The Archaeologist of the Future is Likely to be a Woman: Age and Gender Patterns in European Archaeology Irena Lazar, Faculty of Humanities, University of Primorska, Koper, Slovenia RESEARCH Archaeologies: Journal of the World Archaeological Congress ( 2014) DOI 10.1007/s11759-014-9263-6 Tina Kompare, Institute for Mediterranean Heritage, Science & Research Centre, University of Primorska, Koper, Slovenia Heleen van Londen, Department of Archaeology, Faculty of Humanities, Amsterdam Centre of Ancient Studies and Archaeology, University of Amsterdam, Turfdraagsterpad 9, 1012XT, Amsterdam, The Netherlands E-mail: h.vanlonden@uva.nl Tine Schenk, Norwegian Association of Researchers, Trondheim, Norway ABSTRACT ________________________________________________________________ A recent study into the archaeological profession in 21 European countries resulted in recognising gender equality as a major topic that needs attention. The overall trend is that women will form the future majority of workers in archaeology. However, the conditions under which women work differ by country, and in several countries, women are paid less and are not well represented in leadership positions. Gender equality needs to be put on the agenda and each country should take measurements to close the gap. Résumé: Une étude récente sur le métier d’archéologue dans 21 pays européens a eu pour effet de considérer l’égalité des sexes comme un sujet important qui nécessite une attention particulière. La tendance générale qui se dégage veut que les femmes constitueront à l’avenir la majeure partie des travailleurs dans l’archéologie. Toutefois, les conditions dans lesquelles les femmes travaillent diffèrent d’un pays à l’autre et, dans plusieurs d’entre eux, elles sont moins payées et sont peu représentées aux postes de direction. L’égalité des sexes doit devenir une préoccupation majeure, et chaque pays doit prendre des mesures pour réduire cet écart. ________________________________________________________________ Resumen: Un estudio reciente sobre la profesión arqueológica en 21 paı́ses europeos dio como resultado el reconocimiento de la igualdad de género como un tema de importancia que necesita atención. La tendencia global es que las mujeres formarán la futura mayorı́a de trabajadores en  2014 World Archaeological Congress ARCHAEOLOGIES ________________________________________________________________ I. LAZAR ET AL. arqueologı́a. Sin embargo, las condiciones bajo las que trabajan las mujeres difieren por paı́s, y en varios paı́ses, las mujeres ganan menos y no están bien representadas en posiciones de liderazgo. Es necesario que la igualdad de género sea incorporada a la agenda y cada paı́s debe tomar medidas para eliminar estas diferencias. _______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ KEY WORDS Archaeology, Gender balance, Europe, Profession _______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ Introduction Discovering the Archaeologists of Europe 2014, a Europe-wide survey has recently (2012–14) been conducted on the archaeological profession (Aitchison et al. 2014) (Figure 1). Comparable information was collected through questionnaires in 21 European countries addressing workforce size, age and gender patterns, disability status, countries of origin (mobility), contracts (full-time or part-time), average salaries, and qualifications. The results show interesting trends and differences that are relevant and need to be addressed. The following article discusses how different gender patterns are visible in relation to archaeologists’ ages across three nations. In the future, as is shown in Fig. 2, the archaeological profession will be dominated by women. The pattern shows a similar trend for most European countries, but the current situation differs substantially in individual countries. In total, across the 21 participating countries the gender balance in archaeology is 50.7% female, 49.3% male. In several countries women already form the majority of the archaeological workforce, such as in Greece where 76% of archaeologists are women, Italy where 71% are, Cyprus 68%, Slovenia and Norway 63%. In other countries males dominate; 64% of Romanian archaeologists are men, in Poland the figure is 61% and also in Flanders (61% male) (Aitchison et al. 2014). These figures need to be contextualised in order to fully understand separate or common issues on gender equality. This article provides contextual information for three of the participating European countries—Slovenia, the Netherlands, and Norway—with the purpose of raising awareness. What power will women have? Is the domination reflected only in their