A grammar of Iraqw

A GRAMMAR OF IRAQW proefschrift ter verkrijging van de graad van Doctor aan de Rijksuniversiteit te Leiden, op gezag van de Rector Magnificus Dr. L. Leertouwer, hoogleraar in de faculteit der godgeleerdheid, volgens besluit van het college van dekanen te verdedigen op woensdag 1 april 1992 te klokke 16.15 uur _door Martinus Petrus Gerardus Maria Mous geboren op Cura<_;ao in 1955 V Promotiecommissie Promotor: prof. dr. F.H.H. Kortlandt Referent: prof. dr. B. Heine Overige leden: dr. W.F.H. Adelaar prof. dr. Th.C. Schadeberg prof. dr. W.A.L. Stokhof Contents Acknowledgements ix Abbreviations xi List of affixes xiii Maps xv 1 . Introduction 1 1 . 1 . The Iraqw people 1 1 .2. The Iraqw language 3 1 .2 . 1 . Classification 3 1 .2.2. The status of Iraqw today 4 1 .2.3. Former studies on Iraqw 4 1 .2.4. Publications in Iraqw 5 1 .2.5. Collection of data 5 1 .3. Bibliographies 5 1 .3. 1 . Southern Cushitic linguistic bibliography 5 1 .3.2. P ublications in the Iraqw language 9 1 .3.3. Iraqw cultural and historical bibliography 1 1 2 . Phonology 15 2.1. Phoneme inventory 15 2.1 . 1 . The consonants 15 2.1.2. The vowels 1 9 2.1.3. Tone 2 1 2 . 1.4. Stress 23 2 . 1 .5. Intonation 24 2.2. Syllable types 24 2.3. Syllable sequence restrictions and related rules 26 2.4. Reduplication 31 2.5. Other phonological rules 33 2.5.1 . Vowel coalescence and glide formation 33 2.5.2. Simplification of consonant clusters 35 2.5.3. Vowel assimilation 36 2.5.4. Word-final reduction 37 2.6. Order of rules 39 3. Nominal morphology 41 3.1 . Gender of nouns 41 3.1 . 1 . Predictability by form 41 3.1 .2. P redictability by meaning 44 3.2. Number of nouns 44 3.2. 1 . The category of number 44 3.2.2. The derivational nature of number 44 3.2.3. Number and gender 46 3.2.4. Overview of suffixes 46 3.2.4. 1 . The collective suffixes 47 3.2.4.2. Plural suffixes 49 3.2.4.3. Singulative suffixes 63 Vll Vl 4.2 .7. Participles 1 65 4.2.8. The infinitive suffixes 167 4.3. Verbal derivation 170 4.3. 1 . Introduction 1 70 4.3.2. The causative suffix 1 74 4.3.3. The middle voice suffix -t 1 75 1 78 4.3.4. The durative suffix 4.3.5. Reduplication for habitual 180 4.3.6. Reduplication with long a a 183 4.3.7 . The durative infix <ar> 185 4.3.8. The inchoative suffix -uw 1 86 188 4 .. 3.9. The factitive verbalizer 4.3.10. The factitive verbalizer -uus 189 4.3. 1 1 . The verbalizer -uut 190 4.3. 12. Combinations of derivations and the relation between the different progressive derivations 1 90 4.4. Compound verbs 195 4.4.1 . The Adverb-Verb compounds 196 4.4.2. The Case clitic-Verb compounds 198 4.4.3. The Noun-Verb compounds 200 3.2.5. Patterns of derivation 69 3.3. Derived nouns 74 3.4. Other noun suffixes 82 3.4. 1 . The demonstrative suffixes 90 3.4.2. The possessive suffixes 92 3.4.3. The indefinite suffixes 93 3.4.4. The construct case suffix 94 3.4.5. The adverbial case suffixes 1 02 3.4.5. 1 . The directive case suffix 103 3.4.5.2. The ablative case suffix 1 04 3.4.5.3. The instrumental case suffix 106 3.4.5.4. The reason case suffix 107 3.4.6. The background case suffix 107 3.4. 7. The vocative case 1 1 1 3.5. Pronouns 1 12 3.5. 1 . Personal pronouns 1 12 3.5.2. Independent forms of noun suffixes 1 14 3.5.3. The resumptive pronoun ale 1 17 3.6. Numerals 1 1 7 3.7. Proper nouns 1 1 9 3.8. Question words 1 20 -s -m -ees 4. The verb 1 23 4.1 . The verbs 'to.,be' 1 23 4.1 . 1. The verbs 'to be' with a nominal complement 1 24 4.1 .2. The verbs 'to be' with a verbal or an adjectival complement 1 2 5 4. 1 .3. The use of the dependend verb 'to be' 132 4.1 .4. The hither 1 34 4 . 1 .5. The impersonal 'to be' 136 4. 1 .6. The reflexive and reciprocal 139 4.1 . 7. Additional affixes: Order and possible combinations 140 4. 1 .8. The tense and aspect markers: The perfect - (g)a 141 4.1 .9. The expectational aspect 1 44 4.1 .10. The imperfective past -na 145 4. 1 . 1 1 . The consecutive -ri 146 4.1 . 12 . The consecutive -ay 146 4. 1 . 13 The background aspect -wa 147 4.1 . 14. The mood prefixes:The conditional bar and the concessive ta 147 4. 1 .15. The prohibitive and questioning mood prefixes 1 50 4. 1 . 16. The case clitics 152 4.2. Verbal inflection 155 4.2. 1 . Introduction 155 4.2.2. The paradigms 156 4.2.3. Person, gender and number marking 159 4.2.4. The tense and mood markers 161 4.2.5. Irregular verbs 1 63 4.2.6. Imperatives 1 64 -n m- rn 5. Other word classes 203 5. 1 . Adjectives 203 5.2. Verbal adverbs 210 5.3. Sentential adverbs 216 5.4. Expressions of. time 223 5.5. Prepositions 226 5.6. Ideophones 227 6. The noun phrase 229 6 . 1 . Word order within the noun phrase 229 6.2 . Gender agreement within the noun phrase 233 6.3. Gender agreement with the noun phrase 2 34 7. Basic sentence structure 235 7.1 . Non-verbal sentences 235 7 . 1 . 1 . Copular sentences 236 7.1.2. Locative 'to be' 237 7.1 .3. Temporal nominal sentences 237 7. 1 .4. Impersonal subject 237 7.2. Verbal sentences: The core of the sentence 238 7.2. 1 . Subject 240 7.2.2. Object 242 7.2.3. Adverbial case 244 7.2.4. Adverbs 246 7.2.5. The linked noun 247 7.3. Adjuncts 249 7.3. 1 . External subject 250 Vlll 7.3.2. External object 250 7.3.3. Split object 256 7.3.4. Bare noun internal object 257 7.3.5. External adverbial case noun phrase and external verbal adverb: The resumptive pronoun ale 259 7.3.6. Sentential adverb 261 7.3.7. P repositional phrase 261 7 .4. The syntactic function of the background suffix 263 7.5. Sentences with verbal nouns 265 7.6. Imperative sentences 272 7.7. Topic 273 7.8. Sentence-final position 275 8. Relative clauses 277 8. 1 . Participles 277 8.2. Relative clauses 280 8.3. The head noun 281 9. Questions 283 9 . 1 . Question words as a complement of the copula 283 9.2. Question words as modifiers 286 9.3. Question words as adjuncts 286 9.4. Questions with the questioning prefix on 'to be' 287 9.5. Yes/no questions and leading questions 287 9.6. Echo questions 288 10. Complex sentences 289 10.1 . Complementizers and clause introducers 293 1 1 . Texts 299 1 1 . 1 . sareeca nee Gees6 Duqa The buffalo and Geso Duqa 299 1 1 .2 . kwacangw nee hhooki The Hare and the Pigeon 324 1 1 .3. deel6r wakee About one day 331 1 1 .4. History and origin of the Iraqw 337 References 361 Samenvatting 363 Curriculum vitae 363 IX Acknowledgements I am indebted to WOTRO (the Netherlands Foundation for the Advancement of Trop­ ical Research) for a three year grant (W39-1 13) that enabled me to work on this thesis and do field work in Tanzania. I am grateful to the Baraza la Taifa la Utafiti wa Kisayansi (Tanzania National Sci­ entific Research Council) for awarding me a research permit, and to Professor Mkude and Professor Batibo of the University of Dar es Salaam for their support and encour­ agement. To Martha and Patrick Qorro for the keen interest that they showed in my work. Special gratitude is due to my main informant Bless Hilu1 who was always willing to make available to me his precious time, and whose reflective and conscientious answers to my questions were the major factor in my understanding of the structure of Iraqw. I wish to thank John N. Qamlali for his work as a language informant and for the stimulating enthusiasm that he showed. I am grateful to John Dafay for his help in transcribing Iraqw stories, and to Maria Sanka and Hhawu Tarmo for narrating these stories to me. To Jerry Kirway and Joan Mrutu I am obliged for their assistance in checking some of my material at a later stage in the Netherlands and to Cosmos M. Muryo for checking all the lexical material with me. I wish to thank the Neema family in K wermusl for making their house a home for me, and in p ·articular Ephraim B. Neema. Furthermore I wish to thank all the people of K wermusl and of Mbulu district who made my stay there very pleasant: Basili Aweti, Father Paul D . Darma, Paul Murphy, Teun en Marijke van Dijk, Father Damasi, and many others. - · My thanks are due to Carla Butz for drawing the maps, to Frodis Nordbustad for allow­ ing me to read the manuscript of her grammar; to Hans-Jiirgen Sasse for his valuable comments' on various aspects of Iraqw grammar; to Peter Ladefoged for sharing with me his perception of the Iraqw sounds; to Roland Kiessling for valuable discussion and for providing me with material collected by Berger; to Ole-Bjorn Rekdal for bringing to my attention the somewhat less accessible literature on Iraqw culture. I would like to thank all the other people who have helped me at various stages of my work on this dissertation. Xl Ab brevia tio ns first person, first deixis (for demonstratives) second person, second deixis (for demonstratives) first or second person third person, third deixis (for demonstratives) 3 fourth deixis (for demonstratives) 4 ablative AB L background BAC K consonant c causative CAUS concessive CONCES conditional COND CONSEC consecutive CONSEC2 second consecutive construct case CON copula COP demonstrative DEM dependent DEP directive DIR durative DUR expectational EXPEC feminine F subgroup of feminine nouns Fl factitive .. FACT feminine FEM habitual HAB second habitual HAB2 hither HIT IMP imperative IMPS impersonal subject INCHOA inchoative INDEF indefinite INDEP independent INF infinitive INSTR instrumental INT interrogative M masculine Ml subgroup of masculine nouns MASC masculine MIDDLE middle voice N neuter; homorganic nasal NEG negative NEUT neuter 0 object OBJ object PAST past 1 2 1 /2 xm Xll PERF PL POSS PRES RDP REAS REC RES PRO s SBJV SG TR V voc <> () into one adj . Da fern. id. intr. lit. m as c. n.pr. pers. sb. sth. Sw tr. perfect plural possessive present reduplication reason reciprocal resumptive pronoun subject subjunctive singular transitive vowel vocative infix boundary affix boundary optional separates abbreviations that are part of a single morpheme separates abbreviations of different morphemes fused adjective Datooga feminine idem intransitive literally masculine nomen proprium (name) personalis somebody something Swahili transitive List of grammatical morphemes. The noun number suffixes are not included. Between brackets is indicated in which paragraph the morpheme is introduced. a -aak ale -a an -ang ar -aar <ar> -ara> -are> as awa -ay bar­ -d a> -ee -e, ->ee> ->een -eek -ees g­ - ( g) a -hee -hung -1 -f -iim -iin -In ->in -Ir -iya> -ka -ka -kaariya' -ko -ku -m m- 8.1/2 (4. 1 . 1 . ) , O.F (3.5. 1 .) , 0.2.F (3.5.1.), PERF (4. 1 .8.), INF (4.2.8.), N (3.4.) PL (4.2.3.) , N (4.2.7.) IMP.O .PL (4.2.6.) RES PRO (3.5.3.) l .PL ( 4.2.3.) IMP.HIT.SG ( 4.2.6.) INSTR (3.4.5.3.), INDEP.CON.F (3.5.2.) IMP(NEG) ( 4.2.6. ) DUR (4.3.7.) NEG.IMP.PL (4.2.6.) IMP.HIT.PL (4.2.6.) REAS (5.5.) INDEP.CON.N (3.5.2.) CONSEC2 ( 4. 1 . 12 ) COND (4. 1 .14) DEM4 (3.4. 1 . ) BACK (3.4.6.) PL:PAST (4.2.4.) , IMP.PL (4.2.6.) l .SG.POSS (3.4.2.) 1 .SG.POSS (3.4.2.) IMP.O . S G ( 4.2.6.) FACT: l .SG, FACT:3.SG.M ( 4.3.9.) 0 .3 ( 4.1 .2.) PERF ( 4.1 .8.) BACK (3.4.6.) 2 .PL.POSS (3.4.2.) DIR (3.4.5. 1 . ), 8.3 ( 4.1 . 1 . ) , O.N (3.5.1 . ) , O . l .SG (3.5 . 1 . ) , INF:PAST (4.2.8.) , S .3:INF (4.2.8.) DEMl (3.4. 1 . ) DUR:l .SG ( 4.3.4.) DUR:2.SG, DUR:3.SG.F (4.2.2.) DUR:3.SG.M (4.2.2.) 3.PL.POSS (3.4.2. ) 3.PL ( 4.2.3. ) 3.PL ( 4.2.3.) INDEF.F (3.4.3.), DEM l :N (3.4.1 .) NEG (4.2.8.) INDEF.N (3.4.3.) INDEF.M (3.4.3.) , INDEP.M/N (3.5.2.) M1 (3.4.), INDEP.M/N (3.5.2.) DUR ( 4.3.4.) PROH ( 4. 1 . 1 5) , WHAT ( 4. 1 . 15) XV XIV EXPEC (4. 1 .9.) PAST (4.1 .10.) PL ( 4. 1 .2. ) , HIT ( 4.1 .2. ) , DEP.S. l .SG ( 4.1 .2.) 0 .2.PL (3.5.1 .) BACK (3.4.6.) -o INDEP.CON.M (3.5.2.) 00 2.SG.POSS (3.4.2.) -6k 3.SG.POSS (3.4.2.) -6s DEM3 (3.4. 1 . ) -qa > F (3.4.) -r -ren 1 .PL.POSS (3.4.2.) -ri CONSEC (4. 1 . 1 1 . ) CAUS (4.3.2.) -s REAS (3.4.5.4.) -sa -sing DEM2 (3.4. 1 . ) -t MIDDLE ( 4.3.3.), 2.SG ( 4.2.3.), 3.SG.F ( 4.2.3.) -ta F 1 (3.4.) ta D EP.BE ( 4.1 . 1 . ) , DEP.S.1/2 ( 4.1 .2.), IMPS ( 4.1 .5.) tam­ CONCES ( 4.1 .14. ) -ti O . l .PL (3.5.1.) -u O.M (3.5.1 .) , 0.2.SG.M (3.5.1 .) , M (3.4.) -uus VERBALIZER (4.3.10.) -uut VERBALIZER (4.3. 1 1 .) -uw INCHOA:l .SG ( 4.3.8.) -wa ABL (3.4.5.2.) RD P HAB ( 4.3.5. ), HAB2 ( 4.3.6.) high tone CON (3.4.4.) , PAST (4.2.3. ) , 0 (4.2.6.), VOC (3.4.7.) -n -na n ( d )i n(d)u to Serengetl MAASAI , ......-------...,,, ,.. \ ' 1 ;: Mbulum lu , ___ ..... tft. NYIRAMBA MAASAI MAASAI ·------- border of lraqw area 36' 35' to Slnglda MAP OF /RAOW SPEAKING AREA 1 XVl 1 . Introdu ctio n. 1 . 1 . The Iraqw people. 36 " The Iraqw live in Arusha region in Tanzania, on the high plateau between Lake Man­ yara and Lake Eyasi. This covers Mbulu district, and parts of Hanang and Babati districts, that is, they are located between 3°25' and 4°30' south latitude, and 35° and 36° west longitude. To the north, the limits of the Iraqw area approximately coincide with Mbulumbulu, Kambi ya simba, and the N gorongoro conservation area, to the east, with the Yaeda Valley and the border of Iramba district ( Singida region ) , to the west, with the escarp­ ment of the Rift Valley. The southern border runs more or less along the Basotu Khatesh line. See the map of Iraqw speaking area. IAAQW(SCJ MAASAI(EN} KWADZA (se) / Manyonl BUAUNGE� (SC) � toHandenl to Dodoma ? GOGOlB} MAP OF LANGUAGES RELATED TO IRAQW The administrative and economic centre of the Iraqw area is the town of Mbulu (Im­ b oru in Iraqw ) . Indeed sometimes the Iraqw are referred to as Wambulu, a term which can give rise to confusion since some German scholars used Wambulu to refer to the Datooga who lived in the area close to Mbulu town in the early days of colonialisation. I estimate the number of Iraqw people to be 51 7,000. I arrive at this estimation from the following considerations. In 1 967 one third of the population of Arusha region was Iraqw. This was the last census that registered tribal affiliation. According to the 1988 census, the population of Arusha is 1 ,351 ,675. We cannot simply take one third of this number and attribute it to the Iraqw because the population growth among the Iraqw is higher than the region average. The average household in Mbuhi district ( predominantly Iraqw ) is 6.2, as opposed to 5.4 for the regio n according to the 1 9S 8 census. Thus we have to multiply one-third of the Arusha population with the factor 6.2/5.4, giving approximately 51 7,000. According to their oral history, the Iraqw come from a place called Macangwatay, which is said to be somewhere in the area around Kondoa. The Iraqw lost a battle against the Datooga and moved from Macangwatay to Irqwa dacaw ( East Iraqw ) , . which is the area of the divisions Muray and Kainam, southeast of Mbulu. This area is generally considered to be the homeland of all Iraqw people. From Irqwa dacaw the Iraqw spread over their current area of distribution. Some older men relate that long ago, before Macangwatay, the Iraqw came from the north. At present there are two languages related to Iraqw, namely Burunge and Alagwa, spoken in the area around Kondoa. See the map of languages related to Iraqw. The Iraqw are farmers. They grow maize (cayto>o ) , beans (loosi) , wheat (angano ) , sorghum (mangware) , millet (bambare) , finger millet (basoro) , pumpkin (caami) , sweet potato (kasiis ) , Irish potato (kasiir Ulaya) , and banana (arwi). With the exception of sorghum, millet and finger millet, all these crops are innovations. In addition to land cultivation, most Iraqw keep some cows, goat s, sheep, and donkeys, ·and more recently also pigs and chickens. Livestock is kept inside the house at night, and their manure is carefully collected to be used as a fertilizer. Cows are culturally the most important stock and are generally given names. There are several systems of cattle loans prevailing in the Iraqw society. See Fosbrooke 1955. 3 2 Iraqw clans, which apart from marriage negotiations are of no great importance, are patrilineal. Clan history and genealogy is common knowledge and the Iraqw know each other's clans. A clan is not settled in one area but rather is scattered. The clan never serves as a political unit, nor are there clan meetings. The neighbours of the Iraqw are the Datooga, the WaNyiramba, the Hadza, the Maas the WaMbugwe and the Gorowa. To the south, the Iraqw neighbour with the Datoog a Southern Nilotic people. There is more contact between the Iraqw and the Dato than with any other of the neighbouring groups. The Datooga, who are cattle noma are also known as the Barabaig, the name for their most important subtribe, or Mang'ati, which is how they are referred to by the Maasai, and which is also the t for them in Swahili. The Iraqw refer to the Datooga as Tara or Tara Oori. Traditionally elders of a certain area, who may be of different clan affiliation, meet to discuss and solve problems that arise in the community, such as land issues, and punishment is dealt out according to a fixed system. A spokesman, kahamusmo, is oft en appointed to deal with land issues, or to negotiate with the medicine man, qwahlarmo. Medicine men are from certain clans only, for example, the Manda clan, and in the past, some have acquired great respect and power. All medicine men must prove their abilities. Besides being consulted about illnesses, or land problems, or for general advice, some medicine men are also rainmakers and prophets. There is quite a lot of intermarriage and cultural assimilation between the Iraqw the Datooga, since the Iraqw are still spreading southwards. In areas of immedia contact the Iraqw have some knowledge of the Datooga language, and the Datoo know some Iraqw. The contact between the two groups is also based on the fact tha the Iraqw sell maize to the Datooga, from whom they buy various iron instruments. A central concept in traditional Iraqw society is the concept of purity. One can become ritually unclean due to several factors, among others because of menstruation, an unusual birth, or a cut in the body. Unclean people are to be avoided, which is called meeta (or metimani in local S wahili) . Consequently there are several rituals to cleanse people, houses, land or an area. Contacts with their eastern neighbours, the WaMbugwe, a Bantu agriculturalist people or Manda dacaw 'East Manda' as they are referred to by the Iraqw, are confined the Iraqw buying pots and baskets from them. Further southeast, near the town of Babati, the Iraqw neighbour with the G likewise a Southern Cushitic group, also called Gorowa or Gorwa by the Iraqw Since these live around Mount Fiome, they are sometimes referred to as the WaFiome. The Gorowa language is mutually intelligible with Iraqw, although both the Gorow and the Iraqw consider themselves to be different peoples. Extensive contacts between these two groups is found in and around the town of Babati. To the southwest, the . Iraqw border with the WaNyiramba, a Bantu people, refeq-ed to by the Iraqw as Manda cuuwa 'West Manda'. Relations with the Wanyiram are friendly but not very intensive, perhaps also because this border area is sparsely populated. a To the west, the Iraqw border with the Hadza, a hunter-gatherer people who represent fourth language family in the area. The Hadza are referred to by the Iraqw as Hagitee. There is little contact between these two groups apart from the Iraqw obtaining honey from the Hadza in exchange for tobacco. To the north, the neighbours of the Iraqw are the Maasai, Eastern Nilotic nomadic people called Duwanqeed by the Iraqw. There is no direct contact with the Maasai nowadays, partly because traditionally the Maasai are considered enemies. As was seen in their contacts with the Datooga, the Iraqw practice exogamy. Further­ more, marriage has to be between people that are not related within four generations, hence they must marry outside the clan. There are specialists that can be consulted � here is any doubt as to whether such conditions of marriage can be fulfilled. Marriage 1s arranged by the father of the groom. The bride wealth is negotiable, although the accepted standard is a bull, a ram and a male goat. Another way to marry is for a man to elope with a girl, after which the normal procedures are adhered to. A special kind of marriage is one where its purpose is solely that of procreating a male descendent. Although polygamy is possible, it is rare. After marriage, sons usually settle close to their father's house, though settlement elsewhere in Iraqw land is quite common. • The traditional Iraqw god is the sun god loo'a, who created all things and is om­ nipresent. No sacrifices are made to loo)a, but only prayers are addressed to the god, whose force or power can be evoked by an oath or a curse, both referred to as cuuhla. A variety of evil forces, termed netlangw, are said to reside in water and on mountain tops, and sacrifices are made to ,counteratt these forces. , Spirits of deceased family members, gi>i , must be attended to, for example by leaving out meat which they can . eat when they return to the living in the body of a hyena. There is both male and female circumcision in Iraqw society, and in former times there was, for girls, a period of seclusion called marmo. This is no longer the case. 1 .2. The Iraqw language. 1 .2.1. Classification. Iraqw is a Cushitic language, which is a branch of the Afro-Asiatic language family. This classification was first claimed by Reinisch on the basis of material collected by Baumann (1894). Reinisch classified Gorowa, Iraqw, Alagwa and Burunge as belonging to the Hamitic group. Later, in 1906, Meinhof classified Burunge and Ma'a as Hamitic and among others on the basis of lexical correspondences, showed that these language were related to Somali. Tucker and Bryan (1957, 1 966) , on the other hand, ignoring the arguments for their inclusion in Afro-Asiatic by earlier authors, claimed that Iraqw, Gorowa, Burunge, and Alagwa were unclassified, and postulated an isolated language group, the Iraqw group. Whiteley also took this position. Greenberg (1963) classified the four languages as Southern Cushitic, one of the branches of Cushitic, of the Afro­ f\sia tic family, and this classification is now no longer challenged. The Southern Cushitic languages consist of Iraqw, Gorowa (or Fiome), Alagwa (or Asi), Burunge, Kw'adza (or Ng'omvia), Aasax (or Aramanik), Ma'a (or Mbugu) and .Dahalo (or Sanye) . Ehret ( 1980) showed that these languages form a unit, and he 5 4 arrived at the following subclassification: West Rift: Gorowa and Iraqw Rift: Alagwa and Burunge East Rift: Kw'adza and Aasax Ma'a Dahalo Of these, K w'adza and Aasax are extinct or nearly extinct. The classification of Ma' as a Cushitic language is disputed for theoretical reasons, namely because Ma'a is mixed language with Bantu morphology and Cushitic roots. Likewise, the inclusion of Dahalo in Southern Cushitic is disputed, and some scholars believe that it may be Eastern Cushi tic. a The position of Southern Cushitic within the Cushitic family is unclear. Greenberg ( 1963) classifies it as one of the parallel groups of Cushitic, a classification which Ehret ( 1980) took at point value as being a valid one. However, Hetzron ( 1 980) argues, on morphological grounds, for an inclusion of Southern Cushitic in Eastern Cushitic. 1 .2.2. The status of Iraqw today. There is no dialect variation of any significance within the Iraqw area, which is probably due to the high mobility of the Iraqw within their own territory. Iraqw is used for verbal communication only. Reading and writing, education and all administrative matters are carried out in Swahili. Hence, for more modern concepts Swahili loans are used . The Lutheran Church makes use of Iraqw, whereas the Catholic Church which formerly used. Iraqw, now uses Swahili. Despite these factors, there is no indication that the language is threatened or will disappear. 1 .2.3. Former studies on Iraqw. Study on the Iraqw language began at the end of the last century with the publication of a word list and first notes on the language by Baumann ( 1894), in an account of his expedition to the area. Six years later in 1900, Seidel published some notes, that is, a short text and some words, on Gorowa, based on material collected by two German colonial officers, Kannenberg and Glauning. In 191 1 , Struck published a table of phonemes using material collected by Jaeger. In 1 913-14, Dempwolff produced a list of 279 words. The first grammar of Iraqw was written by two Dutch White Fathers, Schregel and Verhoeven, (Verhoeven 1 926), who had worked on the language for several years. Unfortunately the 231 page manuscript was never published, and hence was never used by others. I had access to a copy of the manuscript. Likewise, Berger, a German linguist, worked on Iraqw, and although he collected a lot of material, he only published a very short article on it (Berger, 1 938). At present, Berger's material is being prepared for publication by Roland Kiessling in Hamburg. Leatherman and Guthrie also had material on the language, that was used by Tucker and Bryan for a synopsis (Tucker and Bryan, 1966). Whiteley published his first findings on Iraqw in 1953 , and later in a revised and enlarged version in 1 958, which for years has remained the main source of _information on Iraqw. The anthropologist Wada published a more substantial word list of Iraqw in 1 973, and followed this in 1976 with a huge collection of stories, in Iraqw and Swahili. Unfortu.nately, however, his work is not very reliable in the markin g of tone, vowel length, glottal stop and 'ayn. In 1 988, Nordbustad p ublished the most comprehensive Iraqw grammar to date. There she presented her material which was acurate, in a well-organized way, although it falls short on analysis. Art icles on various aspects of the Iraqw language have been published by Bradfield ( 1 977 ) , Dalgish (1978), Maghway ( 1983, 1 989), Elderkin (1988) and Kiessling ( 1 989, 1 990). Qorro ( 1 982) , Kiessling ( 1 988), and Pflug (1989) have written their M.A. theses on Iraqw. 1.2. 4. Publications in Iraqw. There are a few publications in Iraqw itself, see the bibliography. Most of these pub­ lications are religious works. Between 1 920 and 1 926, the Catholic mission published several religious books, their main work being aymar slafing ar mungu nee xoororos which contains parts of the Old and New Testament. From 1 957 to date the Lutheran mission has contributed to Iraqw literacy and in 1977 they published the New Testa­ ment, Yajabt6r hho , in Iraqw. In the late colonial period, there was a local official newspaper called IRGOBAWE also with contributions in Iraqw (see Maghway, 1 989), although I myself have never seen a copy of it. In 1 978, Nordbustad published some Iraqw oral literature. In addition, Wada ( 1973) published a collection of Iraqw stories in Iraqw and Swahili. 1 .2.5. Collection of data. My fieldwork was carried out during three periods: June-October 1 987, June and July 1988, and January-August 1 989. I conducted most of the research in Kwermusl, in Irqwa dacaw, the central Iraqw area, where I stayed with the family of Efraim Neema. My main informants were Bless Hilu, the headmaster of K wermusl primary school, and John Qamlali from Gehandu, near Mbulu. I elicited sentences from the latter two using English and Swahili as intermediate languages. John Dafay from Haylotto helped me to transcribe the stories that I collected from Hhawu Tarmo and Maria Sanka in Haylotto. In 1 990, I worked with Jerry Kirway and Joan Mrutu, while they were in The Hague for a course of study. In July 199 1 , I spent two weeks in Mbulu to clarify some problematic points in my data. Apart from some 1 800 elicited sentences, I have 21 stories, 3 poetic contests ( girayda), 7 versions of a poetic prayer ( hlufay), 34 songs (da>angw) , riddles (sinik ), and 6 non-literary texts such as histories of the Iraqw (alqado ) , as well as interviews. 1.3. Bibliographies. ' 1.3.1 . Southern Cushitic linguistic bibliography Anonymus. n.d. lraqw wordlist. Dar es Salaam: Dept. of Foreign Languages and Linguistics. Anonymus. n.d. Burunge wordlist. (ms.) Dar es Salaam: Dept. of Foreign Languages and Linguistics. Anonymus. n.d. Alagwa wordlist. (ms.) Dar es Salaam: Dept. of Foreign Languages and Linguistics. Berger, Paul. 1 938. Die siidlichsten Hamitensprachen Ostafrikas: Uberblick iiber die vorlaufigen Ergebnisse meiner linguistischen Forschungsr�ise 1 934-36 in das abflusslose Gebiet Ostafrikas: II Die Iraku-Gruppe. Forschungen und Fort- 7 6 schritte 14/34:392-93. Besha, Mfumbwa Ruth. 1974. A socio-linguistic description of Kimaa and its poin of contact with Kishambala. Dar-es-Salaam: M.A.-thesis. Bradfield, Maitland. 1 977. It in Iraqw: An analysis of the object-selector series of Iraqw verb. African Languages/Langues africaines 3:1-44. Brenzinger, Matthias. 1 987. Die sprachliche und kulturelle Stellung der Mbugu (Ma 'a) Magisterarbei t, Univ. zu Koln. 186 pp. Copland, B.D. 1 933-34. A note on the origin of the Mbugu with a text. Zeitschrift fii Eingeborenen-Sprachen 24:241-245. Dalgish, Gerard M. 1 978. Inaccessibility and demotional nominal marking in Iraqw . Studies in African Linguistics 9:285-99. Dammann, Ernst. 1 949-50. Einige Notizen i.iber die Sprache der Sanye ( Kenya). Zeitschrift fiir Eingeborenen-Sprachen 35:227-34. (Dahalo) Dempwolff, Otto. 1 913-14. Beitrage zur Kenntnis der Sprachen in Deutsch-Ostafrika, 1 0 : Worter der Sprache von Iraku. Zeitschrift fiir Kolonialsprachen 7:309- 14. Dolgopolsky, A.B. 1 972. 0 proisxozdenii licnyx okoncanij glagolov v vostocnosidamskix i irakvskix j azykax. African IX (Trudy Instituta etnografii, 100. ) : 1 03-1 2. (On the origin of the verbal inflection in the Eastern Sidamo and Iraqw languages] Ehret, Christopher. 1 980. The historical reconstruction of Southern Cushitic phonol­ ogy and vocabulary. (Kolner Beitrage zur Afrikanistik, 5.) Berlin: Diet rich Reimer. Ehret, Christopher. 1 980. Historical inference from transformations in culture vocab­ ularies. Sprache und Geschichte in Afrika 2:189-218. [on calender terms in S.Cushitic] Ehret, Christopher. n.d. Kw'adza (Ngomvia) wordlist. (ms.) Ehret, Christopher, and Derek Nurse. 1 981 . The Taita Cushites. Sprache und Geschichte in Afrika 3:125-68. Ehret , Christopher, E.D. Elderkin, D. Nurse 1 989. Dahalo lexis and its sources. Afrikanistische Arbeitspapiere 18:5-49. Elderkin, E. Derek 1972. The verb in Dahalo. (Research Seminar Paper, 34.) Nairobi: Institute of African Studies, Univ. of Nairobi. (mimeogr.) Elderkin, E. Derek. 1 973. Dahalo wordlist. Nairobi: Institute of African studies, Univ. of Nairobi. [incorporated in Ehret, Elderkin, and Nurse 1 989] Elderkin, E . Derek. 1 974. The phonology of the syllable and the morphology of the word in Dahalo. Nairobi: M.A. thesis, Univ. of Nairobi. Elderkin, E. D erek. 1 976. Southern Cushitic. In The Non-Semitic Languages of Ethiopia, ed. by M.L. Bender, pp. 278-97. East Lansing: African Studies Center, Michigan State University. Elderkin, E. Derek. 1 988. Person and number markers in Iraqw verbs. Afrikanistische Arbeitspapiere 14:79-96. Elderkin, E. Derek. 1 988. A note on ? as a plural marker in Iraqw nouns. In Cushitic a - Omotic: Papers from the international Symposium on Cushitic and Omotic Languages, Cologne, January 6-9, 1986, ed. by M. Bechhaus-Gerst and F. Serzisko, pp. 491-500. Hamburg: Helmut Buske. Farler. [1885.] A collection of words from the Wa-Mbugu, a tribe of cattle breeders living to the north of Usambara in the plains. In A. Downes Shaw A pocket vocabulary of the Ki-Swahili, Ki-Nyika, Ki-Taita, and Ki-Kamba languages also A brief vocabulary of the Kibwyo dialect1 collected by Archdeacon Farler., pp. 198204. London: Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge. in Masai-Land. EthF 1emm g, Harold C 1969 Asa and Aramanik: Cushitic hunters 8:1-36. gy nolo . Fleming , Harold C . 1983. review of Chr. Ehret. 1980. The histoncal.reconstructwn of Southern Cushitic phonology and vocabulary. Journal of Afrzcan Languages . and Linguistics 5:93- 97. Giligan , Gary. 1990. Book notice of F. Nordbustad. 1 988. Iraqw grammar: An analytical study of the Iraqw language. Language 66:422-23. . Goo dman, Morris. 1 971. The strange case of Mbugu. In Hymes, Dell (ed.) Pzdgznzz�­ · · · . . . . tion and creolization of languages: Proceedings of a conference held at the Unz­ versity of the West lndies1 Mona, Jamaica, April 1968. , ed. by D . Hymes, pp. 243-54. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Green, E. C. 1 963. The Wambugu of Usambara. Tanganyika Notes and Records 6 1 : 1 7589. Green, E. C. n.d. Wordlist: English-Ma 'a and Ma 'a-English. (ms.) 41 pp. Greenway, P.J . 194 7. A veterinary glossary. East African Agricultural Journal, apnl. 194 7 [terms in Burunge, Gorowa, Iraqw] Heepe, M. 1 929. Hamitica I: Fiome-Texte. Mitteilungen des Seminars fiir Orientalische Sprachen 32:158-202. Hetzron Robert, and Endre P. Talos. 1 982. Christopher Ehret's The Historical Re­ c�nstruction of Southern Cushitic Phonology and Vocabulary: A review article. Sprache und Geschichte in Afrika 4:239-50. Kiessling, Roland. 1 988. Die Selektor-Kategorie im Iraqw: ihre Funktion bei der �er­ so�almarkierung im Satz. Hamburg: Universitat Hamburg ( Magister Arbe1t) . 4 7 pp. Kiessling, Roland. 1 989. Die Rolle der Selektoren im Iraqw. Afrika und Ubersee 72:273-98. Kiessling, Roland. 1 989. review of F. Nordbustad. 19. �8. Iraqw grammar: An analyt­ ical study of the Iraqw language. Afrika und Ubersee 72: 1 25-6. Kiessling, Roland. 1 990. Preverbal position as a cradle of grammatical innovation in Iraqw. Afrikanistische Arbeitspapiere 2 1 :67-86. Lanham, L.W. 1960. review of W.H. Whiteley. 1958. A short description of item categories in Iraqw. African Studies 1 9:246-49. Leatherman, K. 1950. Notes on the structure o f the Nlbulu/lraqw language. (ms.) Legere, Karsten. 1 986. review of Chr. Ehret. 1 980. The historical reconstruction of Southern Cushitic phonology and vocabulary. Orientalische Literaturzeitung 81 /6:610- 1 1 . . .. Legere, Karsten. 1988. Bantu and Southern Cushitic. The impact of K1swahil1 on Iraqw. Zeitschrift fiir Phonetik1 Sprachwissenschaft und Kommunikations­ forschung 41 :640-64 7. Maghway, Josephat B. 1983. Iraqw Vocabulary. Work in Progress 1 6:69- 79. Edin­ burgh: Dept. of Linguistics, Edinburgh Univ. Maghway, Josephat B. 1989. Iraqw Vocabulary. Afrikanistische Arbeitspapiere 1 8:911 1 8. Maghway, Josephat B. 1 989. A vocabulary of lraqw. Occasional Paper of the Depart­ ment of Foreign Languages and Linguistics, University of Dar es Salaam. [also 9 8 published in Afrikanistische Arbeitspapiere 1 8 as "Iraqw Vocabulary" ] Maguire, R.A.J. 1 928. Il-Torobo. Journal of African Studies 27. [on Aasax or Ar manik] Meinhof, Carl. 1 906. Linguistische Studien in Ostafrika, X: Mbugu. Mitteilungen Seminars fur Orientalische Sprachen 9/3:294-323. Meinhof, Carl. 1 906. Linguistische Studien in Ostafrika, XI: Mbulunge. Mitteilunge des Seminars fur Orientalische Sprachen 9/3:324-33. [on Burunge] Merker, M. 1 904. Die Masai: Ethnografische Monographie eines ostafrikanische Semitenvolkes. Berlin: Dietrich Reimer. 421 pp. [pp. 221-259 about Aasax or Aramanik] (Nordbustad, Fr0ydis.] 1973. Historia fupi ya lugha ya Kiiraqw. Mbulu: Christian Literature Centre. ('A short history of the Iraqw language', about orthography] Nordbustad, Fr0ydis. 1983. Iraqw for beginners: A pedagogical grammar of the Ira language, vol. 1 and 2. Mbulu: Evangelical Lutheran Church. Nordbustad, Fr0ydis. 1988. Iraqw grammar: An analytical study of the Iraqw language. (Language and Dialect Studies in East Africa, 8.) Berlin: Dietrich Reimer. Nurse, Derek. 1 986. Reconstruction of Dahalo history through evidence from loan­ words. Sprache und Geschichte in Afrika 7:267-305. Nurse, Derek. 1 988. Extinct Southern Cushitic communities in East Africa. In Cushitic - Omotic: Papers from the international Symposium on Cushitic and Omotic Languages, Cologne, January 6-9, 1986, ed. by M. Bechhaus-G erst and F. Serzisko, pp. 93- 1 04. Pflug, Felicitas. 1 989. Die pronominale Funktion des Selektors i n der lraqw-Sprache. Magister Vergleichende Sprachwissenschaft, Eberhard-Karls-Universitat Tiibingen. 1 34 pp. Podolsky, Baruch. 1978. Bibliographia Cushitica. Israel Oriental Studies 8:144-58. [Oromo and Southern Cushitic] Qorro, Martha P.S . 1 982. Tense and aspect of the English and Iraqw verb. M.A. thesis, Univ. of Wales, Bangor. (Schregel, W.] n.d. Langue kimbulu: remarques preliminaires. ms. 1 6 pp. [in the Archives of the White Fathers, Rome.] Seidel, A. 1 900. Die Sprache von Ufiomi in Deutsch-Ostafrika. Zeitschrift fiir afrika­ nische und oceanische Sprachen 5:165-75. Storch. 