Al-Jāmi‘ah: Journal of Islamic Studies
Vol. 61, no. 1 (2023), pp. 59-79, doi: 10.14421/ajis.2023.611.59-79
ISMAIL MUNDU ON ISLAMIC LAW OF
INHERITANCE
A Content Analysis of Majmū‘ al-Mīrāth fī Ḥukm al-Farā’iḍ
Muhammad Lutfi Hakim
State Islamic Institute of Pontianak, Indonesia
email: muhammadlutfihakim@iainptk.ac.id
Abstract
This article analyses a manuscript on the Islamic law of inheritance, entitled
Majmū‘ al-Mīrāth fī Ḥukm al-Farā’iḍ, written by Ismail Mundu. The
manuscript resulted from Mundu’s anxiety about the difficulties encountered
by his students in understanding the Islamic inheritance-sharing mechanism
and the predicted extinction of the Islamic law of inheritance. Through content
analysis and historical approaches, the author found that the inclination of
thought in Mundu’s Islamic law of inheritance was based on the Shāfi‘ī school
with a clearly different point that constitutes its specific and evident contribution.
The manuscript included charts containing concise formulas that were not in
any other works of Shāfi‘ī school and that could be used as a practical guide
to facilitate beginners in learning the Islamic law of inheritance. This article,
therefore, contributes to the study of the history of Islamic law by providing
evidence of the establishment of local ideas and thought on the Islamic law of
inheritance applied by Mundu when he served as Mufti of the Kubu Kingdom
and Judge of the Kubu Court from 1907 to 1957.
[Artikel ini menganalisis sebuah manuskrip tentang hukum waris Islam,
berjudul Majmū‘ al-Mīrāth fī Ḥukm al-Farā’iḍ, karya Ismail Mundu.
Manuskrip ini disusun atas keprihatinan terhadap kesulitan-kesulitan yang
dialami murid-murid Mundu dalam memahami mekanisme pembagian waris
Islam dan ramalan kepunahan ilmu waris karena masyarakat Muslim lebih
mengutamakan hukum adat. Melalui studi analisis isi dan pendekatan
sejarah, penulis menemukan bahwa kecenderungan pemikiran hukum waris
Islam Mundu berdasarkan pada mazhab Shāfi‘ī dengan perbedaan jelas
Muhammad Lutfi Hakim
yang merupakan kontribusinya yang spesifik dan nyata. Karya tersebut
menyediakan jadwal (tabel) yang berisi rumus-rumus ringkas yang tidak
terdapat dalam karya-karya mazhab Shāfi‘ī lainnya dan dapat digunakan
sebagai pedoman untuk memudahkan para pemula dalam mempelajari hukum
waris Islam. Oleh karena itu, artikel ini berkontribusi bagi kajian sejarah
hukum Islam dengan memberikan bukti adanya gagasan dan pemikiran local
tentang hukum waris Islam yang diterapkan oleh Mundu ketika menjabat
sebagai Mufti Kerajaan Kubu dan Hakim Pengadilan Kubu (1907-1957).]
Keywords: Islamic law of inheritance, local manuscript, Ismail Mundu,
Kubu Kingdom.
A. Introduction
This paper is the product of historical research describing the Islamic
law of inheritance written by Ismail Mundu, the only ulama influential
in the Kubu Kingdom in 1941.1 As a prominent scholar in Kubu, the
Mufti of the Kubu Kingdom, and the Judge on the Kubu Court,2 Mundu
succeeded in rectifying and improving the religious understanding of the
people of Kubu Raya and its surrounding communities. Mundu’s spiritual
knowledge provided several contributions, as seen in the 29 works he
wrote.3 One of his works is about the Islamic law of inheritance, which
still exists in the form of a manuscript entitled Majmū‘ al-Mīrāth fī Ḥukm
al-Farā’iḍ.
At least three factors motivated Mundu to write this manuscript.
First, his students have encountered difficulties in learning and
understanding the division of assets under the Islamic law of inheritance.
Second, the Islamic law of inheritance was vulnerable to extinction since
the people have prioritised customary inheritance law. Third, Mundu was
motivated by the hadith that predicted that the ‘ilm al-farā’iḍ would be the
The Kingdom of Kubu, also known as Kuala Kubu, was established by
Sayyid Syarif Idrus bin Abdurrahman al-Idrus in 1780. The last king was Syarif Salih
bin Syarif Idrus Alaydrus, died on 28 June 1944; Luqman Abdul Jabbar, Sejarah Kerajaan
Kubu (Pontianak: STAIN Pontianak Press, 2013), pp. 15-48.
2
Ismail Mundu was the Mufti of the Kubu Kingdom at the time of King
Syarif Abbas (1900-1911), the 6th king. After the kingdom ended and joined the
Indonesian national state in 1951, Mundu was later appointed the Court Judge of the
Kubu; Baidhillah Riyadhi, Guru Haji Ismail Mundu: Ulama Legendaris dari Kerajaan Kubu
(Kubu Raya: Dinas Kebudayaan, Pariwisata, Pemuda dan Olah Raga Kabupaten Kubu
Raya, 2011), p. 37.
3
Jabbar, Sejarah Kerajaan, p. 61.