number? Why do men leave the profession? Gender equality is defined and expressed through various denominators throughout the European member states and can be measured in different ways—for example by who fills leadership positions, income, job security, maternity and paternity leave or the ability to raise a family and care for The Archaeologist of the Future is Likely to be a Woman Figure 1. Countries participating in the Discovering the Archaeologists of Europe 2014 project the children. The World Economic Forum’s Global Gender Gap report (Schwab et al. 2013) presents a strong methodology to compare gender imbalances across nations. It ranks Norway third best in the world, the Netherlands 13th and Slovenia on position 38. The contributions in this article are not built around a single methodology, but aims to offer insight into the countries’ background. Across the 21 participating countries, women make up the majority of the archaeological workforce aged up to 40, but men forming the majority above that age (Figure 2). I. LAZAR ET AL. Figure 2. Age bands of the archaeological workforce in 21 countries Women in Slovene Archaeology (Irena Lazar and Tina Kompare) In 2008, the predecessor Discovering the Archaeologists of Europe examined the archaeological profession in Slovenia and identified the feminisation of this profession which has now been reconfirmed within the current research in 2014 (Pintarič and Novaković 2008; Kompare et al. 2014). It is worth stressing that women occupy different work posts and positions in Slovenian archaeology; their work is not limited to specific areas of archaeology (such as the processing of materials or excavations), but they can be found in highresponsibility positions, such as company managers, directors of museums, research institutes and faculty, as well as being Academy (SAZU—Slovenska akademija znanosti in umetnosti/Slovenian Academy of Sciences and Arts) members. A more detailed presentation about women in Slovenian archaeology and the feminisation of this field in Slovenia will be presented in a forthcoming article by Tina Kompare and Irena Lazar (Kompare and Lazar 2014). The data selected in that work are also included in this article. The beginning of institutionally organised archaeology in present day Slovenia is generally considered to have taken place in the year 1851, when the Kaiser and König Central Committee, charged with the protection of artistic and historical monuments, was established (Črešnar et al. 2013:6). Women first appear in Slovene archaeological practice as late as the early 20th century—and even then merely as amateurs. It was only after the Second World War that women entered professional archaeology as active participants—almost half a century later than in the American and wider English-speaking world (Claassen 1994). The pioneer in present day Slovenia was the Duchess of Mecklenburg (1856–1929), born as Princess Maria The Archaeologist of the Future is Likely to be a Woman von Windischgraetz, who conducted excavations in Slovenia between 1905 and 1914 at such sites as Stična (Gabrovec et al. 2006:217–220; Gabrovec and Teržan 2008 [2010]:19–32; Božič 2009), Vače (Stare 1955:13–58), Magdalenska gora (Hecken 1978; Tecco Hvala et al. 2004), and Vinica. She only got involved in archaeology in her middle age as an amateur and acquired most of her knowledge by cooperating with archaeologists such as Alfred Götze. She financed her excavations herself and her work received huge recognition when her excavations in Šentvid near Stična were visited by the esteemed European pre-historian Oscar Montelius in 1913. Her rich collection contained several thousand items from the Bronze and Iron Ages, which were then sold by her daughter Maria Antoniette (with the permission of King Alexander) at auction in 1934 (American Art Association 1934). They were mostly purchased by the Peabody Museum at Harvard (Polizzotti Greis 2005) and by the Ashmolean Museum in Oxford; only a small number of these finds were donated to the National Museum of Slovenia. Archaeology Studies Archaeology became an independent academic discipline in Slovenia in the academic year 1923/1924 (Novaković et al. 2004:11). Senior students were exclusively men, although there were four women among the junior students (ibid., 28). Between 1926 and 1944, 48 students graduated with archaeology listed as their minor or parallel study field. 