1895. Sitten, Gebrauche, und Rechtspflege bei den Bewohnern Usambaras und Pares. Mittheilungen von Forschungsreisenden und Gelehrten aus den Deutschen Schutzgebieten 8:310-31 . (including Mbugu] Struck, Bernhard. 1 911. Uber die Sprachen der Tatoga und Irakuleute. In Das . Hochland der Riesenkrater und die umliegenden Hochliinder Deutsch-Ostafrikas, by Fritz Jaeger. (Mitteilungen aus den Deutschen Schutzgebieten, Erganzungs heft 4.) Berlin: Ernst Siegfried Mittler und Sohn. Swynnerton, G.H. 1 946. Vernacular names for some of the better known mammals of Central Province. Tanganyika Notes and Records 21 :21-38. (Gorowa, Burunge] Ten Raa, Eric. 1 969. Sanye and Sandawe: A common substratum? African Linguistic Review 8:148-55. Ten Raa, Eric. 1 986. The acquisition of cattle by hunter-gatherers: A traumatic experience in cultural change. Sprache und Geschichte in Afrika 7/2:361-74. [table with cattle terms in, among others, Iraqw, Burunge] · . Thomas on, Sarah G. 1983. Genetic relationships and the case of Ma'a (Mbugu). Stud­ ies in African Linguistics 14:19. 5-23 1 . , Tu cker Archibald N . 1967. Fringe Cushitic: An e�perimen� in typological comparison. Bulletin of the School of Oriental and Afrzcan Studzes 30:655-80. , Tucker Archibald N. 1969. Sanye and Boni. In H.-J. Greschat an� H. !u?grai�h�ayr ( eds.) Wort und Religion J(alima na dini: Studien zur Afrzkanzstzk, Mzsswns­ wissenschajt, Religionswissenschaft Ernst Dammann zum 65. Geburtstag, pp. 66-81 . Stuttgart: Evangelischer Missionsverlag. Tu cker 1 Archibald N., and Margaret A. Bryan. 1957. Linguistic survey of the Northern Bantu borderland, 4: Languages of the Eastern section, Great Lake to Indian Ocean. London: Internat ional African Institute. [Iraqw, Ma'a, Dahalo] Tucker, Archibald N., and Margaret A. Bryan. 1966. Linguistic an�lyse�: The non­ Bantu languages of North-Eastern Africa. London: Oxford Umvers1ty Press for the International African Institute. Tu cker, Archibald N., and Margaret A. Bryan. 1974. The "Mbugu" anomaly. Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 37: 188-207. Tucker, Archibald N., Margaret Bryan, and James Woodburn. 1977. The East African Click Languages: A Phonetic Comparison. In Zur Sprachgeschichte und Eth­ nohistorie in Afrika, neue Beitriige afrikanistischer Forschungen, ed. by W. Mohlig, F. Rottland, B. Heine, pp. 300-323. Berlin: Dietrich Rei mer. [Verhoeven, Pierre.] (1926.] Grammaire Iraqw. 231 pp. [typewritten manuscript in the archives of the Archdiocese of Tabora.] Wada, Shohei. 1 973. Iraqw basic vocabulary with Swahili equivalents. Tokyo: Institute for the Study of Languages and Cultures of Asia and Africa. Whiteley, W.H. 1 953. Studies in Iraqw. (East African Lipguisti c Studies, 1 . ) Ka.mpala: The East African Institute of Social Research, Makerere_ College. Whiteley, W.H. 1 958. A sort description of item categories in Iraqw (with material on Gorowa, Alagwa and Burunge). (East African Linguistic Studies, 3.) Kampala: East African Institute of Social Research, Makerere College. Whiteley, W.H. 1 960. The verbal radical in Iraqw. African Language Studies 1 : 79-95. Whiteley, W.H. 1 960. Linguistic Hybrids. African Studies 19:95-97. (on Ma'a] Winter, Jiirgen C. 1 979. Language shift among the Aasax, a hunter-gatherer tribe in Tanzania: A historical and sociolinguistic case-study. Sprache und Geschichte in Afrika 1 : 175-204. Zaborski, Andrzej . 1984. review of Chr. Ehret. 1 980. The historical reconstruction of Southern Cushitic phonology and vocabulary. Afrika und Ubersee 67:142-44. 1 .3.2. Publications in the Iraqw Language Anonymus. 1920. Katekismu katolika kang Iraqw Katekismu nina. Tabora: White Fathers Mission. 24 pp. [Small catachism in Iraqw .] Anonymus. 1 922. Katekismu katolika - kang Iraqw - Katekismu sakramenta. Tabora: White Father's Mission. 32 pp. [in Archives of the White Fathers in Rome.] Anonymus. 1 926. Kitabu Kristiyani. Mbulu: White Fathers Mission. 203 pp. [book with prayers] Anonymus. 1926. Alqador dini ar bara kangh nina. Mbulu: White Fathers' Mission. 138 pp. [in Archives of White Fathers, Rome] Anonymus. 1 957. John. London: British and Foreign Bible Society. 63 pp. 11 10 Anonymus. 1 970. Mark. Nairobi. 68 pp. Anonymus. 1 972. Qwanay ne sleemu [Lost and found: Luke 15} Iringa. 4 pp. Anonymus. [1 973.] Katekisimo ne intsahhasar kirishaanay ad6r Dr. Martin Luth ngira intsahhatimis. Mbulu: Evangelical Lutheran Church. ['Catechism Christian teachings by Luther'] Anonymus. 1 97 4. Yacabtor hho ador kara goo in ne Luka. Iringa: The Bible Soci of Tanzania. ['The New Testament as written by Luke'] ) Anonymus. 1 977. Iia qaasaak. London: Scripture Gift Mission. ['Listen', some from the Bible] Anonymus. 1977. Yajabt6r hho ': Kitaabuu alqadaa jaben awa aakooren Yesu Kristo Dodoma: The Bible Society of Tanzania. [The New Testament in Iraqw.] Anonymus. n.d. Kangw yaiimar kila (Vera Religio) Katekismu nina. Alkiitu takat (De narratione Saara) (ms.) 1 22 pp. (in the archives of the Archdiocese Tabora] Anonymus. n.d. Esopo: ldigu ta goin ne Esopo ne idigu hatla sleme. Dongobesh: Iraqw Lutheran Church. [21 Aesop fables in Iraqw] Nordbustad, Fr0ydis. 1 969. Yosefu iidigu slafing6s. [Joseph: the story of his life.] Dodoma: Kanisa la Kiinjili la Kilutheri Tanzania. 31 pp. Nordbustad, Fr0ydis. 1972. Lach: Tiitar Ookwa/angw nee Hhaawu. Hadithi ya Sun­ gura na Fisi. (Iraqw Folklore Series, 2.) Mbulu: Christian Literature Centre. Nordbustad, Fr0ydis . 1978. Iimujuungw yaamaa lraqw. Mwanzo wa nchi ya Wairaqw. (Iraqw Folklore Series, 1 .) Mbulu: Christian Literature Centre. ['The beginning of the Iraqw country'] Nordbustad, Fr0ydis. 1978. Tiitdr lraqw. Hadithi za Wairaqw. (Iraqw Folklore Series, 3 . ) Mbulu: Christian Literature Centre. Noidbustad, Fr0ydis. 1978. Sinik; geerankay. (Iraqw Folklore Series, 4.) Mbulu: Christian Literature Centre. [269 Iraqw riddles, without translations] Nordbustad, Fr0ydis . 1978. Muk uren mi aain. (Iraqw Folklore Series, 5,) Mbulu: Christian Literature Centre. ['What do old people say?', Iraqw text, no trans­ lation] · Nordbustad , Fr0ydis. 1978. Simbooya. Hadithi ya Simbooya. (Iraqw Folklore Series, 6.) Mbulu: Christian Literature Centre. Nordbustad, Fr0ydis. 1985. Lach: Tiitdr Ookwajangw nee Hhaawu. Hadithi ya Sungura na Fisi. An lraqw folktale. (Iraqw Reader, 1 . ) Mbulu: Evangelical Lutheran Church. [=Iraqw folklore series 2, with language notes] Nordbustad, Fr0ydis. 1 985. lidiguu Yesu: 18 Bible stories. (Iraqw Reader, 2.) Mbulu: Evangelical Lutheran Church. [first printed as New Readers Selections Series A and B) S chregel, W. n.d. Yesu Kristu tlatsaamayer Yesu-Kristu. (ms.) 1 43 pp. [handwrit­ ten manuscipt copied by Wenceslas Margwet, first part in the Archives of the Archdiocese of Tabora] (Verhoeven, Pierre.] 1926. Alqador dini ar bara kangh nina. Mbulu: White Fathers' Mission. [Some Bible stories in Iraqw .] [Verhoeven, Pierre.] [1926.] aymar slafing ar mungu ne xororos. [Rome] : Socialite de St Pierre Claver. [stories from the Old and New Testament] Wada, Shohei. 1976. Hadithi za mapokeo ya Wairaqw (Iraqw folktales in Tanzania). (African Languages and Ethnography, 5.) Tokyo: Institute for the Study of · Languages and Cultures of Asia and Africa. [46 Iraqw stories with Swahili translation] 1.3 .3. Iraqw cultural and historical bibliography Abel. 190 7. Expedition nach Iraku. Deutsche [(olonialzeitung, Organ der deutschen Kolonialgesellschaft 24/2:16. Baumann, Oscar. 1894. Durch Massailand zu: Nilque�le: R�i�e� und Forschungen der Massai-Expedition des deutschen Antzsklaverez-Comzte zn den Jahren 18911893. Berlin: Dietrich Reimer. Baumann, Oscar. 1 894. Die kartographischen Ergebnisse der �as�ai-Expedition des deutschen Antisklaverei-Comites. Dr. A. Petermanns Mzttezlungen aus Justus Perthes Geographischer Anstalt. Erganzungsband XXIV heft Ill. Bura, Mark W.T. 1974. The Wairaqw concepts of causation, diagnosis and treatment of disease. The Dar es Salaam Medical Journal6/1:55-61. Ehret, Christopher. 1974. Ethiopians and East Africans: The problem of contacts. Nairobi: East African Publishing House. Fosbrooke, H.A. 1954. The defensive measures of certain tribes in North-Eastern Tan­ ganyika part II: Iraqw Housing as Affected by Inter- Tribal Raiding. Tanganyika Notes and Records 36:50-57. Fosbrooke, H.A. (1955.] The Nlbulu highlands: Problems of people, land and cattle. (ms.) Fouquer, Roger. 1955. Irakou (Histoire d'un peuple et d'une mission). Editions la Savane. F�kui, Katsuyoshi. 1969. -.The Subsistence Economy of the Agrico-Pastoral Iraqw. Kyoto University African Studies 4:41-76. Fukui, Katsuyoshi. 1970. Migration and Settlement of the Iraqw in Hanang Area: Ecological observations on an agrico-pastoral tribe. Kyoto University African Studies 5:101-24. Fukui, Katsuyoshi. 1 970. Alcoholic Drinks of the Iraqw: Brewing methods and social functions. Kyoto University African Studies 5:125-48. Grondin, Eloi. 1988. Four Massai women among the lraqw. Tabora: White Fathers. 92 pp. (history of the Catholic mission among the Iraqw] Hauge, Hans-Egil. 1 97 1 . Loa, Sun-Deity of the Iraqw People. Temenos 7 :50-57. Hauge, Hans-Egil. 1 981. lraqw Religion and Folklore. Fjellhamar (Norway): World Folklore Society. [29 Iraqw folktales in English with introduction on the culture.] Huntingford, G .W.B. 1953. The Southern Nilo-Hamites. (Ethnographic Survey of Africa, East Central Africa, part 8.) London: International African Institute. (III. Unclassified peoples: The Iraqw Cluster, pp. 127-131.) Jaeger, Fritz. 191 1 . Das Hochland der Riesenkrater und die umliegenden Hochliinder Deutsch-Ostafrikas, (Mitteilungen aus den deutschen Schutzgebieten, Ergan­ zungsheft 4.) Berlin: Ernst Siegfried Mittler und Sohn. Johnson, C.B. 1966. Some aspects of Iraqw religion. Tanzania Notes and Records 65:53-.56. Kamera, W.D. 1976. Tales of Wairaqw of Tanzania. Dar es Salaam: East African Literature Bureau. (Translated into Swahili as "Hadithi za Wairaqw wa Tanzania." ) 13 12 Karnera, W .D. 1978. Hadithi za Wairaqw wa Tanzania. Dar es Salaam: East Afri Literature Bureau. Karnera, W.D. 1983. Marrno and Haragasi: Iraqw Folk Theatricals. African Monographs 4:107-18. Karnera, W.D. 1 986. Loo Arnrnohhuurna: An Iraqw Reconciliation Rite. Anthro 81 : 1 37-49. Kannenberg. 1900. Reise durch die harnitischen Sprachgebiete urn Kondoa. theilungen von Forschungsreisenden und Gelehrten aus den Deutschen Schu bieten 13:144-72. Kohl-Larsen, Ludwig. 1958. Der Hase mit den Schuhen: Tiergeschichten der I Kassel: Erich Roth Verlag. Kohl-Larsen, Ludwig. 1963. Das Kiirbisungeheuer und die Ama 'irmi. Kassel: Roth Verlag. Kohl-Larsen, Ludwig. 1964. Schwarzer Eulenspiegel. Kassel: Erich Roth Verlag. Lees, E.C.L. 1936. A Note on the Warnbulu. Tanganyika Notes and Records 2:106-7. Luschan, F. v. 1898. Beitrage zur Ethnographie des abflusslosen Gebiets von Deu Ost-Afrika. In C. Waldernar Werther Die mittleren Hochlander des nordlich Deutsch-Ost-Afrika, pp. 323-386. Berlin: Herrnann Paetel. (V Die Leute Iraku pp. 365-368.) Maghway, Josephat B. [n.d.] Fasihi simulizi, Wa-Iraqw: Ngoma ya harusi ya kimi Dar es Salaam: Idara ya Kiswahili, Univ. of Dar es Salaam. [unpublished pap 1 9 pp.] Matriya, Ibrahirnu B. 1981. Ibada ya asili katika jamii ya kirawe kuhusianisha na kikristo K.K.K. T Sinodi j;a Mbulu. Makurnira (Tanzania): Chuo cha Tne<)lOI!la�l cha Kilutheri. [unpublished paper, 28 pp.] Meek, C.L 1 953. Stock reduction in the Mbulu highlands, Tanganyika. Journal African Administration 5:158-66. Mosses, Elikana, Odilia Basso, Gerna Carnily, Joseph Nicodernus Geni Onisaeli, Yese, Florence Mungureza. [1987.] The Jraqw history. (History project Dongobesh Secondary School under supervision of William Naman. ) Neurnann, Oskar. 1895. Bericht iiber seine Reisen i n Ost- und Central-Afrika. Ver­ handlungen der Gesellschaft fur Erdkunde zu Berlin 22:270-295, + map. Ng'aid� , Jo?n. 1 975. The concept of taboo "meta" among the Iraqw peoples and 1ts hmdrances to Christianity. Makimira (Tanzania): Chuo cha Theologia Kilutheri. [unpublished paper, 27 pp.] Ramadhani, Mzee Hemedi. [1955.] Mapokeo ya Historia ya Iraqw (Mbulu kati ya miaka 1700 n� 1900). [Dar es Salaam: East African Literary Bureau.] 38 pp. folio typescnpt. Sturdy, D. 1936. Agricultural Notes: Mbulu. Tanganyika Notes and Records 1 :52-56 . Ten Raa, Eric. 1986. The Alagwa: A northern intrusion in a Tanzanian Khoi-San culture as testified through Sandawe oral tradition. In Contemporary studies , . 2, ed. by R. Vossen and K. Keuthnan, pp. 271-99. on Rhozsan Thornton, Robert J. 1.980. Space, time, and culture among the Iraqw of Tanzania. New York: Academic Press. 275 pp. Thornton, Robert J. 1982. Modelling of spatial relations in a boundary-marking rit­ ual of the Iraqw of Tanzania. Man, The Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute 1 7:528-45. · · Tomrnasoli, Massimo. 1986. Migrazione, Colonizzazione e Innovazione Tecnologica tra gli Iraqw: Il caso di Mbulurnbulu, Tanzania. Africa (Roma) 41 /2:243-69. , da Wa Shohei. 1969. Local Groups of the Iraqw: Their structure and functions. Kyoto University African Studies 3:109-32. Sh , Wada ohei. 1969. Territorial Expansion of the Iraqw: Land Tenure and the Locality Group. Kyoto University African Studies 4:115-32. hei. 1971 . Marriage Ceremonies and Customs among the Iraqw of Tanzania. Sho , Wada J(yoto University African Studies 6: 31-52. Wada, Shohei. 1975. Political History of Mbulu District: Power struggles and territo­ rial groupings of medicine men. Kyoto University African Studies 9:45-68. Wada, Shohei. 1978. Slufay: Notes on an Iraqw Ritual Prayer. Senri Ethnological Studies 1 :37-53. Wada, Shohei. 1 980. Two Iraqw Marriage Rituals. Senri Ethnological Studies 6:79-91 . Wada, Shohei. 1984. Female Initiation Rites of the Iraqw and the Gorowa. Senri Ethnological Studies 15:187-96. Werther, C. Waldemar. 1 898. Die Mittleren Hochliinder des nordlichen Deutsch­ White Ost-Afrika, Wissenschaftliche Ergebnisse der Irangi-Expedition 1896-1897 nebst kurzer Reisebeschreibung. Berlin: Hermann Paetel. Fathers. n.d. Iraqw customs and diary. Diary translated from the French and Iraqw into English by Eloi Grondin with help from Fr. Wenceslas. [at the Archives of the Archdiocese Tabora.] Winter, Edward H. 1 962. Livestock Markets Among the Iraqw of Northern Tanganyika. In Markets in Africa, ed. P.Bohannan and G.Dalton (eds.) , pp. 457-468. Evanston. Winter, Edward H. 1 964. The Slaughter of a.Bull: A Study of Cosmology and Ritual. In Process and pattern in culture ed. Robert A. Manners, pp. 1 01-111 . Chicago: Aldine. Winter, Edward H. 1966. Territorial Groupings and Religion among the Iraqw. In Anthropological Approaches to the Study of Religion, ed. M. Banton, pp. 1 551 7 4. London: Tavistock. Winter, Edward H. 1968. Some aspects of political organization and land tenure among the Iraqw. Kyoto University African Studies 2:1-29. Winter, Edward H. and Lambert Molyneaux. 1963. Population Patterns and Problems Among the Iraqw. Ethnology 2 :490-505. Yoneya.ma, Toshinao. 1969. The Life and Society of the Iraqw: Introductory remarks. Kyoto University African Studies 4:78-1 14. Yoneyama, Toshinao. 1970. Some Basic Notions among the Iraqw of Northern Tanza­ nia. Kyoto University African Studies 5:81-100. 15 2. Phonology. 2 . 1 . The phoneme inventory. 2.1 . 1 . The consonants. The consonant phonemes are displayed in the following chart. A description of the phonetic realisation of the consonants follows. "Glottalised"' is used as a cover term to include all consonants produced with a glottal stop or with laryngealization, i.e. the ejective affricates t s , tl and q, the pharyngeal fricative c which is produced with creaky voice and the glottal stop. The fricatives are all voiceless, except for c. The approximants are central approximants. The labial consonants are in column (1 ) . The alveo lar consonants are i n (2). The lateral consonants are in a column, (3), for ease of presentation. The palatal consonants, column ( 4), in brackets are rare and occur mainly in borrowed words. The velar and uvular consonants, column (5) , have labialised counterparts, column (6). Pharyngeal consonants are in column (7) and glottals in column (8). (5) (6) (7) (8) ( 1 ) (2) (3) (4) (j ) g voiced stop b d gw (eh) k kw vcless stop p t q tl ts qw glottalised f s h l (sh) fricative hh h xw ng nasal (ny) n ngw liquid approximant y w m X r I use the following spelling conventions: j for I.P.A. IJ), y for I. P.A. U ] � ) for [?] , c for [<i] . The labialised consonants are writ ten with a digraph having w as a second element. I use the following digraphs instead of some phonetic symbols: hh for [h] h l for [+] ts for [ts,] tl for [t+)] ng for [IJ] and ny for [.J1 ] eh for (e] sh for [!] [u g] ( allophones) The use of digraphs could give rise to interpretation problems with consonant se­ quences. Two adjacent consonants must be if!terpreted as a digraph whenever possi­ ble. To a.v oid ambiguity, I insert a dot between two consonants when necessary, e.g. to distinguish sh.h from s.hh. h h i s . h h ins 'striped with tsuhh . lala 'mongoose' different colours' The sound written as n when occuring before k and x, is in fact homorganic with the 16 17 n i s palatal b efore j , and uvu l ar b efore q. T is alveo l ar in other environments , such as before t he pharyngeal and glo t t al co nson waysham6 foll o w i n g vel a r consonan t . Similarly ' , hh, h, ' · Th e n is not homorgan ic with t h e fol lowing velar if the i ntermediate the negat i ve suffix ka. is d elete d , for example b efore These spelling h as b een adopted by the lo cal Lutheran and C at holic Churches ; see The Iraqw Nordbustad ( 1 9 u LHC I I IfllolB I have made a few modifications for the inter n ational linguistic public, namely t he of hl w here t he offici al spelling uses s l ; c for j; and > for ' . T h e phonetic values of the consonants and t heir allophones are descr i b ed one. For each consonant examples are given with the consonant ord-medial , and word-final position if they o ccur in all p ositions. b is a voiced bilabial stop. by n i s a voi ce d api co- alveolar n as al . nee conventions are meant to facili t at e the reading of this work T h ey i n s pired by t h e present day Iraqw s p ell i n g ; s ee Nordbustad ( 1 988 ). below r p 'hyena', baaba 'father', yacab 'she sends' m laari 'people', 'three', >atu 'brain', lakiit 'to wait' ts is an ejective lamino-alveolar grooved affricate. It is sometimes pronounced ejective !amino-alveolar fricative. tsar 'two ' , xatsa 'vaJJey ' , hhuunts 'to wash clothes' s y, writt en as 'dish of maize and b eans ' >ila 'eyes ', baal 'to defe at ' is a voiced dorso-velar stop. gaa 't hi n g' , 'aga 'cannibals', doog 'to increase' k is a voiceless velar stop. koonki 'chicken', dakaat 'eight', faak 'to be finished' as tl is preglottalised in q is a voiceless dorso-uvular affricate. The amount of friction varies according to the position in the word and between individuals. It is greatest in word-final position and in syllable-initial position. The friction is absent if a stop follows, for example in daqtamo 'frost'. It is optionally pronounced as an ejective stop word-initially. qaymo 'field', daqani 'afterwards', daaq 'to skin an animal' x is a voiceles s dorso- velar slit fricative. xoohla sh. sirwi 'water pot ' , basa 'sout h ' , na'an1is 'ayshiga 'patern al aunt ' dayshan1o 'snake' 'today', is a voiceless apico-alveolar lateral fricative. hlaa' 'to want', >ahla 'fire', doohl 'to cultivate' is a voi celess front-alveolar grooved fricative. It has a lamino- postalveolar alloph aft& occur word-initially. g 'boys', >adoo 'manner', >alqaad 'to give last instructions' is a voiceless apico-alveolar stop. tarn not is a voiced centro-palatal approximant. yahaas 'to ask', >aya 'land', caay 'to eat' 'maternal uncle', firiim 'ask' is a voiced apico-alveolar stop. daaqay t maamay 'she asks ' y 'mats', daaf.,'return home' is a voiced bilabial nasal. ll1UU d hhafa firiin 1 is a voiced api co-alveolar lateral approximant . hl a voiceless labio-dental slit fricative. 'porridge', 'side dish', is an ejective apico-alveolar affricate with a lateral release. word final position. t laa'ano 'stone', hatla> 'other', hamaatl ' t o wash' ', faca naanu tl is a voiceless bilabial stop. piindo 'do o r hhape 'earth', qiip 'be closed' f is 'and, with', is a voiced apico-alveolar trill. The consonant r does >aara 'goat s ' , migir 'collection of firewood' w baha ' w i ld eb ees t ' ' i n s t rumen t s' , daxa 'now', >aax ' t o b e sat i at ed ' is a voiced velar nasal, [IJ] . Intervocalically within a word, [IJ] is followed by an oral voiced velar stop, [IJ g] . Word-initially [IJ] can only occur in object pronouns; see 4. 1 .2. Word-finally, [IJ] is rare as well. Neither verbs nor nouns end in [IJ] . ng 19 18 ngi feminine or neuter object pronoun, kunga, 'you (plural)', inine)' w kiing 'you ( is a labialised dorso-velar approximant. wak 'one', >iwiit 'to sit', tlaw 'to get up' The velar and uvular consonants have labialised counterparts. If an unrounded follows the labialised consonant, it is pronounced as a sequence of the labialised nant and a glide w. Word-finally, a labialised consonant is followed by a short whi"''"'L'"�·'*� u , except in the case of ngw. kw is a voiceless labialised dorso-velar stop. kwatiit gw 'nine', gwagwa>aam 'be happy', hlaqwa 'body', tlaaqw 'to throw' is a voiceless labialised velar slit fricative. xwante ngwa masculine object pronoun, mangware> 'sorghum', dangw 'elephant' is a pharyngeal constriction (not a stop) produced with creaky voice. cameeni 'woman', baaci 'mud', tuuc 'to uproot' hh · · ichaabu chumba is a voiceless pharyngeal fricative. hhap e 'soil', bohha , m 'jiggers' from Swahili chawa 'louse' 'room' from Swahili chumba 'room' a �entro-palatal nasal and occurs in four words only. These words are not iden­ tified as loan words. nyaqut 'colobus monkey' nyargan 'parrot' keenyeewa 'syphilis' qany 'colour for cows, a mixture of black and white'. ny is 'liquid porridge', tsaxwa 'danger', tlaaxw 'to buy' ngw is a voiced labialised dorso-velar nasal. Intervocalically within the word, the vel nasal is followed by the labialised oral velar stop. In word-initial position ngw , ng, can only occur in object pronouns. ngw is frequently found in nouns in word­ position. Verbs do not end in ngw. c · sh is a voiceless lamino-postalveolar grooved fricative. It occurs in Swahili and Datooga loan words. sh also occurs as an allophone of s after y; see above. shilingi 'shilling' from Swahili shilingi bilishi 'a spade' from Swahili beleshi mashoot or maysh oot 'big leather bag' from Datooga masho oda 'to die (of many)' is a voiceless labialised dorso-uvular stop. qwalaac xw The consonants in the "palatal" column are rare. They occur mainly in loanwords. J 1s a voi ced palatal affricate. It occurs . . in loan words. from Swahili such as kijij i 'village', j esh i 'army', and in one word wh1ch 1s not recogmsed as a loan word , moqo nJo 'k' d of fruit'. eh is a voiceless palatal affricate. It occurs in Swahili loan words, and in the name of the hero of a famous folktale, Lach. is a voiced labialised dorso-velar stop. It does not occur word-finally. gwalt�el qw 'to touch', lakwanti 'basket', tlaakw 'bad' h ts. a g1 ottal fricative. In final position ' it is realised as a whispered continuation of t he preceding vowel. hikwa 'cattle', eehaar 'follow', dah 'enter' 'burden', kaahh 'to be absent' , is a glottal stop. ' will not be written in this work word-initially. Every word must begin with a consonant. When this word-initial consonant is (,] , it will not be written; an orthographo cally word-initial vowel therefore represents [,] plus that vowel. In non-word-ini tial position [,] will be written. al 'together', ti,iit 'to go out', buu, 'to harvest' 2.1.2. The vowels. There are five vowels and a length contrast, i, e, a, o, u and ii, ee, aa, oo, u u . Long vowels are written by doubling the vowel symbol. The vowels have approximately the quality represented by the phonetic symbols [i e a o u] . dii 'place' hee 'man' gaa 'thing' doo 'house of' muu 'people' diwi 'salt' de'e 'liver' daqa 'crowd, flock' dohho 'punish �ent' dugno 'thumb' 20 The following examples show the long/short opposition in words that are similar in syllabic structure: disyllabic words with vowel length opposition in the first syllable. duuxo 'wedding' duxa 'valley' qo oli 'calabash for stones' qoro 'dust' baaba 'father' basa 'south' heek 'he fetches water' hek 'she fetches water' diitsa 'finger' ditsa> 'fingers' In some cases I noted variation between high and mid vowels. xiirangw or xeerangw 'scorpion' di>aay or de>aay 'fat' lehhiit or lihhiit 'to court', derived from leehh 'to fetch' quumi or qoomi, pl: quumay or qoomaay 'calabash with a handle' There is a limited functional role of length in the mid vowels. A short vowel in word-initial closed syllable of a lexical root is never a mid vowel. The e�ceptions are in a CVN syllable, such as dongoot 'a kind of dance', or in the second person conjugation of the ve�b, e.g. <et 'you fell'. And a short mid vowel in an initial closed syllable is also possible if this syllable has become closed due to the syllable reduction rule applying in verbal derivation. sol>-oot 'to fall down', from solo o> 'to be relaxed' In nouns, if the second syllable is closed, a mid vowel is short if the syllable is word-final and long if followed by another syllable in the same word. See 2.3. for details. t awer, sg.: taweermo 'wild dog' pareq, sg. pareeqmo 'kind of bird' t satsec, sg.: tsatseeci 'star' The sequences of vowel followed by a glide, ay, aw, are pronounced as diphthongs. Verbs can end in ay or aw. In general, verbs do not end in a vowel. Hence ay and aw are analysed as vowel-glide sequences, rather than diphthongs. tlay 'he leaves' tlaw 'I leave' The diphthong ay becomes ee in stressed closed syllables. ceet 'to go down' , causative: caytiis 'to drop' 21 Occasion ally I heard ay where ee is the more usual pronounciation. axweesaan or axwaysaan 'we are talking' gireeda or girayda 'a kind of poem' The vowel o is realised as a close mid central rounded vowel in the immediate environ­ ment of the pharyngeal consonants c and hh. hh ohhoo> 'nice' cooh li 'insult' A long vowel is sometimes in variation with a vowel plus a glottal stop and an identical long or short vowel, as for example in gweedo , or gwe>edo 'backside', daam or da>aam 'to wait', i buuti or i bu'uuti 'it is enough'. 2 . 1 .3. Tone. There is a low and a high tone. The high tone is indicated with an acute accent on the vowel, and in syllables with a long vowel is written on the first vowel symboL Low tone is indicated by the absence of an acute accent on the vowel symbol(s) of the syllable. Tone has a low functional load in the lexicon. In verbs, tone has a function in the conjugation system but not to distinguish lexical items. Adverbs can have a low or a high tone on the final syllable. The overall majority of nouns are low throughout. Some nouns, about 200, have a hig� tone on the final syllable. This is lexically determined. If a number suffix is attached to a noun with a final hig4 tone, the high tone becomes low. naanu 'side dish', pl: naaneemo It is possible to derive a name from an ordinary noun by adding a high tone to the last syllable; see 3. 7. This accounts for the tonal minimal pairs in the lexicon that are mentioned by Whiteley ( 1958) and Nordbustad ( 1988:19). They involve insect names based on a noun. Otherwise there are no tonal minimal pairs in the lexicon. hlooro 'foam' hloor6 'grasshopper which produces foam' konkomo 'cock' konkom6 'kind of insect that eats beans (like a chicken) ' Tone is important in grammar. Nominal suffixes that render a noun specific, such as the demonstrative, possessive, and a construct case suffix, have a high tone, but the specific indefinite suffix has a low tone. Personal pronouns and the numbers one to nine have a high tone on the final syllable. On the verb, tone indicates tense and mood; see 4.2.4. In adjectives, tone indicates gender; see 5.1 . In general, the high tone only occurs on the last syllable, but nouns with a high tone on the final syllable of the stem can have a sequence of two high syllables if a high tone 23 22 suffix follows. The last two syllables of a word can also be high due to the presence two adjacent high tone suffixes. maamay->ee> kwaga cayiin a-ga ku or cay-iin 2.SG.M BE.S. l /2-PERF eat-DUR:2.SG 'You have eaten' uncle- l .SG .POSS 'my uncle' gari intsahhatmis a ti or i ga-r intsahhatmis a danu-w-i honey-M-DEMl 'this honey' thing:CON-F BE.S.3 teach:3.SG.F 'What it teaches is this.' hikwa-w6k-sing ti COP INDEP.F:DEM l Tone spreading: A high tone can spread to the next syllable in fast (connected) speech: cattle-2.SG.POSS-DEM2 'these cattle of yours' ad6r hlee kar tsahh or ad6r hlee kar tsahh. ad6r hlee ka-r tsahh ino 'in-a-da' they-P L-DEM4 'those ones there' The penultimate syllable of a noun is high in the vocative. daaqay 'Boys!' konk6mo ' Cock!' (in stories) Another circumstance in which the penultimate syllable is pronounced high is in exag geration, in order to make cleai that the followi,ng syllable is low. lee1eehh 'I have won' 'he searches�, not leeleehh 'I search' The only case in which there may be more than one change of pitch in a single is when the penultimate syllable of trisyllabic (or longer) word is high. The background and the infinitive suffixes render preceding high tones low. a how cow 0.3:DEP.S . l /2:0.F-INSTR recognise:2.SG:SBJV 'How you recognise a cow, ... ' 2. 1 .4. Stress. In addition to tone and vowel length, there is non-contrastive predictable word stress. In the following examples, stress is indicated by underlining the vowel. Stress must be recognised as phonetically different from vowel length, because there are oppositions such as: b_!!s a 'south' baasa 'bushbuck' or h_!!' asa Stress is phonetically distinct from tone, because high tone and stress can be on different syllables. hlooroo 'foam' hloor6 'grasshopper' ino'in-ee-ka It is possible to have stress on a low-toned short vowel. they-BG ND-NEG 'not them' _!!W U qo oma-r-qa>-ee period-F-DEM3-BGND 'at that period' ceet-aan-aa-ka go:down-l .PL-INF.: NEG 'We don't descend.' Tone shift: A high tone shifts to the following syllable if a verb 'to be' is cliticised to a ·preceding (pro )noun ending in a high tone; see 4.1 . anaga baaliim or an a-ga baal-iim l .S G BE.S .l /2-PERF win-DUR: l .SG 'bull' In nouns, stress is predictable on the basis of the syllable structure and the tone. Stress is on the penultimate syllable if this syllable contains a long vowel. If the penultimate syllable has a short vowel, stress is on the last syllable if this syllable has a high tone and otherwise on the first syllable. Since stress is predictable, it is not ·indicated in this book. ba>eeso 'bushbucks' mugyl 'collarbone' hloor6 'grasshopper' W_!!w itmo 'king' 25 24 · 2. 1 .5. Intonation. or The pitch level gradually lowers towards the end of the sentence. Yes/no questions have a special intonation. This intonation contour consists extra rise in tone and a fall on the penultimate syllable of the predicate. Usually is also the penultimate syllable of the sentence. The question intonation is notated " on the vowel and is glossed with INT for interrogative. See also 9.5. kuung a irqwatu-w-o 2.SG.M COP Iraqw:INT-M-BGND 'Are you an Iraqw person?' bara hamtllind-a a tlaw-t-i ur-wa hhe>ees, throwing-Fl-BGND 0.3:DEP.S.3:0.F-BGND finish:3.SG.M:PAST luuc du>uma ngi-na bara qaymo leopard 0.3 :DEP.S.3:0.F-PAST hide:3.SG.M:PAST in:CON field 'When the throwing was finished, the leopard hid them (the trees) in the field.' luuc du>uma ngi-na leopard in6s bara qaymo, 0 .3:DEP.S.3:0.F-PAST hide:3.SG.M:PAST in:CON field kwahha-t-o ngi-wa hhe>ees. 3.SG throwing-Fl-BGN D 0.3:DEP.S.3:0.F- BGND finish:3.SG.M:PA ST 'The leopard hid them (the trees) in the field when the throwing was finished.' 2.2. Syllable types Possible syllables are CV, CVV, CVC, CVVC, CVNC, CVVNC. N stands for homorganic nasal. All syllables start with a consonant. There are no syllables with empty onsets. words from Swahili that are vowel- initial in Swahili are assigned an initial consonant, or c , for example caansuus 'start' from Swahili anza, >askaarmo 'soldier' from S askari. The syllable onset is one consonant or a velar or uvular consonant followed w, for example hi-kwa 'cattle'. The syllable peak is a short or long vowel. ea-ben 'new' ad-koom 'complete' The homorganic nasal-obstruent clusters occur for all obstruents. The nasal is not homorgani c in clusters with a pharyngeal or glottal obstruent, as qan h h 1' ' eg.g , pan 'uu ma 'state of being an orphan'. There is no example of an nxw cluster, wh1ch is cons idere d to be an accident al gap. gumbaba> 'kidney' taampa 'blind being' famfee>amo 'butterfly' daanda 'back' tlinta 'corridor' hhuunts 'to wash clothes' kunseeli 'earthquake' kintlacay 'shrike' hiinhl 'to breathe' gangeeci 'hoop' mankari 'lightning' xanxay 'dry period, desert' mangware> 'sorghum' diinkwa 'together' kitsinqaay 'snail' faanqw 'seven' · ,....,. ." ....'.. "''"/fill ng1-wa hiinhl 'to breathe' hhuunts 'to wash clothes' xiints 'to scratch out' faanqw 'seven' m S . l /2 bathe:2.SG:INT-INF in:CON lake-Fl-DEMl big-ABL 'Do you bathe in this big lake?' If a sentence consists of two clauses, there is a rise in tone at the end of the first '-'HlLuot:<.J?li If the first clause ends in a high tone, this tone is slightly higher than a high sentence-finally, for example hhe>ees in the first sentence of the following. If the clause ends in a low tone, the preceding syllable is slightly raised, for example in the second sentence. kwahha-t-o syllable coda is either empty, or consists of.one consonant, or a rounded consonant a naSal- obstruent sequence with a homorganic nasal. A rounded consonant only occurs Word- finally. In CwV sequences the w is a glide and part of the onset . Nasal­ obs truent sequences can occur in the syllable coda. ' (1) Vowel lengthening before NC clusters and ngw: Vowels are often lengthened before an NC cluster, and also before ngw but not before m, n, or ng. ganhlar daangw or gaanhlar (adv. ) 'fast' or dangw 'elephant' tarn 'three' aten 'we' aning 'I', but kiing 'you (singular, feminine)' However, there is a vowel length opposition possible before a NC cluster. The second person subject forms of the verbs with an NC cluster in the coda have a short vowel, the first and third person singular subject forms of those verbs have a long vowel. Thus, both syllables, CVVNC and CVNC, are possible. 27 26 a hiinhl 'I breathe' a hinhl 'you breathe' a hhuunts 'I wash' a hhunts 'you wash' a xiints 'I scrape' a xints 'you scrape' The nasal-obstruent sequences are heterosyllabic between vowels. Reduplication sh that the obstruent is in the onset of the second syllable. Take for example reduplicat of the onset of the second syllable in tumbiim 'swim' which gives tumbabiim 's habitually', nangaa' 'try to go' resulting in nangagaa' , or in nouns like gumba 'kidney'. 