1
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Ismail Mundu on Islamic Law of Inheritance
first science to be forgotten and abandoned by the Prophet’s followers.4
Therefore, Mundu wrote this treatise as a guideline, primarily to facilitate
beginners (mubtadi’) learn the Islamic law of inheritance.
Despite their abundant variations, local Islamic thoughts and works
by local ulama in Nusantara get little attention from scholars. The works
of Mundu are not an exception. Of the philological research discusses
the Islamic family law in West Kalimantan, a thesis written by Didik
M. Nur Haris at the University of Malaya in 2011 is the only work that
discussed Islamic family law, let alone research that deals with the Islamic
law of inheritance in the Kubu Kingdom.5 Few other studies focus on
other aspects, such as a study by Baidhillah Riyadhi,6 Wajidi Sayadi,7 and
Hermansyah, et al.8
No scholar has researched the manuscript of Majmū‘ al-Mīrāth fī
Ḥukm al-Farā’iḍ, which makes it ripe for discussion. This article reveals
the practical chart and principles of Islamic inheritance law applied by
Mundu when he served as the Mufti of the Kubu Kingdom from 19071950 and the Judge of the Kubu Court from 1951-1957. It describes the
mechanism of asset distribution explained in detail in the manuscript
and used by Mundu. Then, it analyses Mundu’s inclination to the thought
of the Shāfi‘ī school and his chart as his original characteristics in the
manuscript compared to other Shāfi‘ī fiqh literatures.
B. Local Works on Islamic Law of Inheritance, Ismail Mundu,
and the Manuscript of Majmū‘ al-Mīrāth fī Ḥukm al-Farā’iḍ
The Islamic law of inheritance is the pandect and a calculation
mechanism to determine the division of estate assets by inheritance. In
Islamic literature, this provision is well known as the ‘ilm al-farā’iḍ or ‘ilm
Ibid., p. 122.
Didik M. Nur Haris, “Kitab Jadual Nikah Karya Isma’il Mundu: Teks dan
Analisis”, Master Thesis (Malaysia: University of Malaya, 2011), http://studentsrepo.
um.edu.my/5109/, accessed 23 Jul 2022.
6
Baidhillah Riyadhi, Fiqh Melayu: Telaah atas Kitab Qonun Melaka (Pontianak:
Majelis Adat Budaya Melayu Kalimantan Barat, 2008).
7
Wajidi Sayadi, “Studi Naskah Mukhtashar al-Manan ‘ala al-Aqidah ar-Rahman
(Konsep Pemikiran Kalam Syekh Guru Haji Islami Mundu”, Proceedings of International
Conference on Nusantara Manuscript (Pontianak: Pontianak Press, 2015), p. 95.
8
Hermansyah et al., Tafsir Kontekstual dan Eksistensi Perempuan serta Implikasinya
terhadap Karya H. Muh. Shaleh dan H. Khairuddin (Guru Sultan Tsafiuddin II Sambas)
(Pontianak: STAIN Pontianak, 2012).
4
5
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Muhammad Lutfi Hakim
al-mīrāth.9 For most Muslim jurists from Sunnī schools, the provision of
the inheritance distribution system is absolute, as very detailed described
in Sharia. Some scholars, however, oppose the view and argue that the
provisions in the ‘ilm al-farā’iḍ are the product of a complex social history
spanning three centuries.10 Coulson argues that the Muslim community’s
Islamic inheritance system reinforces the customary law system that the
Prophet Muhammad tried to reform after the revelation of the Quranic
verses on inheritance.11 Kimber, for example, argues that the inheritance
system closer to the Quran is those of Shī’ī than Sunnī.12
However, Muslim societies practised this Sunnī inheritance system
for almost one millennium (from the 9th to the 19th century) without any
revision. In the early 19th century, the ‘ilm al-farā’iḍ began to be reformed
by several Muslim countries due to the Muslim extended family system’s
disintegration into a nuclear family. In Wahib’s notes, Sudan was the
first country to reform its Islamic law of inheritance by Judicial Circular
No. 24 in January 1921 on missing persons (mafqūd). Sudan then issued
Judicial Circular No. 26 on 3 February 1925 regarding a husband’s or
wife’s right to inherit all of the testator’s assets if there are no other living
heirs. In the same year, Egypt also issued Judicial Circular No. 28 of 1925
regarding a widow’s right to inherit all assets through restitution (rādd)
if there are no other living heirs. Egypt codified the provision regarding
widows’ rights in Law No. 77 of 1943 on inheritance.13
These reforms by Sudan and Egypt inspired several other Muslim
countries, including Indonesia, to do the same with their inheritance
systems. In Indonesia, the Islamic inheritance law was only codified
in 1991 through Presidential Instruction (Inpres) concerning the
Compilation of Islamic Law (Kompilasi Hukum Islam, KHI). Before 1991,
the Muslim community distributed their inheritances based on laws
Wahbah Al-Zuḥailī, Al-Fiqh al-Islāmī wa Adillatuhu, vol. VIII (Beirut: Dār
al-Fikr, 1985), p. 243.
10
David S. Powers, Studies in Qur’an and Hadith: The Formation of the Islamic Law
of Inheritance (Bekerley: University of California, 1986), pp. 13-4.
11
N. J. Coulson, A History of Islamic Law (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University
Press, 1978), p. 220.