38 students (26 men and 12 women) studied archaeology as a parallel study course, while 10 students (five men and five women) studied archaeology as a minor subject (ibid., 42). The proportion of female graduates (35%) was fairly high by the standards of the period (ibid., 44). After the Second World War, Slovenian archaeology had entirely lost its pre-war teachers and experts. There is no accurate record of graduates between 1946 and 1950, but in academic year 1950/1951 archaeology finally achieved the status of an independent subject. Between 1946 and 1960 38 students graduated, 40% of whom were women (Novaković et al. 2004:59). Almost all of these graduates continued their professional careers in various institutions, either in Slovenia or Yugoslavia. In 1952 the first woman to receive a PhD in archaeology graduated from Ljubljana University (ibid., 61); in 1955 the first female assistant was employed in archaeology studies. Over the period from 1961 to 1970 the number of graduates declined slightly, as only 21 students finished their studies, 10 of whom were women (ibid., 71). These graduates mostly found employment in either regional or city museums (ibid., 72). Between 1971 and 1979 the number of graduates increased to 34, 44% of whom were women (ibid., 76), and between 1980 and 1989 37 students graduated (46% women), I. LAZAR ET AL. with numbers rising to 46 in the following decade (63% women) (ibid., 89, 110). Between 2001 and 2013 the number of archaeology graduates in Slovenia increased dramatically (to a total of 193), with the proportion of female graduates rising to 70%. The trend towards a predominately female graduate population that started in 2001 still continues (Figures 3, 4). Figure 3. Male and female archaeology graduates in Slovenia, 1960–2009 Figure 4. Male and female archaeology graduates between 1999 and 2013 with trend lines by gender (computed biannually) The Archaeologist of the Future is Likely to be a Woman Female Authors Contributing to ‘‘Arheološki vestnik’’ The subject matter for this analysis was the main Slovenian archaeological journal Arheološki vestnik. Continuous publication since 1950 enables analysis of the distribution of contributors’ genders since the very early postwar period, and the authors have looked at issues 1–64. The application of bibliometric analysis methods to serial publications emerged in the 1990s when gender archaeology, established in the mid-80s, sought to objectively analyse existing structures of prevalence (Merc 2005:27). Merc (2005) undertook the first such analysis across the area of former Yugoslavia, including Slovenia, and analysed authorship in Praistorija jugoslavenskih zemalja (Prehistory of Yugoslav Countries). Our analysis is simpler, since it only treats the authors contributing to individual issues of the Arheološki vestnik according to their genders. A single author with several contributions per issue is only recorded once. The ratio between the two sexes only becomes relatively balanced after 1990, the only earlier exception being the 1975 issue when the percentage of female contributors surpassed 50%; that issue of Arheološki vestnik includes contributions from the international congress Rei cretariae romanae fautorum which took place in Ljubljana in 1973 (the authors were informed of this by Andrej Preložnik, pers. comm.) (Figure 5). Female Archaeologists’ Employment Universities Data collected in 1989 shows a balanced picture of employment at the Department of Archaeology in Ljubljana, when six male and six Figure 5. Proportion of female authors contributing to Arheološki vestnik, 1950–2013 I. LAZAR ET AL. female archaeologists were employed. The Faculty of Humanities was only established in the middle of the first decade of the 21st century, which means we have no data before that. Research Institutes Both research institutes are currently under female management and both institutes mostly employ women, which only became the case recently: ZRC, SAZU, Archaeology Institute employed five female and seven male archaeologists in 1989. Museums According to data collected for the Discovering the Archaeologists of Europe 2012–14 project, 54 individuals with archaeological qualifications are employed in museums, 66% of whom are women. The director of the National Museum of Slovenia is an archaeologist. Twenty-five years ago, 32 people with archaeological qualifications were employed in museums, 66% of whom were women. The gender ratio therefore remains unchanged despite the increase in the number of people employed in museums. Institute for the Protection of Cultural Heritage of Slovenia According to Discovering the Archaeologists of Europe 2012–14 survey data, the Institute for the Protection of Cultural Heritage employs 42 people with qualifications in archaeology, 64% of whom are women, which is close to the ratio in the museums. This does not include people on