2.3. Syllable sequence restrictions and related rules. Monosyllabic words cannot consist of a CV only. The vowel must be long. hee (m) 'man' hlee (f) 'cow' nee (prep) 'and, with' muu (ml ) 'people' gaa (f) 'thing' laa (f) 'today' d i i (f) 'place' There is vowel length opposition word-finally. For example: ti>ta 'kind of tree' ti>taa 'story' Word-final long vowels in polysyllabic words are shorter than long vowels in positions and also shorter than word- final long vowels in monosyllabic words, but are longer than a short vowel. Polysyllabic words of which the word-final t, k, or s deleted; see 2.5.4., end in a long vowel with a high tone. Nouns in construct case may also end in a long vowel with high tone; see 3.4.4. lakii or lakiit 'Wait! ' daq6o doo-ren boys:CON house-our 'boys of our house' Words ending in h have a short vowel in the fi11al ;yllable. The words ending in h are all verbs. Some of them have a long vowel in the first person plural subject form; 4.2.2. oh 'I take', oohaan 'we take'. Apart from these restrictions on possible word forms, there are other sequence restric­ t ions th at are valid for (polysyllabic) roots only and not for derived stems or words. initial syllable of a polysyllabic root is CV, or CVC, seldom CVV, and never CVVC , CV NC, or CVVNC . Due to vowel lengthening before an NC cluster; see ( 1 ) above , long vowels in the initial syllable can occur, as in ca(a)mpa 'tower'. A complete list of ex cepti ons of polysyllabic roots with a long vowel in the initial syllable follows below. Not e that most of them have a high tone on the following syllable and have a mid vowel in the first syllable. Some of these words are Datooga loans ending in eet . naanagi 'worm' koo 'an 'five' dee'ar 'root' pooham 'baboon' meeweet 'grain store' (loan from Datooga) siileet 'cow acquired as payment for a debt' (loan from Datooga) This restriction holds only for polysyllabic roots, since such initial syllables do occur when suffixes follow. meehh-mo 'tick' with tsii>-mo 'chick' with a a singulative suffix -mo singulative suffix -mo The length of the vowel in the second syllable of a noun correlates with stress . . If the vowel in the second syllable is epenthetic, the stress is on the first syllable. If the second syllable contains a long vowel or a high tone, this syllable is stressed. In verbs, vowel length of the final (mostly second) syllable is dictated by inflection. �msi 'night' �x ( a ) ri 'phlegm' m�nkari 'lightning' baqar 'kind of tree' ba>ar 'bee' mahhat 'shadow' yaq,Mmba 'bull, big isaangi 'plate' male animal' (2) A short vowel in a word-final closed syllable with a high tone corresponds to a long vowel if a syllable follows. ba>ar, sg. : ba>aar-mo 'bee' diwil , sg.: diwiil-mo 'insect, hornet' t awer, sg.: taweer:mo 'wild dog' pareq, sg. pareeq-mo 'kind of bird' tsatse' , sg.: tsatsee'-i 'star' 29 28 Instead of the long vowel we can have a vowel plus a homorganic nasal of a heterosylla nasal-consonant cluster, e.g. waqat , sg: waqant-i 'intestine'. (3) Vowel epenthesis: . consonants namely, q, An epenthetic vowel is preferred between any of the followmg hh, tl, m, n , ng and m. Futhermore it occurs between m and a following t , k, g, or ng, and before a syllable with a high tone. An epenthetic vowel is optional between ot C C clusters, for example xr in ax(a) ri 'phlegm'. The epenthetic vowel is a very sho rt a or schwa. There is some variation among speakers in the use of an epenthetic Maghway ( 1989) has no epenthetic vowels in the following examples. The epenthetic vowel assimilates to neighbouring vowels depending on the consonant between them, see 2.5.3. h hutl-mo -+ hhutlamo 'string of bark' muhind-mo -+ muhindamo 'Indian' d aang-mo -+ daangamo 'one of a twin' t ahhahhan-mo -+ tahhahhan (a) mo 'safari t sii>- ( a)mo 'chick' meehh- (a) mo 'tick' b ayn- (a)mo 'pig' konk- (a)mo 'cock' ant' There are restrictions on vowel sequences in polysyllabic roots. Either the first vowel is high or low, not mid, and the second vowel is an epenthetic vowel, or alternatively a low or mid vowel, but not a high vowel. Or all the vowels are identical. See Owens ( 1985 : 1 7) for similar restrictions in Oromo. The first vowel can be mid in those (few) roots with a long vowel in their initial syllable (see above). diq( a) ma 'fence for dgg ( u ) no 'thumb' �x(a)ri 'phlegm' cattle� If all the vowels are identical, there is a high tone on the last syllable of the noun. If the noun is affixed by the collective suffix -ay, this high tone is realised on the suffix. quruntl-ay 'gourd for water' cunku m-ay 'smallpox' yukum-ay 'lid of corn store' dorow-ay 'child of unmarried mother' Almost all the polysyllabic verb roots that have a mid vowel in the second syllable have an a as the first vowel. There is only one example with an i, bintloq-o ot 'to flop over with the whole body'. Nearly all polysyllabic verb roots with identical vowels end in a velar, pharyngeal or glottal consonant, with the exception of xorootl 'to snore'. The vowel e is rare among the polysyllabic verb roots. There is only one example, hefee> 'be negligent'. The restrictions on vowel cooccurrence are valid for roots only, not for stems · with frozen suffixes or prefixes or reduplications. harkonki 'owl' from har- and konki 'chicken' hathho>o 'sister's daughter' from hat- 'daughter of' and hho>o 'sister' There are exceptions to these vowel cooccurrence restrictions. For some nouns, the second vowel is not ee, oo or aa: bariis 'first born' (The word may be related to barsi 'blessing'.) uryee 'thigh' sandukw 'box' (a loan from Swahili) d iyaac 'to spread' cufaahh 'to blow' u maali 'hedgehog' waqaa> 'to scorn, despise' hamaatl 'to bathe' gibees-mo 'upper and front part kunseeli 'earthquake' afeeni 'courtyard' arees 'to take away with force' ateet 'to call' bintloq-oot 'to flop over basooro 'pearl millet' wa'OO' 'to be surprised' tlaroo q 'to pour out' diwil 'hornet' bin kic-iit 'to spread aside' hefee' 'be negligent' xorootl 'to snore' kongoo> 'be folded, be a mess' suruuk 'to push forward' kutsuuhh 'to pinch' quttir 'bracelet for marriage' of the upper leg' with the whole body' Roots are generally not longer than two or three syllables, that is maximally two if they end in a consonant , and three if they end in a vowel. Longer roots contain a reduplicated syllable, or r. masasakw 'ants' gurungura 'knee' 'ankwaraats 'to turn qumburuu' 'to dive' over' Some loan words from Swahili are partly adapted to this pattern. Swahili words have 31 30 penultimate stress. This is carried over into Iraqw and therefore the penulu.·u.�.o, 11e�,l1� syllable, or the second syllable of a polysyllabic root, has to be long, and has to be o o or aa. Vowels can be deleted to reduce the number of syllables to three. At secon position a consonant cluster is allowed. For example matfaali 'bricks' from S matofali; musmaari 'nail' from Swahili msumari with metathesis of u and s beca lraqw does not allow syllabic nasals; siptaali 'hospital' from Swahili hospitali, the initial syllable is dropped to reduce the number of syllables and to have the s on the second syllable, harsaasi 'bullet' from Swahili risasi, where a syllable is ad word-initially because Iraqw does not allow r word-initially. The restrictions above are only valid for roots, the following syllable sequence restriction and rule operates at the word level. ( 4) The syllable reduction rule: A short vowel is deleted if there is a syllable with short vowel preceding it and a syllable with a short vowel following it. The rule creates a heavy syllable, CVe . The rule is exemplified with the -en plural suffix with adjectives. gawid-en -+ gawden 'difficult, P L ' narakw-en -+ narkwen 'poor, P L ' ur h. o...-'"'\�i!J!; a .uvuu. ,,l!i!i The rule only applies if a suffix is added. The medial syllable in monomorphemic stems, such as mugugunay 'bed bugs', is not reduced. The syllabic structure of the suffix is irrelevant'. The rule applies not only in CVeVe- V structures, such as the examples above, but also in eVCV-CV struCtures. The latter configuration arises for example from suffixation of the interrogative particle -ma, t gender agreement markers -ta and -ku, and in CVCVC-V structures as in certain plural suffixes. daqa-ma -+ daqma 'at what time' hhara-ta-sing -+ hhartasing 'this stick ( f1 ) ' qara-ku-da> -+ qarkuda> 'that poison ( ml ) ' lawala-u -+ lawlu 'spears' Not only the vowels of stems but also those of suffixes can be deleted. eehar-in-e' -+ eeharne' 'they followed' The long vowel of the infinitive suffix that precedes the negative suffix is deleted if the preceding syllable contains a short vowel. dohl-aa-ka -+ dohlka 'she does not dig' dohl-ii-ka -+ dohlka 'she did not dig' The rule is blocked if the first syllable contains a long vowel. doohl-aa-ka 'I don't dig' no syllable contraction. dohl-aa-ka -+ dohlka 'she does not dig' syllable contraction. However, if the first syllable contains a long vowel and ends in r , deletion of the following short vowel occurs optionally, e.g. buura 'beer', with plural suffix -du gives buuradu 'beer parties' or, optionally, buurdu. And if a monosyllabic stem with a long stem vowel, such as muu 'people', is followed by s uffixes with short vowels, the short vowel of the medial syllable is deleted and the long stem vowel is shortened in the closed syllable, e.g. muu-ku-ko -+ mukko 'certain people'. Geminates can occur as a result of the syllable reduction rule. This is the only source for geminate consonants. tsata-ta -+ tsatta 'cutting' in construct case tuntuk-a-ka -+ tuntukka 'she does not cover' 2.4. Reduplication. Reduplication in noun stems is of two types. Reduplicating the initial eve of the stem, or reduplicating the second consonant of the stem. Reduplication in verb stems entails reduplicating the initial, medial, or final stem consonant with a as an epenthetic vowel. Reduplication also occurs in monosyllabic verb stems. In reduplication of the initial eve of the stem, the vowel in the reduplicated syllable is shortened because it is in a closed non-final syllable. Not only is the vowel shortened but also the homorganic nasal is suppressed. The mid vowel ee is raised to i . hhirhheeri> 'tears' qanqani 'mushroom' kitkiinti 'small bush' girgirm6 'Croton polytrichus' camcamo 'testicle' hhamhhamo 'eyebrow, eyelash, eyelid' kwinkwiric 'partridge' dindirmo 'small hill' qarqaar 'to be bitter' marmaar 'to wring' kumkumiit 'to continue every day' In some words the prefixal reduplication CVC is followed by an epenthetic vowel that may undergo assimilation. In other words again, the epenthetic vowel is followed by a homorganic nasal. hayahaym6o 'cough' hhalahhali 'sixth finger' xwaanxwaa 'bridge of the gurungura 'knee' pu>uumpu>i 'circle' nose' 33 32 nangaa> 'to try to go' ya'-aam 'to agree' laq-aam 'to show' pu n gahham-uut 'to be xwaraanxwaar 'to stir habitually' huwahuuw 'to bring habitually' hhaamahhaam 'to chase away habitually' hhawahhaaw 'to waste time habitually' The second type of reduplication in noun stems entails reduplicating the second consonant, e.g. haweewee> 'hippopotamus'. The reduplication is rightwards as be concluded from gumbaba> 'kidney'. The right most part of the nasal-conson cluster in the second position is reduplicated. The extra vowel is identical to the of the neighbouring stressed sylable. giririk 'tipworm' darara>amo 'spleen' mororoq 'smooth' muhlunhl ur ' leuna bean' mugugunay 'bed bugs' muguguhha> 'left-overs after In general, the first of two vowels is deleted, but ou results in o, ayu in o . The following t able shows the results for vowel coalescence. An empty box indicates that I do not have examples. e e In verbs, reduplication occurs as a productive morphological process for habitual pect; see 4.3.5. It involves reduplication of the root-initial consonant, of the consonant, or of the root-final consonant. The reduplication operates on the root, on the stem. Prefixes and suffixes are disregarded even if they are frozen. In the lowing examples, the reduplicated verb forms in the second column are the habit aspect foTms, except for the forms .where a ne�ly developed meaning is indicated. BASE : HABITUAL: coos 'to excrete' hhe>ees 'to finish' goow 'to flee' leehh 'to carry' caay 'to eat' paahl 'to push aside, pass' cakuut 'to jump' loqo os 'to touch with finger' eo coos hhehhe>ees gogoow leeleehh caacaay papaahl cacakuut loloqoos 'to aleem 'to be less' qaseem 'to laugh' malaahh 'to loosen (of a cough) ' qwalaac 'to b e happy' tumbiim 'to splash in water' aleeleem qaseeseem malalaahh qwalalaac tumbabiim ur-aw 'to become big' booc-aw 'to become black' tsa>-uw 'to become cool' tsac-aam 'to climb' uraraw boocacaw tsa>a>uw tsacacaam mad' Other phonological rules. Vowel coalescence and glide formation. Vowel coalescence e V2 Vl frying meat' nangagaa' ya'a'aam laqaqaam pungahhamamuut a e u ay e 0 ay a 0 u 0 0 0 u u u a a a a a a 0 ay 0 u 0 Vowel coalescence occurs if gender linkers consisting of a vowel ( u for masculine, a for neuter in certain cas�s) are attached to nouns ending in a vowel. hiima-u-ren --+ hiimuren 'our rope' kitaabu-u-ren --+ kitaaburen 'our book' ma>ay-a --+ ma'a 'water of . . . ' dugno-u-da> --+ dugnoda> 'that finger' dugno-u->ee> --+ dugno>ee> 'my thumb' daaqay-u tsar --+ daaqoo tsar 'two boys' Other instances of vowel coalescence are vowel-initial noun suffixes after gender linkers ending in a vowel or after vowel-final noun stems and no linker. point' hhara-ta-i --+ hharti 'this stick' kuru-ku-o --+ kurko 'in the year' tsatay-i --+ tsatay 'to the knife' yaamu-i --+ yaami 'to the ground' Vowel coalescence also occurs when number suffixes with an initial vowel are suffixed to a noun stem ending in a vowel. , lo ohi-u --+ lohu 'paths' yaa>e-u --+ ya>u 'river' akweesi-o --+ akweeso 'fire stone' ahla-o --+ ahlo 'fires' daangi-eemo . --+ daangeemo 'twins' 34 lama-eemo -+ lameemo 'lies' naanu-eemo -+ naaneemo 'side hoomo-a -+ hooma 'strangers' 35 hhayloti caandur hhayloto i 'a and ur dishes' Another example of vowel coalescence is when vowel-initial clitics are cliticised to preceding word in fast speech. Any high tone is realised on the remaining vowel. aaku guus-aan u guus-aan aako Haylotto S .3 be:good:3.SG.F 'Haylotto is good' a w. G lide formation: Between a velar consonant and an unrounded vowel, a u becomes ku-a -+ kwa masculine object pronoun with past tense mu-ku-i -+ mukwi 'these people' ko-'ee' -+ kwe'ee' 'mine' (INDEP:M/N- l .SG.POSS) ku-i -+ kwi 'this one' (INDEP :M/N-DEMl) old:man O .M chase:away-l .PL 'We make the old man run.' daaqo g uus-aan daaqay u gu us-aan 2 . 5.2. Simplification of consonant clusters. (7) The first of two oral alveolar consonants is deleted. boys:VOC O.M chase:away- l.PL 'Boys, we make him run.' hlama axws-a axws-a hlami a gadyeet-du -+ gadyeedu 'tasks' gambot-du -+ gambodu 'shields' eehar-t -+ eehat 'follow-2.SG'. Neegiit-r Iraqw -+ Neegir lraqw 'Neegit of Iraqw' hhasamar-sing -+ hhasamasing 'these problems' hhasamar-da> -+ hhasamada> 'those problems' hhasamar-ren -+ hhasamaren 'our problems' kasiis-r-i -+ kasfiri 'these potatoes' really S.l/2 speak:2.SG:INT-INF 'You dare to speak?' dira hootaan hootaan diri a here S.l/2 live- l .PL 'We live here' wana masongomo masongomo wane a This rule does not apply if an inte�mediate vowel is deleted by the syllable reduction rule ( 4). For example hhara-ta-i 'this stick' is simplified to hharti, which does not undergo a deletion of r, similarly safurdu 'pots' (see above), itna or it (a)na 'louse', and bar- (a)ni birni COND-HIT 'if'. A nasal consonant is not deleted before an alveolar consonant, as is evident from the possibility of the combinations nd and nt. maybe COP European 'Maybe it is a European.' sufuriya kongo> sufuriya a -+ kongo' S.3:PERF break:3.SG.F pot 'The pot is in pieces.' tlinta 'corridor' daanda 'back' diri laqwaal laqwaal diri i here S.3 be:born:3.SG.M 'He was born here. ' garma-qa' bari too hefee> garma-qa' bare (8) The glottal consonants h and > are deleted before an oral consonant and the ' glottal stop is deleted after r. loh-t -+ lot 'you move'. kwa>l-o>o -+ kwalo>o 'widow'; plural kwa>eeli duunga'-ka -+ duungaka 'this nose' -da>-da> -+ -dada> double demonstrative suffix gura'-u-wa -+ guruwa 'from the stomach' mura'-u-i -+ muruwi 'these things' too hefee' boy-D EM3 SURPRISE S.3 just negligent:3.SG.M 'That boy is negligent.' ' isi tlakoo tlax-taw-a hlaa> i tlakoo tlax-taw-a isa hlaa' yesterday S.3 bag:CON buying-Fl-ABL want:3.SG.M 'Yesterday he wanted to buy a bag. ' r is optionally deleted before w: 37 36 amo-r-wa ( ) � amowa ufaahh-iim � ufahhaam 'blow DUR' kutsuuhh-iim � kutsuhhuum 'pinch DUR' wa>alah-iim � wa>alahaam 'exchange DUR' duux-iim � duxuum 'take out, marry DUR' tuntuuk-iim � tuntukuum 'cover DUR' hluuq-iim � hluquum 'kill a big animal or man 'from the place' (10) No two labial elements can follow each other: After a consonant, the glide w the labialisation of a velar consonant are deleted before another labial element, i.e. labial consonant or a rounded vowel. � sidwi-o � sidwo sido 'pots', sg. sirwi The labialisation of a consonant is deleted if a rounded vowel or a labial follow. hlaqwa-o hlaqwo hlaqo 'bodies' b ee<angw-u-ok bee<angw-ok bee<angok 'your sheep' b ee<angw-u-ko bee<angu-ko bee<anko 'a certain sheep' masasakw , sg. : masasakmo 'ants' � � � � � � � dawkw � dakw 'hand of' sawgw � sagw or sakw 'head (13) The epenthetic vowel a assimilates to the next vowel if the intermediate consonant is a glottal stop. of' cawtu-a>i � b ee<angw-u-1 (ll) � bee<angwi bic (i)ni 'wedge' du> (u ) ma 'leopard' yuk(u) may 'lid of corn store' guhh (u) lay 'club, stick' � The glide w is also deleted between a rounded vowel and a consonant, guruu guruuwdu guruudu 'pigs', but not after a unrounded vowel. cAwku, a name, is 2ossible. The rounded vowel u is deleted after a labialized consonant if a front vowel follows: � are two exceptions. In kwa>-ii-m 'to refuse totally' the epenthetic ii does not sol>oot 'to fall down', the ii assimilates to the mid vowel. assimilate. In solo>-ii-t The rule also applies to the epenthetic vowels in consonant clusters in noun stems of the typ e CVCC . � vV •. h,U'"""' The glide w is deleted before a word-final labialised consonant: dawa-ku saga-ku (14) � safurdu 'pots' 2.5.3. Vowel assimilation. Epenthetic vowels can undergo assimilation. Progressive assimilation occurs velar, uvular, pharyngeal, or glottal consonants; regressive assimilation occurs the glottal stop. Morphologically determined assimilation occurs in the verbs 'to and in the gender markers ku and ta. ( 12) The epenthetic vowels a and ii assimilate to the preceding a, i , or u if intermediate consonant is velar, uvular, pharyngeal, or glottal. the verbal derivation. buu>-iim � bu>uum 'harvest, pay DUR' tuu<-iim � tucuum 'uproot DUR' buuhh-iim � buhhuum 'be angry DUR' cawti>i 'monkeys' In verbal derivation, the labialisation of a consonant spreads to the . follow:ing vowel ii, and the consonant _becomes .unrounded. daaxw-iim deeqw-iim � � daaxuum 'make an deequum 'shave' incision' (15) Occasional morphological nasality dissimilation : An n becomes r before the suffix. The glide y is deleted between i and a consonant. 'thighs' � inserted 'this sheep' safu riya-du � safuriydu � safuridu uriye-du � uriydu � uridu � urdu ciiya-ku-i � ciikwi 'to the north' DUR' of a han-m-iis ( � ) harmiis 'to be giving', from haniis 'to give' it ( a) n-mo � itirmo 'louse', plural: itna dindin-mo � dindirmo 'a small hill' (containing reduplication m of din ) (16) t and d become r before c. This can be shown from reduplicatio n of the first CVC of the stem. The nasal element of nasal-obstruent cluster is suppressed in the reduplicati on; see 2.4. car< ant-a 'red flowers' 'or'ond-i 'a climber plant' a Word-final reduction. The voiceless consonants mostly with high tone. s, t , k are optionally deleted word-finally after long 39 38 oriy6o for oriy6ok 'people' lakii for lakiit 'wait!' axmii for axmiis 'I or s /he listened' xaawee for xaaweek 'come!' ( 18 ) The voiced stops are optionally devoiced word-finally. The alveolar stop obligatorily devoiced, except in alqaad 'to give last instructions' tseeg or tseek 'bind, close' tliig or tliik 'be late' yacab or yacap 'you send' eehat 'you follow', cf. eehada 'do you follow?' ( 19 ) nd becomes n word-finally, word-initially and after a consonant. gendariyaan, sg.: gendariyaandi 'baobab tree' saqaan , sg.: saqaandamo, pl.: saqaandama' 'earring' muriyaan 'a kind of tree', with the demonstrative suffix: muriyaanduwi firiin, firiind-a) 'you ask, you (PL) ask' The The rule also operates after a consonant, and word-initially. The hither marker is if it is suffixed to the conditional adverb bar with an epenthetic vowel as in bir· but ni after a consonant; thus without the epenthetic vowel: birni. Likewise second person plural object pronoun ndu after the concessive adverb tarn: t u or tumnu. The following rule is morphophonological and has exceptions: (20) Lenition of voiced stop to continuant: b to w, d to r intervocalically or finally, but not at a stem boundary. The rule operates with the number suffixes u, o, eemo, ee , and with the derivations. Note also the back formation in ichaabu 'jiggers' from Swahili cha 'lice' plus the plural suffix fara (fl) I fadu (n) 'bone' ( bara ) I badu (n) 'sides' tsaawu I tsabu 'axe' sirwi (f) I sido (n) 'pot' hhara (fl) I hhado (n) 'stick' gara (fl ) I gado (n) 'forest' tlawi (fl ) I tlab eemo (n) 'lake, sea' dawa (m1) I dab ee (f) 'hand, arm' -u. qwad: qwaar 'to lose', qwad-iim 'lose-DUR' migid : migiir 'to collect firewood', migd-iit 'collect firewood-MID DLE lab: laaw 'go to cultivate', lab-iim 'go to cultivate-DUR' But in verbal derivation the rule has lexical properties. For some verbs b ecause of the stem boundary whereas for others the rule is not blocked at the boun dary (or the stem boundary is not recognised as such), and for yet others two forms exist, with and without the application of the rule. This shows that ition cases are relics of a historical change rather than a productive phonological len e th stem huuw 'bring', hub 'bring-2.SG', huuw-iit 'be gweer 'open', gweer-iit 'be open', gweed-iit bringing' 'be opening s.th.' Hist ori cally also g changed to y or zero, as can be seen in the suppletive plural deena, dageeno 'girl after initiation' , and in caay 'to eat', cag 'you eat'. Order of rules. In every juxtaposition of morphemes, the phonological rules apply. The rules may give the wron g results if they are applied only once to the maximum string of morphem es. For example, the word mutundu in mutundu haniis m-ta-ndu haniis-H WHAT-IMPS-0 .2.PL give-PAS T 'What were you ( P L ) given? ' consists o f the string [m- [ta-ndu]] i n which the vowel a first has t o assimilate t o the following u before the epenthet ic vowel in the first, syllable assimilates to the following vowel. Applied simultaneously to the maximum string of morphemes the assimilat ion rules would give the incorrect result matundu . The vowel before the negative suffix -ka is lengthen ed. This rule applies after the syllable reduction rule, which deletes the short vowel of a syllable between two syllables with short vowels. A long vowel is not deleted in this environment. firin-a-ka firinka 'he doesn't ask' firiim-a-ka firiimaaka 'I don't ask' � � The vowel assimila tion in mood prefixes on the verb 'to be' applies before the deletion of the triggerin g vowel due to vowel coalescence with the perfect tense suffix -a; see 4.1. 1 4 . timka is [[tam-k i]- a] [[CONC ES-0.3: IMPS :N]-PER F] 'even if they were . . . ' . 41 3. No minal morphology 3 . 1. Gender of nouns Iraqw nouns have gender distinction. According to the agreement on the verb, nouns can be divided into three groups . . The group that shows the same agreement as the third person masculine singular subject is called masculine, (m) , ( 1 ) ; the group that shows the same agreement as a third person feminine singular subject is called feminine, (2); the group that shows the same agreement as a third person plural subject is called neuter, (n) , (3). Note that gender agreement is irrespective of number. The masculine noun of ( 1 ) is plural in number but has a third person singular masculine ending on the verb. The feminine noun in (2) is plural in number and has a third person singular feminine ending on the verb. The noun in (3) is singular in number, but is neuter in gender, because of the third person plural ending on the verb. (1 ) daaqay (2) hhayse (3) i giilin . giilin boys 8.3 fight:3.SG.M 8 .3 fight:3.SG.M 'The boys are fighting; He is fighting' i harweeriiriin . harweeriiriin. tails 8.3 make:circles:3.SG .F 8.3 make:circles:3.SG.F 'The tails are making circles; She is making circles' hhayso i harweeriirina,. harweeriirina, . tail 8.3 make:circles:3.PL 8.3 make:circles:3.PL 'The tail is making circles; They are making circles' The feminine words have a subgroup, which is indicated with (fl ) ; the masculine words have a subgroup, which is indicated with (m1 ) . These subgroups are defined by a different form of the gender linker preceding noun suffixes; see 3.4. 3.1 . 1 . Predictability by form The gender of a noun is overt to a large extent if the noun contains a number suffix. Homophonous plural suffixes can have different genders, such as the plural suffixes -o (f) and -o ( n). Nouns with one of the following suffixes are masculine: -ay, -angw, -mo. Nouns with one of the following suffixes are feminine: -aawe, -i, -ani, -a, -o, - > , -ano. Neuter nouns are those with one of the following suffixes: -'i, -eeri, -du, o o -ma>, -o, <ee>-o, -a>. The gender of nouns that do not contain a number suffix is not predictable. Compare ti>itaa 'story ' , which is feminine with ti>ita 'kind of tree ' , which is masculine. Som� tendencies in gender allocation on the basis of phonological shape of the noun without a number suffix can be discerned. Most nouns end in a vowel. Nouns ending in u tend to be masculine. Nouns ending in other vowels tend to be feminine. Loan words from Swahili follow this pattern. 43 42 kalaamu (m) kitaabu (m) koopo (f) koleeyo (f) chumba (f) chupa (f) shuule (f) mikaate (f) baati (f) gaseet i (f) 'pen' 'book' 'cup' 'pincers' 'room' 'bottle' 'school' 'bread' 'corrugated iron sheet' 'newspaper' There are numerous exceptions. Approximately 53 nouns ending in a are quite a number of nouns ending in o are masculine, and there are other coun ples. 'village, land, country, state' aya (m) aako (m) 'grandfather' qoro (m) 'dust' d ll:gno ( ) 'thumb' fuqno ( ) 'nail' xa'ano (m) 'tree' sihhino (m) 'tooth' garmo (m) 'kind of tree' gwa<amo (m) 'kind of tree' hoomo (m) 'stranger' kurmo (m) 'hoe' tlanmo (m) 'kind of tree' uhumo (m) 'pillar' <asmo (m) 'flat-roofed house' 'earth, world, below' yaamu (n) hee (m) 'person' 'dry season (June-October) ' age (m) buhaare (n) 'rainy season, kind of insect' dimbe (n) 'side' m m Also for nouns ending in a consonant and without a number suffix, some tenaerlCit:l!i,J;\11 gender allocation can be observed. Nouns ending in a glottal stop are masculine . do' (m) gura' (m) hhiya' (m) qwala' (m) house belly brother, cousin JOY mura' x awa' t hat things fresh manure (m) (m) ending in a labial or labialised consonant, e.g. no uns ending in u are also masculine and that nouns, see 3.4 and 4.1.2. da<aw (m) gid'aw (m) manakw (m) sanakw (m) Nouns ending in ar, asal (m) ba'ar (m) dee<ar (m) noo'as (m) ombas (m) waqas (m) tsamas (m) For other al east vulture Solanum nignum plant cow (black and white or red) or as are masculine. nouns, ending in na<amfs (in) barfis (m) kasfis (f) w or kw , are masculine. Note u is an agreement element for garden, small vegetable plot fly root cow (short legged and feeble) kind of grass logs in roof giraffe is , gender is not predictable. dish of beans and maize first-born sweet potatoe Nouns ending in 6ot or eet are feminine. These nouns are probably of Datooga origin. bomb6ot (f) daam6ot (f) dong6ot (f) gaamboot (f) geey6ot (f) mayshoot (f) saaroot (f) digeet (f) eemeet (f) gadyeet (f) giyeet (f) iring eet (f) meeweet (f) sarmeet (f) beer left over from drinking beard, moustache kind of dance shield kind of disease leather bag (on donkey) leather bag (to take honey) cow bought with a donkey people in general work, task famine crime, sin grain store kind of dance 45 44 simeet b ariis well, artificial drinking place (f) 3. 1 .2 . Predictability by meaning The gender of a noun cannot be determined on the basis of its meaning. There examples where the gender of the noun is different from the sex of the referent. old men, leaders barise (f) old cows catlaray (m) awe (f) bulls das u (m) girls hayda (f) bull t laway (m) WIVeS isangw (m) nipple, breast penis nac ( a)ni (f) Moreover, words with a similar meaning can have different genders: gourd seepay (m) gourd oona (f) A A (m) 'first-born (PL)'; singular: bariismo (m) 'first-born (SG)' plural base form can also take another derived plural form. tsuu ( n ) qaa (n) , (PL) 'saliva, blessing': tsunqareeri (f) , ( P L) 'saliva at dif­ ferent places' singular base form can take another derived singular form. tsuunkay (m) , (SG) 'dung': tsuunki (f) , (SG) 'one piece of dung' ; O r there is only one form. tluway (m), (SG or PL) 'rain' For other nouns, there is no base form, that is, all forms contain number suffixes. aaruso>o (f) 'prophetess', aarusmo (m) 'prophet', aaruse (f) 'prophets (male or female)', derived from the verb ar 'see'. A Sex does play a role in agentives. The masculine singulative suffix -usmo is used male agents and the feminine singulative suffix -uso>o is used for female agents. alee< isusmo ( ) 'male helper', aleecuso>o (f) 'female helper' ardusmo (m) 'prophet', arduso>o (f) 1prophetess' m 3.2. Number of nouns 3.2. 1 . The category of number Number is a relevant category in the agreement of adjectives. Verbs agree only in with the subject, not in number; see 3.1 . Adjectives show agreement in number the head noun. The adjective has a singular and a plural form. Adjectival a2:1reemen1 on a semantic basis. Every noun has to fit in one of the categories of number: or pluraL Some nouns can be in either, but with a difference in meaning. come back to this in the discussion of the collective suffixes ( 3.2.4. 1 . ) . The sentences show that the adjective agrees in number with the head noun. hhaysaa tleer 'a long tail'; hhayser tlet 'long tails' garmo6 ur 'a big boy'; daaq6o uren 'big boys' .LVLLvvv l.LIJ!Iil!E 3.2.2. The derivational nature of number Number in lraqw is of a derivational nature. There are many different number s vVe have found fourteen different suffixes to form a plural. The plural can be deri from a singular base form of the noun, i.e. the stem without a number suffix, or singular can be derived from a plural base form. buura (f) 'beer'; plural: buur(a) du (n) 'various beer parties' single noun stem can take several number suffixes, plural or singulative suffixes, or both. dici SG 'fat' dicaay (m), P L 'many pieces of fat' dicito>o (f) , S G 'a small piece of fat'. xwanhlay (m), SG or PL 'dust, rubbish' xwanhlawe (f) , PL xwanhli (f), S G 'one piece of dust' xwanhlito>o (f), S G 'a smaller piece of dust' gitso (f), SG 'grass' gitsiingw (m), PL 'grasses' gitsiimi (f), SG 'one plant of grass' gitsito>o (f), SG 'a small piece of grass' � derived singular can have its own derived plural. The plural suffix replaces the smgular suffix. A sequence of productive number suffixes does not occur. saqaan (m) , PL 'earrings': saqaan mo (m), SG 'one particular pair of earrings', plural: saqandam a> or saqan ma> (n) , PL 'several pairs of earrings', saqanday (m) 'pair of earrings' !he choi ce of which plural suffix to use for a certain noun is lexically determine d. That to say, it is not predictable on the basis of form or meaning of the noun. This does not mean that the distributio n of plural suffixes is random. To some extent the choice of the plural suffix can be related to the gender of the singular and to the suffix of the IS 47 46 singular. 3.2.3. Number and gender Each number suffix has its own gender: (m), (f) , or (n). Gender is nearly always different between singular and plural. This is a common feat of Cushitic languages; it is often called polarity of gender. It should be noted that Iraqw the difference in gender for singular and plural is not polar. Feminine in singular does not regularly correspond to masculine in the plural. Both singular plural may be feminine. In the examples, singular and plur.al are separated by I . banana arwi (f) I arwo (f) All number suffixes with neuter gender are plural. There are no masculine among the plural suffixes, but the collective suffixes are masculine. Note that t are nouns of neuter gender with singular reference, for example hhayso 'tail', masculine nouns with plural reference, daaqay 'boys'. time de>ema (n) outside tseeca (n) midnight amsi (n) I amsi>i (n) xweera (n) I xweerdu (n) night duunga' (n) I dungawe (f) nose forehead, face, luck gitsa<a> (n) I gitseece (f) buttock gweedo (n) I gwe>eede (f) tail hhayso (n) I hhayse (f) side bihhii' ( n) I bihhe (f) dohho (n) I dohhodu (n) punishment, fine The gender of the base form is a factor in the choice of the plural suffix. Mas and feminine base forms take plural suffixes from different sets. This is not true singulative suffixes. 3 .2.4. Overview of suffixes An overview of the number suffixes is presented in the following. The first column the form of the suffix and the second column gives the gender of the suffix. D ' allomorphs of a single number suffix are conditioned by the syllable structure of noun stem, triconsonantal roots take the allomorph with the infix < ee > , e.g. 'boundary', plural: dig<ee > m-i. er stands for a reduplication of the stem-final sonant, e.g. bal- angw 'corn', singular: balaali 'cob of grain', with the singula suffix -aaCri ( 4) Table of number suffixes collective suffixes: aay angw MASC MASC plu ral suffixes with a masculine base noun FEM e FEM aawe NEUT ma' NEUT >i eeri or <ee >-i NEUT plural suffixes with a feminine base noun FEM a FEM 0 du NEUT u NEUT NEUT a' iya' NEUT 0 NEUT eemo or < ee >-o NEUT singulative suffixes mo MASC ito>o FEM FEM FEM ani FEM aaCri FEM O'O Several suffixes occur (also) as fused elements in other suffixes. -e in -aawe, -eeri, -eemo -a' in iya' -'i in -eeri -u in -du -i in -ani, -aaCri -o'o in -ito>o -o in -eemo Some suffixes overlap with deverbal suffixes; see 3.3. -a (f) -o (f) When suffixes are attached to the base form, the final vowel of the stem is nearly always deleted, either by the vowel coalescence rule (5) in 2.5. 1 , or by the syllable reduction rule (4) in 2.3. Most suffixes end in a vowel. Those that end in a consonant end in a glottal stop, in a glide, y, or in ngw . 3,.2. 4.1. The collective suffixes 49 48 or -angw can be singular or plural, or even both. Words with the suffixes reason for this double nature is the collective character of the suffixes -ay and -an There are a number of words in -ay and -angw that can take adjectives with singular or plural agreement with a difference in meaning. The meaning with a adjective is collective; the meaning with a plural adjective is plurality of the entities while the adjective modifies the separate entities. -ay · to tlaawaay 'wives', cf. hare 'wife' tlaawoo ur 'many wives' tlaawoo uren 'senior wives' balang ur (a large harvest' ' balang uren 'a harvest of big grains, maize' ' balang ninakw 'a harvest of small grains'. as compared with: The meaning of the suffix -ay is collective in, for example, h ooray 'beard' daray 'mane' dicay 'fat' diway 'salt' teeray 'cloud of dust' tsuunkay 'dung' baafay 'drizzle' b o o'aay 'blackness, crowd of people' buusay 'soft cattle dung' batlay 'group of working children' tsaaray 'bundle of grass' There are two plurals for elbow, gongoxay and gongoxma>. The first one is used when referring to the pair of elbows of one person. gongoxay dinkwa-r-i quruntli (f) I quruntlay (m) mugugunmo (m) I mugugunay se>eemi (f) I se>eengw (m) jackal gourd (in general) gourd (for water) (m) bed bug hair, fur Nouns with these suffixes often have no other number form. chaff munday (m) tlatla'angw (m) midday ( 12 - 13 o'clock) (5) Collectives with singular and plural adjectives. notay 'paper money' not6o niina 'a few notes' notoo niinakw 'five-shilling notes', as opposed notoo uren 'one- hundred shilling notes' int sangw (m) I intsaawe (f) dahhangw (m) I dahheeri ( n) tseeg-eek together-F-DIR close-IMP.SG.O elbows 'Draw the elbows together!' Because these suffixes can be either singular or plural, some of them are paired nouns containing plural suffixes, while others are paired with nouns with singular fixes. slope dasay (m) I dasi>i (n) dog see>ay (m) I see>aawe (f) The suffix -aay is attested by the following list of derived nouns in -aay. boocaay 'blackness, crowd' boo' (adj) 'black' baafay 'drizzle' baaf 'to spit, drizzle' axweesanaay 'conversation' axwees 'to talk' hlufaay 'kind of poem' hluufiim 'to praise' tluwaay 'rain' tluuw 'to rain' alhhe>eesaay 'end' alhhe>ees 'to accomplish' diimaay 'old age' diim 'to become old' uraay 'size' ur (adj ) 'big' The high tone in ay is part of the lexical entry and has to be realised on the final syllable, cf. waqa_t (m) 'intestines', waqantay · (m) 'a collection of intestines': The corresponding- singular or plural forms do not have a high tone, but, for nouns with a high tone in the singular, the plural form ->i is preceded by an epenthetic vowel that assimilates to the following vowel resulting in -i>i . guhhulay (m) I guhhuli>i (n) stick with a knob, club maamay (m) I maami>i ( ) maternal uncle n Nouns with the suffix -angw (m) are singular in general. A plural interpretation is possible, with the adjective referring to separate entities of the sum. If there is another plural form, it is formed by suffixation of -eeri or -aawe. diirangw (m) I diireeri ( n) lion fuqrangw (m) I fuqreeri (n) intelligence, soul komtangw (m) I komtaawe (f) ankle bangle xeerangw (m) I xeeraawe (f) scorpiOn There is a similar suffix -iingw for nouns derived from verbs with a durative suffix -iim, see 3.3. 