12
Richard Kimber, “The Qur’anic Law of Inheritance”, Islamic Law and Society,
vol. 5, no. 3 (1998), pp. 291-325.
13
Ahmad Bunyan Wahib, “Reformasi Hukum Waris di Negara-Negara Muslim”,
Asy-Syir’ah: Jurnal Ilmu Syari’ah dan Hukum, vol. 48, no. 1 (2014), pp. 29-38.
9
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Ismail Mundu on Islamic Law of Inheritance
established by the Islamic Kingdoms in the Archipelago14 and the rules
that were alive in the community. The provisions for the distribution
of inheritance are scattered throughout the Archipelago in the form
of manuscripts; some have been preserved in electronic media, while
others remain untouched, scattered amid society or stored in local and
private libraries and collections.15 There are more than 26,000 religious
manuscripts from the Archipelago preserved at Leiden University, around
10,300 similar manuscripts at National Libraries, and thousands of other
Archipelago manuscripts stored in local libraries in several countries,
including the Netherlands, Germany, Malaysia, England, France, Russia,
et cetera.16
However, only a few scholars have reviewed the manuscripts on
Islamic inheritance. Alifudin, Chaer, and Suud17 discussed the Islamic law
of inheritance in Buton in the Kitāb Farā’iḍ by Sultan Muhammad Idrus
Qaimuddin. Harahap and Syarif studied the manuscripts of al-Qawānīn
al-Shar’iyyah and Shamsūrī fī al-Farā’iḍ along with 11 other writings of
Sayyid Usman bin Abdullah,18 which became references to qādhi in the
Religious Courts (Mahkamah Shar’iyyah) and the codified Islamic family
law in the KHI (Kompilasi Hukum Islam).19 Yakin examined the LOr5626
manuscript from the Register of the Qādhi Court of the Banten Sultanate
1527-1813 about the case of inheritances by Kiyahi Pēqih Najmuddin
based on classical fiqh.20
Anis Masykhur, “Titik Singgung Hukum Islam dengan Hukum Adat pada
Naskah Perundang-Undangan Kerajaan Islam di Nusantara”, Al-Manahij: Jurnal Kajian
Hukum Islam, vol. 14, no. 2 (2020), p. 296.
15
Ridwan Bustamam, “Eksplorasi dan Digitalisasi Manuskrip Keagamaan:
Pengalaman di Minangkabau”, Jurnal Lektur Keagamaan, vol. 15, no. 2 (2017), p. 447.
16
Henri Chambert-Loir and Oman Fathurahman, Khazanah Naskah: Panduan
Koleksi Naskah-Naskah Indonesia Sedunia – World Guide to Indonesian Manuscript Collections,
1st edition (Jakarta: Yayasan Obor Indonesia, 1999), pp. 203-43.
17
Muhammad Alifudin, Moh. Toriqul Chaer, and Fitriah M. Suud,
“Contextualization of the 19th Century Islamic Law in Buton (A Study on Sultan
Muhammad Idrus Qaimuddin Thought about Mawaris)”, Ijtihad: Jurnal Wacana Hukum
Islam dan Kemanusiaan, vol. 20, no. 2 (2020), pp. 277-8.
18
Christiaan Snouck Hurgronje, Verspreide Geschriften (K. Schroeder, 1923), p.
285.
19
Radinal Mukhtar Harahap and Fajar Syarif, “Jâwî Reference in Islamic Law
Compilation: An Introduction to al-Qawânîn al-Syar‘iyyah by Sayyid Usman”, Journal
of Contemporary Islam and Muslim Societies, vol. 4, no. 2 (2021), p. 185.
20
Ayang Utriza Yakin, “The Register of the Qadi Court ‘Kiyahi Pĕqih
Najmuddin’ of the Sultanate of Banten, 1754-1756 CE.”, Studia Islamika, vol. 22, no.
3 (2015), p. 462.
14
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Muhammad Lutfi Hakim
The present article examines Majmū‘ al-Mīrāth fī Ḥukm al-Farā’iḍ
written by Mundu in 1941. This manuscript reveals the Islamic law of
inheritance applied by Mundu when he served as Mufti of the Kubu
Kingdom from 1907-1950 and the Kubu Court Judge from 1951-1957.
The manuscript includes charts of asset distribution that make beginners
easier to learn ‘ilm al-farā’iḍ. According to Masykur, one of the factors
for many religious texts in the Archipelago, including the manuscripts
in this paper, applied the Dutch government’s theory of receptie based
on the recommendation of Hurgronje. Although Indonesian Muslim
scholars claimed that the receptie theory harmed Islamic law,21 the
colonial policy positively impacted manuscript preservation. The Dutch
government seemed to increase further the copying and codification of
the manuscripts scattered throughout the Archipelago.