short contracts working for the Institute for the Protection of Cultural Heritage for a limited period of time. In 1989 the male/female ratio was orientated in favour of men, as women represented only 29% of the Institute’s work force at that time. Private Companies By the end of the 1990s highway construction had created a large increase in the need for archaeological work, which led to the establishment of several archaeological private companies. The proportion of female archaeologists in these companies with more than two employees is as follows: ARHEJ d.o.o. 83%, Tica sistem d.o.o. 67%, Magelan skupina d.o.o. 50%, and PJP d.o.o. 50% (figures from company websites). Female Archaeologists Registered at the Employment Agency On January 19th 2014, 37 archaeologists were registered as unemployed at the government’s Employment Agency,1 most of whom (19) came from the Ljubljana area. Re-examining the site on June 10th 2014 showed the number of registered people had reduced by six. Most unemployed archaeologists still came from Ljubljana (16), while the number of individuals from other regions remained relatively unchanged. From this, it can be assumed that there is employment available in the field of archaeology, but to a limited extent and only for fixed terms. The data reported by the Employment Agency showed that 81% of unemployed archaeologists are women, higher than the proportion of women working in the archaeological profession. The unemployed archaeologists mostly held BA qualifica- The Archaeologist of the Future is Likely to be a Woman tions in archaeology, although some had higher degrees of education and most of these people were women. Personal Income The lowest salary recorded in Slovenia by Discovering the Archaeologists of Europe 2012–14 was earned by an individual working at a private organisation, while the highest was in education and research. This corresponds with the findings of the predecessor project in 2008 (Pintarič and Novaković 2008:62). The majority of respondents listed the average value of their income; in archaeology this is, according to our data and calculations, typically e1,607.08 per month, which is almost 105% of the average gross income in Slovenia in October 2013 (when the survey was performed); at that time the average gross income per month for all workers was, according to the Statistical Office RS, e1,526.11. In comparison with 5 years before, the relative average wage for archaeologists had fallen by about one-fifth lower, since that figure equated to 130% of the average gross income in Slovenia in 2008. Studies conducted for the 80th anniversary of archaeology studies at the University of Ljubljana established that the archaeological profession underwent a process of feminisation (Novaković et al. 2004). Our research has shown that women dominate in all branches of archaeology except private entrepreneurship, which makes it possible to claim that the profession, which was considered exclusively male in the early 20th century, is now heavily feminised. Female archaeologists started to emerge in the post-war period, but the real change came in the late 1980s, as demonstrated by the proportion of women employed in the Archaeology Department of the University of Ljubljana. This is reflected—with a short time lag—in the articles published in Arheološki vestnik. From 1989 onwards women took up increasing numbers of posts in museums, whereas they were employed by the Department of Archaeology in relatively equal numbers to men and to a lesser extent at the Archaeology Institute and the Institute for the Protection of Cultural Heritage. International studies have established that it is a general phenomenon that larger numbers of women are employed in museums (Claassen 1994:4); female archaeologists often seek employment outside academia, as, being more adaptable, they can find employment with various employers (ibid.). Women in Dutch Archaeology (Heleen van Londen) In 2004, the Minister of Social Affairs and Employment, Aart Jan de Geus, proclaimed that the emancipation of autochthonous women was complete and that focus should be brought to the position of immigrant women.2 I. LAZAR ET AL. His statement resulted in waves of criticism. Yes, the position of immigrant women were seen as important, but the major issue put forward was the emancipation of men. Many studies have been undertaken on women in powerful positions, for instance concerning university professors (Lansu+Paulis Communicatiepartners 2008) or board members of commercial enterprises—and in both cases, the Netherlands do not do very well. Only 6% of board members are female according to the Female