3.2.4. 2. Plural suffixes In general, the plural suffixes have no other meaning than plurality. Some of the plural nouns are based on a noun that already has a plural meaning. In these cases there is 51 50 daqrusmo (m) I daqruse (f) de'e'amusmo (m) I de>e>amuuse diiftusmo (m) I diiftuse (f) doohlusmo (m) I doohluse (f) firusmo (m) I firuse (f) fisusmo ( m) I fisuse (f) xabusmo (m) I xabuse (f) difference in meaning between the various plural forms with the same noun st plural form such as tsunqareeri of a noun which is already plural, tsuuqa ' means 'saliva at different places'. hhamhham>i means all the eyebrows and of one person; hhamhhamo is singular, 'eyebrow, eyelash, eyelid' and is the general plural. hoom>i 'groups of enemies' is the plural of hooma ' which is already plural. tsarhham>i 'foreheads' is the plural of tsarhhaadu, plural too and refers to the two sides of a forehead with a regressing hairline. For cases with more than one plural form for the same lexical stem there is no cliff in meaning, xadeemo or xado (n) 'bushes, places of worship'. ............ .. .u:u. u. .... u. aalitmo (m) I aalite (f) batlitamo (m) I batlite (f) hagitmo (m) I hagite (f) camatlito>o (f) I camatlite (f) The following plural suffixes, numbered from 1 to 6, are restricted to lexemes wit masculine base form in the singular. 1 . The suffix -e (f) . afa (ml) I afe (f) awu (m) I awe (f) danu (m) I dane (f) fura (m) I fure (f) gufa ( m ) I gufe (f) gunuca (m) I gunuce (f) gura' (m) I gur>e (f) kanu (m) I kane (f) kuma· ( m ) I ku m e (f) saga (ml) I sage (f) tsiiru ( m ) I tsiire (f) ufa (m) I ufe (f) uma (m) I ume (f) mus a (m) I muse (f) mun a (m) I mun e (f) t luca (m) I t luce (f) duxa ( m ) I duxe (f) yaqamba (m) I yaqambe (f) daqwaay ( m) I daqwaye (f) mouth, opening, edge bull honey, nom. pers. toothbrush firebrand navel belly, interior tendon thousand head hundred heap of dung name pestle, mortar stick heart upper arm steep, small valley male animal donkey This suffix -e is part of the plural suffix -us-e for agentive nouns, which have a sm:!?;UJ�g in -us-mo (m) or -us-o>o (f) . This is a productive deverbal derivation. It is also of -it-e for the plural of human beings with a singular in -it-mo (m) or -it-o> o ( cabkuso'o (f) 1 cabkuse (f) aleecisusmo (m) I aleecisuse (f) alcutlusmo (m) I alcutluse (f) daacalusmo (m) I daacaluse (f) woman without offspring, barren tree helper CirCUmCISer witch cattle-skinner (f) herdsman quarrelsome person cultivator, farmer beggar thief sender for marriage heir working boy Tindiga or Hadza virgin, young girl There are six nouns for which the singular is not masculine but neuter. afeetlo ( n) I afeetle (f) loin bihhi> (n) I bihhe (f) side dacawa (n) I deceewe (f) chest gweedo (n) I gwe>ede (f) buttock hhayso (n) I hhayse (f) tail, penis yaamu (n) I yaame (f) earth, world, space below There are three .plural words ending in -e that are not feminin.e but neuter. t lacano 'is singulative derived from tlaa'e , out the other two are unexplained exceptions. tlaacano (f) I tlaace (n) smaller stone hhawata ( ) I hhawate (n) husband, male hhiya' (m) , hho>o (f) I hha>e (n) brother, sister a m 2. The suffix -'e (f) . There are a few words with a plural in -'e. b ohongw (m) I boh>e (f) gamangw (m) I gam>e (f) umangw ( ) I um>e (f) m 3. hole end of something abscess The suffix -aawe (f) The suffix can be most clearly recognized in poham I pohamaawe 'baboon' . A considerable number of words with this suffix are animals. hila> (m) I bil>aawe (f) cliff, ravine fila (m) I filaawe (f) aardvark geetu (m) I geetaawe (f) side of hill 52 gurta (m) I gurtaawe (f) gwaanda (m) I gwaandaawe (f) hiimta (m) I hiimtaawe (f) kuumba (m) I kuumbaawe (f) paynu (m) I paynaawe (f) p oham (m) I pohamaawe (f) puuru (m) I puuraawe (f) xoomb o (m) I xoombaawe (f) hlarhhama (m) I hlarhhamaawe 53 male goat ram, wave in water necklace or bracelet husband of sister baldness baboon flour old man or animal (f) madman aayo (f) I am'i (n) koolo (f) I kol>i (n) aama (f) I aam> i (n) 6. There is one noun for which the singular form is neuter. duunga' (n) I dungaawe (f) nose 4. The suffix -ma' (n) The suffix can be seen in: nyaqot (m) I nyaqootma> (n) saqaan (m) I saqaanma' (n) tla'ambu (m) I tlacambuma' (n) There is one word which has a variant -eema' for -m a' . isangw (m) I iseema' (n) or isaama' nipple, breast (n) The epenthetic vowel preceding the suffix >i assimilates to i. Three words have a singular that is not masculine but feminine: consonant base form cont ains three root consonants and the last consonant of the noun stem is a continuant (m,n,l,r ) . An exception is 'armo 'lump, calf of leg' above. dig �a (m) I digeemi ( n) boundary, border leopard du>uma (m) I du>eemi (n) nail (finger or toe) fuq(u)no (m) I fuqeeni (n) garmo (m) I gareemi (n) kind of tree hhutlmo (m) I hhutleemi (n) small belt kurmo (m) I kureemi (n) hoe uh (u) mo (m) I uheemi (n) column, pillar in the house xaarmo ( ) I xaareemi ( n) horn, tusk, cob of maize For four words the singular is feminine. The root for 'widow' is kwa>l. The glottal stop is deleted in the singular because it is followed by a consonant, kwa>l-o>o -+ kwalo'o, but the glottal stop appears in the plural form: kwa' <ee > l-i. diq(a) ma (f) I diqeemi (n) fence for cattle durmi (f) I dureemi (n) stomach kwalo>o (f) I kwa>eeli (n) widow wakri (f) I wakeeri ( n) chin m 5. The suffix -'i (n). monkey word, utterance father cask, barrel (Sw) collar bone pen (Sw) The suffix -eeri ( n). suffix is neuter and the singular is masculine. strength, force curu (m) I cureeri (n) hhampa (m) I hhampeeri (n) wing ti>ita (m) I ti>iteeri (n) Ficus thoningii (m) I cuntleeri (n) cuntla cheek hhamangw (m) I hhameeri ( n) leather strip armpit hlaara (m) I hlaareeri (n) gurungura (m) I gurungureeri (n) knee carmo (m) I 'areeri (n) lump (of tobacco, porridge) , calf (of leg) An allo morph of this suffix consists of an infix <ee> preceding the stem final and -i following the stem final consonant. The allomorph is used if the Colobus monkey earring trunk There are two words, loans from Datooga, with a singular that is not masculine feminine: mayshoot (f) I mayshootma' (n) or leather bag (on donkey) mayshoodu (n) shaaroot (f) I sharo otma' (n) or sha- leather bag roo du (n) 'awtu (m) 1 'awti>i (n) 'aymu (m) 1 'aymi'i (n) baaba (m) I baabi>i (n) daram (m) I darami>i (n) mugul (m) I mugli>i (n) kalaamu (m) I kalami>i (n) mother heel grandmother, old woman · following plural suffixes, numbered from 7 to 14, are restricted to lexemes with a feminine base form in the singular. 7. The suffix -du (n) . This suffix is commonly used for loanwords. 54 angamiiya (f) I gaamiydu (n) bak6ora (f) I bakooradu (n) chumba (f) I chumbadu (n) deebe (f) I deebadu (n) afay (f) I afaydu (n) cayma (f) 1 caymadu (n) bunqa (f) I bunqadu (n) d eeqwa (f) I deeqwadu (n) eeka (f) I eekadu (n) gacale (f) I gacaledu (n) gali (f) I galidu (n) gidaaba (f) I gidabadu (n) gixsa (f) I gixsad u ( n) hhayuma (f) I hhayumadu (n) koopo (f) I kopodu (n) lo>o (f) I lo>odu (n) ma'aye (f) I ma'aydu (n) makaasi (f) I makaasd u ( n) malo (f) I malodu (n) meesa (f) ,I mees (a)du (n) maslaaba (f) I maslabadu (n) cooco (f) I coocoodu (n) panga (f) I pangadu (n) qatsoca (f) I qatsocadu (n) qooma (f) I qoomadu (n) shuule (f) I shuul(a)du (n) siptaali (f) I siptaaldu (n) ti,ita (f) I ti>itadu (n) t lanka (f) I tlankadu (n) tsaxra (f) I tsaxradu (n) tsiinqa (f) I tsinqadu (n) t sirxa (f) I tsirxadu (n) xuumpa (f) I xumpadu (n) xwanxwa (f) I xwanxwadu (n) kafya (f) I kafyadu (n) tsahhame (f) I tsahhamadu (n) kwahlee1na (f) I kwahleemadu (n) 55 camel (Sw) walking stick with handle (Sw) room (Sw) tin can (Sw) side eating muddy place in valley razor acre (Sw) bow Turraea mombassana sense, reason (Da) village (archaic) temporary return to parents cup (Sw) cock's comb medicine of purification scissors ( S w) small girls table (Sw) cross (Sw) excrement sword (Sw) crotch period school (Sw) hospital (Sw) tale bridge arrow for bleeding cattle small stream, spring gap, small window cold, throat affliction bridge of the nose hat (Sw) chaff case, affair, consult For one word the singular is neuter and not feminine: xw eera (n) I xweer(a) du (n) night a is an epenthetic in harimad u 'discipline ' from hariim 'to be due, proper' and e loanwords. om s in kole yo (f) I koleyad u ( n) pincers ( Sw) gaa ri (f) I gaar(a)du (n) car (Sw) If the noun ends in t , the t is deleted before the -du; see (7) in 2.5.2. meeweet (f) I meeweed u ( n) iringeet (f) I iringeedu (n) gadyeet (f) I gadyeedu (n) mayshoot (f) I mayshoo du (n) gaamb6ot (f) I gaamboodu (n) geew6ot (f) I geewoodu (n) simeet (f) I simeedu (n) If 8. grain store (outside) crime, sin work, task leather bag shield kind of disease (Da) well, small canal beside well the last stem consonant is r or y, the stem final vowel can optionally be deleted. mihaayo (f) I mihay(o)du (n) attempt to convince xooro (f) I xoor( o ) du (n) tribe, nation kitaara (f) I kitar (a)du (n) bed tseere (f) I tseer(e)du (n) blood buura (f) I buur(a)du (n) beer xweera (n) I xweer (a)du (n) night uriya (f) I urdu (n) thigh gaari (f) I gaar(a)d u (n) car (Sw) safuriya (f) I safaaridu (n) pan (Sw) hara)aya (f) I hara>ay(a)du (n) advice The suffix -u (n). The syllable precedin g the suffix -u is reduced. Long become monoph thongs in some of the cases, but not vowels become short. Diphthongs in maytsi (f) I maytsu (n) 'cat'. Syllables with a nasal consonant in the coda lose the nasal, but If -u follows the vowel o, the result is u, contrary to the vowel coalescencenotrulealways. (5) in 2.5. 1 . baala (f) I balu (n) day looh i (f) l lohu (n) path, way tlaa ca (f) I tlac u (n) rock, big.stone tuu 'a (f) I tu>u (n) corpse yaa'e (f) I ya'u (n) nver maama (f) I mamu (n) fruit of a tree 57 56 maana (f) I manu (n) waahla (f) I wahlu (n) qaymo (f) I qamu (n) t aampa (f) I tapu ( n) tliinta (f) I tlitu (n) b aa>a (f) I ba>u (n) baaci (f) I bacu (n) hheehha (f) I hhehhu (n) iina (f) I inu (n) doofa (f) I dofu (n) b oohha (f) I bohhu (n) d eeli (f) I delu (n) gooso (f) I gosu (n) kwaahha (f) I kwahhu (n) s aanka (f) I sanku ( n) o ona (f) I onu (n) fooxa (f) I foxu (n) gweehha (f) I gwehhu (n) d oohho (f) I dohhu (n) baha (f) I bahu (n) de>e (f) I de>u (n) h hape (f) I hhapu (n) impe (f) I impu (n) koci (f) I kocu (n) laya (f) l layu (n) lo>o (f) l lo>u (n) t ango (f) I tangu (n) t lapa (f) I tlapu (n) xadi (f) I xadu (n) campa (f) I 'ampu (n) canta (f) I cantu (n) man transformed into a hyena python sebea field blind person or animal corridor pit (square) mud throat, wind-pipe debt rhinoceros burden field left unattended for a while gap of incisor teeth board to clean cow dung frame above the door gourd, big calabash for beer hole, window place of new farm fine hyena liver earth, ground plate (wooden) � back wall iron to mark a cow, law curse, strong wish deserted place of house small valley, drift udder of a cow watch tower grave, tomb For one word the singular is derived by the suffix -mo which is a masculine s wild pig baynamo (m) I baynu (n) There are words ending in u in the plural where the gender is masculine, not The singular is derived. girl, daughter dasi (f) I dasu (m) There are words ending in u (n) which are of singular reference. There is no number form, so it is not possible to see whether u is the same suffix or part t rn se We will assume the latter. alu (n) axwesu (n) yaamu (n) · behind, reverse evening, night (7-10 p.m.) earth, world, below short vowel in a syllable between two light syllables is deleted according to the red uction rule; see ( 4) in 2.3. For example: karama (f) I karmu (n) lawala (f) l lawlu (n) A las t before castrated being spear, lance stem consonant r correspond s to d before the suffix u; and w correspond s to the suffix, according to the lenition rule (20) in 2.5.4. tsawoo (f) I tsabu (n) kahari (f) I kadu (n) fara (fl) I fadu (n) (bara ) I badu (n) (the singular only occurs as bara 'at, in' in locative expressions; see 3.4.4.) 9. b axe skin, foreskin bone side The suffix -a) (n). There are some plurals in sylla ble. -a' that have the sam� property of reducing the first 'stem ii>a (f) I i>a> (n) yaa>e (f) I ya>a> (n) diitsa (f) I ditsa> (n) maama (f) I mama' or mamu ila (f) I ila> (n) (n) ear leg finger fruit eye Other number suffixes do not have this shortening effect, for example ->i: 10. The xaa>i 'horns' suffix -iya' (n). The suffix . ' d entica · 1 to the third person plural suffix in the verbal conjugation· see ' 4.2.2. The singular is ( f1 ) . There are only two examples . IS I lL · kura (fl ) I kuriya' (n) tsici ( f1 ) I tsiciya> (n) The suffix may -o rectum shin ( n). suffix is used with a singular that is (f) and especially ( f1 ) and ends in i or a. It that the i and a are singular suffixes which are replaced by o in the plural. 58 akweesi (f) I akweeso (n) ahla (f) I ahlo (n) caawi (f) I caawo ( n) faca (f) I faco (n) laqwa (f) l laqo (n) sirwi (f) ·1 sido ( n) fala (fl ) I falo (n) hayi (fl ) I hayo (n) iisa (fl ) I iso (n) qafi (fl ) I qafo (n) hlaqwa ( fl) I hlaqo ( n) hlufi (fl ) I hlufo (n) hluma (fl ) I hlumo (n) xatsa (fl ) I xatso (n) hlaca (fl) I hlaco (n) hhara (fl) I hhado (n) gara (fl ) I gado (n) t leesani ( fl) I tleesano ( n) tsuma (fl ) I tsumo (n) 59 cooking stone fire zorilla porridge of maize needle, pin earthen water pot hide, prepared skin feather neck, hump of cow bark, chip body lip hedge around the house valley bush, wilderness herdstick, walking stick forest roads for cattle dirt One word has a masculine singulative based on a neut �r stem in o . molar catlamo (m) I catlo (n) The last consonant r corresponds to d in front of the suffix -o , according to the l rule ( 20) in 2.5.4. sirwi (f) I sido (n) hhara (f) I hhado ( n) gara (f) I gado (n) pot stick forest 1 2 . The suffix -eemo or <ee >-o (n). lama ( fl) I lameemo ( n) d aangi (f) I daangeemo (n) kanki (f) I kankeemo (n) tlawi (fl ) I tlab eemo (n) lie, falseness twin corner, end of sth. lake, sea The allomorph -ee-o (n) consists of -ee- which precedes the last consonant of the s and which follows it. The allomorph is used if the singular stem contains t consonants, but the infix <ee> does not break up homorganic NC clusters. -0" 'aysani ( n ) 1 'ayseeno 'antani (fl ) I 'anteeno ( n) (n) lie, slander ant hill barsi (f) I bareeso ( n) ga'awi (f) I ga'eewo (n) halmi (f) I haleemo (n) mahh ati (f) I mahheeto (n) mapari (f) I mapeero (n) na'ani (f) I na'eeno (n) qatni (f) I qateeno (n) qawri (f) I qaweero ( n) tlac afi (f) I tlaceefo (n) tlahhasa (f) I tlahheeso (n) tsitsini (f) I tsitseeno (n) qawtani (f) I qawteeno ( n) wakri (f) I wakeero ( n) grass, luck calabash for making sour milk branch of a tree shadow ditch penis bed baby ( 1-3 months) kitchen pool of rain top, point grazing land chin Also if the singular contains more than three stem consonants: darqafi (f) I darqeefo ( n) scale According to the lenition rule (20) in 2.5.4, a b is not lenited to w before the suffix <ee>-o since this constitutes a morpheme boundary, e.g. tlawi I t labeemo 'lake, sea' The palr deena (f) I dageeno ( n) 'young woman' is an exception. The plural is suppletive. Historically the root contained a g. Alagwa and Burunge still have g in the stem in the singular. . • · There are numerous exceptions with a masculine base form. naanu (m) I naaneemo (n) subsidiary dish hlanu (m) I hlaneemo (n) python daanda (m) I daandeemo (n) back, top aya (m) I ayeemo (n) village, land gayu (m) I gayeemo (n) other side 'aaru (m) I careemo (n) breakfast, leftovers atu (m) I ateemo (n) brain kiintu (m) I kiinteemo (n) bush xaday (m) I xadeemo (n) or xado (n) bush, place of worship ba>asa (m) I ba>eeso (n) darma (m) I dareemo (n) hhafta (m) I hhafeeto (n) na'ahl (m) 1 na'eehlo (n) mar>af-mo (m) I mar>eefo (n) tsacat-mo (m) I tsa'eeto (n) bushbuck wilderness, grove mat gums of the teeth, palate relative calf (male or female) � 60 mugul (m) l mugeelo (n) 61 collar bone 13. The suffix -o (f). Plurals in -o of feminine gender constitute a pair with a feminine singular, (f) or in -i . Note that the neuter plural suffix o has feminine singulars in i or a. The -o can be recognised in tsufo 'kind of tree (PL) ' which is based on the the stem 'to sweat, to give out water' and in tleesano of which the singular tleesani ' cattle ' is derived from the verb tlees 'to herd in the afternoon '; see 3.3. The cayto>o 'maize' probably developed from the singulative 'ayto>o of the noun 'flowers'. maize cayti>i (f) l 'ayto>o (f) banana arwi (f) I arwo (f) pearl millet b asori (f) I basoro (f) flower of maize plant bayri (f) l bayro (f) calabash for sour milk ga'awi (f) l ga'awo (f) hair of cow's tail geewi (f) l geewo (f) charcoal gil>i (f) l gil'o (f) windpipe gugi (f) I gugo (f) liana h ayri (f) I hayro (f) spider h ibambi (f) l hibambo (f) branch of tree, of maize h aywi (f) I haywo (f) leaf loci (f) l lo<o (f) lightning mankari (f) I mankaro (f) cave mar>i (f) I mar>o (f) thread n eewi (f) I neewo (f) clitoris gani (f) I gano (f) guinea fowl s akari (f) I sakaro (f) Ficus spec. t acewi (f) I ta'ewo (f) roads for cattle t leesani (f) l tleesano (f) deep place t sal>i (f) I tsal>o (f) bird t sirci (f) I tsir<o (f) kind of thorn tree tsufi (f) I tsufo (f) charcoal xa>awi (f) I xa>awo (f) shoe, footprint ya>ati (f) I ya>ato (f) phlegm axari ( f1) I axaro (f) pus malhhari (fl ) I malhharo (f) wooden hoe taqwani (fl ) I taqwano (f) 14. The suffix -a (f). Plura,ls in -a (f) pair with a singular that is also feminine, (f) or (fl ) , and end or singular with the suffix -mo (m). The fact that -a and -i are suffixes can be seen m fro the words 'awaaki (f) l 'awaaka (f) 'white sorghum' that is derived from cawaak (adj ) ' white' and hhis.hhinsi (f) I hhis .hhinsa (f) 'Chenopodium schraderanum tree' de rived from hhis.hhins 'violet'. There is also the example senti I senta 'cent', a loan fro m S wahili senti, where the final i in the singular is reinterpreted as a singular suffix senta is a backformation with plural meaning, which has its parallel in chupa tt 'bo les ', singular: chup-ito>o, also a loan from Swahili chupa 'bottle'. a afeeni (f) I afeena (f) chekcheki (f) I chekcheka (f) cameeni (f) I 'ameena (f) mahheeli (f) I mahheela (f) ufani (f) I ufana (f) cawaaki (f) I 'awaaka (f) curfi (f) I 'urfa (f) alcawtani (f) I alcawtana (f) ama'intsa>i (f) I ama'intsa'a (f) ahlahhi (f) I ahlahha (f) babaci (f) I babaca (f) baykwati (f) I baykwata (f) bubuti (£) I bubuta (f) daktani (f) I daktaria (f) hhanhli (f) I hhanhla (f) hharci (f) I hhar'a (f) hhis.hhinsi (f) I hhis.hhinsa (f) hhooki (f) I hhooka (f) ilali (f) I ilala (f) cilsi (f) I cilsa (f) kiik>i (f) I kiik>a (f) koonki (f) I koonka (f) kutumbi (f) I kutumba (f) makimbici (f) I makimbica (f) manongi (f) I manonga (f) matoyi (f) I matoya (f) mee>ali (f) I mee>ala (f) muquhli (f) I muquhla (f) nici (f) I nica (f) or'on di (f) I or'ond a (f) poqi (f) I poqa (f) pungan i (f) I pungana (f) courtyard sieve woman Myrsine africana Lippia javanica white sorghum lizard white hair caterpillar kind of plant with poisonous sap cockroach milk gourd water buck .fool maize stalk Rauvolfia kafra Chenopodium schraderanum pigeon, dove post of bed small type of acacia tree peg hen type of insect black mamba grass for cattle leaf Croton microstage iron, metal Coieus aquatis Cucumis aculeatus red or yellow bishop bird kind .of plant 63 62 qanhhi (f) I qanhha (f) qayna'i (f) I qayna'a (f) qinti (f) I qinta (f) qulci (f) I qul<a (f) cilwi (f) I <ilwa (f) samti (f) I samta (f) sargi (f) I sarga (f) senti (f) I sent a (f) hlanhli (f) I hlanhla (f) t laqati (f) I tlaqata (f) t lawanqi (f) I tlawanqa (f) tsitsihhi (f) I tsitsihha (f) u maali (f) I umaala (f) fiitsi (f) I fiitsa (f) manaqi (f) I manaqa (f) hluuhhi (f) I hluuhha (f) wahhani (f) I wahhana (f) harkon ki (f) I harkonka (f) t iqri (f) I tiqra (f) dimori (f) I dimora (f) t in gi (f) I tingp (f) kinti (f) l ·kinta (f) caantsi (f) I <aantsa (f) <ar<ant i (f) I <arcanta (f) t siloli (f) I tsilola (f) amaxupi (fl) I amaxupa (f) n anagi ( f1) I nanaga (f) tlurumbuci (fl ) I tlurumbu<a (f) egg civet cat unripe millet dark part of the house big leopard porcupme Grant's gazelle cent palm gazelle white fat in cow stomach gravel sand hedgehog kind of tree unnpe maize kind of tree white fat owl kind of bird bush shrike lump of earth piece of soil with grass fig tree maize head kind of grass frog worm greens in water Singular in -mo (m). seehhamo (m) I seehha (f) xoohlomo (m) I xoohla (f) kwasiiyamo (m) I kwasiiya (f) meehhmo (m) I meehha (f) pa<almo (m) I pa<ala (f) hhafmo (m) I hhafa (f) kaangarmo (m) I kaangara (f) ki'a'amo (m) I ki>a>a (f) ineermo (m) I ineera (f) tsetse fly instrument flea tick stick for bed layer in flat roof pole monitor lizard mosquito is one exceptional form, hoomo (m) I hooma (f) 'stranger, enemy, full moon', plural h oom>i (n) 'races', where the singular ends in mo, but the m is retained l a� d m�st therefore be part of the stem. Another irregular case is itirmo in the p lu ra 1 itna ( f ) 1ouse . last two plural suffixes, -a (f) and -o , are special in two respects. First, their si ngulars all end in -i or -mo which are independently established singulative suffixes. these suffixes are the only feminine plural suffixes that pair with a feminine singular. Singulative suffixes singular suffixes are the following: Sin gulative suffixes. -mo, -us-mo , -itmo -o'o, -us-o>o, -ito'o -i -aaCri Most MASC FEM FEM FEM of these singular suffixes signify more than just singularity. The suffixes -usmo and -uso>o (f) are used for agents. The suffix -ito>o means 'part of something'. The suffix -mo is used for one specimen of a living creature, or one element of a set. The suffix -i is just for singular. Nouns with a singulative suffix are often specific. saqan m o 'one paricular pair of ,earrings' gongoxmo 'one particular elbow' (m) The gender of the basic number form does not play a role in the choice of the singular reference suffix. 1. The suffix -mo (m). The suffix can be preceded by an epenthetic vowel a. This suffix singles out one element from a collection. One member of a set of people, one member of a species of animals, especially insects, one member of a set of body parts. People: The words for 'Indian' and 'Arab' are loan words from Swahili. In the plural the Swahili plural noun class prefix wa-, which is dropped in the singular, or replaced by the Swahili singular noun class prefix mu- . The words maanimo (m) I maand a (m) 'Iramba, Bantu' and masomo (m) I masomba (f) 'male adolescent' are irregular. they contai n arabamo (m) I wa'arabu (m) muhindmo (m) I wahindi (f) aga mo (m) I aga (m) askaarmo (m) I askaari (f) Arab Indian cannibal soldier 65 64 bariismo (m) I bariis (m) gormo (m) I gorowa (n) masongomo (m) I masong (m) hlooharmo (m) I hloohar (m) tarmo (m) I tara (f) wawut mo (m) I wawita (m) duwanqeetmo (m) I duwanqeet (f) first-born Gorowa, Fiome European, white man people of mixed origin Datooga, Barabaig king Maasai fun qarmo Trees: Loan wild pig big lizard (brown-necked) parrot kind of bird wild dog mongoose bat kwinkwiri>amo partridge (m) (m) (m) I kwinkwiri> Insects: cawtamo (m) I cawtama (f) ba>aarmo (m) I ba>ar (m) d ewalmo (m) I diwil (m) ichabumo (m) I ichaabu ( m ) ingigmo (m) I ingigi (f) ineermo (m) I ineera (f) itirmo (m) I itina (n) karkarmo (m) I karkari (fl ) masasakmo (m) I masasakw (m) meehhamo (m) I meehha (f) seehhamo (m) I seehha (f) hluwaxamo (m) I hluwax ( m) xiingarmo (m) I xiingar (m) kwasiiyamo (m) I kwasiiya (f) xonparufmo (m) I xondaruf (m) tahhaahhamo (m) I tahhaahhana (f) Body parts: butterfly fly, any stinging insect insect, hornet jigger, jigger eggs locust mosquito louse caterpillar ant cattle tick tsetse fly big wasp kind of insect flea tick-like parasite safari ant funqar (m) baqarmo (m) I baqar (m) de carmo (m) I deecar (m) cifit mo (m) I cifit (m) mahlarmo (m) I mahlar (m) ankle joint kind of tree root kind of tree Vangueria rotundata words: Animals: baynamo (m) I baynu (n) ki>a>amo (m) I ki>a>a (f) nyarganmo (m) I nyargan (m) pareqamo (m) I pareq (m) t aweramo (m) I tawer (m) t suhhlala>mo (m) I tsuhhlala (m) hhampararamo (m) I hhamparara' (m) I ker mo (m) I keero (m) matfalmo (m) I matfali (f) mikatamo (m) I mikaate (f) musmarmo (m) I musmari (f) sandukmo (m) I sandukw (m) shilingamo (m) I shilingi (f) miringamo (m) I miringe (f) tile (Sw) brick (Sw) bread (Sw) nail (Sw) box (Sw) money (Sw) beehive, tray (Rangi) asalmo (m) I asal (m) giyaymo (m) I giyayayeet (m) hhafmo (m) I hhafa (f) hhahhaymo (!fi) I h hahhay (m) kaangarmo (m) I kaangara (f) laqaymo (m) l laqaya> (n) magwalmo (m) 1 magw al (m) migirmo (m) I migir (m) pacalmo (m) I pacala (f) quturmo ( m) I qutur (m) hlahamo (m) I hlaha (f) tsingarmo (m) I tsinga (m) xoohlomo (m) I xoohla (f) part of the field salt for chewing tobacco layers in roof torrent, waterfall pole for shutting cattle enclosure thorn small pole firewood, fuel sticks to make a bed with bracelet for marriage dirt, worthless thing small sharp stones utensil, tool Others: Some words seem to contain the suffix -mo while this cannot be shown because they have no other number form. daqtamo (m) frost ilmo (m) maize grain, drop pacasmo (m) protection rite puureemo (m) charms, offerings tsaqutmo (m) July, cold period suffix -usmo is only used for male humans, with -uso>o as female counterpart for plural. The suffixes -usmo, -uso>o and -use are used to make agentive and -use 67 66 nouns from verbs. The -us- part may be related to the causative suffix -s and the agentivity aspect of the meaning. prophet ardusmo (m) I arduse (f) prophet aarusmo (m) I aaruse (f) revenger ahlusmo (m) I ahluse (f) traveller aa'usmo (m) I aa>use (f) cattle-skinner daqrusmo (m) I daqruse (f) quarrelsome person diiftusmo (m) I diiftuse (f) beggar fi rusmo (m) I firuse (f) thief fisusmo (m) I fisuse (f) clever person fuqrusmo (m) I fuqruse (f) people of a village ga>usmo (m) I ga>use (f) mce man hhawusmo (m) I hhawuse (f) smner iringusmo (m) I iringuse (f) helper ciisusmo (m) 1 ciisuse (f) spokesman of the community kahamus mo (m) I kahamuse (f) liar lamusmo (m) I lam use (f) tax collector ohomusmo (m) I ohomuse (f) greedy person qahusmo (m) I qahuse (f) patient t iqtusmo (m) I tiqtuse (f) troublemaker t lahhusmo (m) I tlahhuse (f) smner tlakusmo (m) I tlakuse (f) diviner t lacusmo (m) I t}acuse (f) lazy person t lee'usmo (m) I tlee'use (f) potter t lee>usmo (m) I tlee>use (f) sick man waharusmo ( ) I waharuse (f) sender for marriage xabusmo (m) I xabuse (f) adulterer, cas anova hli)imusmo (m) I hli>imuse (f) overseer, chief ga'awusmo (m) I gacawuse (f) glutton hheehhusmo (m) I hheehhuse (f) circumciser alcutlusmo (m) I alcutluse (f) liar 'aysenusumo (m) 1 'aysenuse (f) wizard (negative) daacalusmo (m) I daa'aluse (f) herdsman de>e>amusmo (m) I de)e>amuse (f) helper aleecisusmo (m) I alee'isuse (f) intsahhatusmo (m) I intsahhatuse teacher (f) m The suffix -itmo (m) is also used only for male human beings, with -ito>o (f) for female counterpart and -iite for the plural. The suffix -ito>o has a much wider as a par titive suffix. aa litmo (m) I aaliit e (f) hagitmo (m) I hagiite (f) batlitamo (m) I batliite (f) dooh lutmo (m) I doohliite (f) ca mat lito>o (f) I 'amatliite (f) 2. Th e heir Tindiga or Hadza working boy cultivator, farmer virgin, young girl suffix -o>o (f) suffix -o>o occurs mostly in the combinations -uso>o and -ito>o. In two nouns it o ccurs as just -o>o. In hatlito>o (f) I hatlit (m) 'sweet potatoe plant' this i s due to the fact that the stem already ends in -it , and the addition of the partitive -it o>o would yield in a repetition of -it . In kwalo>o (f) I kwa>eeli (n) 'widow', the stem is kwa>l, the plural is formed by <ee>-i, and the singular, which is only used for females , is formed by -o>o. All agent nouns have a female counterpart in -uso'o. of nouns for which only the female forms exist. cabkuso>o (f) 1 cabkuse (f) maruso>o (f) I maru>use (f) kendoso>o (f) I kenduse (f) 3. T he In addition there are a number barren woman or tree woman who has lost a baby uninitiated woman suffix -ito>o (f). The suffix -ito>o has a partitive meaning. Singulative suffixes similar to -it are widespread in Cushitic: In Dirayta -itt (m) is a singulative suffix (Hayward 1981 : 1 33); in Bayso -ti or -titi is a si;ngulative suffix ( Corbett and Hayward 1987:16); in Dasanech -(i)ti (f) is a singulative suffix (Sasse 1 974:414); Elmolo has -te (f) singulative suffix (Heine 1982:202) ; Oromo has -itti (f) singulative suffix (Stroomer 1 987:83). 'ayto>o (f) I cayo (f) bambarito>o (f) I barnbare (f) boregito>o (f) I boreg (m) buubito>o (f) I buubu (m) buharito>o (f) I buhare ( n) buhhito>o (f) I buhhi (f) chupito>o (f) I chupa (f) dacarito>o (f) I dacara (f) daamito>o (f) I daamoot (f) dororito>o (f) I dororo (m) fisito> o (f) 1 fisah (m) gutl ito>o (f) I guthi (m) flower bullrush millet beans (red and black) chicken pox rainy season, insect kind of tree bottle ashes beard or moustache greens on water kind of tree edible plant 69 68 hhahlito>o (f) I hhahlo (f) hulandito>o (f) I hulandu (m) hurondito'o (f) I huronda (m) ilwato>o (f) I ilwa (n) kasiito>o (f) I kasiis (f) langito'o (f) I langalanga (f) lapito>o (f) l lapiya (f) loosito>o (f) I loosi (f) macandito>o (f) I macandu (m) macarito>o (f) I ma'ara (f) mangwarito>o (f) I mangware (f) n eegito>o (f) I neegi (f) sasagito>o (f) I sasagi (f) si >ito>o (f) I sii ' O (f) sugdit o>o (f) I sugday (m) suwito>o (f) I suwa (f) tsito (f) I tsitito>o (f) tsuuqato>o (f) I tsuuqa (n) xamuhlito>o (f) I xamuhla (f) bambarito>o (f) I bambare (m) barwito>o (f) I barwa (f) ceetlito>o (f) I ceetl6 (m) makito>o (f) I makay ( n) shavings, problems men's meeting place sediment in beer milk sweet potatoes sorghum (kafir type) money beans fruits of low plant legume stalk sorghum, red millet thin grass, thread Acalypha grantii Castor oil plant greens, vegetables splinter spark saliva, blessing leftover from frying meat yellow bishop bird lett�r weaver-bird animal 4. The suffix -i (f) or (fl ) . For some nouns the singular is formed by a suffix -i (f) or (fl ) . This can be reco from the following nouns with suffixless form for the plural. kind of grass o mbasi (f) I ombas (m) hhangali (f) I hhangal (m) plant with pink flowers t satseeci (f) I tsatseec (m) star There are many nouns ending in i in the singular that are (f) or (fl ) for which it strange that the singular is derived and that the plural is more basic. These have plurals in -a (f) or -o (f); see above. It is arbitrary to analyse this i as p the stem or as a suffix. windpipe gugi (f) I gugo (f) taqwani ( fl ) I taqwano (f) wooden hoe � calabash 'for sour milk gacawi (f) I gacawo (f) courtyard afeeni (f) I afeena (f) woman cameeni (f) I cameena (f) qanhhi (f) I qanhha (f) samti (f) I samta (f) umaali (f) I umaala (f) egg porcupine hedgehog are two words with an m preceding the singulative -i that does not occur in the plural , a collective in ngw . We posit that the m is part of the stem and merged with t he suffix ngw . se>eemi (f) 'hair', singular from se'een gw (m) tsirimi (f) 'wing of seed', singular from tsiriingw 5. (m) The suffix -aaCri (f) is a singulative of collectives" kwahlaahli (f) 'bead', singular of kwahlu (n) balaali (f) 'cob of grain', singular of balangw waraari (f) 'seed' from warangw (m) (m) Exceptional cases: The ending ani (f) was recognised in the following two words for which there is no other number form and no other related word; both denote diseases" There is a verb to noun derivational suffix -ani; see 3.3. gacat ani ( f1) sumani (f) , fever measles And ani also occurs in: taqwani (fl ) I taqwano (f) wooden hoe The suffix -an o , which is be recognised in tlaacano identical to a verb to noun derivational suffix, see 3.3., can (f) I tlaace (n) 'stone'. Maybe also in xa>ano (m) 'tree', pl: xaa'I. (n), but the word is masculine and not feminine. 