/sound-of-resistance/palestine. 2008. Cooke, Miriam & Lawrence, Bruce B. Muslim Networks: from Hajj to Hip Hop. The University of North Carolina Press. USA. 2005. Hourani, Albert. A History of the Arab Peoples. Faber and Faber. London. 2002. John Harrison. Dam Society! An introduction to Greek Rembetika. Article MT080 in Musical Traditions, No 3, Summer 1984. Krims, Adam. Rap music and the poetics of Identity. Cambridge University Press. Cambridge. 2000 LeVine, Mark. Heavy Metal Islam: Rock, Resistance and the Struggle for the Soul of Islam. Three Rivers Press. New York. 2008. Peddie, Ian. The Resisting Muse: Popular Music and Social Protest. Ashgate Publishing. United Kingdom. 2006. Reynolds, Dwight F. Arab Folklore: A handbook. Greewood Press. London. 2005. Schade-Poulsen, Marc. Men and Popular Music in Algeria: The social significance of Raï. University of Texas Press. Austin. 1999. Shiloah, Amnon. Music in the World of Islam: A Socio-Cultural Study. Wayne State University. Detroit. 1995. Whiteley, Sheila & Bennet, Andy & Hawkins, Stan. Music, space and place: Popular music and cultural identity. Ashgate Publishing. United Kingdom. 2004. 10 Websites Cultures of Resistance. http://www.culturesofresistance.org/ Musical Traditions: The Magazine for Traditional Music throughout the world. http://www.mustrad.org.uk PalestinianRap.net. http://www.palrap.net National Geographic World Music. http://worldmusic.nationalgeographic.com Rempetika. http://www.rempetika.com/ Discography Rempetika Songs of the Greek Underground 1925-1947. Trikont. 2005. Dam. Dedication. Red Cirlce music. EMI Music Arabia. 2006. Taha Hussein, Cheb Khaled, Cheb Faudel. 1,2,3 Soleils. Barclay. 1998. 11