1. Biography of Ismail Mundu
The full name of Ismail Mundu was Sheikh Ismail ibn Abdul Karim
al-Bugisiy al-Puntiany. His father is a murshid of the Qadiriyyah tariqat,
who was of ethnic Bugis, while his mother is Zahra (Wak Soro) from
the Kakap Region of West Kalimantan. Mundu was born in the Sungai
Kakap area of Kubu Raya District, West Kalimantan, Indonesia, in 1287
AH (1870 AD), as a descendant of King Suwito from the Kingdom
of Gowa in South Sulawesi. Islam became the official religion in the
Kingdom of Gowa during the reign of I Mangarangi Daeng Manrabia,
who later became Sultan Alauddin. Previously, Mangku Bumi Malingkang
Daeng Manyanri, whose title was Sultan Abdullah Awalul Islam, had also
embraced Islam. He was appointed Mangku Bumi of the Kingdom of
Gowa because when he was crowned King of Gowa, Sultan Alaudin was
seven years older. According to Abbas, as quoted by Baidhillah Riyadhi,
from this Islamic empire, King Sawitto, the ancestor of Mundu, was
born.22
In his childhood, Ismail Mundu was often just called Mundu. In
his youth, too, he appeared to be an obedient child in practising Islamic
teachings. At seven, Mundu studied with his uncle (his mother’s younger
brother) named H. Muhammad bin H. Ali. Given his intelligence, Mundu
succeeded in completing the recitation of the Quran perfectly within
Euis Nurlaelawati, Modernization, Tradition and Identity: The Kompilasi Hukum
Islam and Legal Practice in the Indonesian Religious Courts (Amsterdam: Amsterdam University
Press, 2010), pp. 47-8.
22
Riyadhi, Guru Haji, p. 16.
21
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Ismail Mundu on Islamic Law of Inheritance
seven months. Furthermore, Sheikh Abdul Karim (Mundu’s father) sent
him to study religion with a great scholar in his time called H. Abdullah
ibn Salam, also known as H. Abdullah Bilawa. He had the title “Ulama
Batu Penguji” and lived in Sungai Kakap Village, Pontianak District. After
H. Abdullah ibn Salam died, Mundu continued to study religion with
Sayyed Abdullah Azzawawi, Tuan Umar Subawa, and Tuan Makabaro
(Puang Lompo).23
At the age of 20, Mundu performed the Hajj and studied with Arab
and Malay scholars in the Holy Land. After acquiring enough knowledge,
Mundu then returned home around 1904 and practised the knowledge he
had received from his teachers. Three years later, in 1907, Mundu gained
King Syarif Abbas’s trust (the sixth king in power from 1900-1911) to
serve as a mufti. After the end of the Kubu Kingdom, which integrated
into the Republic of Indonesia in 1951, Mundu was once again trusted
to be the Judge of the Kubu Court.24
2. Majmū‘ al-Mīrāth fī Ḥukm al-Farā’iḍ: Physical and Substantive
Descriptions
This manuscript is entitled, “Majmū‘ al-Mīrāth fī Ḥukm al-Farā’iḍ.”
The title of the manuscript is printed on the cover and page of the
opening remarks. The manuscript was written on 2 Zulhijjah 1360 AH/20
December 1941 AD. The script uses the Jawi alphabet, also known as
the Arab Malay alphabet. The manuscript does not have a number, and
it comes from the Teluk Pakedai Region, Kubu Raya District, West
Kalimantan Province. The original manuscript owner was Ummi Albah,
while the photocopied version is owned by H. Rifa’i Abbas, which has
been preserved neatly and well in the storage cabinet of each owner of
the manuscript.
The manuscript is 30.4 cm long and 20.4 cm wide, with the paper’s
width containing the written contents measuring 17.2 cm. Its thickness
measures 0.4 cm. The top margin is 2.1 cm, the bottom margin is 2.2 cm,
the right margin is 1.95 cm, and the left is 1.3 cm. The material used as
a base for script writing is plain paper. The manuscript cover is brown,
and the contents are on cream-coloured paper. The script is written using
black ink. The letter size is ± 4 mm with the khāṭ naskhī font mixed with
khāṭ riq‘ah. It has 24 pages. The script content has a maximum of 30
lines and a minimum of 27 lines, one title page, one page of opening
23
24
Ibid., pp. 19–22.
Jabbar, Sejarah Kerajaan, pp. 49-51.
Al-Jāmi‘ah, Vol. 61, No. 1, 2023 M/1444 H
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Muhammad Lutfi Hakim
remarks, one page of closing remarks, and two pages of male and female
inheritance calculation charts.
The manuscript was written by hand. It was written recto and verso
with the writing placement from right to left. It includes page numbers
located in the top-middle of the pages. Whereas the cover, introduction,
and inheritance division charts consist of two sheets that do not have
page numbers.25
The original manuscript’s condition remains relatively good. The
manuscript’s physical condition is still intact. It is still clearly readable,
although some words and letters are illegible because termites damaged
the physical text. Charts accompany the manuscript’s contents to make
it easier for readers to understand. Additionally, two pages of charts
explain the division of assets for each heir.
C. Principles of Islamic Inheritance Law and Distribution
Mechanism Charts: Mundu’s Practical Contribution
This sub-discussion describes the basics of the Islamic law of
inheritance, including the rights to inheritance, various heirs and their
respective divisions, and methods for determining the origin of the
issues. The explanation of the basics of the Islamic law of inheritance
in this sub-discussion clarified the inheritance distribution mechanism
described in detail by Mundu and practised in his manuscript’s chart
form. In addition, this sub-discussion also looks at Mundu’s tendency
to be of the Shāfi‘ī school of thought.