3.2.5" Patterns of derivation Nouns for which the singular is derived by a collective suffix, such as show the following pattern in the derived plural: -ay or -angw, -ay -+ ->i -ay -+ -awe -angw -+ -awe -angw -+ -eeri -ay -+ -'i My dictionary file contains 28 items with form with the suffix -'i ( n) for plural. -ay (m) for singular and a corresponding 71 70 guhhubiy (m) I guhhuli>i (n) gusay (m) I gus>i (n) hutlay (m) I hutl>i (n) maamay (m) I maami>i (n) -ay ---+ club (stick) diarrhoea big earthen pot maternal uncle -aawe kukumay (m) I kukumaawe (f) kuray (m) I kuraawe (f) sikay (m) I sikaawe (f) tsihay (m) I tsihaawe (f) xwaanhlay (m) I xwanhlaawe (f) ---+ -angw · -angw -aawe dangw (m) I daawe (f) komtangw (m) I komtaawe (f) mooyangw (m) I mooyaawe (f) xeerangw (m) I xeeraawe (f) ---+ sling hawk, African kite sparrow, messenger pregnancy rubbish, dust elephant ankle bangle perfume scorpion -eer1 mura n gw (m) I murm ay (m) uman gw (m) I um >i (n) n etl angw (m) I neetlaame (f) wit h one of the collective suffixes often have a singulative also derived by one the sin g ular suffixes. .ay -i (SG ) . . . majority of nouns in -ay are plural and have correspondmg smgular forms which in i . Th at this is the regular pattern can be concluded from the fact that several loans ending in i take their plural form in -ay, e.g. baati 'corrugated iron buru ngeti 'blanket', filimbi 'flute', gaseeti 'newspaper', kib ereti 'match', of nouns the singular form contains a singukoti ' �oat ', shaati 'shirt'. For a number (f) -i x suffi lative · mane dari (f) I daray (m) dung tsunki (f) I tsunkay (m) fires tick bu>i (f) I bu>ay (m) sling kukumi (f) I kukumay (m) piece of wood parhhami (f,fl ) I parhhamay (m) -+ .. ay -+ - mo ( S G ) mainly denoting living beings, have a singular in -mo. unmarried gir,l with a child doromo (m) I do roway ( ) i th sm kareermo (m) I kareeray (m) orphan panmo (m) I panay (m) crippled man or animal taqormo (m) I taqoray (m) old cow catlarmo (m) 1 catlaray (m) lamb, kid of goat deelmo (m) I deelay (m) lizard ki>a>amo (m) I ki>a>a>ay (m) kind of bird macarmo (m) I macaray (m) young donkey gwarendmo (m) I gwarenday (m) mugugunmo (m) I mugugunay (m) bed bug burr fuqurmo (m) I fuquray (m) nail musmarmo (m) I musmaray (m) Warburgia ugandensis sakwenamo (m) I sakwenay (m) S ome nouns in cahlangw (m) 1 cahleeri (n) d ahhangw ( m ) I dahheeri (n) d irangw (m) I direeri (n) fuqrangw (m) I fuqreeri (n) garangw (m) I gareeri (n) kwa<angw (m) I kwaceeri (n) mahangw (m) I maheeri (n) mibangw ( m ) I mibeeri (n) pacangw (m) I paceeri (n) siixangw (m) I siixeeri (n) hlamangw (m) I hlameeri (n) tsufrangw (m) I tsufreeri (n) hlahhangw (m) I hlahheeri ( n) b oohhayan gw (m) I boohhayeeri Euphorbia crotonoides gourd (in general) lion intelligence, soul rat hare arrow ten opening, hole, window space of incisor teeth crown tongue, quarrel moon, month wax, tar matlacan gw room for cattle (n) (m) I matlaceeri (n) There are five nouns with the collective suffix -angw that have a plural form from -eeri or -awe. end of something gamnangw (m) I gam'e (f) nipple, breast isangw (m) I · iseema' ( n) boys (18-20) abscess malevolent water spirit -ay, m · -ay -+ -it o>o dantlito>o (f) I dantlay (m) tsanqito>o (f) I tsanqay (m) maamahhito>o (f) I maamahhay (m) kind of vegetable milk kind of plant, sourness are five words with the collective suffix -angw that form their singular in -i (f) , 72 -aCri (f), -mo (m). These are singulative suffixes. sheep (singular is female) b ee<i (f) I bee<angw (m) bundle of millet h hatsini (f) I hhatsiingw (m) ( hhatsin-i, hhatsin-ngw ) seed warari (f) I warangw (m) insect, jigger kwasimo (m) I kwasiyangw (m) Nouns that have a derived singular in or -e for people. -mo 73 ---+ -mo very often have a derived plural in -ma' Animals: dama>amo (m) I dama>ama' (n) waysh imo (m) I wayshama> (n) gwand e<amo (m) I gwandecama> (n) maytsitamo (m) I maytsitama' (n) tsirtsiimo (m) I tsirtsiima> (n) hartebeest wildebeest cat (male) mongoose male calf testicle molar tooth . canine tooth muscle side of back of neck cheek, side of face small of the back upper front part of leg rib spleen girgirmo (m) I girgirma> (n) dindirmo (m) I dindirma' (n) hheeramo (m) I hheerama> (n) magwalmo (m) I magwalma> (n) qadismo (m) I qadisma> (n) warqamo (m) I warqama> ( n) gongo>an1o (m) I gongo>ama' (n) gehhantmo (m) I gehhantma> (n) Croton polytrichus hill (small) what is still owed unprepared stick walking-stick piece of cloth ridge, small hill shadow, picture calabash for beer gonorrhoea Others: qware'amo (m) I qware'ama> (n) hlangetamo (m) I hlangetama> (n) last-born child guest, stranger rich person divorced or loose woman slave friend medicine man dayshimo (m) I dayshe (f) miringamo (m) I miringe (f) tsehhiitmo (m) I tsehhiite (f) gwa'amo (m) I gwa'ame (f) duqusamo (m) I duquse (f) tlambo o'amo (m) I tlamb oo'ame (f) dayshimo (m) I dayshe (f) gwa<amo (m) I gwacame (f) snake beehive, cattle tray hammer kind of tree block, obstruction September snake kind of tree Others : Body parts: 'am'amo (m) 1 'am'ama> (n) antlamo (m) I antlama' (n) hindamo (m) I hindama' (n) " irindamo (m) I irindama> (n) pa'amo (m) I pacama> (n) t laqarmo (m) I tlaqarma> (n) watlarmo (m) I watlarma> (n) gibeesamo (m) I gibeesma> (n) gwehh amo (m) I gweehhama> (n) darara>amo (m) I darara>ama> (n) alu utm o (m) I aluu te (f) dah aaymo (m) I dahaaye (f) daaqa rmo (m) I daaqare (f) kwaland amo (m) I kwaland e (f) lawalmo (m) l lawaale (f) mulqm o (m) I mulqe (f) qw ahlarmo (m) I qwahlare (f) One derivation favours another, but there are riouns that do not follow the pattern sketched above. For example, the following nouns with a derived singular in -mo take o ther plurals. hhamhhamo (m) I hhamhham>i (n) hherhheermo (m) I hherhheer>i (n) xahlahla>amo (m) I xahlahla>i (n) pi<isamo (m) I piciseeri (n) kutl (u) camo (m) I kutl(u) 'eeri (n) 'armo (m) I 'areeri (n) qantlamo (m) I qantla>eeri (n) kutl (u) 'amo (m) I kutl(u) 'eedu (n) mar>afmo (m) I mar>eefo (n) tsa<at mo (m) I tsa'eeto (n) konkomo (m) I konkamawe (f) tsii>amo (m) I tsii>o (f) 'armo (m) I car>e (f) eyebrow, eyelid , eyelash tears Lantana camara highest pole of door hip lump of sth. molar hip relative calf cock b aby-chicken calf (of leg) Sometimes the choice of the plural suffix seems to be by analogy to another singular­ plural pair that is similar in meaning. For example, 75 74 kiintu (m) I kiinteemo (n) xaday (m) I xadeemo (n) darma (m) I dareemo (n) no un can be the complement of a copula. a si>ima g - - s ing refusing COP M2 F-DE thing'It has to be refused. ' bush bush, place of worship wilderness, grove a r 3.3. Derived nouns In this section we discuss nouns derived from verbs or adjectives. Agent nouns derived from verbs by the suffixes -usmo for the male agent, -uso>o for the agent, and use for the plural of agents. These suffixes have already been dis above; see 3.2.4.3. following suffixes are used to nominalise verbs: Table of nominalising suffixes. -a There are several ways to form nouns that denote the action of the verb. Several can be derived from a single verb. iwiita (f) , iwit (m), iwto -ii ma -o -ito -amu -eemu -iingw -maye (f) 'sitting' all from iwiit 'to sit' Which nominalistaion is to be used with which verb is a lexical question. faaro (f) 'counting' from faar 'to count' ara (fl ) 'watching' from aar 'to see' -1 -iti -ar1 -ani -tani -ano Some of the nominalisations have a specialised meaning. yacabto 'message' from yacaab 'to send' h lahhamo 'hammer' from hlaahh 'to beat' d oogito 'secr�t meeting between boy and girl' from doog 'to meet' Verbal nouns are not inflected for tense. Verbal nouns are nouns because they gender. hhoo > dawa ka h irita- r futlit ku tlaakw di-r-i-hee place-F-DEMl-BACK Another nominal quality of verbal nouns is the fact that they can be subject or of a sentence. ngi-wa giiwa xeer-a mas e being:dark 0.3:HIT:O.F-BACK come:3.SG.F-INF:PAST must i-ga daf O .N-PERF return:2.SG 'Before the darkness has come, you should have returned the cattle. ' fuutlo a aleehlaw-a-ka whistling O.F can:l .SG-INF-NEG 'I cannot whistle. ' With some verbs, several nominalisation suffixes can be used, in most cases without dear difference in meaning. In a few cases I discerned small differences in meaning between the various nominalisation suffixes. For example, hungu<uma 'recovering, holiday' highlights the process of recovery, whereas hungu cum 'recovery' highlights the result; hlakata 'hunting' refers to a particular hunting party, while hlakat 'hunting is more general. For example, one cannot say hlakata ka gawid 'hunting is difficult' , which must b e hlakat ku gawid , though both forms can b e the object of the auxiliary 'to go', anaga hlakatar aw or anaga hlaktu aw 'I went hunting'. Derivations in -a tend to be one single action whereas derivations in -o are more general. a sewing:C ON-F hand 0.3:IMPS:O.F nice:F 'Sewing by hand is good.' whistling 0.3:IMPS:O.M bad:M 'Whistling is bad here.' vowel reduction of the stem -it -eema FEM FEM FEM FEM MASC MASC MASC FEM FEM FEM FEM FEM FEM FEM MASC MASC NEUTER (from adjectives) fiisa 'one theft ' faara 'a specific count' fuutla 'whistling (once) fiiso 'stealing' faaro 'counting' fu u tlo 'whistling (more) ' fuutlit 'whistling (in general) ' Differences in, meaning can be due to verbal derivational suffixes. The verb harqo om 'to be up to measure, be equal' has the derived noun harqo oma 'being about, around', as in 77 76 ni-wa hardah a harqooma-r HIT-BACK arrive:3.SG.M:PAST COP around:CON-F lahhoo' 'When he arrived, it was around twelve o'clock. ' (Note that the counted from sunrise in East-Africa.) But the verb has a second derived noun, containing the middle voice suffix 4.3.3. ) , harqo omti 'being equal', which has a static meaning, as in a harqo omti-r dama-r 1. The suffixes -a (f) , and -ima (f) The suffix -a is the most productive suffix for deriving nouns from verbs. can be used with almost any verb. from ii>ar 'to try' ii>ara (f) 'trying' d o ohla (f) 'cultivating' from doohl 'to cultivate' from kwatiit 'to touch' kwatiita (f) 'touching' The gender of the verbal nouns in -a is (f) or ( fl) . The verqal noun is ( f1) for ending in aw. Verbs ending in aw. have another nominalisation in -eemu ; see b from xaw 'to come' xawa (fl) 'coming' from inhlaw 'to remember' inhlawa ( f1) 'remembering' Other verbal nouns in -a that are (fl ) are: kwahha ( f1) 'throwing' t sata (fl ) 'cutting' baaliima ( f1) 'winning' ara (fl ) 'watching' lakiita (fl ) 'waiting' waha (fl) 'drinking' from kwaahh 'to throw' from tsaat 'to cut ' from baal 'to win' from ar 'to see' from lakiit 'to wait' from wah 'to drink' The verbal noun gwa>ara (f) 'death, dying' from the verb gwaa> 'die' has an in diate, unproductive suffix -ar; see 5.1 . For some verbs the nominalisation in -a is not possible; instead other nominalisa have to be used. not not su ffix mara calf-DEM4-DEM4 COP equal:CON-F calf:CON-F Mara 'That calf is equal to the calf of Mara. (Mara is a name for a stray cow found on the road)' yacaba but yacabit, yacah to 'sending, message' goo>a but goo>i (f) or goo>iingw (m) 'writing' For other verbs the nominalisation in -a co-exists with another nominalisation. ing' meet­ si>iito 'refusing' iwto 'sitting', iwit 'sitting' hamso 'heating up' hamtlo 'taking a bath' si>iima 'refusin g' iwi ita 'sit ting' hameesa 'heating up' hamaatla 'taking a bath' SIX dama-d a-da> tsacamto 'climbing' doogito 'meeting, secret tsa'ama 'passing, rank' do oga 'increasing' lo o'a-r is also used to form a noun from an adjective, e.g. bo o'a from booc 'black' (f) 'blackness' For some verbs , the nominalisation suffix -a can be preceded by the durative suffix -im 4 .3. 4), giving -ima. The intermediate step of the durative verb in -im does not exist, but the nominalisation in -ima does. from kiic 'to return' from sii> 'to refuse, deny' ki<ima (f) 'time, turn' sii>ima (f) 'refusing' Verbs with a durative verbal derivational suffix -iim can take the nominalisation suffix Thus both these two groups of verbal nouns end in ima. The vowel i is in the last two examples assimilated to the preceding vowel; see rule (12) in 2.5.3. -a. waawiti>iima (f) 'rule' cayma (f) 'meal' ciimu<uuma (f) 'begin' hungucuuma (f) 'recovery, The holiday' · from waawiti>iim 'to rule' from 'ayiim 'to be eating' from ciimu cu urn 'to begin' from hungu'uum 'to recover' suffix -iima (f) is also used to derive abstract nouns from other nouns. from daqaarmo (m) 'rich person' from qwahlarmo ( ) 'medicine man' wakleeli>iima (f) 'unity' from wak 'one' kwinkwiir>iima (f) 'shortness' from kwinkwiri>amo (m) 'par­ tridge' hlahlanga'iima (f) 'being like a from hlahlangay (m) 'chamechameleon' leon' daqari>iima (f) 'prosperity' qwahlariima (f) 'magic power' 2. m The suffixes -o (f) , and -ito (f) The suffix -o is not as widespread as -a. For a number of verbs, it is the only or most common way to derive a noun. 79 78 alcutlo or alcuutlo (f) aaro (f) 'ruminating' faaro (f) 'counting' alwa'o (f) 'flood' xumso hhawo 'circumcision' (f) 'watching' (f) 'negligence' from alcuutl 'to circumcise' from aaruus 'to ruminate' from faar 'to count' from al 'together' and waa> vomit' from xuumiis 'to watch' from hhaaw 'to neglect' There is also a verb to noun derivation in -ito (f). This suffix consists of -iit, middle voice verbal derivation plus the nominalisation suffix -o (f) , but the in stage, verb with middle voice suffix -iit (see 4.3.3.) does not always exist. The i assimilates to the preceding vowel if the intermediate consonant is velar or according to the assimilation rule ( 12) described in 2.5.3. The vowel i is deleted it preceding syllable contains a short vowel, according to the syllable reduction described in 2.3. from doog 'to meet' doogito (f) 'secret meeting' from gwaaw 'to fast ' gwaabito (f) 'fasting' from harmagaahh 'to look after' harmagahhat o (f) 'looking after' from tsa'aam 'to climb' tsa'amto (f) 'climbing' from umiim 'to foster' u mt o (f) 'being fostered' from ya'aaw 'to send' yacabto (f) 'message' The ending -ito is not to be confused with the background suffix aJtet verbal in -a with fl-gender. hi)itano (f) 'journey' sihhtano (f) 'standing' 5. verb stem itself with a short vowel in the last syllable can be used as a masculine verbal noun. qwalac (m) 'joy' ganac (m) 'straight' hungu'um (m) 'rest' kwahha-t-o This nominalisation is the most productive one for verbs with a middle voice suffix, thus verbal nouns ending in it . alkicit (m) 'explanation' fut lit (m) 'whistling' hirit (m) 'sewing' cifit (m) 'sneezing ' leehhit (m) 'courti �g' hlakat (m) 'hunting' eeharahat (m) 'following' tlaakw ka na'ay umto-r-o hhoo> ku child fostering-F-BACK 0.3:IMPS :O.M nice:M 'Looking after a child is good.' nacay umto ga 6. 4. The suffix -ano (f). The suffix is used to derive nouns from verbs. I have only two examples. -amu gan>amu (m) 'truth' hardahamu (m) 'arrival' hatsmu (m) 'fullness' hlaahh amu ( m ) 'hitting' tleehhamu (m) 'act' 7. from alkiciit 'to narrate' from fuutl 'to whistle' from hiriit 'to sew' from cifiit . 'to sneeze' from leehhiit 'to go· courting' from hlakaat 'to hunt' from eehar 'to follow' � The suffix -amu (m) Verb to noun derivation in ay child fostering 0.3:0.F:PAST go:3.SG.M:PAST 'The child was about to be looked after.' 3. The suffix -amo (f). In a number of nominalisations, the suffix is -amo (f): from leehh 'to bring' leehhamo (f) 'bringing' from gweer 'to open' gweeramo (f) 'opening' from tleehh 'to do, make' tleehhamo (f) 'act' from qwalaac 'be happy' from ganaac 'be straight' from hungu'uum 'to rest' The form hhekw (m) 'fetching water' from hheek 'to fetch water' suggests that the historical origin of this nominalisation is -u , and that the vowel has become whispered and lost. a stones throwing-F1-BACK 0.3:IMPS:O.F bad:F 'Throwing stones is bad.' Shortening of the final vowel (m). The · tlaca from hi>iit 'travel' from sihhiit 'stand' (m) is used for the result of the action. from ganaa> 'be straight' from hardah 'to arrive' from haats 'to be full' from hlaahh 'to hit, beat' from tleehh 'to do' The suffix -eemu (m) Verb to noun derivation in -eemu (m) is" used for verbs ending in aw. The fact that verbs in aw have the vowel ee in the derivational suffix has its parallel in the causative suffix which is -ees for verbs in aw and -iis for others. The suffix -eemu is not used for verbs in -uw / -aw , that are derived from adjectives. These adjectives take the s ffi x -eema (n); see suffix 12 further down. u 81 80 aleehleemu (m) 'ability' b eemu (m) 'telling' deemu (m) 'existence' haratleemu (m) 'attacking' inhleemu (m) 'remembering' keemu (m) 'going' hleemu ( m ) 'getting' tleemu (m) 'getting up' xeemu (m) 'coming' gurtleemu (m) 'mercy' from aleehlaw 'to be able' from haw 'to tell, answer' from claw 'to exist' from haratlaw 'to attack' from inhlaw 'to remember' from kaw 'to go' from hlaw 'to get, obtain' from tlaw 'to wake up, go' from xaw 'to come' from gurtlaw 'to show mercy' 80 The suffix -ingw (m) This suffix is the most productive nominalisation suffix for verbs with a durative -iim. The -ingw replaces the suffix -iim, which forms an indivisible part of -i The suffix resembles the collective suffix -angw; see 3.2.4.1 . from ciimu cu urn 'to begin' ciimucun gw (m) 'begin' from umiim 'to take care umingw ( ) 'taking care' child' from wahaam 'to be drinking' wahangw (m) 'drinking' huringw ( ) 'cooking' from huriim 'to cook' from hoot 'to live, stay' hoot an gw (m) 'place to live' from ga'aw 'to watch' gacangw (m) 'watching' gurbucungw (m) 'continuous warning' from gurbuuc 'to warn' m middl e 1 1. The suffixes -ani (f), and -tani (f) The suffix is feminine, but some derived nouns take the gender linker -ta, (fl ) ; see 3.4. The nouns tleesani 'road', and hi>itan i take plurals in -o (f) or in -ano (f). The noun qatni 'bed' takes the broken plural suffix <ee>-o, as if the consonant of the suffix is part of the stem, cf. 3.2.4.2. axweesani ( fl ) 'word' qatni (f) 'bed' hi>itani (f) 'journey' wahhani (f) 'white fat' tleesani (f) 'big road for ti>itani express a state. from gwacaat 'be light' from hlaqaat 'be tired' from harhlaqaat 'be tired' from qwalaac 'be happy' from hlahhaa> 'to suffer' from ganaa' 'be straight' In some instances, -amaye appears as a noun plural suffix. kon komo (m) 'cock', pl: konkama' (n) , or kon komaaye (f) gurhamaye (f) 'long state of sorrow', compare gurhaami 'sorrow' 10. The suffixes -i (f), and -ti (f) . The suffix - i is used t o nominalise a small number of nouns. The gender is The suffix -i, too, can cooccur with the middle voice suffix, -t , while the in from goo> 'to write' from xu umiis 'to watch' from insareehh 'to distrust' from harqoom 'to be equal' from giiw 'to be dark' from guu' 'to sleep' from xuu' 'to know' from hlaa' 'to love' Th e last example hla>ati 'love' has a variant hla>ari (f) 'love'. This form could be a fusion of a former derivational suffix -ar; see 5 . 1 . and the nominalisation suffix -i. m 9. The suffix -amaye (f) The suffix is used to form nominalisations that gwacatamaye (f) 'light' hlaqamaye (f) 'tiredness' h arhlaqamaye (f) 'fatigue' qwalcamaye (f) 'joy' hlahha>amaye ( f) 'su:fferings' gan'amaye (f) 'truth, fact' voice verb does not exist. go o'i (f) 'writing' xu msi (f) 'watching' insareehhi (f) 'distrust' harqomti (f) 'equality' giwti (f) 'darkness' gu'uute (f) 'sleep' xu'uti (f) 'knowledge' hla>ati (f) 'love' cows' (fl ) 'disease of stomach' from axwees 'to talk' from qaat 'to lie down' from hi,iit 'to travel' from wahhar 'to become fat' from tlees 'to herd in the after­ noon' from ti,iit 'to come out' The suffix -tani (f) is a fusion of the middle voice suffix -t and the nominalisation suffix -ani, but the intermediate derivation of the middle voice verb does not exist. The noun qawtani 'grazing land' takes the broken plural suffix <ee >-o, like qatni above. qawtani (f) 'grazing land' daktani (f) 'fool' tluwtani (f) 'leaking, raining' from qaw 'to graze' from dak-uus 'to fail' from tluuw 'to leak, rain' Some nouns are derived from verbs or adjectives but not by any of the abovemention ed suffixes, e.g. hlahlacaru 12. (m) 'badness' from hlahlacaar (adj ) 'bad' The suffix -eem a (n). This suffix derives abstract nouns from adjectives. 83 82 da cateema ( n) 'redness' gawdeema (n) 'hardness' tlakweema ( n) 'badness' hhoo>eema (n) 'beauty' saaweema (n) 'distance' cawaakeema (n) 'whiteness' catlaareema (n) 'fatness' cabeema (n) 'novelty' geehho>eema (n) 'clearness' tleereema (n) 'length' h heereema ( n) 'insufficiency' ququmareema (n) 'shortness' tsutsufeema (n) 'cruelty' yangareema (n) 'amount' hhoohhoo>eema (n) 'beauty' sircaateema (n) purpleness' niinakweema (n) 'smallness' hhantsarere>eema ( n) 'fineness' from dacaat 'red' from gawid 'hard' from tlaakw 'bad' from hhoo' 'nice' from saaw 'far' from cawaak 'white' from catlaar 'fat' from caben 'new' from geehhoo' 'clear' from tleer 'long' from hheer 'insufficient' from ququmar 'short' from tsutuf 'cruel' from yaariir 'many' from hhoohhoo> 'beautiful' from siircaat 'purple' from niina 'small' from hhantsarere' 'fine' P ossessive: l .SG.POSS 2.SG.POSS 3.SG.POSS -'ee' -6k -os Indefinite: -ko -ka -kariya' 3.4. Other noun suffixes A noun can be modified by a demonstrative, possessive, or indefinite suffix. demonstrative suffixes distinguish four degrees of proximity. The possessive distinguish person and number, but not gender, of the possessor. Indefinite s differ according to the gender of the noun. (8) Modifying noun suffixes. Demonstrative: -i or -ka DEMl -sin g DEM2 DEM3 -qa' -da' DEM4 l .PL.POSS 2.PL.POSS 3.PL.POSS INDEF.M INDEF.F INDEF.N Nouns that are modified by another noun, an adjective or a relative clause are in the con struct case. Noun phrases can be followed by adverbial case clitics. These clitics can be suffixed to the noun. The adverbial case clitics include: direction towards (directive case) and away from the noun (ablative); relations such as instrumental and reason. Noun phrases that are to be taken as a unit are in the background case. C ase clitics can follow demonstrative, possessive, and indefinite suffixes. The vocative case consists of high tone on the penultimate syllable. The case suffixes do not form a regular case s ystem because subject and object are not distinguished in case. a High tone -i -wa -ar -sa -o or -hee e In cab eema 'novelty' the vowel in caben is deleted due to the syllable red rule ( 4) in 2.3. and n is deleted in front of the nasal m. The noun niina 'whiteness' is based on the irregular plural form of the adjective, niinakw. Not all adjective to noun derivation is with this suffix because we have b o 'darkness' and b o ocaay (m) 'crowd' form booc 'black', uraay (m) 'size' from ur This suffix is also used to derive a noun from a verb, at least for one example. gwacaat 'to shine' gwacate'eema (n) 'light' -ren -hung -'in CON (construct) D IR (direction towards) ABL (ablative, direction away from) INSTR (instrumental) REASON BACK (background) At first sight, one may be tempted to analyse the high tone as a separate morpheme indicating definiteness or individuality. The definite suffixes, i.e. the demonstrative and possessive suffixes, have a high tone, as does the construct case suffix. Personal pronouns all have a final high tone. Making the last syllable of a noun high is a device to derive names from nouns; see 3. 7. But it is impossible to analyse high tone as a separate marker because it does not have a single meaning. The high tone does not indicate definiteness because indefinite nouns that are modified by an adjective are in construct case and thus high. The high tone does not indicate specificity because the indefinite specific suffix has a low tone. The high tone does not indicate that the noun is modified, for the same reason. The fact that demonstratives and possessives all have a final high tone is probably due to paradigmatic levelling. Or maybe these high tone suffixes originate from constructions with the noun in the construct case and a demonstrative or possessive pronoun as modifier. But in that case one would expect high tone on the indefinite suffixes, too. Demonstrative, possessive and indefinite suffixes have corresponding independent pro­ nouns. The pronouns consist of ku if referring to masculine and neuter words and ta if referring to fe inine words, followed by the suffix in question; see 3.5.2. These rp pronouns are used if the noun is already mentioned or when adding a demonstrative . to a noun that already has a possessive suffix. a noun suffixes are in most cases preceded by a linker which agrees in gender with , 85 84 the noun. The gender linker for neuter nouns is -a for nouns in the construct but otherwise neuter nouns have no gender linker. Thus the order of modifying suffixes is: POSS DEM [Noun root - number sfx] L INDEF - CASE - - And the gender linkers are: ( 9) Gender linkers M M1 F F1 N -u -ku -r -ta - or -a On the basis of agreement in the linker one can distinguish five gender classes. I to treat (m1) and (fl) as subclasses of (m) and (f) for the following reasons. agreement in other parts of the grammar distinguishes only three classes, wit distinction between (m) and (m1) , or between (f) and (fl ). This is the case with independen t nominal modifiers, and in the verbal system. Secondly, number have inherent gender, but none of them is (m1) or (fl) . Thirdly, the form linker for (m1 ) is identical to the form of the agreement with (m) and (m1 ) independent demonstrat ive and possessive pronouns, and the same holds for (fl). The subclasses of ( m1 ) Q.nd ( f1) nouns represent earlier stages of a historical opmen t, ku > w and ta > r, possibly after developing from independent suffixes. In Alagwa k and t are used as gender linkers for one demonstrat ive suffix, w and r for another. The (m1) and (fl) nouns hav� resisted this historical develop MASC FEM DEM.1 N-t-i Alagwa: N-k-i N-w-aqy N-r-aqu DEM.2 DEM. 1 N-r-f Iraqw: N-w-f DEM.l for M1 and F1 (N-kw-1 N-t-f) There are no semantic or phonological characterist ics to distinguish between (m) (m1) nouns, or between (f) and (fl) nouns, as can be seen in the following tables, and ( 1 1 ) Some words are (f) or (fl ) which is indicated by (fl f). The following are exhaustive lists of (m1 ) nouns, ( 10), and (fl) nouns, ( 1 1 ). . ( 10 ) Words of m1 gender: afa (m1) I afe (f) has a ( ml ) I baseeso ( n) dawa (ml) I dab e (f) ciiya (m1 ) kuru (m1 ) I kureeri (f) muu (m1 ) qara (m1 ) saga (m1) I sage (f) , mouth, opening, edge south, left arm, law north, right year people poison head Words of f1 gender: a. Ending in i and singular: al'awtani (fl ) I alcawtana (f) amaxupi (fl) I amaxupa (f) cantani (fl f) I 'antayno (n) axari ( f1) I axaro (f) axweesani ( f1 ) cayseeni ( f1) I cayseenu ( n) baldane (fl ) baratsufi (fl) I baratsufay (m) bara (fl ) I barudu (n) buri (fl) daa'awi ( f1 ) daqi (fl ) daraqi (fl) dari (fl ) I daray (m) de)eemi ( f1) dici (fl) I dicay (m) diwi (fl ) I diway (m) feehharni (fl ) I feehhamay (m) gacalani (fl ) ha'i (fl) I ha'idu (n) hami (fl ) hayi (fl ) I hayo (n) hi,itani (fl) I hi,itano (f) ku 'i ( f1 ) I ku 'iya ( n) kutli (fl ) I kutlay (n) malhhari ( f1) I malhhalo (f) migi (fl ) mtunduri (fl ) I mtunduru (m) naanagi ( f1 f) I nanaga (f) parhhami ( f1 f) I parhhamay (m) puci (fl ) qafi (fl ) I qafo (n) qanqani (fl) I qanqanay (m) qari (fl ) qomi (fl ) I qoomay (m) saxi (fl ) hlufi (fl ) I hlufo (n) white hair frog ant hill phlegm word, utterance lie, slander three days from now trap for birds side maize in a group relation through mother time coolness mane meadow fat, oil salt crack fever vegetable growth now, present feather JOurney time of menstruation water spring pus braveness kind of tree, bird worm, insect in maize piece of (fire )wood anthrax bark mushroom (edible) generation, age mate gourd minor rainy season lip 87 86 hluuhi (fl ) taaqwani ( fl f) I taaqwano (f) ti>itani (fl ) tlaqi (fl ) tlawi (fl ) I tlab eemo (n) tlu rumbuci (fl f) I tlurumbuca (f) tsakumi ( f1 ) I tsakumay (m) t saarami (fl f) I tsarama (n) tsee<i ( f1 ) I tseeciya ( n) cumi (fl ) I 'umay (m) tle esani (fl) I tleesano (n) al>axweesani (fl f) I al>axweesanay rum ancient wooden hoe stomach disease half lake, sea grass near the river spoon reed shin hump of cattle big roads for cows (m) promise b. Ending in a and singular: daqa (fl ) I daqoray (m) daxa (fl ) fala ( fl) I falo ( n) fara (fl ) I fadu (n) gara (fl) I gado (n) hhara (fl) I hhado (n) ila (fl) I ila' (n) iisa (fl) I iiso (n) kura (fl) I kuriya (n) lama ( f1 ) I lameemo ( n) hlaca (fl) I hlaaco (n) hlaqwa ( f1) I hlaqo ( n) hluma (fl) I hlumo (n) tsuma (fl ) I tsumo (n) xatsa (fl ) I xatso (n) darqafa ( f1) I darqeefo ( n ) flock, herd, group now hide, prepared skin bone forest stick eye neck, hump of cow arse, wind lie, falseness bush, wilderness body hedge around house dirt valley scale c. Plural words: karkarmo (m) I karkari (fl) tsawawi (f) I tsawa ( f1 ) caterpillar grass for making mats Morphophonological exceptions. There is a subset of masculine nouns that are morphophonological exceptions in they have a different outcome of the vowel coalescence rule (5) in 2.5. 1 . , namely second vowel, the masculine linker u is deleted and not the first vowel. All nouns with the number suffix -ay belong to this group, as well as masculine en ding in ee , hee 'man' and agee 'dry season', a number of masculine nouns ending 'boy', names for male persons ending in a, such as Buura. Names in a, like garma , linker e.g. Efra>im-u-sin g 'this Efraim'. There is, however, some variation, for 'my play stick' can also heard as dumboo>ee' , with the regular x mp le dumbay>ee' the vowel coalescence rule (5), in 2.5. 1 . of me co ut o e a a The second vowel, the masculine linker -u , is deleted after a vowel and after ay if a tsatayda> 'that knife'. The linker -u becomes w son n co ant follows, tsatay-u-da> vowels (and between ay and a vowel), e.g. tsatay-u-i two tsat aywi 'this n wee et b ma-u-i garmawi 'to the boy'. gar e'; knif Table of mor·phonological exceptions with nominal suffixes. ---+ ---+ ---+ tsatay 'knife' Demonstratives: tsataywi tsataysing tsatayqa' tsatayda> Possessives: tsatay'ee> tsatayw6k tsatayw6s tsatayren tsatayhung tsatay>in Indefinite: tsatayko Adverbial cases: tsatay tsatowa tsatar tsatosa tsataywo hee 'man' garma 'boy' Buura (a name) heewi heesing heeqa' heeda> garmawi garmasing garmaqa> garmada> hee>ee> heew6k heew6s he�ren heehung hee>in garma>ee> Buura>ee> garmaw6k Buuraw6k garmaw6s Buuraw6s . garmaren Buuraren ... garmahung Buurahung garma>in Buura>in heeko garmako hee>i heewa heer heesa heewo garmawi garmawa garmar garmawosa garmawo Buurawi Buurasing Buuraqa> Buurada> Buurako Buurawa Buurawosa Buurawo D IR ABL INSTR REASON BACK Word-finally and before a consonant ay-u results in o , tsatosa 'because of a knife'. The masculine nouns in ay end in oo for the construct case, tsat6o do oh ling 'the knife of your house'. However, hee 'man' is hee in the construct case, only a high tone and no gender linker. For the exceptional masculine nouns ending in a there is variation between 6o and u: garm6o or garmu 'boy of', taat6o 'forefather of', but naan u 'big boy of', filu 'aardvark of', hhiyu 'brother of', hhuumpu 'lung of'. origin of o o in these masculine words in could be the masculine construct case pronoun o o. I cannot explain the exceptional behaviour of these few masculine nouns in a. One some a 89 88 possibility is that these words originally ended in a glottal stop. Nouns ending in masculine. There is a set of masculine nouns ending in a, that might have lost t he glottal stop. With the glottal stop the vowel of the gender linker, u would be according to the syllable reduction rule, ( 4) in 2.3. As a relict, the u is still which must now be stated as an exception to the vowel coalescence rule (5) in However, for those six masculine words that end in a and are mc�rpnoJ:>fi<)nC>lo� exceptions there is no evidence that they once ended in a glottal stop. with their cognates in Alagwa. Alagwa Iraqw hhiiya (m) 'friend' hhiya' (m) 'brother' garmo (m) 'old man' garma (m) 'boy' taata (m) 'grandfather' t aata (m) 'grandfather' hhumpa 'lung' hhumpa (m) 'lung' filu (m) 'aardvark' fila (m) 'aardvark' heeru (m) 'person' hee (m) 'person' naana (m) 'biggest boy among a group of small boys' Some of these words ending in a denote a male person. Maybe they can do withou masculine linker for this reason. boy, son garma (m): garmada> brother hhiya> (m): hhiyada> big among small boys naana (m): naanada> forefather, head of the house taata (m): taatada> man gitla> (m): gitlada> lung, plant near river hhuumpa (m): hhuumpada> aardvark fila (m) : filada> But not every male person falls into this category, as can be seen from: father baaba ( ) baabuda' husband, male hhawata (m): hhawatud a> m : Other morphophonological exceptions: The feminine gender marker -r and the instrumental suffix -r require an epent vowel a after a consonant, e.g. hasam-r-1 -+ hasamari 'these problems' . And if r is preceded by an epenthetic vowel a, r is not deleted before an alveolar cons as it should be according to rule (7) in 2.5.2. hasamarsing 'these problems' hasamarsa 'because of problems' A glide w is inserted before the demonstrative suffix -i following a rounded vowel. is not the regular outcome of the vowel coalescence rule (5) in 2.5.1 ., ui -+ i. hiima-u-i -+ hiimuwi 'this rope' (m) awu-u-i -+ awuwi 'this bull (m) ' t saxwel-u-i -+ tsaxweluwi 'this trap' kadu-i -+ kaduwi 'these skins' (n) But (m) no glide is inserted before the directional suffix yaamu-i -+ yaami 'to the ground' yaamu-i -+ yaamuwi 'this ground' -i in the same context. A glide w is also inserted after a vowel (and after ay ) and before all noun suffixes a st rting in a round vowel: the background suffix -o , the possessive suffixes -ok and -os. awu-u-o -+ awuwo 'bull (m), background case' xa>ano-u-o -+ xa>an owo 'tree (m), background xweera-o -+ xweerawo 'at night (n) ' kol>i-o -+ kol>iwo 'heels (n), background case' hhafeeto-ok -+ hhafeetowok 'your mats (n)' hhafeeto-os -+ hhafeetowos 'his mats (n)' gi>i-ok -+ gi>iwok 'your ghost' hee-os -+ heewos 'his man' uray-os -+ uraywos 'his size' kuru-ku-o -+ kurko 'during the year' case' This does not hold for the pronouns. ku-ok -+ kok 'yours (m/n) ta-os -+ tos 'his/hers' (f) The vowels of the independent pronouns and of the ( ml) and ( fl) gender markers assimilate to the following vowel if the intermediate consonant is uvular, or glottal. dici-ta->in -+ diciti>in 'their fat (fl)' diwi-ta-hung -+ diwtuhung 'your salt (fl ) ' ti-qa> -+ taqa' IND EP.F:DEM3 'that one (f)' t o-'ee' -+ te>ee' INDEP.F: l .SG.POSS 'mine (f)' ko-'ee' -+ kwe'ee> INDEP.M/N:l .SG.POSS 'mine (m) or (n)' The vowel of the ( f1 ) gender marker ta assimilates optionally to the vowel of the following suffix if the intermediate consonant is s. Something similar can be observered in buharesa ( -+ ) buharasa 'because of the rainy season'. hluftasing ( -+ ) hluftisin g 'this lip' diwtasing (-+) diwtising 'this salt' The word-final nasal of noun suffixes such as -sing DEM2, -ren 'our' is deleted in fast sp eech and the truncated word fuses with the following word. 91 90 sagerhi fox for sagerhung i fox 'Your heads have gwasiwa ale for gawasing wa ale 'from that' gasa mibi for gasing a mila 'What is that thing?' kor6 kila> for koren o o kihi> 'Just ours.' word bal a> 'those days, the past' contains the word bal 'day' and a reduced form trat ive -da> . of the demons demonstratives -da> and -qa' are often used for nouns that are mentioned earlier. present tense and da> for past tense. for qa' a hole.' The word-final nasal deletion has its parallel in the short forms of the pronouns aning, at for aten , ku for kuung and ki for kiing, and in are for areen g 'here are'. 3.4.1 . The demonstrative suffixes hiimuwi hiimusin g hiimuqa' h iimuda> hasamari hasamasing hasamarqa' hasamada> gi>i (n) 'ghost' gi>ika gi>ising gi'iqa' gi>ida' i-r gwaa>-i nee daaqay-w6s ku-da> meet ta hee-qa> laa ga gurbuu> a man-D EM3 today Q.3:0:2.SG.F:PERF inform:3.SG.M:PAST COP heema tlay Hasama-DEM4 before IMPS-HIT-BACK leave:3.SG.M 'That Hasarna (place name) they had come from.' a hhiya->ee' caacaamfn a bala> throw: PAST 'He uprooted trees . . . . . Those trees were thrown away.' cry-DUR:3.SG.M 'Mother cried with her boys, with whom she remained.' · maray-d a> ka mother with boys-3.SG.POSS INDEP.M/N-DEM4 stay:M IMP S hharti hhartasin g hhartaqa' hhartada> aangw ti-ndi-wa xa>i-da> kwaahh aama The feminine linker -r is deleted before the alveolar consonants of the demonstrat suffixes -sing and -da> according to rule (7) in 2.5.2. The final stem vowel masculine nouns assimilates to the neighbouring u of the linker and results in a short vowel, hiimuqa, hiimuwi, rule (5) in 2.5. 1 . A stem final glottal stop is d a consonant follows, duunga>-ka ---+ duungaka 'this nose', rule (8) in 2.5.2. The the ( fl ) linker is deleted before the demonstrative i, hharti, rule ( 5) in 2.5 . 1 . The stem vowels preceding the ( m1) and ( f1) linkers are deleted if the neighbouring s contain short vowels, kurkusing, hhartasing, rule (4) in 2 .3. The masculine -u is deleted after ngw, e.g. dangw-u-da> ---+ dangwda> 'that elephant', dangw---+ dangwi 'this elephant', gura>-u-i ---+ guru>-wi ---+ guruwi 'this stomach', rule ( in 2.5.2. The demonstrative da> is used for referring to the past. hasama-da> tuuc death-F-DEM3 brother- l .SG.POSS S.3-INSTR die:INT-INF:S.3 'Is that a death for my brother to die?' (after a sentence about t he way he died.) The demonstrative da> is often used on a noun followed by a relative clause although other demonstratives can be used as well, or else the head noun is in construct case. ( 14) Table of demonstratives: (m1 ) and (fl ) nouns. kuru (m1 ) 'year' hhara (fl ) 'stick' kurkwi kurkusing kurkuqa' kurkuda> i-na trees O.N-PAST uproot:3.SG.M:PAST trees-DEM4 0.3:IMPS:O.N:PERF gwara-r-qa' There are four demonstratives varying in distance to the speaker. Near the s i or ka, near the addressee, sing, near neither of them but still visible, qa> , away, d a>. The demonstrative i has an allomorph ka for neuter nouns. ( 13 ) Table of demonstratives. hiima (m) 'rope' hasam (f) 'problems' xa>i caseemi houses-DEM4 day:that COP flat:roof:house 'Those houses of that period were flat roofed houses.' who 'The man who informed you today is who?' The demonstratives qa> and da> can be reduplicated, in which case the glott al stop of the first suffix is deleted. The reduplicated -dada> is used with nouns that have been mentioned previously and that are either invisible or in the past. The invisible referent can be close in proximity, for example the girl's brother who is hidden in a box next to her is refered to as hhiyaw6s kudada> 'that brother of hers'. mu-k-qa-qa> i-na daqari>iit people-M1-DEM3-DEM3 S .3-PAST become:rich:3.SG.M:PAST 'Those people have become rich.' ino>in a mu-k-da-da> yaamu g1 3.PL COP people-DEM4-DEM4 land 'They are the people who rule over the land.' sawawiti>i> iim 0.3:0.N rule:M 93 92 3.4.2. The possessive suffixes The possessive sufixes distinguish person and number, not gender. The suffixes (15) Table of possessive suffixes. -'ee' LSG -ren l .PL -ok 2.SG -hung 2.PL 3.SG -'in -6s 3.PL ( 16) Examples with the possessive suffixes. guru>ee' guruwok guruwos mururen muruhung muru>in gura> (m) 'stomach' mura> (m) 'things' hasamar'ee' hasamarok hasamaros hasamaren hasamarhung hasamar>in hasam (f) 'dilemma' hhafeeto>ee' hhafeetowok hhafeetowos hhafeetoren hhafeetohung hhafeeto>in hhafeeto ( n) 'mats' ( 17) Examples with possessive suffixes: (m1 ) and (fl ) nouns. afkwe>ee' hharte>ee' afko k hhartok afkos hhartos mukren hhartaren mukhung .hhartahung muk>in hharti>in afa (m1) 'mouth' hhara ( fl) 'stick' muu (m1 ) 'people' The feminine linker -r is deleted if followed by ren 'our', rule (7) in 2.5.2. The first person singular possessive suffix >ee> has an allomorph -'een if another initial suffix follows. di-r->een-ee place-F - 1 . SG. POSS-BACK 'at my place' di-r-'een-i place-F- I .SG .POSS-D IR 'to me' dawa-ku->een-ar hand-M1-1 .SG.POSS-INSTR 'with my hand' The plural possessive is used for possession by the family. aaku>in 'his dooren 'my noun kila> (m) 'just, very' followed by a possessive pronoun translates as a reflexive pron oun. (18 ) Table of 'self'. 'myself' kilo'ee 'yourself' kilok 'herself, himself' kilos kiloren or kiloten 'ourselves' 'yourselves' kilohung 'themselves' kilo> in T he form kilos 'her/himself' is derived from kila> 'very, just' in a regular way: kila>­ u-os ---+ kilu>-wos ---+ kiluos ---+ kilos The other forms are slightly irregular in that they have o as a linker instead of probably by analogy with the third person singular form. The most commonly used form for the first person plural is kiloren , but kiloten is also used every now and then. Maybe kiloten is the archaic form because -ten is used for -ren 'our' in some formal texts. T he father', lit. 