Board Index in September 2014.3 The Women in Business report (Grant Thornton 2014) ranks the Netherlands at the bottom, together with Japan, of the proportion of women in senior management positions world-wide. Women in academia do not fare much better; in the Netherlands, less than 10% of Professors are women (Lansu+Paulis Communicatiepartners 2008:8) (Figure 6). These reports are contrary to the relatively high position (13th in the world) given to the Netherlands by the World Economic Forum’s Global Gender Gap Report (Schwab et al. 2013) mentioned above. In 1871, the first woman graduated from university in the Netherlands. Aletta Jacobs studied medicine. She also was the first woman to obtain a PhD, 8 years later. The first female Professor (by special appointment), Johanna Westerdijk, was given a Chair in 1917 at Utrecht University. The first female Professor in Archaeology, Caroline Haspels, became a full Professor of Classics and Archaeology in 1935 at age 41 at the University of Amsterdam, while the first male Professor of Archaeology (Caspar Reuvens) had been appointed in 1818 at Leiden University. From Professor Haspels appointment in 1935 until 2014, 10 women have become full Professors in Archaeology, the majority in Mediterranean Archaeology and Environmental Archaeology. Chairs in North-west European Archaeology (Prehistory, Roman Archaeology, Historical Archaeology, Landscape Archaeology, Public Archaeology) in the Netherlands are still predominantly held by men. It has been shown that from 2000 onwards highly educated women outnumber men in the workforce, but these women prefer to work part-time contracts as child care is basically still a mother’s job in the Netherlands (Centraal Bureau voor de Statistiek 2010). Grant Thornton (2014) shows that the growth of professional women in the workplace is a worldwide trend; in North America, 140 women hold professional posts for every 100 men (Figure 7). From 2000 onwards more women entered Dutch professional archaeology than men, although presently the majority (58%) of professional workers are still male (Van Londen et al. 2014:61), as is shown by Figure 8. In the future the number will increase further, and so the archaeological profession in the Netherlands thus follows world-wide demographic trends. That senior positions are dominated by men is also reflected in workers’ age groups (ibid., 62) (Figure 9). The Archaeologist of the Future is Likely to be a Woman Figure 6. Gender balance in academic careers. From Lansu+Paulis Communicatiepartners 2008:8 Figure 7. Gender balance in world-wide education, 2014 Table 1 shows that women earn less than men, both in part-time and full-time positions. The gap is smaller in part-time than in full-time jobs. These data provide no insight into whether remuneration differs for each specific function (same function-different salary). As shown in Table 2, women work more often in part-time and junior positions. I. LAZAR ET AL. Figure 8. Male:female ratio over time in archaeology in The Netherlands Figure 9. Gender and age distribution in Dutch Archaeology in 2013 In conclusion, for the Netherlands particularly, high numbers of women in archaeology will not automatically mean women will gain access to leadership positions, given the gender gaps in the Netherlands which are illustrated by the reports on academic careers as well as their roles in businesses. One of the reasons behind these patterns is the fact that women The Archaeologist of the Future is Likely to be a Woman Table 1 Earnings by gender in Dutch archaeology Lowest 10% Lower 25% Median Higher 25% Highest 10% Average n e40,168 e36,869 e47,179 e40,000 e51,663 e47,340 e57,500 e51,818 e43,275 e41,375 135 83 e30,663 e34,045 e39,500 e38,750 e43,590 e43,090 e51,663 e57,500 e40,644 e40,721 42 93 2013 Full-time M e30,033 F e30,033 Part-time M F e30,883 e30,049 From van Londen et al. (2014:76) Table 2 Gender balance in full-time or part-time contracts in Dutch Archaeology 2013 No. of m/f working in senior positions Full-time m f 84 19 103 2013 m f 46% 10% 57% Part-time 40 38 78 22% 21% 43% Part-time in FTEs 30.7 29.6 Corrected after ratio m/f Persons full-time 145 45 190 No. of m/f working in junior positions Full-time Part-time 22 12 34 14 17 41 29% 16% 45% Part-time in FTEs 19% 23% 55% 11.6 13 76% 24% Persons part-time 69 66 134 51% 49% Corrected after ratio m/f Persons full-time Persons part-time 38 29 67 24 29 53 57% 43% 45% 55% Ratio after correction Full-time Part-time 45% 14% 21% 20% Ratio after correction Full-time Part-time 32% 24% 20% 24% From van Londen et al. (2014:81) regard part-time work to be a norm, a particular characteristic of