Before dividing the dead’s property among the heirs, there are three
obligations related to inheritance: first, the cost of caring for the corpse,
including white cloth covering the corpse, baths, carrying, and burial;
second, payment of debts; and third, fulfilling the will of the deceased
with a maximum of one-third (1/3).26 In the manuscript, Mundu criticised
most of the heirs who received an inheritance but did not care about
matters related to the deceased’s obligations.27
Ibid., p. 57.
The most famous reference describing a maximum of one-third for a will is
the hadith narrated by Sa‘ad bin Abī Waqqas. For further discussion on this issue, see:
Asep Sugiri, “Wasiat untuk Ahli Waris: Kritik Ekstern dan Intern Autentisitas HadisHadis Larangan Wasiat untuk Ahli Waris”, Al-Jami’ah: Journal of Islamic Studies, vol. 42,
no. 2 (2004), pp. 467-70; Samsul Hadi, “Pembatasan Wasiat sebagai Bentuk Keadilan
Hukum Islam”, Al-Ahwal: Jurnal Hukum Keluarga Islam, vol. 9, no. 2 (2017), p. 175.
27
Ismail Mundu, Majmū‘ al-Mīrāth fī Ḥukm al-Farā’iḍ (Teluk Pakedai, 1941), see
the muqaddimah.
25
26
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Regarding the third obligation, the deceased’s will, several Muslim
countries have made modifications in the form of wasiat wājibah.28 In
Indonesia, this wasiat wājibah applies to parents of adopted children.
Meanwhile, countries like Egypt (1946), Syria (1953), Morocco (1958), and
Iraq (1963) applied wasiat wājibah for granting grandfather’s inheritance to
orphaned grandchildren sharing with other heir’s kids. However, Syria and
Morocco limit it to the grandsons of a son.29 In Pakistan and Bangladesh,
bequeathing a grandfather’s inheritance to orphaned grandchildren is
known as a substitute heir, directly putting the orphaned grandchildren
in their parent’s place.30 In Indonesia, the transfer of such property is
known as the substitute heir (plaatvervuling).
Mundu divided the heirs based on gender into two, namely male
and female heirs. Male heirs are 15 people, namely sons, father, husband,
grandsons, grandfathers, siblings, consanguine siblings, uterine siblings,
sons of siblings, sons of consanguine siblings, uncles, consanguine uncles,
sons of uncles, sons of consanguine uncles, and mu‘tiq.31 Meanwhile,
there are ten female heirs: daughters, mother, wife, granddaughters,
grandmother from the father’s side, grandmother from the mother,
sisters, consanguine sisters, and mu‘tiqah.32 If all heirs are still alive, only
five people receive the inheritance, biological children, father, mother,
husband, and wife.33
D. Mundu’s Characteristics and Orientation in the Islamic Law
of Inheritance
The thought of Mundu on Islamic law of inheritance clearly
inclined toward the Shāfi‘ī school. This orientation can derive from the
Wasiat wājibah is an action taken by a judge as a state apparatus to force
a deceased person’s compulsory will, given to parents and adopted children with a
maximum of one-third of the inheritance; Ahmad Rofiq, Hukum Islam di Indonesia
(Jakarta: PT RajaGrafindo Persada, 2000), p. 462.
29
J. N. D. Anderson, “Recent Reforms in the Islamic Law of Inheritance”,
International & Comparative Law Quarterly, vol. 14, no. 2 (1965), pp. 358-9.
30
Lucy Carroll, “Orphaned Grandchildren in Islamic Law of Succession:
Reform and Islamization in Pakistan”, Islamic Law and Society, vol. 5, no. 3 (1998), p. 446.
31
Mundu, Majmū‘ al-Mīrāth, p. 24.
32
Ibid.
33
Ibid., p. 3; It is claimed that patriarchal culture much influences the Islamic law
of inheritance, which is more beneficial to male heirs than female heirs in all matters.
However, the Islamic law of inheritance pays attention to women’s rights; Jasni bin
Sulong, “Inheritance Law for Women: Islamic Feminism and Social Justice”, Journal of
Islamic Studies and Culture, vol. 3, no. 1 (2015), pp. 11-2.
28
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Muhammad Lutfi Hakim
emphasis that he delivered himself on the manuscript’s first page.
I call this treatise Majmū‘ al-Mīrāth fī Ḥukm al-Farā’iḍ, on the madhab of
our Imām Shāfi‘ī, may Allah be pleased with him, to make it easier for
the beginners to understand the problem and explain to others. I hope
Allah Ta’ala will give His blessings by keeping me and those who read it
from Satan that is condemned.34
The Shāfi‘ī influence on Mundu’s work appears in his explanation of the
rights to inheritance, heirs categorisation, furūḍ al-muqaddarah, methods of
determining the origin of the problem, and some cases of dividing an
inheritance. Such influence became more clear when Mundu positioned
himself in the discourse on several issues of inheritance division with
various opinions from scholars.
The discussion of the rights attributed to the deceased’s inheritance
showed the first clue that Mundu based his concept on the Shāfi‘ī school,
which included the cost of caring for the corpse, paying the debt, and
fulfilling the deceased’s will with a maximum limit of one-third (1/3).35
In the case of granting the inheritance to heirs with a provision of a
maximum of 1/3 of the inheritance, only Egypt, Sudan, and Iraq allow
the granting without the consent of all heirs.36 Whereas Indonesia allows
it, provided that there must be agreement from all heirs.