'their father' house', lit. 'our house' u, kil os can also mean 'only'. Compare tan guu> kilos 'They are only sleeping' to tan kilo>in guu> 'They are sleeping alone'. In the meaning 'only', either kil os or kilo>in is used to refer to neuter nouns. In the following sentence kilos can be replaced by kilo>in 'only'. ga-r ta a cag fu >unay kilos thing:CON-F D EP.S. 1 / � eat:2.SG COP ineat 'What you eat is only meat.' only 3.4 .3. The indefinite suffixes The indefinite suffixes indicate that the noun is indefinite but specific. It is not (yet) identified. The suffixes can be translated with 'a certain'. (19) The indefinite suffixes. ko 'a rope' MAS C hiimu ko MASC 1 mukko 'some people' ka FEM 'one or other dilemma' hasamarka FEM1 hhartaka 'a stick' kaariya> NEUT hhafeetokaariya> 'some mats' The form of the suffix after neuter nouns seems to consist of a feminine stem ka followed by the gender linker r and the ending -iya> which is used for verbs with a neuter subject. The suffixes are often used in the opening paragraphs of a story, e.g. loo>a-r-ka wak-ee garma-ko hoot-at-in , day-F-INDEF one-BACK boy-INDEF S.3 live-HAB-3.SG.M 'On a day a certain boy lives, . . . ' The suffixes are also used for introducing an important character or the clue of the 95 94 dakw ( +- dawa-ku ) story. For stylistic purposes the name of the character or the clue is postponed, example in the story of Aama Ermii: loo >itleer ni-na next:day ti>it The modifier can be another noun, an adjective, a numeral, or a relative clause. hharta baabu>ee' 'the stick of my father' di<it a cawak 'white fat, cream' daaq6o tsar 'two boys' gar ni hlaa> 'the thing that I want' makito>o-r-ka, HIT-PAST come:out:3.SG.F animal-F-INDEF.F makito>o-r-i ka babay AamaErmii animal-F-DEMl 0.3:IMPS:O.F call:PAST AamaErmii 'The next day an animal came out, this animal was called AamaErmii.' The suffix is also used for an entity among the previously mentioned ones which is crucial. daaqay tarn boys three traps garma-ko 0.3:0.M-PAST put; 1-na 6t The noun is also in the construct case if it immediately precedes the verb; see 7.2.2. an-a qaas ; ar tsaxwel gu-na gwarehh boy-INDEF.M S.3-PAST seize:3.SG.F gazelle 'Three boys placed traps; the trap of one of the boys caught a gazelle.' The indefinite suffix can mean 'another' if it used in opposition to a definite entity. kung m-a-s t o-ka-sa da>eemiit-aan LPL Some nouns with the construct case suffix have a more general meaning than their corresponding bare nouns translatable by prepositions in English. This is especially true for the expression pf location. The most commonly used ones are: INDEP.F-INDEF.F-REAS fear-l .PL 'Why are you afraid of this one; we are afraid of a certain other one ( t about hyenas) . ' 3.4.4. The construct case suffix Nouns that are followed by a modifier are in the construct case. The construct suffix is not preceded by a gender linker but agrees in gender with the noun. The has a high tone. The segmental form of the suffix is similar to the gender linker, for the a for neuter nouns. (20) The construct case suffix and gender markers. MASC MASCl FEM FEMl NEUTER ku r Noun + CON dir 'to' am6r 'at' daandu 'on' ala 'behind' guruu 'inside' gamu 'under' bihhaa 'beside' tlaca ( ng ) 'between' yaama 'down' tseeca 'outside' qoomar 'at' afiqoomar 'until' d6o 'of (in names) ' ta (21 ) Examples of nouns in construct case. tsaxwel (m) 'trap' kuru ( ml) 'year' waahla (f) 'python' dici ( f1 ) 'fat' gi>i (n) 'ghost' tsaxwehi dangw 'elephant trap' kurku cisa> 'last year' waahlar ur 'a big python' dicita cawak 'cream' gi'a heeda> 'the ghost of that man' If the (ml ) gender marker ku follows a velar consonant word-finally, then the realised as a labialised velar consonant, kw. sagw ( f- saga-ku ) 'head of' uruux The construct case suffix can follow a demonstrative suffix. mukdu ayaka 'those people of this land' harerir Matle 'this wife of Matle' hhaysoka see>aay 'this tail of the dog' da>eemit ; aten a ti hiimu l .SG-S.l /2 rope: CON pull:l .SG 'I pull the rope.' INDEP.CON.F 2.SG.M P ROH-S.l/2-REAS INDEP.F:DEMl fear:2.SG 'hand of' ku . Noun di (f) 'place' amo (f) 'place' daanda (m) 'back' alu (n) 'space behind' gura' (m) 'stomach' gamnangw (m) 'trunk' bihhii> (n) 'side' tlacangw (m) 'middle' yaamu (n) 'earth' tseeca (n) 'outside' qooma 'period of time' afa 'mouth' and qooma do> (m) 'house' 'time' In personal names d6o 'house of' is used to indicate family affiliation, father or grand­ father, e.g. Saygilo d6o Mageena 'Saygilo son of Mageena'. Some nouns of location lack the gender linker, they only have the high tone on the last syllable, for example afa 'at the edge of' instead of afku as in afku do> 'door, lit. mouth of house'. 97 96 gawa 'on' geera 'before' afa 'at the edge of' bara 'in' gawa ( fl ) 'top' geera (m) 'front' afa (ml ) 'mouth' bara (fl) 'side' or baray (n) 'space below' Qwaam is Qwaam in construct case Daantsiim or Diintsimar isDantsiim in construct Muray is Muray in construct case Dongobesh is Dongobesh in construct case case The construct case form of tlacangw 'middle' is sometimes reduced to tlaca. tlaca feehhit skin S .3-CONSEC middle:CON get:torn.3.SG.F 'The skin got torn in the middle.' Some of these nouns are body parts, e.g. others are locative concepts. daanda 'back', gura> lo cat ional noun daandu 'back of' is used to express the locational relationship bet ween a smaller object and a larger surface. iwit guru gawa daandu Noun - daandu meesa kitangw gwa iwit aa S .3:PERF sit:3.SG.F top:CON chair 'She is sitting on the chair.' The lo cational noun for 'behind'. daandu is sometimes used for 'behind', but normally alu is used daandu hunkay sun S .3 back:CON cloud 'The sun is behind the cloud.' iwit alu-'ee) S.3:PERF behind-l .SG.POSS sit:3.SG.F 'She is sitting behind me.' When used as nouns of location, these nouns have a more general meaning compared to when they are independent nouns. daandu is used for 'about', 'concerning' or 'on behalf of'. in6s DIR ABL BACK gwa S.3 :PERF sit:3.SG.F top:CON back:CON table 'She is sitting on the table. ' aa Nouns of general location, such as bara, dir, and amor, can . be followed by nouns of locational position, e.g. bara daandu, ba:ni gawa, , and baraguru';� others. The thre� general nouns of location:, bara, dir , and amor, cannot Futhermore, direction can be specified by the directive or ablative case suffixes, or the preposition ay 'to'. � � 'It does not go into my brain.' loo'a i 'stomach' , afa 'mou sakw-'een-e gwa enter<DUR>:3.SG.F-INF-NEG top:CON head:Ml-l.SG.POSS-BACK aa There is also no linker in certain place names: kah ari i-ri s .3 da<r>t-a-ka daandu yah <am>iis uray-wos-e 3.SG S.3 ask<DUR>:3.SG.M back:CON seize-3.SG.POSS-BACK 'He is asking about his size.' ti>ita- r- i a daandu K wacangw nee Konkomo story- F- DEMl COP back:CON hare 'This story is about the Hare and the Cock.' i Only very few other combinations of these locative words are possible; examples 'on top of', gawa bara. gawa daandu kisingay i gwa bara horonday haratsooc snail S .3 tGp:CON in:CON sediment:CON squeeze:3.SG.M:PRES 'The snail is squeezing little things in the sediment of the beer.' The meaning of the verb is relevant. Some verbs require a locative complement. verbs are inherently �irectional. aldakuut ar daandu and cock do> S.3 wonder:3.SG.M:PRES INSTR back:CON house nguwa tseeg 0 .3:DEP.S.3:0.M-BACK close:3.SG.M:PAST 'He wonders whether he closed up the house.' in6s yac <ac > an daandu xeemu yesuwo 3.SG 8.3 agree<HAB>:3.SG .M back:CON coming:CON Jesus 'He believes in the coming of Jesus.' 99 98 in6s mu-k ateet-in daandu wawut mo.. 3.SG S.3 people:CO N-Ml call-DUR:3.SG.M back:CON king-AB L ale RES PRO 'He calls the people on behalf of the king' is rarely used as an independent noun. bara is used for a location within aries, but with focus on within and not on the boundaries, typically used with ments such as land, forest, objects with an inside. bara xar-ta kaw l .S G-S.l/2 in:CON forest-Fl:CON go:l .SG 'I go into the forest. ' bara Tansaniya-r-o umuu hee-wo ilawaac girls ngu-na ifiis lion makay bara bara daqikaro dawe hhap ee-r-o bara gar-t-o The meaning can be extended t o a temporal concept, meaning 'during, within a cert time'. deel6-r wakee in:CON day:CON-F one-BACK 'during one day' bara tiqti-r-o in:CON illness-F-BACK 'during the illness' bara bara guru 'inside' bara gawa 'on top bara daandu 'on' aama sometimes elephants S.3 come:out :3.SG.F in:CON forest-Fl -BACK 'Sometimes elephants come out of the forest. ' bara yacab bara hheeku of the house' · of' dir indicates a general location. Compare: RESPRO ti>imit finish:F in:CON can be followed by other nouns of location to specify the locative relation . _The . most frequent combinations are: tlakway-i ale put:IMP in:CON bag-DIR ' Put it into the bag.' COP very animal:CON-F badness hleemeero bara ma1ze HIT:PERF come:out: 3.SG.F in:CON soil-F-BA CK 'The maize is coming out of the soil.' qaas tlakway hhe>ees bara har bara afa 'up to the mouth' ay bar a darma 'into the forest' a r bara guru d o > 'from the inside qaymo ti>it Iowa makit6-r girl 0 .3:H�T:O.F-PAST send:3.SG.F in:CON fetching:water 'She sent the girl to fetch water.' The noun of location bara can be modified by preceding prepositions: manure 0 .3:S.3.PL:O.M-PAST spread:3.SG.M:PAST in:CON cayto>o na iraqw animals all 'The lion is the worst of all animals.' The meaning can be extended to express purpose with verbal nouns. bara field 'The girls spread the manure over the field.' kangw · dasi ngi-na 0.3:DEP.S .3:0.M-EXPEC respect:3.SG.M:PRES 'Within Tanzania, everybody respects the President.' dasu xawa bara IS dirangw a raysi in:CON Tanzania-F-BACK every:CON man-BACK president n gu-n a story-F-DEM l COP in:C ON matter:CON Iraqw 'This story is in Iraqw. ' also used in comparisons to indicate the group among which the comparison b ara is rn ade. , bara an-a ti>ita-r-i is not restricted to situations in place or time, for example bara do> grandmother S.3 in:CON house 'Grandmother is inside the house.' aama di-r do> grandmother S.3 place:C ON-F house 'Grandmother is at home.' dir is often used with verbs that involve direction, such as 'give to', 'send to', 'ask sb. ', 'depart for', 'go to', 'arrive'. i hhar-ta han<m>iis di-r hhawata S.3 stick-Fl:CON give<DIR>:3.SG.M:PRES place:C ON-F man 'He gives the stick to a man.' ngi-na yahaas di-r aning 0 .3:HIT:O.F-PAST ask:3.SG.M:PAST place:CON-F l .SG 'He asked me something.' 101 100 baha d i-r doo harmat ay df-r huuriin kasfr in 6s tlaqati nga-na hyena place:CON-F house:CON gazelle 0.3:HIT:O.F-PAST 'Hyena went to the house of Gazelle.' 3.S G S.3 potatoes:CON-F cook:3.SG.F to place:CON-F be:ripe:3.SG.F 'Sh e will cook the potatoes until they are ready.' hhay caga yaamu g-i-na clan i-na hardat di-r cannibals S.3-PAST arrive:3.SG.F place:CON-F tlaw-ti-da-da' lake-F 1-D EM4-D EM4 'The cannibal clan arrived at that lake.' In the following sentence dir is obligatory because the verb requires a locative ment. na harakfic df-r hhare-r-o s-i HIT : PERF return:3.S G.M:PAST place:CON-F wife-F-3.S G.PO SS-DIR ale RES PRO 'He returned to his wife.' hee n1 xuu> di-r man:CON DEP.S.l.SG know:l.SG:SBJV place:C ON-F mu-k-qa'-e� . i kaahh people-M1-DEM3-BACK S .3 absent:3.SG.M:PRES 'There is nobody that I k:riow among those people.' kangw Iraqw a matter:CON Iraqw a Iowa atbhhamiit S.3:PERF very be:easy:3.SG.M:PAST ga-r kila> di-r dfr i s very often used i n combination with the preposition sponding directive case suffix -i. ta> <a' > in df-r doohlitee-r-o ay di-r ay 'to' o r with the co konkomo soko-r-i aw l.SG O.M-PAST place:CON-F market-F-DIR go: l .SG 'I met him at the market.' The combination ay dir an a qaat dfr can also mean 'until' . afa loohi l . SG S .1/2 lie: l .S G place:CON-F mouth:CON path 'I will lie down at the edge of the path.' gamu akweesi here place:CON-F under:CON cooking:stones 'There under the cooking stones.' di-r iimii-r-o tla'ang place:C ON-F middle:CON people-F-BACK 'from the middle of the people' amor is very similar in use and meaning to dir. It is used with the s�me kind of verbs. do>-fn amo-r hardah gwa-r1 di-r S .3-PAST run<HAB>:3.SG.M to place:F-CON cock 'He ran to the cock.' aning u-na water coming:out 'He dug the land until water came out. ' Ap art from afiqoomar 'until, lit . mouth of period of', other nouns of location can modify the spatial relation, dir afa 'at the edge of' and dir gamu 'under'. tsaxaar amo-r dasi OR ay 0.3:0.F-CONSEC throw:3.SG.M:PAST place:CON-F girl cultivating COP thing:CON-F just place:CON-F farmers-F-BAC K 'Cultivating i s the crucial thing for farmers. ' 1-na ma'ay ti>inangw IMPS-CONSEC arrive:PAST place:CON-F house-3.PL.POSS 'And they arrived at their house.' place:C ON-F iraqw-M-BACK 'The Iraqw language is very easy for an Iraqw person.' doohla land ta-ri irqwatu-w-o d i- r 0.3-0.N-PAST dig:3.SG.M:PAST to place:CON-F until:C ON-F hanoos df-r dfr is also used to mean 'among, with regard to, for' followed by a collective then requires the background suffix. afiqo o ma-r ay di-r d oohl dasi place:CON-F girl 'And he threw it to the girl.' As a noun of location am or is less frequent than 'place', amo is preferred to di. in6s amo-r dfr. to As an independent noun for saaw hoot 3.SG S .3 place:CON-F far:F live:3.SG.M:PRES 'He lives in a place far away.' Some of these locative nouns also occur in compound verbs; see 4.4. 103 102 3.4.5. The adverbial role case clitics The directive, ablative, instrumental and reason case clitics occur in the posi mediately before the verb and are cliticised to the preceding noun if there is one noun is not necessarily the object of the case relation. In the following sentence is put i?�o the beer and not the other way around but the noun sumu 'poison ' the pos1t10n before the verb so that the case suffix is cliticised to it. buura ' sentence-initial because the sequence in time is that you have the beer first an d put the poison into it. 'L et me go to that place.' sumi a 1-r qaas-aan tlawaan bara cattle-DEM1:N O.N-INST R leave:l .PL 'We depart with these cows. ' Nouns with a directive, ablative, instrumental o r reason case suffix can occur position after the verb and must then be followed by a resumptive pronoun ale. 1-na dah bara · bohong-i ale S.3-PAST enter:3.SG .M:PAST in:CON pit-DIR RESPRO 'He entered the pit . ' The directive, instrumental; and reason clitics, but not the ablative clitic - have sponding prepositio ns. The prepositio ns consist of a (the copula?) plus t he clitic. reason prepositio n lacks the final a of the reason clitic -sa, which brings it into with the other prepositions. ar 'by, with' ( INSTR) as 'because' (REASON ) ay 'to' (DIR) The adverbial role case clitics are attached to the noun phrase to the suffix of modified noun, or to the bare noun. Only if these case suffixe� are attached to unmodifie d noun, does a gender linker precede. If the noun has a demonstra tive possessive suffix, the case suffix can follow immediately without an extra gender g-a ad6-r hhoo>-ar tlehh 0 .3-0.F manner:C ON-F nice-INST R do:3.SG.F 'She is doing it in a nice way.' na am6-r saaw wa HIT:PER F place:CO N-F far 'He returned from far away.' ni amo-di kfic ABL return:3.S G.M:PAS T aw kicima-wok-sa DEP:S. l .SG place-DE M4:DIR go: l .SG:SBJV gurhamut-a? S .1/ 2 return-2.SG.POSS-REAS regret:2.SG:INT-INF 'Do you regret your return?' 'because of this rope' h iimuwisa hiima-u-i-sa dakw>eesa dawa-ku-'ee'-sa 'because of my hand' 'to you (lit.: to your place) ' di-r-6k-i dir6 gi 'from me (from my place) ' di-r-'ee>-wa dir' eewa The feminine indefinite suffix requires an extra gender linker, if followed by a case clitic. beer O.F-EXPE C poison:DIR put-l .PL 'We put poison into the beer. ' If there is no noun, the case clitic is suffixed to the preceding object pronoun. hikwa- ka d6ohl LS G :S.l/2 hand:Ml-l .SG.POSS-INSTR dig:l .SG 'I dig with my hand. ' · buura a-n dakw->een-ar an a qa-qeer xats-ta-ka-r-wa S.3 in:CON valley-Fl-INDEF.F-F-ABL HAB-graze:3.SG.F 'It usually grazes in a certain valley.' Case clitics can follow personal pronouns without a gender linker, e.g. yo u ' and: kuung-wa kuung-i 'to meetin S .3 2.SG.M- ABL remain-DUR:3.SG.M 'He avoids you.' Case clitics can also follow the independent pronouns. in os kwe-'een-ar doohl 3.SG S .3 IND_EP :M/N- l .SG.POSS-INSTR cultivate:3.SG.M:PRES 'He is digging with mine.' aten a t o-ka-sa da>eemiit-aan l .PL S . 1 /2 INDEP.F-INDEF.F-REAS fear-l .PL 'We are afraid of a certain one.' an-a If t i-da-wa meet-iim l .S G-S.1 /2 INDEP.F-DEM4-ABL remain-DUR: l .SG 'I avoid that one.' a case marker is suffixed to a bare noun, a gender linker precedes. 3 .4.5. 1 . The directive case suffix The directive case suffix is -i . The suffix is preceded by a gender linker, for feminine nouns. There is no gender linker for neuter nouns, nor' for masculine nouns, but there is a gender linker for (ml ) nouns. hiima (m) basa (ml ) 'rope' 'south' hi-imi baskwi 105 104 waahla (f) 'python' hhara (fl) 'stick' lohu (n) 'roads' tlakway i-na waahlari hharti lohi bar a hiimi ale 'to the rope', cf. bar a hiimuwi ale 'to this rope' bara waqti ale 'into the intestines', cf. bani waqtuwi ale 'into testines' awi 'to the bull', cf. awuwi 'this bull' tsatay 'to the knife', cf. tsataywi 'this knife' guri 'to the stomach', cf. guruwi 'this stomach' these bara hhar-ti ale wacangw-i dah IMP S-PAST pit-DIR 'They entered the pit.' enter:PAST With the verb dah 'to enter' the directive is also used if the verb has the metapno1�walt�l meaning of starting. ka-na dah g<am>iisu-w-o 0 .3:IMPS: 0.3 DIR enter:PAST killing<DUR>-M-BACK 'They started the killing.' 3.4.5.2. The ablative case suffix The ablative case suffix has the form -wa, and is preceded by a gender linker. The of the (m1) marker ku is deleted before wa, baskwa 'from the south ', and the li -u is deleted after o, according to the vowel coalescence rule (5), 2.5.1 ., xa'ano­ xa>anowa 'from the tree'. tsatseec (m) 'stars' tsatecuwa basa (m1 ) 'south' baskwa Arusha (f) n.pr.loci Arusharwa hhara (fl) 'stick' hhartawa gi>i (n) 'ghost' gi>iwa _, The meaning of the suffix is movement away from the noun. ale i ti>iit ala hikwa-wa ale 8.3 go:out:3.8G.M:PRE8 behind:CON cattle-ABL RE8PRO ' He appears from behind the cattle. ' Basili n-i-na ti> <ii' > in iimi-r Kuta- r-wa Basili HIT-8.3-PA8T run<HAB>:3.8G.M point:CON-F Kuta- F- ABL RE8PRO 'Basili was running to me from Kuta.' sack-DEM1 put-IMP.SG.O in:CON stick-F1 :DIR RESPRO 'Put this sack on a stick.' ta-na hhar-ta-wa ale The directive is mostly used in situations that involve motion and can often be lated by 'to, on, into' (direction, spatial relation of a small object in relation surface, ingression). The suffix is frequent with verbs like aw 'to go', qaas 'to dah 'to enter'. dahas-eek gawa bag ' The bag fell from the stick.' As a consequence, the distinction between a masculine noun with a directive an d a demonstrative suffix -i is not only tonal in most cases. tlakway-i huu' S.3-PAST fall:3. 8G.M:PA8T top:CON stick-F1-ABL RE8PRO The difference between -wa and -i is basically one between source and goal as can be seen from the following example. kar umuu well every watl-i, hee-wo i-wa bara chumba-r-6s-i man-BACK 8.3-BACK in:CON room-F-3.8G.P08S-DIR du>uma i go:home-3.8G.M:8BJV leopard axmamis-ii-ke bara chumba-r-6 s-wa 8 .3 in:CON room-F-3.8G.P088-ABL xweera-wo. hear-8.3:INF:INT-NEG:BACK night-BACK 'When every man returned to his room, didn't the leopard listen from his room in the night? ' The ablative i s obligatory with certain verbs. The ablative i s used with verbs such as meet 'to leave, to avoid'. d o>-6g-wa meet-in 8.3 house-M-2.8G.P088-ABL remain-DUR:3.8G.M 'He avoids your house.' bas-ku-wa meet-in 8.3 south-M1-ABL remain-DUR:3.8G.M 'He avoids the south.' Sometimes the ablative can be extended in meaning. In the following sentence the ablative suffix is interchangeable with the instrumental suffix -ar: hikwaw6gar instead of hikwaw6gwa. ku bihhaa hikwa-w6g-wa 0.3:DEP.8.1 /2:0.M side:N:CON cattle-2.8G.P088-ABL nunu-m-is suck-DUR-CAU8:2.8G.M 'You should let it (the child) suck on your cattle.' Very often the ablative suffix is used for general location. 107 106 bara xats-ta-ka-r-wa qa-qeer S.3 in:CON valley-F1 -INDEF- F-ABL HAB-graze:3 .SG.F 'It usually grazes in a certain valley. ' anfng a bara qaym o-r-f-w a doohl-a-ka l .S G S . 1 /2 in:CO N field-F -DEM 1-ABL dig:l .SG-IN F-NE G 'I don't dig in this field.' The ablative can also be used for reason. gi>i-wa da>eemiit asma tluway or tluway-wa ale rain-A BL RESP RO And the ablative can also be used for expressions of time. ka tlatla 'ang-wa laqan 0.3:IMPS: O.F afternoon-ABL show:PRES 'It is shown in the afternoon.' With verbal nouns the ablative is used with no specific Iocational mean ing. b<u>r gaasa-r-wa 'h la> ' COND < O.M> killing-F-ABL . want:2. S G 'If you want to kill it.' tluway fiiro-r-wa ale asking-F-ABL RESPRO rain 'in order to ask for rain' 3.4.5.3. The instrumental case suffix The form of the instru mental suffix is r after vowels and ar after consonant s . . . preceded bY a gender lmker The gender linker u assimilates to th preced'mg resultin g in one vowel o in dugu no-u -r dug ( u ) nor 'with the thurn :' hiima (m) 'rope' hiimur dawa (rn1) 'hand ' dakwa r kop o (f) 'cup' kopo�ar hhara (fl ) 'stick' hhartar gi>i (n) 'ghost' IS d ugno-r · � The fery,tinine noun dabe 'har{ds' has no linker before the mental suffix ar sulti. �g dabe-ar � dabar. In tsatar 'with a knife ', theinstru dipht hong ay is red ' to a m the final closed syllable. m The suffix indicates that the noun is used as an instrument. loloqo os dab-ar ana fool-lit LS G -8. 1 /2 hands-INSTR dig-MIDDLE:l .SG 'I dig with my hands.' instrumental suffix is also used to indicate manner, comitative, or exchange. ado-r S .3 ghost-ABL fear:3.SG.M:PRES 'He is afraid of ghosts.' becaus e rain 'becau se of the rain' i S .3 thumb-INSTR point :3.SG.M:PRES ' He pushes with his thumb.' . hlaw-aan ki-r manner:CON-F 0.3:IMPS : O.N-INSTR get- l .PL ' How do we get them?' hikwa-ka i-r tlaw-aan catt le-DEMl.N O.N-INSTR leave-l .PL ' We depart with these cows. ' ka-r warahas 0.3:DEP.S .l/2 :0.F-INSTR exchange:2.SG:SBJV 'You should change with her.' 3.4.5.4. The reason case suffix The form of the suffix is sa. It is preceded by a gender linker. The suffix sa indicates reason. tsatsecusa tsatseec (m) 'stars' hiimusa hiima (m) 'rope' qarkusa qara (rnl) 'poison' hasamarsa hasama (f) 'dilemma' da>awtasa da>awi (fl ) 'family tie' gi>isa gi>i (n) 'ghost' The final stern vowel of neuter nouns can optionally assimilate to the a of sa, buharesa or buharasa 'because of the rainy season', gi>isa or gi>asa 'because of the ghosts'. 3.4.6. The background case suffix The form of the suffix is -o , preceded by a linker agreeing in gender with the noun. tsaxweluwo tsaxwel (m) 'trap' kurko kuru (ml) 'year' waahlaro waahla (f) 'python' hharto hhara (fl ) 'stick' gi>iwo gi>i (n) 'ghost' The suffix has the allomorph -ee or -hee without a gender linker after nouns ending in a high tone; -hee after vowels and semivowels, -ee after consonants. The suffix has the effect of lowering the preceding high tones. 108 maamay (m) 'uncle·' da<aw (f) 'east' 109 maamayhee dacawee kurmo u-n The background suffix can follow possessive or demonstrative suffixes. is - ( h ) ee since these suffixes end in a high tone. ba>armo i kaahh bara danu-w-i-hee bee S.3 be:absent:3.SG.M:PRES in:CON honey-M-DEM1-B 'There is no bee in this honey.' The background suffix can also follow adjectives and other nominal modifiers. suffix is attached to the noun phrase, not to the noun. The allomorph of the b suffix after modifiers is - ( h ) ee, also after adjectives with a low tone, i.e. if the of the head noun is feminine; see 5. 1 . In the following example da<aat has low because dasi is feminine. Therefore boo< in boo<-ee-ka-he must have a low well. The background suffix is still - ( h ) ee and not -o . ka dasi-r-i boo<-ee-ka-hee. ahla>ay girl-F-DEMl 0.3:IMPS:O.F black-BACK-NEG:INT-BACK no da<aat ka Nouns with a background suffix cannot occur i�mediately before the verb. tion of the suffix is to estabHsh a domain that is either backgrounded, nega questioned. · Or by establishing the noun phrase as a domain, the noun phrase is preted as being separate or complete. See also 7.4. In the following example, the addition of the suffix indicates that the roof in q is affected completely and not just part of it. qaas gawa daandu do' sand O.M put:3.SG.M:PRES top:CON back:M:CON house 'He puts sand on top of the roof.' hhasangw u sand do>-o If qaas gawa daandu O.M put:3.SG.M:PRES top:CON back:M:CON house-BACK 'He makes the roof of sand.' the suffix is used after an extraposed coordinated noun, it has the meaning of addition to'. Thus the extraposed noun phrase with the background suffix has to interpreted as a separate whole, different from the noun with which it is coordin The background suffix can only be used if the coordinated noun phrase is extra sentence-finally. kurmo nee kitangw i-n naanu u-na tlaaxw cay-aan naanu means nee kasiis vegetables O.M-PAST eat- l .PL and potatoes 'We ate vegetables and potatoes.' suffix is obligatory after comparable enti ties. Th e umuu hee-wo every umu 'every' because the meaning of 'every' excludes <ayma g-a hlaa' umuu man-BACK eating 0 .3-0.F like:3.SG.M:PRES every deelo-r-o day-F-BACK 'Everybody wants to eat every day.' umuu fu>unay i ala daya>-a every meat S.3 be:present:3.PL:INT-INF but 'Is there any meat present? (implying: no)' The background suffix is part of the word for all, hleemee-r-o because 'all' is a whole, excluding other entities; the original base, hleemee, means 'also'. dirangw a lion makay 16wa makit6-r tlakway hhe)ees bara COP very animal:CON-F badness hleemee-r-o finish in:C ON animals also-F-BACK 'The lion is the most dangerous animal of all.' The background suffix has to precede the negative suffix. The preceding is taken as the complement of negation. iraqw a and chair O.N-EMPH buy:l .S G hoe 'I'll buy a hoe and a chair.' nee kitang-o The backgro und suffix is not used on the noun phrase with umu in a negative sentence or in a question implying negation. 0.3:IMPS:O.F red:F 'Isn't this girl black? No, she is light-skinned.' hhasan gw u tlaaxw O.M-EMPH buy:l .SG and chair:M-BACK hoe 'I'll b uy a hoe, and a chair in addition to it. ' wing sentence the background suffix is impossible because In the follo 'side- dish ' and thus can only be eaten together with the potatoes. doohlitee-r-o-ka Iraqw COP farmers-F-BACK-NEG 'Iraqw are not farmers.' hee-wi a garma-wo-ka man-DEM1 COP boy-BACK-NEG 'This man is not a boy,' ga-sing a ma>ay-wo-ka thing-DEM2 COP water-BACK-NEG 'This thing is not water.' 111 110 d oohla-r ni doohl ar ti><im> it b ara digging: CON-F DEP.S. l .S G dig:l .SG:SBJV IND EP.CON.F time-IN DEF-F- BACK elephan ts S.3 come:out<DUR > :3.SG.F in:CON field-F-D EMl-BACK- NEG 'I don't dig in this field.' forest- Fl-A BL RES PRO ' Sometimes the elephants go out of the forest.' qaymo-r-i-hee-ka do>-ow-i a dawe kog-ee For the negation and questioning of verbal phrases, other suffixes are used; see 4 The background suffix is sometimes interchangable with the ablative or the case suffix. m-a hleer di-r-'ee-wa ale 2.SG.M PRO H-O.F get:2.SG place-F-l .SG.POSS-ABL RESPRO di- r-'een-ee place-F- 1 . S G . POSS-BACK ' What do you get .from me?' kurmo m-u hoe ale haniis-a-ka di-r-6g-i PROH-O.M give:l.SG-INF-NEG place-F-2.SG.POSS-DIR RESPRO place-F-2.SG.POSS-BACK 'I should not give you a hoe.' vu•�n-,.LV'­ dawe time-INDEF-F-BACK elephants S.3 come:out<DUR>:3.SG.F forest-Fl-BACK 'Sometimes the elephants come out of the forest. ' ti> <im>it qaymo-r-i ti> <im>ft Vocative case I will Nouns have a high tone on the penultimate syllable when addressing a person. VO C as its glos s. aako 'old man' aama 'old woman' aayi 'mother' baaba 'father' garma 'boy' daaqay 'boys' dasi 'girl' dasu 'girls' hlahhingay 'Mr. Chameleon' xaygan 'hey you' xays � gan 'hey �0� (pl)' use Some other terms of address do not have a penultimate high tone. bara muki ( =mukwi) 'people' lit. 'these people' garmi 'you chap' from garmawi 'this boy' giltawi 'you man' lit. 'this man.' Some terms of endearment, which are also terms of address, do not have a high tone. ti> <im > it gar-t-o dawe bara oriy6ok 'people (only used as term of address) ' Sometimes a noun with a demonstrative suffix is used as a term o f address. The background suffix can add an ablative meaning to locative expressions. The tive noun phrase bara qaymo 'inside the field' without any directional or suffix is the goal of the verb ti)iit 'to come out'. A similar locative noun phrase the background suffix bara gart-o means 'out of the forest '. daqi-ka-r-o i elephants S.3 in:CON field-F-DIR come:out<DUR> :3.SG.F 'The elephants go out into the field.' house- M- DEMl COP INDEP.M:2.SG.POSS:INT-BACK 'Is this house yours?' kuung ale gar-t a-wa The background suffix is obligatory with yes/no question intonation. noun phrase is questioned. or dawe daqi-ka-r-o qaymo elephants S.3 come:out<DUR> :3.SG .F in:CON field 'The elephants are coming out into the field. ' These spatial relations can b e made more explicit by the use of the directive ablative case clitics. The ablative case clitic is equivalent to the background suffix. nango 'my boy' hato> 'my girl' hathho>o 'niece' Some terms of address are a combination of nouns without the construct case suffix, like compounds. aako Gwaandu 'old rrian Gwaandu' aama Matle 'wife of Matle' hhay 'aga 'cannibal clan' 113 11 2 3.5. Pronouns 3.5. 1. Personal pronouns The personal pronouns have full and short forms. The short forms are used · speech. The pronouns all have high tone. Gender is distinguished in the second singular only. The second person pronouns resemble each other. The second singular masculine pronoun and the feminine form differ only in the vowel; the culine form contain s an u which is also the 2.SG.M object pronoun and the form contain s an i, the 2.SG.F . object agreement pronou n. The 2.PL pronoun is on the 2.SG.M pronoun followed by the plural marker a'. There is no form kiin The 3 .PL pronoun has the 3.SG pronoun in it, except for the final s, which is person singular possessi ve marker -os, and the 3.PL.PO SS suffix in , cf. the marker in adjectives; see 5.1. (22) Full and short form personal (pro )nouns. anin g l .S G an 2.SG.M kuung ku 2.SG.F kiing ki inos 3.SG is aten l .PL at kuunga' 2 .PL ino>in inin 3.PL The only construction in which the short form is excluded is after a copula. form of the first person plural pronoun at cannot occur as an object. · garma-d a> a aten ti atet atet r,nnnn,"\l! ........ l . S G-O.l .SG-PERF call:2.SG 'You called me.' Personal pronou ns usually refer to persons but they can refer to animals or things. is hu-hu >-un 3.SG S.3 HAB-fall-DUR:3.SG.M 'It ( �he house) is falling down.' is s·v doohliitee at-a l .PL-S. l /2 farmers 'We are farmers. ' garmada> a aning boy-D EM4 COP l .SG 'That boy is me.' is ka catlaar 3.SG 0.3:IMPS:O.F big:F 'She is big.' in6s an 1-na ateet-in 3.SG l .SG O . l .SG-PAST call-DUR:3.SG.M 'He was calling me. ' ins-u-qa> catlaar aa mux-uut 3.SG-M- D EM3 big:M S.3:PERF beat-MIDDLE:3.SG.M:PAST 'He, that big one, has beaten it. ' ani-sing ta <ara>>aan gawa picha-r-o 1.SG-DEM2 DEP.S. l /2 <HAB>see:2.SG top:CON picture-F-BACK kwi oo laari-hee-ka COP INDEP.M:DEMl INDEP.CON.M today-BACK-NEG 'I there that you see on the picture, am not the one of today' The personal (pro )nouns followed by demonstratives have the following forms: a an l.PL O.LPL call:2.SG 'You call us. ', not: at ti atet However, the short form of the first person singula r, an, can occur as an object an- i-ga o a aning boy-DEM4 COP l .SG 'That boy is me.' , not: garmada> or object of verbs. They can be modified by adjectives, numerals �nd relative The pronouns can be followed by case suffixes, and by demonstrative suffixes. all th es e respects they are no different from nouns. They . cannot be followed .by In s es i e or indefinite suffixes. Personal pronouns are a special group of nouns, hke p s mes. perso n al na deelo gaas- ii-ka 3.SG S.3 day kill-S.3:INF-NEG 'It won't take a long time.' The pronou ns can be subject or complement of copula, subject of adjectival cot>Ulil•rl (23) Personal (pro )nouns with demonstrative suffixes anida> aniqa> anising l .SG.M aniwi anirqa> anida' anising l .SG.F aniri kuqa' kuda, kusing 2.SG.M kid a, kirqa' kising 2.SG.F in6suda> in6suqa' 3.SG.M in6suwi in6susin g insada> insarqa' insasing 3.SG.F in sari atenada' atenaqa> atenasing l .PL atenaka kuungasing kuungaqa' kuungada' 2.PL 3.PL ino'inaka ino>inasing ino>inaqa' ino>inada> There are short forms ateeka for atenaka, ininaka for .i.no'inaka, and insuwi for in6suwi, etc. If the personal (pro )noun is modified by a relative clause, it has to be followed by a demonstrative. In the past tense the demonstrative d a> is used, in the present tense the demonstrative i for first person singular and ka the neuter form for first person _ 1 14 plural, sin g 115 for second persons and i or qa> for third persons. ani-w-i goo>iim a-ga hlaqaat l .S G-M-DEM l write:M S . l /2-PERF tired:l .SG 'I, who am writing, am tired.' ani- da> goo> iim a-ga hlaqaat an d ti qa' . t aqa, , The possessive pronouns: FEM MA SC /NEUTER sawadi inosusi haniseek sawadi inos-u-sing-i haniseek present 3.SG-M-DEM2-DIR give-IMP.SG.O 'Give him there a present.' The obje ct pronouns that are discussed in 4.1 . are rent from nouns. They be mod ified by nom inal suffix es, adjectives , relativediffe claus before or after the copula. They replace the object of thees, etc. They cannot verb , if the referent obje ct is unde rstoo d. They are also used if the object prece des the verb phrase; 4. 1 .2. They are pronouns. (24 ) Object pronouns LSG i 2.SG.M u 2.SG.F 3.SG.M u 3.SG.F i l .P L ti 2.PL 3.P L 3.5.2. Inde pend ent forms of noun suffixes Demonst rative, possessive, and indefinite suffix have independent forms that replace the noun s that they refer to. I call these esform s dem indefi nite pron ouns . The pronouns are formed by suffixing onstrative, poss essive, mascu line and neuter nouns and to ta for femi nine noun s. the noun suffixes to ku (25) The demonstrative pronouns : MAS C FEM NEUTER nu kwi ti kwising tisin g kuqa' taqa> ( tiqa' ) kuda' tida' kuk a kusing kuqa' kuda> The u of the masculine demonstrative pronoun becomes w between the velar conson k and the vowel of the dem onst rativ e i, kwi. The vowel of ta is i in the demonst rati pron ouns, in analogy with the demonstrative pron oun ti. With -qa> both forms exis te>ee' tok t6s toren tohung to>in kw e' ee' k ok kos kor en koh ung ko>in qoom l .S G-D EM4 write :F S.l /2-P ERF tired :l .SG perio a-da>-ee d-DEM4-B A C K 'I, who was writing, was tired that time . ' The perso nal (pro )nouns with a demonstrative suffix can be followed by a case bases are ko and t o in the possessive pronouns, in analogy with the third person , or to' s The o after the velar k results in rounding of the k es poss siVe pronoun k os kwe>ee> . The vowel before the glottal stop of the fi :st person ws � e foll vow 1 ont fr if a . . '1 ates t o 't kwe'ee' te>ee> but not to that of the third person assl ffi � su essive poss � ' , to>In. ko'ln ve, possessi (27) The indefinite pronouns: MASC koo ko FEM tooka NEUT kokariya' . pronouns are b ased on ko and to as are the possessive pronouns. The indefimte . t. ea.d of the noun if the referent of the noun is understood, Th se pronouns are used ms _ if t�e no�n is mentioned earlier in the s entence, or if the noun already h as a noun suffix. · · I umuu deelo a ' ' ti-da>-ee-ka every day COP INDEP.F-DEM4-BACK-NEG 'Every day is different.' hiim-uw-i a kwe-> ee> rope- M-DEM l COP INDEP.M/N- l .SG.POSS 'This rope is mine.' dasi-r-qa' a tos girl-F-DEM3 COP INDEP.F:3.SG.POSS 'That girl is his.' hhafeeto-da> a ko-hung mats-D EM4 COP INDEP.M/N-2.PL.POSS 'Those mats are yours. ' do ohla-r-ok ar ta-qa' bara qaymo digging-F-2.SG.POSS INDEP.F-D EM3 INDEP.CON.F in:CON field aa buut-ii-ka S.3:PERF enough-S .3:INF-NEG , 'That hoeing of yours in the field . not enough. IS 117 116 hiim-u-'ee' tsar oo two EP.CON.M IND S OS girls-l . SG.P girls' 'my two das u -'e e' koo-ko rope-M- l .SG.POSS INDEP.M/N-INDEF.M ' A certain rope of mine.' A noun with a constru ct case suffix can be replaced by an independent con s t pronoun: 00 is , . ..., ,... �-··"' · · n gi-wa 00 xu> de>eengw ay-ka INDEP.CON.M one S.3 herding:CON go-NEG 'One alone ( a boy) does not go herding.' tsar i-na garm6 oo>: aayi, boy:CON two S.3- PAST say:3.SG .M:PAS T mother: VO C oo boy xaa>o oo ta beer tlaxw-ang aleehlaw bihhaa amori song hearing-F-BACK O.N can:l.SG s ide:CON place-F-DEMl awa qo>ee-r-o INDEP.CON.N walls-F-BACK 'I can hear the song next to here from behind the wall.' harwet aten ta xooro ar l6wa a people INDEP.C ON.F l .PL O.l .PL:PERF encircle:3. SG.F COP very bag charcoal buy:IMP:HIT:O 'Which boy did you ask to buy charcoal?' i spirits-ABL kill:l .S G ' I sacrifice the goat that was bitten by the hyena. ' ur bara t lakway i-n a COP which INDEP.CON.M DEP.S. l /2:PERF tell:2.SG:PAST 'ayla axaasa-r-o gaas ya>ee->i cakuut ada ale l .SG-S.l /2-PERF in:CON river-DIR jump:l .SG fast RESPRO 'I quickly jumped into the river.' tlacangw gaala g1'1-wa an-a-ga an-a INDEP.CON.M middle 'The second boy said: "Mother, me, the one in the middle. " ' garma a male:go at-M-D EM4 INDEP.C ON.M hyena byte:3.SG .F O .M-PAST people:C ON-F big 'The tribe that surrounds us is very big.' 3. 