the Netherlands. Of course, other dynamics regarding gender equality are present as well, but these were not part of the survey conducted into the Dutch archaeological workforce (van Londen et al. 2014). Women in Norwegian Archaeology (Tine Schenck) Norway is often considered to be among the most developed countries in terms of gender equality, with a ranking of No 3 in the world in the last I. LAZAR ET AL. few years. This is seen in relation to strong political participation and a high degree of education and employment among women (Schwab et al. 2013; Teigen 2010). In Norwegian archaeology, women have had significant participation in professional life for at least 50 years, with a female-initiated journal K.A.N. Kvinner i arkeologi i Norge (Women in Archaeology in Norway) being published from 1985 to 2005. The journal highlighted a trend that has since been considered almost iconic in gender archaeology, with an early discourse on women, feminist issues in professional work and in research, and androcentrism in archaeology (Sørensen 2012:398). An early analysis of the female status in the archaeological profession appeared in 1974 (Holm-Olsen and Mandt-Larsen 1974). Female participation in the archaeological profession increased significantly between 1975 and 1985, but most women were still working part-time or on short-term contracts. In 1985, no women were occupying positions of archaeological leadership, but the rate of change accelerated over the next 4 years, and by 1991 four of nine Professors of Archaeology were women (Dommasnes 1992:8). Archaeology has seen a steady increase in the number of women in the archaeological profession, following a trend of women in higher education in the Humanities in general, and in 2000, 100% of archaeology students graduating in Norway were women. Since then, the female to male ratio has fluctuated around 65:35 (Figure 10), and this has been recently reflected in an explosion of temporary employment positions since 2001, when an estimated 25% of archaeologists were temporarily employed (Nilsen 2001:94). Today, c. 62% work on short-term or fixed-term contracts, an expansion that is predominantly explained by a surge of women into the archaeological profession over the last 14 years. Over the last few years, previously uncollected data about Norwegian archaeologists were gathered from temporarily employed archaeologists by MAARK—the Association for Temporary Employed Archaeologists under the Norwegian Association for Researchers (NAR)4—as part of their programme. The statistics have been collected yearly through member surveys, beginning in 2010. Prior to that date there were no centrally collected data for working conditions among Norwegian archaeologists. The present analysis is drawn from data in MAARK’s yearly statistics, the Database for Statistics on Higher Education (DBH)5 and the recent individuals’ survey from the Discovering the Archaeologists of Europe 2012–2014 (DISCO) project in Norway. As the female:male ratio is consistent among recently graduated students (data about recently graduated students have been centrally collected for all universities from 2000 forwards), MAARK’s statistics and the DISCO survey, the data for temporarily employed archaeologists can be read across for average and median estimates regarding archaeologists younger than 40–45 years. The DISCO data also provided 2012 and 2013 snapshot views into the professional lives The Archaeologist of the Future is Likely to be a Woman Figure 10. Gender distribution in Norwegian archaeology graduates, 2000–2013. Source: Database for Statistics on Higher Education, Norwegian Social Science Data Services of archaeologists that had graduated before 2000. As Norwegian archaeology exclusively employs professional archaeologists due to legal restrictions on cultural heritage management, the data below refer only to professional archaeologists. A postgraduate degree is the de facto entry criterion for a job in Norwegian professional archaeology. Ratio of Women:Men in Norwegian Archaeology In 2013, the ratio of women:men in Norwegian archaeology was 61.6–38.4, in other words a substantial majority of Norwegian professional archaeologists are women. Statistics from DBH show that a majority of entrants to the profession since 2000 are women (66.1% annual average). This number is consistent with the ratio of women to men among the temporarily employed (66.5:33.5), and also with the gender ratio in the group of respondents aged up to 40 years of age (67.5:32.5). Among the permanently employed, the gender distribution is more even, with 52.7% women and 47.3% men. However, men form the majority