Shāfi‘ī scholars agreed that the costs of caring for bodies, paying
debts, and fulfilling the will are rights to the inheritance.37 These scholars
differed on the details of the body’s treatment, the heirs’ obligations to
pay off debts, and the order of the rights to prioritise over the others.
The majority of the scholars of Mālikī, Shāfi‘ī, and the famous views of
the Hanafī school argue that the debt obligations of the estate should
be the first to pay. On the contrary, the Hanbalī school and one of the
Hanafī school’s views put corpse care as the first right to fulfil immediately.
Mālikī and Shāfi‘ī schools argue that virtue is made in the context of how
the inheritance is spent and does not intend to slow down the handling
of the corpse. If a person dies and does not leave any estate behind,
Mundu, Majmū‘ al-Mīrāth, p. 1.
Ibid.
36
Sri Wahyuni, “Pembaharuan Hukum Keluarga Islam di Negara-Negara
Muslim”, Kosmik Hukum, vol. 11, no. 1 (2011), p. 218.
37
Andi Asdar Yusuf, “Controversy of Islamic Law on the Distribution of
Inheritance to the Heirs of Different Religion”, Hunafa: Jurnal Studia Islamika, vol. 14,
no. 2 (2017), pp. 383-5; Salako Taofiki Ajani, “The Value of Islamic Inheritance in
Consolidation of the Family Financial Stability”, IOSR Journal of Humanities and Social
Science, vol. 8, no. 3 (2013), p. 17.
34
35
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Ismail Mundu on Islamic Law of Inheritance
then the cost of managing the corpse becomes the obligation of the heir
who can afford it. If no heir can afford it, it charges all people with the
obligation of farḍu kifāyah.38
Another case showing Mundu’s leaning toward the Shāfi‘ī school
is his discussion of furūḍ al-muqaddarah. The inheritance division may use
substantial portions (furūḍ al-muqaddarah), ‘aṣābah, and dhawī al-’arḥām.39
Furūḍ al-muqaddarah refers to the parts that the Shariat have determined
for certain heirs in the division of inheritance. These portions are what
the heirs will receive based on the relationship of kinship. There are six
required compulsory and specified divisions in the Quran, not to be
added nor deducted,40 whether it is a 1/2, 1/3, 1/4, 1/8, 2/3, or 1/6
of the property. In addition to inheriting estate assets by obtaining a
definite share, heirs can also inherit by receiving the remaining portion
(‘aṣābah), which starts from the order of nasab. In the case of no heir,
the inheritance shall be for the bait al-māl if it runs based on the Shariat.
Otherwise, the inheritance should be given to a trustee who can distribute
it on the path of virtue for all Muslims or the poor.41
Mundu’s opinion concerning giving the inheritance to the bait almāl is in line with the thought of Imām Shāfi‘ī, Imām Mālik, and Zaid
ibn Thābit, and Ibn ‘Abbas. They argue that if a person dies leaving the
inheritance behind and there is no heir in the category of aṣḥāb al-furūḍ
and ‘aṣābah, then the legacy shall be for bait al-māl to for the benefit of
the Muslim community.42 The provision is also adopted in Article 191
of the Indonesian Compilation of Islamic Law, specifically that if the
testator does not leave anything assets to the heirs as stipulated in Article
174 paragraph (1), then the estate or the remaining estate based on the
decision of the Religious Court shall be handed over to the bait al-māl
for the benefit of Islam and public welfare.
In contrast to Mundu’s opinion, several countries, including Egypt,
Mohd Yusuf Mohd Ali and Ibrahim Basri, “Kedudukan Harta Sepencarian
Sebagai Hak Harta Peninggalan Dalam Perundangan Islam”, presented at the Seminar
Antarabangsa Perundangan Islam dalam Masyarakat Kontemporari 2017 (ISLAC
2017), p. 1220.
39
M. Zubair et al., “The Laws of Inheritance in Islam”, Journal of Basic and
Applied Scientific Research, vol. 4, no. 8 (2014), p. 86.
40
Mundu, Majmū‘ al-Mīrāth, pp. 3-4.
41
Ibid., p. 3.
42
Further discussion on the arguments of Shāfi‘ī to give the inheritance to
bait al-māl, not to dhawī al-’arḥām, see: Beni Ahmad Saebani, Fiqh Mawaris, (Bandung:
Pustaka Setia, 2009), p. 183.
38
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Muhammad Lutfi Hakim
Sudan, and Tunisia, have promulgated legal rules that provide residual
of the estate (rādd) to the aṣḥāb al-furūḍ.43 Article 30 paragraph (2) of
Law No. 77 of 1943 concerning inheritance (qānūn al-mīrāth) of Egypt
and the Circular of Law No. 28 of 1925 of Sudan provides remaining
estate to husbands or wives, provided that there are no aṣḥāb al-furūḍ and
dhawī al-’arḥām. Additional Regulation (1959) Article 143 paragraph (1)
of the Tunisian Family Law of 1956 grants the remaining estate to the
aṣḥāb al-furūḍ according to their right. In Article 143, paragraph (2) of
the Family Law of 1956, Tunisia gives the remaining estate to orphaned
grandchildren, even though male heirs who receive the ‘aṣābah bi al-nafs
are still alive, such as male siblings, uncles, or the public treasury.