5.3. The resumpfive pronoun ale The word ale is a resumptive pronoun. This word must follow verbal adverbs and nouns with directive, ablative, instrumental, or reason case if they appear after the verb, see 7.3.5. garma-w6s boy-3.S G .POSS 'She thought it was the one '(cloth) of her son.' wak i u-na baha kihh oo xoor6-r 3.SG 0.3:DE P.S.3:0 .F-BAC K know:3. SG.F INDEP.CON.M 00 INSTR bags-DEM4 six cayto>o gurt -o-da lahh6o gunye- d a aleeh leer ar IND EP.CO N.N maize 'You can buy a cow with six bags of maize.' Th� construct c �se pronouns are used instead of the noun, if its referent is or If the noun mentioned earlier in the sentence or if a noun wi' th possess1 . suffix . demonst rat 1ve followed by a modifier The' con s t ruet case prono un can rep 1ace the head noun of a relative clause, and in careful speech it construc t case on the head noun. . a awa IS IS hle e tlax-t-o waatlingw cow buying-F l-BACK O .F can:2.SG The form is, like the preposi tions, based on a followed by the constru ct case but the tone _ low. For the masculine form, a-u results in oo; the neuter form before the suffix a. IS ar exp ect ation-f- l .SG.PO SS INDEP.CON. F returning:home 'M y exp ectatio n to return home.' MASC FEM NEUTER ar awa har ahh ifo-r-'ee' . huu ' gawa hhar-ta-wa ale S.3-PAST fall:3.SG.M.PAST top:CON stick-Fl-ABL RESPRO 'The bag fell from the stick.' In verbal compounds such as aleeciis 'help' an element alee occurs, which might be related to the resumptive pronoun ale. The examples of such verbal compounds are too few to deduce any meaning for alee; see 4.4.3. 3.6. Numerals The following nouns are numerals: 118 119 (28) Numerals numeral modifies an understood referent, the independent construct pronoun to it is obligatory: rPilt;J.J..lL�Cl wak (f) 'one' tsar (f) 'two' t arn (f) 'three' tsiyahh (f) 'four' koo>an (f) 'five' lahhoo' (f) 'six' faanqw (f) 'seven' d akaat (f) 'eight' gwaleel (f) 'nine' rnibangw (m) I mib eeri (f) 'ten' tsiiru (m) I tsiire (f) 'hundred' kurna (m) I kume (f) 'thousand' IND EP:M/N- DEM4 'those six' daqoo hardahaan l . PL three-PL-BACK 8.1/2 arrive- l .PL 'We three have arrived.' tsar-'ee' a ti two-l .SG.POSS COP INDEP.F:DEM1 'My two are these (in a game).' faanqw ka hhoo' 0.3:IMPS:O.F nice:F seven 'Seven is good.' SIX tsar or: daqaay tsar bal geera 'the first day' rnuk t arn 'three men' hee tarn 'the third man' tloorn>i tarn 'three mountains' tloornar tarn 'the third mountain' faanqw-ee a INDEP.M/N-DEM4:CON Ordinal numeration is expressed by using the singular form of the noun followed by the number. For 'first' geera 'front' is used. as aten tarn-a-wo SIX boys two boys:CON two 'two boys' The question words gaala 'which' and maga 'how many' are like numerals. They follow the noun they modify without a construct case on the head noun; see 3.8. kurrno gaala 'which hoe (m)? ' tiqti gaala 'which illness (f)?' muu rnaga 'how many people (m1 )?' :rr:t lik maga 'people of which (how many-th) turn?' Numbers are special nouns. They can be followed by nominal suffixes background case sufix, or a posses sive suffix : They can be the subjec t of ansuch c�pula. The bac�groun? suffix is -ee with yes/no questioning and negatio n,ad'but . wtth an mterm ed1ate a m the other instances. a lah hhoo' lahhoo' or: kudu ku -da' Pv,......."'""'"',.� rnuru-sin g k6on IN D EP.CON.N two 0.3:0.N have:3.SG.F 'She has two (children).' noun. The preced­ Numerals follow the noun they modify. Numerals never precede the for nouns modified required is as suffix, case construct a by suffixed be noun can noun is preceding the on suffix case construct this numerals, for But ouns. other n in: and above '2127' for sequence the in seen be can as ry, not obl ig ato All numerals under t :n are feminine and have a high tone. The numerals for and 1 000 are masculme and have low tone. They form the basis for h igher n1 0' and therefore have plural forms. Th� base �f t �e numeral system is teno Higher numbers are made by deCimal umts (Le. tho�sand, hundred, or ten) going from the bigger unit to multi the ?nes an� , . finally, addmg one of the lower numbers. Multip lication is JUXtap osition of the amount after the unit with no construct case on th Onl� the final additio n of the lower number is expressed with n ee. Mult�p ���'tt one ts not expressed for tens, but it is for hundreds and thous an ds. rnibangw nee wak 'eleven' kurne tsar tsiru wak mibee ri tsar nee faanqw '2127' things:M- DEM2 COP seven:INT-BACK 'Those things are seven?' tsar gi aw a 3 . 7. Proper nouns Proper nouns are another special set of nouns. They can be modified by demonstrative suffixes, indefinite and case suffixes, but not by possessive suffixes. Names are masculine or feminine in gender according to whether they refer to a male or a female person. If proper nouns are modified by a relative clause, they take a demonstrative suffix, like personal (pro )nouns. in6s or Buura-w-i ateetin samtiri 3.SG S.3 Samti-F-DIR call-DUR:3.SG.M 'He calls Samti' or: 'Buura' Paskal-o-ko na Buura-M-DIR hard ah. Paskal-M-INDEF.M HIT:PERF arrive:3.SG.M:PAST 120 121 'Somebody called Pascal has arrived.' Paskal-u ur d� r ta hoot di-r ta hoot a diima place:C ON-F DEP.S. l /2 live:2.SG:S BJV COP where Paskal-M:CON big:M 'The bigger Pascal.' or Efra'im-u-sing place:C ON-F DEP.S.l/2 live:2.SG:SBJV 'Where do you live?' they have Becaus e the question words can be the complement of a copula, and becauseand gaala maga words question The nouns. special them consider I base, nominal in differ not do they because adjectives not and nouns are they but nouns, follow as ki ka, , ku not a, copula the follow they and do adjectives as number gender and adj ectives do. The question words gaala and mila can take the background suffix, like other nouns. goo>iim aa xahliit Efraim-M-DEM2 write:M S .3:PERF silent:3.SG.M:PAST 'Efraim, who is writing is quiet. ' Names can b e based o n other nouns. They are identical t o the noun ' o r differ noun by a h1gh tone on the final syllable. hhooki (f) 'dove' Hhooki n.pr.pers.masc./fem. b o o < ( adj ) 'black' Boocf n.pr.pers.fem. qwari (f) 'hunger' Qwarf n.pr.pers.masc. buura (f) 'beer' Buura n.pr.pers.masc. tluway (m) 'rain' Tluway n.pr.pers.masc./fem. . 3.8. Question words The question words are nouns; most of them are formed by the addition of a suffix or -la to a noun. The element ma can also be recognised in barema or bare> an indicating surprise. The base for xayla 'when' could be xay an interj ection f�r s For mila 'what?' the base is unclear, and maga 'how many?' is monomorphemic. question words end in a high tone. (29) Question words and their base diima 'where?' aama 'where?' heema 'who?' adooma 'how?' idooma 'how?' daqma 'at what time?' xayla 'when?' mila 'what?' gaala 'which?' maga' 'how many?' dii (f) 'place' aamo (f) 'place' hee (m) 'man' ado o (f) 'manner' ido o (f) 'manner' daqa ( fl ) 'moment' gaa (f) 'thing' Adooma, aydooma and idooma 'how?' are variants of the same word. words diima 'where?' and aama 'where?' are equivalents. The question words are used as a complement of the copula. A head noun rel to th� question word with a relative clause precedes the ·copula. The copula and questiOn word can be left out and the head noun plus relative clause alone is a ques The two question words gaala and maga' can modify nouns. See chapter 9 on construction of questions. a can kurmo m-u-wa hoe ado-r haniis di-r-og-i t arn PROH-O.M-BACK place-F-2.SG.POSS-DIR give: l .SG C ONCES gaala-hee manner:CON-F which-BACK 'I am not to give you the hoe in whatever circumstances.' maheeri nee lawulo-w-o arrows tleehh nee mil (a)-hee ki-na and spear-M-BACK and what-BACK 0.3:IMPS:O.N-PAST make:PAST 'Arrows, spears and all other things �ere made.' 1 23 4. The verb There are two types of verb, namely the verbs 'to be' and other verbs. The verbs 'to be' ar e discuss ed in paragraph 4. 1 . Further, paragraph 4.2. deals with inflection of main verbs , paragraph 4.3. with derivation, and paragraph 4.4. with verbal compounds. The verbs 'to be' The verb s 'to be' are central in the grammar of Iraqw. First of all because nearly every sent ence contains a verb 'to be', whether the complement is nominal ( 1 ) or verbal (2). tlee'use a (2) Manda potters COP Bantu 'Potters are Bantu.' aning a goo)-iim l .SG BE write-DUR: l .S G ' I am writing.' S econdly because so much can be expressed in the verb 'to be' through a rich system of affixes. The literal translation of the following sentence is 'Why did they give something to you?' , implying that they should not have done so. mustunday haniis m-s-ta-ndu-a-i haniis WHAT-REAS-IMPS-:0.2.PL-PERF-DIR give:PAST 'Why were you (plural) favoured? ' 'Why' i s expressed by the reason case clitic s - and by the questioning prefix m- . The past tense is expressed by the suffix -a. The impersonal subject 'they' is indicated by ta. 'To' is indicated by the directive case clitic -i; 'you' is indicated by t he object pronoun -ndu. The table of possible affixes to the verbs 'to be' is given below. The stem is indicated by BE. (3) Table of affixes. MOOD-BE -ASPECT -CASE bar tarn m bar tarn m m n na ay r1 wa (g)a CONDitional CONCESsive PROHibitive questioning (WHAT) r s n na (g)a ri ay wa EXPECtational imperfective PAST PERFect CONSECutive CONSECutive2 BACKground r s INSTRumental REASon DIRective 124 125 The order of these affixes and their cooccurrence restri ctions are discu ssed in 4 . The verb 'to be' is often clitici sed to the preceding word especially if the p word is a reduced pronoun, see 3.5. 1 ., but it is also clitici, sed to other words speech. The verb 'to be' carries neither stress , nor high tone, but if it is at the prece ding reduced pronoun, the high tone of the pronoun shifts to the verb see 2 . 1.3. gitla-d ( a> ) u-na doohlite Iraqw COP farmers 'Iraqw are farmers.' The locat ive verb 'to be' is used if the complement is a locative expre ssion in6s i depen dent verb 'to be' can be suffixed by the affixes in scheme (3) . bara qaymo · in6s 1nos ta-na hard ah, ta-ay IMPS-PAST arnve tlawi dl-r DEP.B E-C ONSE C2 place:C ON-F af-ku lake 'They arrived and they reached the edge of a lake. ' bar-ta dl-r do'-o-ka, COND-DEP.BE place:CON-F house-BACK-NEG 'If they are not at home, ... ' The locat ive verb 'to be' distinguishes between first or secon perso n, and third p The form is a for first and second person subjects, and i for dthird perso copu la and the dependent 'to be' do not vary according to subje n subjects. ct. In table ( 4) forms are followed by their glosse s. gawa xa>ano-wa 3.SG 8 .3 top:CON tree-ABL 'She falls from the tree.' The dependent verb 'to be' is used in subordinated clauses, for which the t already established in the main clause. See also 4. 1 .3. I D EP.BE-BACK child 'When I was a child, ... ' caay aa 3.SG S.3:PERF eat:3.SG.M:PAST 'He has eaten. ' . nacay, dasi-r ta-r . th in g:C ON-F in-DEM4:CON D EP.BE-INS: R g1rl:CON-F xuu'-I. in>in ka do> -in, .3:INF house-3 . PL POSS 3.PL 0.3:IMPS:O.F know:INT-S . they know t h at ?· ' do house, the1r of girl the is there inside thing the at 'Th 4.1. 2 . The verbs 'to be' with a verbal or an adjectival complement The verbs 'to be' can have a verbal complement, i.e., a complement contain�ng a verb. The last word in these sentences is a verb and not a noun because the word mflects for subject and tense. s/he S.3 in field 'S /he is in the field.' an ta-wa bara-da ' r g� aahhiit man-D EM4 O.M-PAST hate: l .SG 'I hate that man.' 4. 1 . 1 . The verbs 'to be' with a nominal complement The verbs 'to be' are used with both nominal and verbal complemen ts. nal complements three different types can be distin guish ed: copul ative , locat i depen dent. The copul a, a, is used if the sentence is an equat ion. iraqw a Co pula and 'to be' with nominal complements S ubject Copula Locative Dependent a COP a S.1/2 ta DEP.BE l /2 a COP i S.3 ta DEP.BE 3 ta. fall:3.SG.F dohl D EP.S. 1 /2 dig:2.SG:SBJV 'You should dig.' In subordinated clauses and with the subjunctive verb, the depen dent 'to be' is u �e� _ , to e (see also 4. 1 .3. ) , otherwise the independent 'to be' is used. � h� mdependent is identical to the locative 'to be'. The dependent 'to be' is simil�r to the dependent copula. With a verbal complement the dependent 'to be' h�s subJ,ect agreement. The form for the third person is i , as it is for the independent to be The form for the first person singular is ni, which is the hither marker; see 4.1 .4. · (5) Independent and dependent 'to be' Dependent Independent (loc) PL SG SG PL DEP.S. l /2 ta DEP.S. 1 ni a 1 S . l /2 a S . l /2 DEP.S. l /2 ta 2 a S . l /2 a S.l/2 ta DEP.S . l /2 S.3 S.3 S.3 S.3 3 The third person plural subject has a prefix ni- .(PL) in the past tenses. The form is ndi if the nasal iS' not word-initial, see rule ( 19) 2.5.4. m ino >in daa'-iya' ; ni-na daa>-iye' 3.PL S . 3 smg- 3 . PL PL:S.3-PAST sing-3.PL:PAST 'They �ing; they were singing.' · 127 126 ni-ri Object pronouns for first and second persons S G PL ti 1 u nu 2. MASC 2. FEM 1 with an impersonal subject: ti ti 1 2.MASC tu tundu 2. FEM ti hu >-iye' PL:S.3-CONSEC fall-3.PL:PAST 'And it fell. ' The verb 'to be' is replaced by the hither marker ni (HIT) to express that the is in the direction of or for the benefit of the speaker; see 4. 1 .4. The form is the for all subjects. in6s n1 xa-xeer di-r doo-ren-ee 3.SG HIT HAB-come:3.SG.F place:C ON-F house- l .PL.POSS-BACK 'She comes to our house.' In sentences where the subject is unspecified or not important, Iraqw uses an sonal subject marker ta, e.g. ta doohl 'one cultivates'. If the referent of the object of the verb is understood, it is represented by an o pronoun. If the object is at the beginning of the sentence, this object is followed an object pronoun. The object pronouns agree in person, gender and number with referent of the object; see 3.5.1. · u hlaa> O.M like:l .SG 'I like him. ' kahawa u wah-aam coffee(M) O.M drink-DUR:l.SG 'Coffee, I drink. ' kurmo an-u kwatiit-a-ka hoe(M) l .SG-O.M touch:l .SG-INF-NEG 'A hoe, I won't touch it.' There is a distinction between first and second person object pronouns and third p object pronouns. The latter can be preceded by the prefixes, g- , or n gi- . The ngi- is a fusion of the prefix g- and the hither ni- . After the hither marker, the o pronoun for feminine objects is i instead of a. The prefix g- is used with the t person object pronoun, but in main clauses in the indicative only if the subject third person as well. If g- is prefixed to ta first or secend person dependent 'to be' impersonal 'to be', the result is an initial consonant k. The object pronouns for first or second person can only be preceded by the np4ers1ona.f�l subject marker ta-, (IMPS). The hither ni has corresponding object pronouns for third person. The hither marker is not used with first or second person objects. . li (7) Object pronouns for third persons MASC FEM NEUT Independent: a u S.1/2 gi ga gu S.3 Subject relative clause: gl gu ga S.1/2 gi ga gu S.3.SG ng1 ng1 n gu S.3.PL Dependent: ng1 ng1 n gu S.l .SG ki ka ku S .1 /2 ngi ng1 ngu S.3 Hither: ngi S . 1 /2/3 , ngu ngi Impersonal subject: ki ka ku S.IMPS IMP S in object relative clause: ti S.IMPS tu ta If subject and object are identical, the reciprocal ti (REC) is used, whether the subject is first, second or third person; see 4.1 .6. nacii ti alti>ina> children REC run:3.PL 'The children run after each other.' The impersonal subject marker ta can be prefixed to the hither marker ni. (8) Object pronouns with the hither for impersonal subjects ti-ndi IMPS-HIT ku-ngu 0 .3:IMPS:O.M-0.3:HIT:O.M ki-n gi 0 .3:IMPS :O.F- 0.3:HIT.O.F ki-ngi 0 .3:IMPS:O.N-0.3:HIT.O.N The forms discussed above are all the forms that BE in table (3) can take. The forms in the tables ( 4-8) can take various pre- and suffixes with subsequent changes, w)lich will be discussed in paragraphs 4. 1 .8 - 4.1 .16. The forms in the tables (6-8) above can themselves be analysed in smaller units. 1 29 128 The impersonal object pronouns for a first or second person object all begin with there is no object, the impersonal subject form is ta. We may assume that the is in fact the impersonal subject form ta. The vowel a is deleted before another according to the vowel coalescence rule (5) of 2.5. 1 . The first person plural form a contraction of ta-ti . The second person plural pronoun is underlyingly ndu . sequence nd becomes n word-initially, cf. ( 19) in 2.5.4. The vowel of ta assimilation to the following vowel in tundu. Thus ta-ndu results in tundu. The i �persona! object pronouns for third person objects also begin in t if they used m a relative clause to refer to the head noun. These forms also consist of impersonal ta followed by the object pronouns with deletion of the a because of coalescence, rule (5) in 2.5.1. d of th e object pronouns for third person subjects. In glosses I have represente object Without DEP.S.3. , dependent and person n asal element as indicating third nt and dependent verbs 'to be' are not distinguish able, i.e. in independe . . pronounsies' the both ser the form s ult, in the indep �nde� t as �ell as in th� �ep �ndent series object pronouns, the A a res that subjec t and object a third person, mdiCated. g-u 0.3-0.M object pronoun for masculine object and third person subject in indicative mood. ngu 0.3:DEP.S.3:0:M object pronoun for masculine object and third person subject in subjunctive mood. Other third person object pronouns with an impersonal subject start with k-. suming that these forms also contain the impersonal subject marker ta, the inif . some explanation. Since reqmres there is a third person object marker g- which be recognised in other forms, see below, I will assume that this k is a result of assimilation and consonant cluster simplification rule gt k which operates in object pronoun system. Thus ku is g-ta-u 0.3-IMPS-O .M. The object pronouns a for feminine objects, u for masculine objects, and i for neuter objects. The same forms ku , ka, ki are used for the third person object pronouns of dependent series when the subject is first person plural or second person · or plural. Exactly for these subjects the form of the dependent 'to be' is also homophonous with the impersonal subject marker; see table 5. These forms also of g-ta-u, g-ta- a , and g-ta-i. Thus the Jormula of the third person object p of the dependent series is g- dependent 'to be'-object pronoun. With � first subject this gives form ni- is used for - the first person singular of the dependent 'to be' (DEP.S.LSG) - the hither marker ( HIT) - third person plural subject and past tense (PL) - third person plural subject and a third person object if the verb is a participle (subject relative) (PL) - third person subject, singular or plural, and third person object in the depen­ dent 'to be' (DEP.S.3) � g-ni-u resulting in ngu 0.3:DEP.S.l .SG:O.M g-n i-i resulting in ngi 0.3:DEP.S.l .SG:O.F g-ni-i resulting in ngi 0.3:DEP.S. l .SG:O.N IS 1 . IS A I assume that the first person singular dependent marker ni and the hither marker ni .have a common origin, and that the (third person) plural marker. has been generalised to a third person marker in the dependent series. The plural marker ni may originally have been only n. Occas ionally n ga is used instead of ngi for feminine objects with plural subject in the past tense. It was reported as being 'old-fashioned'. The use of i for feminine objects is presumably to be attributed to the influence of the ni prefix. It is not the result of vowel coalescence because the regular result of ia is a and not i. nga-na There is another assimilation and consonant cluster simplification rule gn ng. feminine object pronoun is i instead of a after n gi. A similar analysis is valid for hither pronouns. The element ni is the hither marker which is homophonous with first person singular dependent 'to be' and which has the same mc)rpnopnoniDlo,_e:Ic behaviour. -+ The third person object pronouns with participles begin in ng for third person pl subjects and in g for other subjects. The forms with ng contain the plural marker which is also used as a prefix for the third person plural forms of 'to be' in the tense; see above. The third person object pronouns of dependent 'to be' with a third person subj singular or plural also begin in ng. I have analysed the third person object pron of the dependent series as containing a prefix g- . Therefore the ng in these obj pronouns for third person subjects contains an extra nasal element, n (i) , which fu with the velar. This nasal element distinguishes the independent from the depen IS di-r-os-i o o'-ir quutlema-wo PL:0.3:0.F-PAST place-F-3.SG.POSS-DIR say-3.PL leaving-BACK 'They told him to leave.' After the conditional mood prefix bar- and the concessive conditional tarn- , third person object pronouns with a third person subject have a velar nasal as do the corre­ sponding pronouns of the dependent series. Otherwise the independent series is used. The n(i) is marks the third person. The third person object pronouns with the consecutive tenses -ri and -ay , which require the dependent 'to be', lack the nasal element with a third person singular subject which the dependent series otherwise requires. The combinations of aspect and mood markers, the independent or dependent 'to be' and the initial consonant for third person object pronouns with a third person subject are summarised in the following table. 131 130 (9) Aspect and mood markers, 'to be', and third person subject and object marker INDEP g-na PAST INDEP gEXPEC -n C ONSEC DEP -ri gC ONSEC2 DEP -ay gBACK -wa DEP ngbar- COND INDEP ngt am- CONCES INDEP ngThe im� erson�l su �ject form of the hither marker (8) shows that the underlying . becomes ni word-initially of � he hither 1.s nd1 which , rule ( 19) in 2.5.4., but nd1 after the Impersonal subject marker ta, thus for example, ta-ndi becomes because of vowel assimilation. The ni- plural marker, too, is underlyingly ndi. pare: oo>-ina> m-i WHAT-S .3 say-DUR:3.PL 'What are they saying?' minda oo>ine) m-ndi-i-a WHAT-PL-S.3-PERF say-DUR:3.PL:PAST 'What were they saying?' The prefix .g- is only b �t not always used if there is a third person object p The prefix called a third person object marker and is glossed with 0.3 . It is the object is a third person object and if one of the following conditions is met: - the subject is also third person in the independent 'to be' - the verb 'to be' is of the dependent type - a hither marker ni is present - the verb is a participle (subject relative) IS However, the prefix g- is neither used in object relative clauses with an np�ers4on8Jl�;l subject, nor with a first or second person subject in the independent 'to be'. In the independent paradigms, the object pronoun replaces the verb 'to be' whereas the dependent series the object pronoun is suffixed to the verb 'to be'. Forms such ngu 0 .3:DEP.S. l .SG:O.M consist of g-ni-u: the prefix g-, the dependent 'to be' the first person singular ni and the masculine object pronoun u. The forms in tables (4-8) are the units to which the affixes of table 3 can be ad In the rest of this book they will not be split up into smaller units as has been d above . Due to th� fusion processes most of the forms have several meanings. In . table I give the surface forms followmg and their glosses. n ' • L ist of all the base forms of BE and their glosses. C OP, S . 1 /2, O.F a S.3, O.l .SG, 0.2.SG.F, O.N, O.F 0.2.SG.M, O.M u HIT, DEP.S. l .SG, PL ni 0.2.PL nu D EP.BE, DEP.S.1 /2, IMPS, IMPS:O.F ta REC , O . l .PL, . IMPS:O.LPL, IMPS : O . l .SG, ti IMPS:0.2.SG.F, IMPS:O.N IMPS:0.2.SG.M, IMPS:O.M tu 0.3:0.M gu 0.3:0.F ga 0.3:0.N gi 0.3:IMPS:O.M, 0.3:DEP.S.1 /2:0.M ku 0.3:IMP S:O.F, 0.3:DEP.S. 1 /2:0.F ka 0.3:IMPS :O.N, 0.3:DEP.S.l /2:0.N ki PL:0.3:0.M, 0.3:DEP.S. l .SG:O .M, ngu 0.3:DEP.S.3:0.M, 0.3:HIT:O.M PL:0.3:0.F, 0.3:DEP.S.l .SG:O.F, n gi 0.3:DEP.S.3:0.F, 0.3:HIT:O.F, PL:0.3:0.N, 0.3:DEP.S.l .SG: . O.N, 0.3:DEP.S.3:0.N, 0.3:HIT:O.N IMPS:0.2.PL tundu IMPS-HIT ti-ndi 0.3:IMPS:O.M-0.3:HIT:O.M ku-ngu 0.3:IMPS:O.F-0.3:HIT.O.F ki-ngi 0.3:IMPS:O.N-0.3:HIT .O.N ki-n gi In this analysis of the verbs 'to be', or selector as it is often termed, I have, of course, made use of previous studies on the subject. I will now briefly discuss what I have taken from previous works and explain where and why I disagree with them. Whiteley was the first to publish an account of the selector system. One of the points in which I do not follow him is his dichotomy of the verbs. In Whiteley ( 1 958), he proposed that the form of the subject selector is dependent on the verb. He divided the verbs into two classes A and B, roughly equivalent to intransitive and transitive. For example: A: i waraahh 'He passes. ' B: g a tleehh 'He does.' However, he failed to notice that the selector of his class B verbs contains an object pronoun and that one and the same verb has the form of a selector for class A verbs if the object is between the selector and the verb. 132 133 Bradfield ( 1 977) has a more complete set of paradigms compared to Whiteley ( 1 especially for the selectors with object agreement. He continues to use Whi A/B dichotomy although he attributes the meaning 'something is acted upon' element g- and relates it to ga 'thing'. His analysis of the selector is a game, consists of combining letters in five fixed positions. The letters are either markers or meaningless. Some letters are stronger than others and these rules rather idiosyncratic. For him, the selector has no stem. Qorro ( 1 982) observed, among other things, that subjects. ta IMPS IS restricted to afo-r naa ga-r ta axaas kahh voice:CON-F DEP.S . l .SG:PERF hear:l .SG S .3 be:absent:3.SG.F 'I haven't heard a voice. ' 'ag a mila thing:CON-F DEP.S .l/2 eat:2.SG:SBJV COP what 'What are you eating?' The dependent 'to be' is not used in a subject relative clause. ku unga-da> yaamu 1-ga sawawiti>iind-e> 2.PL-DEM4 land( N) O.N-PERF rule:2-PL:PAST 'You who ruled the country ... ' Nordbustad ( 1 988) does away with the A/B dichotomy in verbs and shows that form of the selector for a given verb depends on the position of the object (or on fact of whether there is an object understood or not); thus the choice of the is not a property of the verb. Futhermore, she gives a more or less complete set the surface forms of the selectors including their affixes. To my knowledge, these all correct. The dependent 'to be' is used after a sentence initial question word. Kiessling ( 1 989) shows that the selectors in passive sentences contain ta which is phologically identical to the impersonal marker, which he calls multiple third He came to this generalisation by recognising the rule that the initial k in these sive' selectors is the result of prefixing g- to ta. Likewise, he has initial ng as the of n-g. I agree with this analysis. The dependent 'to be' with fused object pronouns are used to connect a post-verbal numeral expression to the object. 4.1 .3. The use of the dependent verb 'to be' The dependent forms of 'to be' are used in head clauses for wishes, plans, and 0 tions. The verb is in the subjunctive mood. n1 qaat loo>a-r ko o'an DEP.S.l .SG lie:down: l .SG:SBJV sun:CON-F five 'I'll go to bed at 1 1 o.'clock.' aten t a m-i-wa hlees man PROH-O.l .SG-BACK wake:3.SG.M 'Nobody should wake me.' The dependent forms are used in subordinate clauses, many of which have the ground aspect. The dependent 'to be' is used in relative clauses with the head object, and in questions that are object relative clauses. garn1a u-na ya'aaw imboru barwadu ngi-wa boy(M) O .M-PAST send:l .SG Mbulu oh-i ta watl what:time DEP.S. l /2 go:home:2.SG:SBJV 'At what time do you go home? ' tlaway u letters catch-3.SG.M:SBJV 'I sent a boy to Mbulu to collect letters for me.' 0.3:HIT: O.N-BA Tsar koom. wives(M) O.M have: l .S G two 'I have wives. Two.' tlaway n gu koom-. tsar. wives( M) 0 .3:DEP.S.l :O.M have: l .SG two 'I have two wives.' The sentences with an independent 'to be' are only possible if there is a pause between the verb and the numeral, that is if they are two sentences. A sentence such as dasi n giwa da>-aan l .P L DEP.S. l /2 sing-l .PL:SBJV 'We will sing (tomorrow).' hee daqama kon girl 0.3:DEP.S .3:0.F have:3.SG.M 'He has a daughter ... ' is incomplete. The dependent 'to be' is obligatory in order to relate the numeral to the object preceding the pronoun. If the independent 'to be' is used, the numeral requires an ablative case suffix as in tsiyahh wa ale 'four ABL RES P RO ' below. The dependent 'to be' is used not the hither marker because for second person subjects the form is kV and not ngV. The dependent and hither 'to be' are only different with second person subjects. Hhaymu dasi g a kon . Wak. Hhaymu girl 0.3:0.F have:3.SG .M One 'Hhaymu has a girl. One.' Hhaymu dasi n gi kon wak. Hhaymu girl 0.3:DEP.S.3:0.F have:3.SG.M:SBJV one 'Hhaymu has only one single daughter. ' 135 134 n gi-na not: tsiyahh hhe'ees hhe'ees ga-na bus hhe>ees baaba ga ale ki k6on baaba ga tsar Certain aspect suffixes and mood prefixes require the use of the dependent 'to have already seen that the background aspect requires the dependent 'to be'. Libe ' . . tense suffixes the consecu tive -ri and -ay take the dependent 'to be'. 4.1 .4. The hither The hither marker ni is used to indicat e that the action is towards the spe benefit of th: speaker, or with the involvement of the speaker. The hith:rker, £or . harda often used w 1th �erbs hke h 'arrive ', xaw 'come', kii c 'return '. But the hi . equally possible m contexts where there is no movement involved and th ere£ore I th e t erm 'h'th 1 er ' rat her than 'ventive '. in6s ni xa- x eer ' d 1-r ' doo-r en-ee 3.SG HIT HAB-come:3 .SG.F place:C ON-F house- l .PL.PO SS-BA CK 'She comes to our house.' in6s xa-xeer ' d 1-r ' doo-d a> 3.SG S.3 HAB-come:3. SG.F place:C ON-F house-D EM4 'She comes to that house.' In the followi ng examples, the sentence with the hither assumes the presence of speaker. basi 1-wa bus tlay harda t , in6s ga-ri-rar S.3-BA CK arrive: 3.SG.F 3.SG 0.3:0. F-CON SEC-IN STR leave:3.SG.M 'When the bus arrived, he went with it' aten ni-wa doohl-aan-aa-ka hlaa' aten ta-wa father 0.3:0.F want:3.SG.M l .PL DEP.S.l/2-BACK children 0.3:DEP.S. l /2:0.N have:2.SG two 'You have two children. ' (not: ngi 0.3:HIT:O.N) For the impersonal t a , the reciprocal ti, and the hither marker ni there is no d · s · betwee� dependent and independent forms. Both can be used in supero rdina �e subordmate clauses. hlaa' father 0.3:0.F want:3.SG.M l .PL HIT-BACK dig-l.PL-NOM- NEG 'Father doesn't want us to dig.' 0.3:0.F-PAST finish:3.SG.M four ABL RESPRO 'He finished four of them ( uheemi (f) 'pillars'). ' nacii tlay 0 .3 : HIT:O.F :PAST -CONSE C-INSTR leave:3.SG .M 'When the bus arrived here, he went with it' hither marker can be used to emphasise the first person. tsiyahh tsiyahh wa in6s HIT-BACK arrive:3.SG .F 3.SG n ga-ri- rar 0.3:0.F- PAST finish:3.SG.M four 'He finished four of them ( uheemi (f) 'pillars'). ' ga-na hardat , basi ni-wa 0.3:DEP.S .3:0.F-PAST finish:3.SG .M four doohl-aan-aa-ka dig-l .PL-NOM-NEG 'Father doesn't want us to dig.' A further function of ni can be to relate the sentence to 'here'. In the following sentence with the hither marker, the person eating is either present or visible. naa . cay-<aay-iin 16wa ale HIT:S.3:PERF HAB:eat-DUR:3.SG.F very 'She was eating a lot. ' ina cayc-aay-.iin RESPRO l6wa ale S.3-PAST HAB:eat-DUR:3.SG.F very RESPRO 'She was eating a lot. ' Apart from the deictic function regarding the speaker, the hither ni can also have a temporal deictic function relating to 'now'. In the past tense, the hither indicates that the action has continued up to now or that the action or event is related to the one which will follow. in6s qaymo ngaa 3.SG field aa d6ohl nee hami 0.3:HIT:O.F:PERF cultivate:3.SG.M:PAST and now hlaqaat S.3:PERF be:tired:3.SG.M:PAST 'He has cultivated the field and now he is tired. ' In the non-past tense the hither marker n i indicates near future relating the action to the present. aten a da>-aan l .PL S.l /2 sing- l .PL 'We are singing' aten ni da>-aan l .P L HIT sing- l .P L 'We are going t o sing.' 137 136 anin g a is irrelevant and therefore translates as a passive in English. doohl l .S G S . 1 /2 dig:l .SG 'I am hoeing.' aning ni IM PS-PAST give:3.SG.M:PAST knives 'They gave knives.' or 'Knives were given' doohl l . S G HIT dig:l .SG 'I am going to hoe now.' ino>in i T he subject must be human. It may not be an animal. makay-qa' doohl-ir doohl-ir 3.PL HIT dig-3.PL 'They are starting to hoe.' The hither is also used to indicate an extra complement, which then is dative. otherwise indicated, the dative complement is the first pe�son. faca- r-da na ani hanis tsu' porridge-F-DEM4 HIT:PAST l .SG:DIR give:2.SG S .3 'The porridge that you gave me is nice.' in6s tsatseec ngu-n laq-aq-an .d a�angw ngu-na di-r-og-i 0.3:HIT:O.M-PAST place-F-2.SG.POSS-DIR tsat>i da>angw ngu-na di-r-os-i ki-na h aniis ino>in ki 6> hhoo' In relative clauses where the head noun functions as an object, there are no object pronouns; see 8.2. However, if the subject of the relative clause is impersonal, then object pronouns are used. These object pronouns are fused with the impersonal ta, but there is no third person object prefix g- . oo> fu>una 0.3:0.M-PAST sing:3.SG.M:PAST song 'He sang a song. ' anin g kurmo ngu ta ya'er warahh they 0.3:IMPS:0.3.PL mce 'They are nice. ' song(M) 0.3 :HIT:O.M-PAST place-F-3.SG.POSS-DIR sing:2.SG.M 'You sang a song for him.' tlaaxw LSG hoe(M) DEP.S. l .SG:O.M buy:l .SG 'I'll buy him a hoe'. anin g kurmo u warahh-ir knives 0 .3:IMPS:O.N-PAST give:3.SG.M:PAST 'Knives were given. ' oo' 'He sang a song for you.' da>angw gu-na ya'e-r With the impersonal ta there is no subject agreement on the verb. The verb is in its base form , only inflected for tense, that is low tone for present tense and high tone for past tense. These are the forms used with the third person singular masculine subject. In fact the impersonal ta indicates that there is no subject, and that there is the no sub ject agreement on the verb. Therefore the impersonal ta is used whenever passives as translate that sentences in is This oriented. patient or object is e enc sent and in sentences with an adjective as complement. The impersonal ta is followed by the object pronoun and preceded by the third person object prefix g- if the patient-noun precedes the impersonal subject marker, giving .ku , ka and ki for r_nasculi�e, f�minine and neuter patients. These forms are also used If the complement Is an adJective. 3.SG stars(M) 0.3:HIT:O.M-EXPEC show-HAB-DUR:3.SG.M 'He shows me (us) the stars. ' song(M) i ani mals-DEM3 S.3 river:CON-F pass-3.PL 'Those animals cross the river. ' Not: makayqa' 3.PL S .3 dig-3.PL 'They are hoeing.' ino'in ni tsat>i haniis ta-na too meetin an ni caay DEP : l .SG eat:SBJV:l . S G There is no distinction between independent and dependent impersonal forms. impersonal subjects can be used as a locative 'to be', but not as a copula. ino>in ta t hiaxw l .S G hoe(M) O.M buy:l .SG 'I'll ouy a hoe'. 4. 