of archaeologists aged 41 years and older as a whole, which is unsurprising considering the trans-European trend of older male to younger female archaeologists (Aitchison et al. 2014) (Table 3). The ratios of women to men differ somewhat when seen in light of employment type and age. However, as can be seen in Figure 11, the decline of women in the survey populations at 5 year intervals is very similar for both temporarily employed and permanently employed women and men. I. LAZAR ET AL. Table 3 Ratio of women:men in Norwegian professional archaeology, 2013 Population All archaeologists Temporarily employed (MED age 34) Permanently employed (MED age 45) £40 years ‡41 years Postgraduate degree, Archaeology 2013 Postgraduate degree, Archaeology 2000–2013 Women (%) Men (%) 61.6 66.5 52.7 67.5 45.3 47.1 66.1 38.4 33.5 47.3 32.5 54.7 52.9 33.9 Source DISCO 2012–2014, DBH Figure 11. The decrease of survey population at select age thresholds, 2013. Source: DISCO 2012–2014 In total, the age/gender distribution for the different groups above reflect the fact that Norwegian women have long established their presence in the archaeological profession, making up around half of the workforce until retirement age. Norwegian Women and Professional Archaeology Norwegian archaeology is state run, with various delegated schemes of authority. This means that most archaeologists work in the public sector, which consists of universities, county councils, government offices, the The Archaeologist of the Future is Likely to be a Woman Figure 12. Gender distribution in Norwegian archaeological employment sectors Sámi parliament, and the state antiquarian office. The private sector is largely composed of museums and an independent research institute, in addition to a few self-employed businesspeople. The public sector employed 88.8% of archaeologists in 2012. Of the 11.2% that worked in the private sector, most were involved with tasks that require delegation of state authority, and so this sector is not entirely private in nature. The gender distribution shows that the public sector workforces are slightly more than half women, and the private sector is a little more than half men (Figure 12). The most pronounced discrepancy in Norwegian archaeology is between temporarily employed workers and permanently employed archaeologists. 61.7% of all respondent archaeologists were temporarily employed in 2012, of which 66.5% were women. In sum, temporarily employed women made up twice the number of each of the other employment type/gender categories identified in the DISCO 2012–2014 survey, leading to a substantial overrepresentation (Figure 13). The gender distribution in temporarily employed archaeologists has been mapped from 2010 onwards by MAARK’s member surveys and the DISCO 2012–2014 survey. The trend varies, from a large majority of 76.4% in 2010 to only 64.4% in 2011. The July 2010 sample size was small, and as this is the only deviating number, it may not be representative. However, it should be noted that 75% of archaeology graduates in 2010 were women. The distinction between archaeologists in permanent and in temporary employment becomes especially noticeable when salaries are taken into consideration. Because winters are harsh in most of Norway, the field I. LAZAR ET AL. Figure 13. Gender distribution amongst Norwegian temporarily employed archaeologists, 2010–2013. Source: MAARK, DISCO 2012–2014 season varies from 3 to 4 months in the far north to most of the year in the very south of the country. Most field archaeologists work under conditions where fieldwork can only be undertaken between April and November. Very few manage a yearly income based on archaeological work alone, and 35.2% of the temporarily employed were on welfare benefits for periods of 2012. Many have side jobs or rely on savings or student loans to fill their income gaps. The unstable situation for temporarily employed archaeologists manifests in a large discrepancy in income compared with permanently employed archaeologists (Figure 14). For instance, whereas permanently employed archaeologists earn a median of 4.3% more than the average population of Norway; the median earnings of temporarily employed archaeologists are only 79.1% of those in permanent employment. Hardly any gender disparity is visible among the permanently employed. However, it becomes clear that even if women seem to have a marginally higher average income among the temporarily employed in total, a breakdown shows that men aged 41 or older earn a significantly higher income than women do, with women only earning 89.1% of the income of their The Archaeologist of the Future is