In addition, Mundu also discussed some specific, unique cases
relating to the Islamic inheritance law. Mundu discussed in detail along
with examples of cases in the division of inheritance he made in the
form of charts, such as the cases of gharrawain or ‘umariyatain, ḥimāriyyah
or musyārakah, akdāriyah, minbāriyah, yatimiah, khuntha, munāsakhah, and
the case of inheritance in which two testators died simultaneously. In
classical literature, the debate on such cases has been very dynamic. In his
manuscript, Mundu also discussed them, demonstrating the inclination
of his thought aligned with the Shāfi‘ī School. The author picks the cases
of gharrawain and khuntha to discuss here as two examples.
1. The Case of Gharrawain
In the gharrawain case, the heirs consisted of a father, mother,
and husband or wife. Generally, there are two notable opinions among
scholars in resolving this case. The first was the method Ibn ‘Abbas,44
adopted by Dāwud al-Ẓāhirī and his disciple Ibn Hazm. According to
this opinion, the husband gets 3/6, the mother still receives 2/6, and the
father receives 1/6 from all inheritance. As a result, the mother receives
two portions, while the father receives one portion. This argument
comes from the literal meaning of Sūrah Al-Nisā’ [4:11] and the hadith
stating that the mother is entitled to three times as much as the father
in accepting goodness.45
The second was from ‘Umar ibn Khaṭṭāb, Zaid ibn Thābit,
‘Uthman ibn ‘Affān, Ibn Mas‘ūd, and ‘Ali ibn Abī Ṭālib, adopted by
Wahib, ‘Reformasi Hukum Waris’, pp. 46-7.
Kimber, ‘The Qur’anic Law of Inheritance’, p. 308.
45
Ibn Hazm, Al-Muḥallā (Mesir: Matba‘ah al-Jumhuriyyah Al-‘Arabiyah, 1970),
pp. 326–30.
43
44
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Ismail Mundu on Islamic Law of Inheritance
jumhūr ‘ulamā’, including Imām Shāfi‘ī. According to this opinion, the
husband receives 3/6, the mother receives 1/6, and the father receives
2/6 from all inheritance. The majority of scholars interprets the phrase
fa liummihi thuluth as the mother gets 1/3 of the residual that is entitled to
be inherited by the two heir parents, not 1/3 of all inheritance. Because,
if interpreted as 1/3 of the estate, then the phrase wa wārithāhu abawāhu
is rendered meaningless. Thus, the comparison of the portions received
by the father and the mother remains consistent 2:1, according to the
principle of li al-dhakari mithl ḥaẓ al-unthayain.46 Of these two opinions,
Mundu adopted the second opinion, which bequeaths the mother 1/3 of
the residual. This second opinion indicates the inclination of Mundu’s
thought to resolve the case in the Shāfi‘ī school.
This first case settlement corresponds to Ibn ‘Abbas based on the
Quran and the hadith, and the settlement had no problems. The husband
gets 3 portions (1/2 of 6), the mother receives 2 portions (1/3 of 6), and
the father gets 1 portion of the residual. However, when a comparison
is made between the father and the mother’s part, there is a sense of
irregularity. The mother receives twice the father’s portion (the mother
gets two portions, while the father one portion). These irregularities are
due to a violation of principle 2:1 (li al-dhakari mithl ḥaẓ al-unthayain).47
To overcome these irregularities, Umar commented that the
mother’s furūḍ of 1/3 was not taken from the entire estate but from
the residual after being allotted to the husband. The husband gets three
portions (1/2 of 6), and the residual is three portions. The mother gets
one portion, 1/3 of the residual (3). While the father gets two portions
of the residual after the mother’s portion has been allotted. The view of
the majority, including the Shāfi‘ī School, was adopted by Mundu in his
manuscript and codified in Article 178 paragraph (2) of the Compilation
of Islamic Law. According to Wahib,48 giving the portion of the mother
Ratu Haika, “Bagian Ayah dan Saudara dalam Kewarisan Islam di Indonesia
(Perspektif Fiqh, KHI dan Prakteknya di PA dan Masyarakat)”, Mazahib, vol. 10, no.
2 (2012), p. 341.
47
The father’s necessity to receive two portions of what the mother receives
follows the principle of li al-dhakari mithl ḥaẓ al-unthayain, as in the Shāfi‘ī School and
adopted to the Compilation of Islamic Law; See Andree Feillard, “Indonesia’s Emerging
Muslim Feminism: Women Leaders on Equality, Inheritance and Other Gender Issues”,
Studia Islamika, vol. 4, no. 1 (2014), p. 84; Muhammad Mahsus, “Tafsir Kontekstual dan
Eksistensi Perempuan serta Implikasinya terhadap Penyetaraan Bagian Waris Laki-Laki
dan Perempuan”, Journal of Islamic Law (JIL), vol. 1, no. 1 (2020), pp. 25–44.
48
Wahib, “Reformasi Hukum Waris”, p. 34.
46
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Muhammad Lutfi Hakim
to receive the portion of thuluth al-bāqy is the ijtihād of the Companions
to find a new law that is more in line with the demands of society at
that time.
2. The Case of Khuntha
Mundu also explains the case of al-khuntha mushkil49 in his
manuscript. Generally, there are three opinions on how to resolve this
case. The first argument is presented by Imām Abū Ḥanīfah, Imām
Muḥammad, and Abū Yūsuf. This opinion states that the heirs of khuntha
have received the least part of the two possibilities (male or female),
while the other heirs have received the majority of the estate assets. The
second argument is explained by Shāfi‘ī Scholars, Abū Dāwud, Abū Thaur,
Ibn Jarīr al-Ṭabbarī, and Ḥanbali Scholars. This opinion states that a
khuntha and the heirs can receive the inheritance and are processed with
one of the two worst possible possibilities. The rest is suspended until
there is clarity about their status, whether they are male or female. The
third argument is explained by Mālikī, some of Ḥanbali, Zaidiyyah, and
some Shia Imāmiyyah. This opinion states that the heirs of khuntha have
received part of the two possibilities (male or female) and other heirs.50
Of these three opinions, Mundu adopted the second. This second
opinion indicates the inclination of Mundu’s thought to resolve the case
in the Shāfi‘ī School. For more clarity on the second opinion, Mundu
explained it with an illustrator figure in his manuscript, provided with
an example. If the testator leaves behind a husband, a daughter, and a
khuntha child, for example, the husband gets 1/4, and the daughter and
the khuntha child receive an ‘aṣābah, supposed that the khuntha child is
male; then the husband gets two parts, the daughter gets two ports, and
the khuntha gets 4 parts. If supposed that the khuntha child is female, the
husband gets 1/4, and the daughter and the khuntha (female) child share
2/3; it means that the husband gets two portions, while the daughter
and the khuntha child (female) receive three portions each. Based on the
opinion of the school of Shāfi‘ī, of the two possible portions allocated to
the khuntha child, the minor part of the khuntha child is that the khuntha
Al-khuntha has no single, distinct sex identity. In the context of legal certainty,
the ulamas divide khuntha into two: mushkil and ghairu mushkil, based on whether the
sexual, physical sign may be identified or not; Teungku Muhammad Hasbi Ash Shiddieqy,
Fiqh Mawaris: Hukum Pembagian Warisan Menurut Syariat Islam (Semarang: Pustaka Rizki
Putra, 2010), p. 250.
50
Muḥammad Alī Al-Shabūnī, Al-Mawārīth fī al-Sharī’ah al-Islāmiyyah (Beirut:
Dār al-Kitāb al-Ilmiah, 1995), pp. 260–2.
49
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child is allotted the amount of the daughter. Each heir’s portion is as
follows, the husband gets two portions, the daughter receives two parts,
and the khuntha child gets three portions. The remaining single portion
is then suspended until the khuntha child is clear of their status, whether
male or female. This division is the method described by Mundu in his
manuscript, which indicates his thoughts on resolving this case in the
Shāfi‘ī School.
From the described above, Mundu preceded the principle of 2:1
than the heirs’ provisions and chose the middle ground among the
parties concerned. Related to this, Powers argued that the Sunnī Scholars,
including Imām Shāfi‘ī, tended to defend the principle of 2:1 (li al-dhakari
mithl ḥaẓ al-unthayain) and that the principle could not be defeated by the
particular rules contained in the verses of inheritance.51 Kimber also
argues that the specific regulations set forth in the verses of inheritance
serve to qualify and mitigate the customary system of agnatic succession.52
E. Concluding Remarks
The manuscript, entitled “Majmū‘ al-Mīrāth fī Ḥukm al-Farā’iḍ,”
was written by Ismail Mundu on 20 December 1941. The manuscript
described the Islamic law of inheritance that Mundu applied when he
served as Mufti in the Kubu Kingdom and Judge of the Kubu Court.
It discusses the rights to inheritance, various heirs, furūḍ al-muqaddarah,
methods for determining the origin of the problem, and cases in the
inheritance division. The work provided charts containing concise
formulas that can be used as a guide for facilitating beginners in learning
the Islamic law of inheritance. The provision of charts in the manuscript
revealed Mundu’s anxiety about the difficulties encountered by his
students in understanding the Islamic inheritance-sharing mechanism.
Mundu’s thought on the Islamic law of inheritance was based on
the Shāfi‘ī school. Its inclination is apparent when Mundu positioned
himself to discuss several cases of Islamic inheritance, which contained
differences of scholars. This paper affirms the existing theory that the
school of thought in the Islamic law used by Muslims in the Indonesian
Archipelago, including the people of Kubu Raya at that time, was of the
Shāfi‘ī school. The difference between the Islamic law of inheritance
in this manuscript and the Shāfi‘ī school of fiqh common literature is
51
52
Powers, Studies Qur’an and Hadith, pp. 57-66.
Kimber, “The Qur’anic Law of Inheritance”, p. 293.
Al-Jāmi‘ah, Vol. 61, No. 1, 2023 M/1444 H
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Muhammad Lutfi Hakim
that there are practical charts containing concise formulas to calculate
inheritance division and make it easier for beginners to learn the Islamic
law of inheritance.
Acknowledgment
The author would like to thank Rifa’i Abbas (one of Ismail Mundu’s
students) and Baidhillah Riyadhi for their willingness to provide the
author with the manuscript copies.
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