Likely to be a Woman Figure 14. Yearly income: gender distribution among employment types, 2012. Temporarily employed were registered with total income and income from archaeological work. Source: DISCO 2012–2014 male peers. This is not due to a lower number of hours worked, as hardly any temporary employees work part-time. Rather, it is in line with the general Norwegian working population, where the average gender pay gap in 2012 was 11.1% (women earned 88.9% of the amount earned by men). On average, women earn less than men if temporarily employed in the very youngest and very oldest age categories (Figure 15). This is reflected in the analysis of pay in relation with seniority (Figure 16), and in sum it may point to an obscured gender inequality that does not become apparent in the total average and median calculations. Whether it has to do with ingrained gender roles; traditional active/passive behavioural patterns in pay negotiations, or outright discrimination is at present not known. However, it is clear that the differences are most pronounced above the age of 41 and among the temporarily employed. It has previously been shown that temporarily employed archaeologists often shy away from negotiations for fear of not being re-hired (Schenck 2013:20). It is possible that women either do this to a larger extent, or that they are routinely employed at lower pay rates. In any case, the age distribution points to the existence of traditional mindsets that are still at play, even in the feminised Norwegian archaeological profession. This tendency needs further monitoring to establish if it is a trend, or to exclude it as a one-off occurrence. I. LAZAR ET AL. Figure 15. Gender distribution in different employment types and age groups, 2012. Source: DISCO 2012–2014 Another gender inequality is in the division of work tasks, which were divided into main categories and investigated in DISCO 2012–2014. The distribution from 2012 is shown in Figure 17. The public sector had the most evenly distributed gender situation, whereas the private sector shows a highly diverse picture. However, there was a common trend across all sectors, with men predominantly taking leadership and management roles—holding 75% of such positions in the private sector. This is known to be one of the main obstacles to equality in general professional life in Norway, but quota laws and regulations are in place to secure movements towards equality in select groups such as company boards, and this seems to have an effect (Ahern and Dittmar 2012; Teigen 2010). In sum, Norwegian female archaeologists are seemingly doing well in comparison with their peers across Europe. However, there are certain obstacles that must be overcome to reach full equality, and it is questionable why men dominate both in relation to pay and leadership in a sector where female workers either numerically dominate (when aged 40 or under) or are equal in numbers (aged 41 and over) to their male counterparts. Towards a Synthesis The question remains whether women will have influential positions in archaeology in the future. Certainly, the situation differs by country. In Slovenia, for instance, a good number of women have influential positions. The Archaeologist of the Future is Likely to be a Woman Figure 16. Gender distribution in different employment types and seniority groups, 2012. Source: DISCO 20212-2014 Figure 17. Sector wise task distribution between genders, 2012. Source: DISCO 2012–2014 Does that mean they also have a greater influence in the field of archaeology itself and in the politics of decision making on a national and/or international level? In Norway, pay and leadership lags as is the case in the Netherlands. The issue of leadership positions in archaeology needs to be more generally discussed in many European countries. Why do men leave I. LAZAR ET AL. the profession? That may not be the right perspective. It seems that the growth of women in the profession has to do with a global trend where educated women outnumber men. Therefore, this is to be expected in many professions all over the world. In line with the Global Gender Gap Report (Schwab et al. 2013), the aim should be to close the gap, rather than emancipate women. It’s not about winning or losing, it’s about equality. Notes 1. http://www.ess.gov.si/delodajalci/iskanje_delavca/po_regijah?q=1&s=1 (accessed 19th January 2014 and 10th June 2014). 2. http://www.opzij.nl/nl/artikel/33211/nederland-is-klaar-met-de-emancipatieof-toch-niet.html, 13th October 2014. 3. http://www.nu.nl/beurs/3868762/weinig-vrouwen-top-in-bedrijfsleven.html. 4. 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