1 .5. The impersonal 'to be' The impersonal subject marker ta indicates that the subject is human but not soec:lllei��� and is similar to English "one" , or German "man" . This constructio n is used if ti meat:CON IMPS:O.N just leave:3.SG.M I 'The meat that is left over, I'll eat it. ' do> they IMPS house 'They are at home' ino>in a not: daqa they COP crowd 'They form a crowd. ' ta for 138 ta 139 daqa inos IMP S crowd tlaahh ino>in t a hikwa ta is the third leehh an 'ameena ta-n dog-e' al-ti>ina' ti gwab 2.SG.M REC fast:2.SG 'You should fast. ' inos ti tsareree' 3.SG REC hang:3.SG.M 'He will hang himself.' The reflexive meaning is strengthened by the addition of the noun kila 'exact, j ust, very' with the appropriate possessive suffix between the reciprocal/reflexive pronoun ti and the verb; see 5.2. ti-n a kil-'ee' tsaat REC-PAST just-l .SG.POSS cut: l .SG 'I cut myself' ti-n a nahhaat kil-6k tsat REC-PAST just-2.SG.POSS cut:2.SG 'You cut yourself.' women(F) IMPS-EXPEC hide:PRES 'The women hide themselves.' The actors in the topic can be coordinated nouns. The action is done together the second noun with the coordinating preposition nee cannot follow the verb, as possible in sentences without ta IMPS. See 3.4.6. ti kuung neet-ir The actors in a sentence can be introduced as a topic, and then occur sentence-ini This topic is always plural, not singular. There is no agreement on the verb. verb is in the third person singular masculine form even if the actors are grammatically. oh-aan The reciprocal meaning of ti inyludes re:fiexive objects. boys and girls S.3 play-3.PL 'The boys and the girls are playing.' neet ti nacii The difference between the third person plural form and the impersonal subject is the latter is seen as a collective subject as opposed to the third person plural. daaqay n e e dasu ta ti-n children REC together-run:3.PL 'The children run after each other.' hlaw-aan and girls IMPS play:3.SG.M boys 'The boys and the girls are playing together.' n ee hhiya->ee> di-r ham ado-r 0.3:DEP.S . 1 /2:0.N-INSTR get- LPL ' They said: 'Now how do we get them?" daaqay nee dasu i kay place:C ON-F REC meet:2-PL:PAST 'Where did you meet? ' IMP S-PAST say:3.SG.M:PAST now manner:CON-F ki-r Kuta l.SG and brother-l .SG.POSS REC-EXPEC catch-l .PL 'I meet my brother. ' The impersonal ta can be used for situations where the actor is known and has been mentioned. The actor must be plural and must be acting as a group. For the cannibal clan, hhay caga, in the story about Geso Duqa (see 1 1 .1 ) is r.at.ar�·.,.rl> by ta. oo>: 0.3:IMPS :O.M catch:PRES 4.1 .6. The reflexive and reciprocal For reciprocal objects , ti is used irrespective of the subject. morning-F-BACK 3.PL IMPS cattle:C ON look:for:3.SG.M 'In the morning they are looking for the cattle.' ta- na oh Basili and Efraim IMPS Kuta:CON go:3.SG.M 'Basili and Efraim go to Kuta (together).' thieves The personal pronoun that can combine with the impersonal plural pronoun ino>in . matlatlee-r-o Basili nee Efra>im ta nee fiisuuse IMPS:O.l .SG/2.SG.F /l .PL beat:3.SG.M by 'I/you(fem)/we are beaten by thieves.' siyo ku 3.SG and boy-M-3.SG.POSS fish 'He catches fish with his son. ' The agent can be expressed in a phrase with the preposition nee 'with, by, and' . ti nee garma-w-os The reciprocal pronoun ti excludes the possibility of having another object pronoun the sentence. In the following sentence sawadi can only appear after the reciprocal , pronoun as an oblique object. in 140 141 in6s ti-na sawadi-r-i han <m> is kil-6s 3.SG REC-PAST present-F-DIR give<DUR>:3.SG.F self-3.SG.P ale RES PRO ' She gave herself a present.' Some verbs require the reciprocal object, for example the verb opposite directions, to meet'. loo>itleer nee baha ti-na doog 'to come doog-iye> next:day with hyena REC-PAST meet-3.PL:PAST 'The next day he (the hare) met the hyena.' 4.1 .7. Additional affixes: Order and possible combinations In table (3) in 4. 1 . all the possible affixes to the verbs 'to be' were given. In par 4.1 .2. I introduced what can fall under the heading 'to be', represented by B E in scheme. In paragraphs 4.1 .3.-4.1 .6., these basic forms of 'to be' were further elab on. In paragraphs 4.1. 7.-4.1 . 16. I will discuss the various affixes. Before pro will discuss which combinations of affixes and verbs 'to be' in table (3) are pos and what their order is. (3) Table of affixes. M OOD-BE -ASPECT -CASE bar tarn m bar tarn m n na ay rl wa (g)a CONDitional CONCESsive PROHibitive questioning (WHAT) r s n na (g)a ri ay wa EXP EC tational r INSTRumental imperfective PAST s REASon PERFect DIRective CONSECutive CONSECutive2 BACKground The table itself already indicates that everything that is in one column is mut exclusive. Thus it is impossible to combine several mood prefixes within one form, several aspect affixes. In one exceptional case, a combination of case clitics is possi namely, the combination of s REASON and -i DIR in the questioning mood. m mustunday haniis m-s-ta-ndu-a-i haniis WHAT-REAS-IMPS-0.2.PL-PERF-DIR give:PAST 'Why did they• give (sth.) to you? (they should not have)' Which combinations of aspect and mood markers and the independent or depen 'to be' are possib fe has already been mentioned in 4.1 .3., but to recall I will repeat table here. Combin ations of apsect and mood markers and 'to be' IND EP PAST -n a INDEP EXPEC -n DEP CONSEC -rt CONSEC2 D EP -ay BACK DEP -wa INDEP bar- COND tarn- CONCES INDEP WHAT /PROH only certain possibilities. mprohib itive mood prefix and the questioning mood prefix cannot cooccur with a mood cannot rec1· pro cal pronoun ' nor with a hither object pronoun. The prohibitiveperson . subjects bine with any aspect other than present tense (no suffix) for second (�:, negative imperatives ) , and with background aspect for first and third person subject s. Mood prefixes do not combine with the consecutive aspects -ri and -a� . The combi� a­ tions bar- and -wa, m- and -na were not attested. It is not easy to ehc1t for�s wh1ch mbine many different affixes since the appropiate context has to be established . It �: possible that certain combinations which I consider excluded here will indeed prove to be possible after all. Case clitics are preverbal markers and are attached to the preceding word. Only if there is no noun between 'to be' and the verb will they be suffixed to BE. Often the object nmm phrase is between the two. If the ob.ject is not a full noun (phrase) , it is represented by an object pronoun. Thus the case suffixes are normally suffixe? .to object pronouns. In object relative clauses, which have no object pronouns, case chtlcs can be suffixed to BE without an object pronoun . Since the case clitics are independent of the verb 'to be', they can combine with everything. What is excluded, however, are sequences that have a different function as an aspect marker. Hence the directive case suffix i cannot combine with the perfect tense suffix -a, because it would clash with the consecutive aspect suffix -ay; and the ablative case clitic wa cannot be suffixed to 'to be' because this in turn would clash with the background aspect marker -wa. The ablati�e case suffix wa is, however, possible with an object pronoun preceded by the Remember that the combination of the homophonous questioning mood prefix prohibitive prefix m- and -wa is very common. . m- . The order of the affixes and the verbs BE is as in table (3). There are two exceptions to this. First, the reason suffix -s can occur between the questioning mood prefix m- and the verb 'to be' provided that the verb 'to be' begins in a consonant, as in rnustunday above. Second, the order of the perfect marker -(g)a and the instrumental and reason case clitic shows some variation. These differences in order are related to the phonological shape of the word 'to be'. The perfect marker consists of a vowel and can therefore come after case clitics which consist of a consonant. 4.1 .8. The aspect markers: The perfect -(g)a The perfect aspect suffix is -ga if it is suffixed to a stem that' consists of a vowel only, and is -a if it is suffixed to a stem consisting of at least a consonant plus vowel. . 143 142 The third person subject forms are aa despite the fact that the verb 'to be' third person subject is only a vowel, i, where one would expect iga. This may result of a historical process, g is deleted between i and a, that operated in p (see 2.5 .4.), although synchronically the sequence iga does occur. There is between -ga and -a with no difference in meaning if the perfect is suffixed to an pronoun that starts with a consonant after the conditional bar- . bartiga: bar-ti-ga COND-O.l .PL-PERF birta: bar-ti-a COND-O.l .PL-PERF cf. taa: ti-a O.l .PL-PERF barnuga: bar-nu-ga COND-0.2.PL-PERF burna: bar-nu-a COND-0.2.PL-PERF cf. naa: nu-a 0.2.PL-PERF The first of two adjacent vowels assimilates to the second, see vowel coalescence ( 5) in 2.5 . 1 . 0 = = nu-a -+ naa or na 0.2.PL-PERF ti-a -+ taa or ta O.l .PL-PERF gi-a -+ gaa or ga 0.3:0.N-PERF ngi-a -+ n gaa or nga 0.3:PL:O.N-PERF The final vowels are long or short. Not only with the perfect suffix has such been noted. ganaa is gana 0.3:0;F-PAST ngiwaa is n giwa 'DEP.S.3:0.M The velar consonant g is optionally labialised if the preceding vowel is u, i.e., sec:onc�7:1 or third person masculine object pronouns. u-ga ( ) ugwa 0.2.SG.M-PERF The forms with the perfect can be constructed by suffixing ga or a to the base in tables ( 4-8). Because of the phonological rules that operate, mainly the coalescence rule (5) in 2.5. 1 . , I will give the results in the following tables. (12) Independent and dependent 'to be' with perfect tense Independent Dependent SG PL SG PL 1 aga aga na t a 2 aga aga ta t a 3 a a naa a a naa -+ Object pronouns for first and second person with perfect tense SG PL iga ta 1 2.MASC ugwa na 2.FEM iga with an impersonal subject: ta ta 1 tunda 2. MASC ta 2 .FE M t a Object pronouns for third persons with perfect tense MASC FEM NEUT Independent: iga S.l /2 ugwa aga ga gwa ga S.3 Subject relative clause: ga ga gwa S.l/2 ga ga gwa S.3.SG nga S.3.PL n gwa nga Dependent: nga S . 1 .SG n gwa nga ka ka kwa S.l/2 nga S.3 n gwa nga Hither: nga S.l/2/3 n gwa nga Impersonal subject: ka S .IMPS kwa ka IMPS in object relative clause: ta ta twa S.IMPS The perfect of the reciprocal is ta. The perfect form of the hither is n a. The perfect tense of the dependent verb 'to be' is used in relative clauses. ga-r 1nos kw-a beer ka thing:CON-F 3.SG 0.3:DEP.S. l /2:0.M-PERF tell:2.SG IMPS:O.F hhoo> nice:F 'What you told him is nice.' The result of vowel coalescence after suffixation of -a is neutralisation. For example: 144 ta = = ta-a ti-a 145 IMPS DEP.S.1 / 2 IMPS-PERF DEP.S .l / 2-PERF O . l .PL-PERF REC-PERF IMPS :O.l .SG-PERF IMPS :0.2.SG.F-PERF IMPS:0.1 .PL-PERF ' The solution is that we go to his bed at night.' manner:CON-F DEP.S.l / 2 do:2.SG:SBJV COP-EMPH i-n ga huurin-ka u-ga aand-i brother-l .S G.POSS O.M-PERF see:2.SG:INT-INF: PAST 'Did you meet my brother?' With inchoative verbs the suffix is used for a present state and therefore it is perfect. an hlaqaat a-ga l . S G S . l / 2-PERF get:tired:l .SG 'I am tired. ' 4.1 .9. The expectational tense -n The form of the expect ational tense suffix is -n . It can be suffixed to the forms tables ( 4-8 ) withou t any subsequent changes. The meanin g of the suffix serves to express expecta tion or obligat ion, to express the action is an automa tic result or that there can be no doubt. In the example -n indicat es that the boy is respons ible for buying the hoe. garma kurmo gu-n tlaaxw hoe( M ) 0.3:0.M-EXPEC buy boy 'The boy is to buy a hoe.' The expecta tional suffix is frequently used for habitual actions or situatio ns. kar dasi i-n cak<m-am>it well girl S .3-EXP EC run<D UR-HA B>:3.S G.F 'The girl usually runs.' The expectational suffix is frequent in verb phrases that are the complement of a co These too are exertive statements. a-qo u-n qat-i exceptational is often used in a sentence after the condition with bar, in accordance with the meaning of automatic result. b < i > r-qo cag mo-ren di-r-qa>, hikwa cannibal- l .PL.POSS COND<S.3>- EMPH place-F-DEM3 cattle porridge ( F ) 0.3:0.F:PERF cook:3.SG.M-NEG 'He didn't cook porridge.' hhiiya->ee> gaas 0.2.SG.F-EXPEC kill:l .SG 'What you do, it is that I'll kill you.' The meaning of the suffix -(g)a is general past tense. fac a a-qo laq ta ado-r aw-aan xweera-wo COP-EMPH O.M-EXPEC bed-CON:DIR go- l .PL night-BACK in hayoh-aan . O.N-EXPEC take- l .PL 'If our cannibal is there, let us take the cattle.' The expectational is frequently used with the verb hlaa> 'to want, wish, like' and with the verb for 'to say', oo>. fu>unay g-i-n hlaa> . meat 0.3-0.N- EXPEC like:3.SG.M 'Meat is what it wants.' i-n oo)-i: aha, S.3-EXPEC say-3.SG.M:SBJV aha 'He says: 'Aha, ... '. ' The meaning of the suffix -n is not always clear . The expectational seems to be favoured if the object is sentence-initial. Occasionaly the expectational suffix expresses duration. gacay tsatseec gu-n stars ( M ) 0.3:0.M- EXPEC watch:3.SG.M 'He is watching the stars.' tsatseec gu gacay stars ( M ) 0.3:0.M watch:3.SG.M 'He sees the stars.' 4.1.10. The past continuous -na The difference between the suffixes -(g)a and -na is one of emphasis on the duration of the action in the past which is entailed by the suffix -na. kitabu-w-f u-na soomuus-i book- M-DEMl O.M-PAST read:INT-INF:PAST 'Did you read this book? ( One can see from the book that it has been read. ) ' However, -na is not always so strongly durational. It is also very often used for single events. For this reason, I gloss it with PAST, as opposed to PERF for -(g)a. 146 147 tuuc ga-na The background aspect -wa 0.3:0.F-PAST take:out:3.SG.M 'He took it out' tens e marker -wa is used to indicate that a certain action constitutes the back­ action of the verb in the main clause, that is, it occurs at the same time grouncl to the the verb in the following or preceding clause, or 1t occurred b efore t he of n ctio f the a verb. The suffix is used with the dependent verb 'to be'. main the �ction of dakuus gu-na · 0.3:0.M-PAST miss:3.SG.M 'He missed it' This suffix may have originated from a sequence of the expectational aspect s and the perfect suffix -a. 4.1 . 1 1 . The consecutive -ri This tense is never used in a first sentence, but very frequently to continue stories the time has been set, or it is used in a sentence following one with the b aspect marker -wa. It is used for subsequent actions. t la<an o u-na n gu-ri ta-taahh; stone ( M ) O.M-PAST HAB-take:l .SG 0.3:DEP.S. l .SG:O .M-CONS EC dayshimo-r tsaxaar; i-ri gwaa> snake-INSTR hit:l .S G S.3-CONSEC die:3.SG.M 'I took a stone and hit the snake with it and it died.' ala gadye-r-> ee, ngi-wa hhe>ees . after work-F-l .SG.POSS 0.3:DEP.S.l .SG:O.F-BACK finish:l .SG tlaw DEP.S.l .S G-CONSEC leave:l .SG 'After finishing my work, I left.' an nay lion hikwa faak 0.3:0.N:CONSEC2 0.3:0.N-CONSEC finish:3.SG.M:PAST cows 'And the lion finished the cows.' dirangw gay (gi-ri ) in6s tsar go'in xa>i tucu-t-o i-na waatl. hhe>ees ngi-wa trees ( N ) uprooting-F1-BACK 0 .3:DEP.S.3:0.N-BACK finish:3.SG .M 8.3-PAST return:home:3.SG.M 'When he finished uprooting the trees, he went home.' xu'-a qo oma-r daaqay hikwa S.1 / 2 know:2.SG:INT-INF time:CON-F boys ngi-wa daarf-af-in. cattle 0 .3:DEP.S .3:0.N-BACK return:home-HAB-DUR:3.SG.M 'Do you know when the boys usually bring the cattle home?' This tense suffix is also used for indirect commands and with the prohibitive; see also 4.1. 15. baaba g-a hlaa> ni-wa d oohl father 0.3-0.F want:3.SG.M DEP.S. l .SG-BACK cultivate:l .S G:SBJV 'Father wants me to cultivate' muux we PROH-O.l.PL-BACK beat:3.SG.M 'He is not to beat us. ' tlaw ( gi-ri) cisa, letters-N:CON two write:3.SG.M 'When I arrived yesterday, he was writing two letters. ' aten mi-ti-wa l . S G DEP.S.l :SG:CONSEC2 leave:l .S G dirangw gay hardah DEP.S.l .SG-BACK arrive:l .SG yesterday 3.SG S.3 barwad-a a The distinction between -r� and -ay is difficult. It would not seem to be an · textual ordering because after -na both orders -ri . . . -ay and -ay . . . -ri are Neither is it a distinction between a durative action and a point-event. Nor anything to do with consequence. Both can be used as a consecutive with future reference. I'll simply gloss them as CONSEC for -ri and CONSEC2 for -ay. or l.SG This suffix is also used in clauses that are introduced by qoomar 'when'. 4. 1 .1 2 . The consecutive -ay ni-ri aning ni-wa faak lion 0.3:0.N:CONSEC2 0.3:0.N-CONSEC finish:3.SG.M cows 'And the lion will finish the cows.' 4.1 . 14 The mood prefixes: The conditional bar and the concessive tarn There are four mood prefixes: The conditional bar- , the concessive t arn- , the ques­ tioning m- , and the prohibitive m-. The questioning m- and the prohibitive m- will be discussed in 4.1 .15. The conditional bar 'if' indicates that the clause is a condition. The concessive tarn 'even if' indicates that the clause is a concessive condition. kasiis bar cag, m-a-r tlutlu,uum- aar potatoes COND :O .F eat:2.SG PROH-O.F-INSTR chew-IMP.NEG 'If you eat potatoes, don't chew them.' 148 aten tam-ta-wa we 149 gilaaliim-aan, ta CONCES-DEP.S.1 /2-BACK fight :HAB:DUR- l .PL DEP.S. 1 / 2 wakaawak-aan-ii-ka HAB:hate- l . PL-INF:PAST-NEG 'We may have been fighting, but we never hated each other.' The conditional and �he concessive can occur as independent words, namely sen adverbs. The sentential adverb baro or bare expresses surprise, and the adverb means 'even'. garma-qa' bare to hefee' boy-D EM3 SURPRISE S.3 just be:negligent:3.SG .M 'That boy is negligent.' hee-qa m-u aminuus-aar adverb is like 'infixation'. consequen ce, the change of the vowel of the bar iga ( ) biriga COND-0. 1 .SG-PERF b ar i ( ) biri ( ) bir COND-S.3 b ar-ni- na ( ) birnina COND-HIT-PAST bar-ti-sa ( ) birtisa COND-IMPS:O.l .SG- REAS -+ man-DEM3 PROH-O.M believe-IMP.NEG even day:CON-F 'Don't believe that man, not even once.' The adverbs bar and tarn can occur sentence-initially or immediately before the :to. be'. These are the normal positions for sentential adverbs; see 5.3. If the ad m front of the verb 'to be', the verb 'to be' can be cliticised to it as it does t other pre�eding word; see 2.1 :3. The adverb bar has developed th� meaning 'i� the followmg sentence the obJect pronoun u referring to Imboru is infixed into adverb bare, which still has its final e. The final vowel e is usually dropped if adverb is used as a conditional marker on 'to be'. b<u>re keer, intseehheesan-te-'ee) The order of cliticisation to the adverb and suffixation of the perfect tense is not fixed, can be concluded from the following example. as 6> kwacango boy n ga-n or: peesa hlay, nga If the verb 'to be' starts with a consonant, an epenthetic vowel may occur between the conditional adverb and the verb 'to be'. The epenthetic vowel assimilates to the following vowel. tam- (V);- ndu-a ( ) tumun d a CONCES-(V)-0.2.PL-PERF bar- (V)-ngu-a ( ) burungwa COND- 0.3:DEP.S.3:0.M-PERF The perfect tense suffix may precede the case clitic. bar-i-sa d asi tlaaxw 0.3:DEP.S .3:0.F-EXPEC present-F-DIR buy:3.SG.M:PRES garma p eesa boy nga-n bar hlay, nga bar-a-sa ka C OND-S.3:PERF-REAS win-DUR:3.SG.M 0.3:IMPS:O.F bad-BACK-NEG 'If he won because o (it, it is not bad. ' money(F) COND DEP.S.3:0.F:PERF get:3.SG.M girl sawaadi-r-i baalin t lakw-ee-ka dasi tlaaxw DEP.S.3:0.F-EXPEC present-F-DIR buy:3.SG.M:PRES ' If the boy were tcr get money, he would buy a present for the girl' If the verb 'to be' is cliticised to the conditional adverb, the vowel of the ad assimilates to the vowel of 'to be'. Subsequently the final vowel can be dropped. As t lakw-ee-ka ka baalin COND-S.3-REAS win-DUR:3.SG.M 0.3:IMPS:O.F bad-BACK-NEG 'If he wins because of it, it is not bad.' COND money 0.3:DEP.S.3:0.F:PERF get:3.SG.M girl sawaadi-r-i [bar- [ [ [ta-i]-a]-sa]] -+ behind: CON hare: BACK SURPRISE<O.F> see:2.SG:INT -INF:PAST 'Behind the hare, did you see her?' garma bar = COND-IMPS:O.l .SG-PERF-REAS The r of bar- can be optionally deleted before a nasal. burngwa ( ) bungwa COND-0 .3:DEP.S.3:0.M- PERF aand-i b<a>ro bar taasa -+ 0.3:DEP.S. 1 /2:0.F say:2.SG 'If you go to Mbulu, give my greetings.' ala = .-+ Mbulu(M) COND< O.M> go:2.SG greetings-F1-l .SG.POSS ka -+ the vowel This "infixation" has to precede suffixation of the perfect tense because after the vowel of assimilation the conditioned that vowel coales cence with the suffix -a, the assim­ the from evident only is vowel this of deleted and the presence in the adverb is infix. an ilated vowel in the adverb, which has thereby become birta [[bar-[ta-i]]-a] C OND-IMPS:O.l .SG-PERF tumna [tam-nu]-a CONCES-0.2.PL-PERF IS Imboru -+ -+ = tarn bal6-r -+ impirmo b < u > r-ku-r-a or b all(M) impirmo b < u > r-kw-a-r ball(M) n eet COND<0.M>-0.3:IMPS:O.M-INSTR-PERF play:PAST neet C OND<0.M>-0.3:IMPS:O.M-PERF-INSTR play:PAST 151 150 If object 'If the ball is played with, ... ' After . bar- the perfect tense suffix -a can express a suppositional examples are present tense suppositional conditions. followmg tla <ano h<u>r-a bara-si caytis , stone(M) COND<O.M>-PERF inside-DEM.2:D IR drop: 2 . S G feehhiit S.3 tear:3.SG.M 'If you put a stone into it, the bag will tear.' anin g h < i > r-i axwes , axaas a l.SG COND<O.l .SG>-DIR t alk : 2 . S G S . 1 /2 1·1st en: 1 .S G 'If you talk t o me, I will listen.' aning bir-a->i axaas a axwes, l .S G COND<O.l .SG>-PERF-DIR talk:2.SG S.1/2 listen:l .SG 'If you talked to me, I would listen.' An? ther way of making a condition suppositional is by suffixing the infinitive t mam verb. T�e past tense infinitive on the main verb indicates that the conditio no not been realised; see 4.2.8. m- 4.1 .1 5 . The prohibitive and questioning mood prefixes The prefix m- turns a statement into a question asking 'what?' If 1't Is pre fixed to consonant-1mt1al stem an epenthetic vowel is inserted Th' vowe1 ass1m1 · · 1ates to next vowel. Although the question is 'what?', there is no object pronoun. . laari . . • . m-a IS • • · 'ay-aan today WHAT-S. 1 /2 eat-l .PL 'What are we eating today?' ma-t ( a ) kahi kahi WHAT-S.3 say:3.SG.M 'What does he say?' If it is followed by an instrumental , reason , or d Irec ' 1 case suffix, the ques ' t wna becomes 'how?', 'why?', or 'where to?'. mi-n di-r these refer to datives. babay m-1 1 .S G WHAT-O . l .SG tell:3. SG:M ' What does he tell me? ' bay mi-ti WHAT-IMPS:O.l.PL tell:PRES 'What are we told' disapproval if it is used together with the reason T he prefix m- indica tes an element of case clitic s . hla>- e, mi-ti-sa WHAT-RE C-RE AS like-3 .PL:P AST 'Why do you like each other? (implying you should not)' Compare the neutral way of forming 'why' -questions. ga-r hla,-e, ti-sa thing.CON-F REC-REAS like-3.PL:PAST 'Why do you like each other? (neutral)' expressed by using har instea d of s. har is a A similar disapp roving attitu de can be und verbs. The implic ation is preposition that is also used as a first element in compo.16, and 5.4. that there is no reason for a certain action . See also 4.1 4.4.2, m-a-h ar Imbo ru keer m-a-h ar fa'a-r cag m-a-s fa<a-r cag WHAT -8.1 /2-NE AR Mbulu go:2.S G 'Why do you go to Mbulu? (There is no reason to do so) .' WHAT -8.1/2 -REA S porrid ge:CO N-F eat:2.S G eat 'Why do you eat porridge?' (a possible continuation is: "it is not good to porridge" ) There is a homophonous prefix m- which is prefixed to the verb 'to be' if the verb is in the negative imperative. For subjects other than second person, the prefix m- and the dependent 'to be' with the background suffix -wa is used for negative commands. This is an extension of the use of -wa in indirect commands; see 4. 1 . 13. m-u doohl WHAT-DEP.S.l .SG-INSTR dig:l .SG:SBJV 'With what should I dig?' garma mu-ku-y an m- , WHAT -S.1 /2-NE AR porrid ge:C ON-F eat:2.S G ) 'Why do you eat porridge?' (a possib le contin uation is: "if there is nicer food" WHAT-IMPS say:3.SG.M 'What do they say?' m-i p ronouns are used after the quest ioning prefix yacab-iit WHAT-0.3:IMPS:O.M-DIR send-MIDDLE:PRES boy 'vVhere is the boy being sent to?' aminus-aar PROH-O.M believe- IMP.NEG 'Don't believe him!' kurmo mu-ngu huw-ar hoe(M) PROH-HIT :O.M bring-IMP.NEG 'Don't bring the hoe! ' 152 garma m-i-wa 153 axwees anin g kurmo u-na-rar PROH-S.3-BACK talk:3.SG.M boy 'The boy should not talk! ' hee m-i-wa tlees aning -i in6s na'ay gu xwaytsi- r-ar taah h 3.SG child 0.3:0 .M stick -F-IN STR beat :3.SG .M:P RES 'He will beat the child with a stick .' gurt u-da ' di-r kw-a-y han is goat :M- DEM 4 place:CO N-F 0.3: DEP .S. 1 /2:0 .M-P ERF -DIR g1v e: 2 . SG 'To whom did you give that goat ? ' · · garm a d i-r ku- y 0.3 :DEP.S. l .SG:O.M-CONSEC-INSTR dig:l .SG LSG hoe 'And then I dug with a hoe.' im pirmo mu-ku-wa-r ya'aaw a boy place :CON-F 0.3:I MPS :O.M-DIR send : PAS T COP Tla wi Tlaw i 'The place the boy was sent to is Tlawi.' The ablative case suffix -wa cannot be suffixed to the verb 'to be'. It would be terpr ete� as the bac�gro �nd aspect suffix -wa, whic h indee d . from. Like wise the directive case suffix -i cannot be so easil it prob ably the perfect tense suffix -a since it would be interpreted as y suffixed to forms the consecutive suffix see 4.1 . 1 2. After � vowel the directional case suffix -i can optionally be realized as a glide , or precedmg vowel can be elided to i. ta-u -i -+ tu'i or tuy or ti IMP ERS -0.2 .SG. M-D IR m-g-ta- u-i -+ muku >i or muk uy or mukwi or muki WH AT-0 .3-IM PS-O .M V.L l·,�1u.a. u The instrum:ntal � uffix -r has an allomorph -rar after the imperfect ive past tense the cons ecut ive -r1, and sometimes after the background suffix -wa· and an -ar after the expec tation al -n. ' u.u•vuJLV.Lif'"�'l! neet PROH- 0.3:IMPS:O.M-BACK-INSTR play:PRES b all 'The ball is not to be played with.' huutli-w6s ngi-na hanis pots-3.SG .POSS HIT:O.N-PAST give:3.SG.F ngi-wa-rar huuriim DEP.S.l .SG:O.N-BACK-INSTR cook:l .SG 'She gave me her pots to let me cook with them.' hani is-i tsu' porridge-F-D EM4 S.3 l .S G-D IR give- 3.SG .M:S BJV S.3 be:n ice:3 .SG 'The porridge that he gave me is nice ' d6ohl anin g kurmo ngu-ri-rar man PROH-O.l .SG-BACK waken:3.SG.M 'Nobody should waken me!' The meanings of the two prefixes m-, ques tioni ng or prohibitiv e, altho ugh too far apar t to analyse them as a singl e morpheme, desp ite the fact that the combi natio nal poss ibilit ies are ident ical. 4. 1 . 16 . The case clitics Th� ?ire�tive -�, instrumental -r, reason -s , and tive -wa case s are clitics posi tiOn Immediately before the verb . If there is aabla noun een the main verb the verb 'to be', they are attached to the noun ; see 3.4.5 . If betw there the adverbial case clitic and the verb 'to he', the clitic is suffix is no element ed to the verb 'to faca- r-da > d6ohl l .S G hoe O.M-PAST-INSTR dig:l .SG 'I was digging with a hoe.' doohl aning kurmo u-n-ar l.SG hoe O.M-EXPEC-INSTR dig:1 :SG 'I dig with a hoe. ' The reason clitic -s can be followed by the perfect tense marker. The imperfective past tense -na, however, precedes the reason clitic. The reason clitic -s has an allomorph sa after the imperfective past -na, the narrative tense -ri, and the background suffix -wa. ga-r ti-s · hla'-a' thing:CON-F REC-REAS like:2-PL 'Why do you like each other?' ga-r hla'-e' ti-s-a thing:CON-F REC-REAS-PERF like:2-PL:PAST 'Why did you like each other?' bar-ti-na-sa <aa<aam-in C OND-IMPS:O.l .SG-PAST-REAS cry-DUR:3.SG.M 'If they were crying because of me.' The case clitics are suffixed to forms with an object pronoun because the noun can only be absent if its referent is understood or if it is at the beginning of the sentence, and in both cases an object pronoun is obligatory (however; see below) . For example, i is ambiguous, that is, it can be either a third person subject or a first person singular object. In the following sentence, however, because of the case clitic, the only possible interpretation is that of first person singular object. 1nos i-na-y daqay he O . l .SG-PAST-DIR leave:3.SG.M 'He left on me' The exception to this is in an object relative clause. )n relative clauses in which the 154 155 head noun is the object , there is no object pronoun referring to the head noun. d i-r ta-y tleer a diima place:C ON-F DEP.S.1 /2-DIR leave:2.SG COP where 'Where are you leaving for?' The instrumental suffix -r is often used in complement sentences with the co tiser ad6r 'how, that'. in6s ga xuu' ad6r p ikipik i 3.SG 0.3:0 .F:P ERF know :3.SG .M:PA ST how ka-ra weeriis motorcycle (F ) 0.3:IMPS:O.F-INSTR sell:3.SG.M:PAST 'He knew that a motorcycle had been sold.' Th; reason c�it � c s can be prefixed to the following main instea d of being s to to be , . If It IS prefixed to the main verb, the argumentverb struc of the main changed to the effect that the object is the benificient; see 4.4.2.ture A simila r situ found with har, which can either be suffixed to the verb 'to be'; see 4. 1 . 15, or to the main verb; see 4.4.2. n gu-s gadyu us 0.3:HIT:O.M-REAS work:l .SG 'I work for him.' u sa-gadiyuus O . M REA:S-work:l .SG ' I work for him.' The instru m�ntal suffix can be used in a metaphorical sense ther with' and fixed expre ssiOn s: for example hlaw 'get' with the instrumentforal 'toge means 'to arrive '. kuun g do> ngu- ra hleer aten 2.SG .M house (M) 0.3:H IT:O .M- INST R get:2 .SG l .PL n gu-wa tlehh -it-aan 0.3:H IT:O .M-B ACK build-MID DLE-l. PL 'You happ ened to arrive when we were building the house .' If there is a questioning prefix m- , the reason case clitic des the verbs be' provided i t has an initial consonant, such as the hither, sorprece l .PL . pronou ns. This does not hold for the other case suffixes. A comb inatio and 2.PL obj and reason cases is possi ble if the reason case immediately precedes n of the · the verb 'to i.e. after the questioning mood. mustunday hanfis m-s-ta-ndu-a-i haniis WHAT-RE AS-IM PS-0 .2.PL -PERF-DIR give:PAST 'Why were you (plural) favoured? ' Ver bal inflection Introduction ( 1 7) , and for tense, ( 18), Ver b s are marked for person, (15), gender, (16), and number, e: For (19). exampl , and mood a d6hl (1 5) a d6ohl (16) i doohl 'He cultivates' 'She cultivates' (17) a d6hl a dohla' 'You cultivate' 'You (plural) cultivate' (18). a dohla' aga dohle> 'You (plural) cultivate' 'You (plural) cultivated' i doohl i doohli (19 ) 'I cultivate' 'You cultivate' i d6hl 'Let him cultivate' 'He cultivates' Tense and mood are also marked on the verb 'to be' which precedes the main verb as was shown in chapter 4.1. Aspect is marked both on the verb 'to be' and on the main verb by derivational affixes, such as the durative suffix -m. The derivational suffixes are discussed in 4.3. The only tense distinction on the verb is present tense ( including versus past tense. Explicit future tense is expressed by the use of the verb 'to future) . go\ Word �rder is also a factor in distingv.ishing present versus future tense;. see 7.3. � . There is a distinction between indicative and subjunctive mood on the mam verb present tense. In the past tense there is no mood distinction. The paradigm of the verb distinguishes between first person sirtgular, second person singular, third person singular masculine, third person singular feminine, first person plural, second person plural, and third person plural. The verb form for the third person singular feminine is identical with the second person singular, although the distinction is maintained in the preceding verb 'to be'. The third person plural has two forms, with no difference in meaning. The various forms for person, number and gender are exemplified in the verb doohl 'to cultivate' in the present indicative in the following table. m (20) Present indicative conjugation of doohl 'to cultivate' a d 6ohl l .SG a d6hl 2.SG i d oohl 3.SG.M i d 6hl 3.SG.F a doohlaan l .PL a dohla' 2.PL i doohliya' 3.PL i doohlir 3.PL 156 157 4.2.2. The paradigms Th� basic conjugation is the present indicative. Verbs can be divided into three gatwnal classes on the basis of the final consonant. All verbs end in a conson o.f the three conjugations has several subclasses. The relevant factors for the tlonal :lasses are the for�s for second person singular and the third person masculme. �he first conJugational class consists of those verbs that end in m �rst person smgular. This class includes all the verbs that end in the durative tlonal suffix The second class is made up of verbs that end in Vw a sh ort . t h e-m. ' and w, m fi rst person singular, and includes all the verbs with the inchoat' Ive -uw · The paradigms for the conjugational classes I and II in the indicative the following: (21 ) Indicative present for the conjugation classes I and II I Ila lib l .S G a k6om maw xwayluw 2.SG a k6on me er xwayluur 3.SG.M i kon may xwayluy 3.SG.F i k6on meer xwayluur l .PL a koomaan mawaan xwayluwaan 2 .PL a koonda> meera> xwayluura' 3.PL i kona> maya> xwayluya' 'have' 'leave' 'give birth' Conj_ugational class II includes the . monosyllabic verbs ending in aw, wh'1ch are , go , , aw , go , , maw 'leave', haw 'tell', hlaw 'get', tlaw '!eave', law 'hit' xaw ' qaw 'graze' , gac aw ' wat c h' , d aqaw '1 eave ' , and compound verbs with' one of verbs as second element such as geeqaw 'break' warqaw 'to be changed' , an d . from ur 'big, old'). ' · ' grow o ld er , ( mchoative Futhermore , it includes inchoative .m -uw, see 4.3.8., and the verbs tsa'uw 'be cool', xwayluw 'give birth'. The third conjugationa l class is different from classes one and two in three Firstly, the third person masculine singular is identical to the first person except for tone. Secondly, the third person masculine singular has a low tone on fina.l syll� ble. Thirdly, the third person plural has two alternative forms. The t conJugatiOn al class consists of all verbs not belonging to classes I and II S u b c1asses b e recogmsed according to the final consonant in the first and second person (22) First and second person singular for conjugation class Ill l .S G 2.SG Ilia h t IIIb r t IIIc w b IIId y g IIIe others The paradigms are: · ' " " "'" ' "'"� · . •� uucu'l;lii .. :a .. . Ill T h e indicat ive present paradigms for conjugation classHid IIIe IIIc IIIb Ilia ea ay doohl laaw eehar a oh l .S G cag doh I lab eehat a 6t 2 .S G doohl ea ay laaw eehar 3.S G.M i o h dohl cag lab eehat 3.S G.F i 6t dooh laan caayaan laawaan a ohaan eeharaan l .P L dohla' caga> lab a' eehata' a ota> 2.P L caayiya' doohliya' i ohiya' eehariya' laawiya' 3.PL doohlir caayir laawir eeharir i ohir 3.PL 'dig' 'eat' 'go to cultivate' 'follow' 'seize' in the final syllable. Sub class Ilia consists of verbs ending in h, which have a short vowel 'to enter', adah dah move', 'to loh seize', The memb ers of this subclass are oh 'to wa>alah 'to drink', 'to wah off', carry hayoh 'to 'to tread upon', hardah 'to arrive', as har>oh such oh with ds exchange' , kah 'to be dry', kah 'to speak', and compoun 'to arb itrat e'. in the final Sub clas s IIIb consists of verbs in r. Verbs in r have long or short vowelsburumb uur e.g. , vowels short syllable. There is also some variation between long and 'to migir open', 'to are gweer or bur umbur 'to collect'. The verbs in this subclass 'to geehar wring', collect firewood ', af>ur 'to suffer' , awer 'to descend', marmaar 'to 'to haar follow', eehar 'to follow', faar 'to count', gagar 'to carry' gir 'to go in front', lose', 'to proceed', harweer 'to encircle', ii>ar 'to try', qarqar 'to be bitter', qwaar tsagaar 'to give poison', tsawar 'to choose', tsaweer' 'to strangle', tsaxar 'to shoot', tsuru ntsur 'to gather', wahhar 'to become fat', xwar 'to dig .up'. The final t in second person singular and third person singular feminine can be realized as voiced d . Subclass IIIc consists of verbs ending in VVw . These are laaw 'to go to cultivate' , gwaaw 'to fast', qaaw 'to keep silent', tutuuw 'to clear a new field', huuw 'to bring', hhaaw 'to waste time', yaaw 'to protect with a fence', yacaaw 'to send' , goow 'to run', giiw 'to grow dark'. Subclass IIId is made up of verbs ending in VVy. The only verb in this group is caay 'to eat', the second person singular form of which is ea g. There are other verbs, of the IIIe type, that also end in g in the second person singular, like dog 'rneet:2.SG ', d 6o g 'meet:l .SG'. The verbs ending in g can undergo the optional final devoicing rule ( 18) in 2.5.4. Subclass IIIe constitutes the largest group and includes those verbs which end in other consonants, here exemplified by doohl. In general, the vowel of the final syllable in class Ill verbs is long in the first and third persons singular and short in the second person singular. 158 159 (24) Indicative present conjugation class III l .S G a tsaweer laaq I oh 2.SG a tsawet Iaq lot 3.SG.M i tsaweer laaq loh 3.SG.F i tsawet Iaq lot l .P L a tsaweeraan laqaan loohaan 2.PL a tsaweta> laqa' Iota> 3.PL i tsaweeriya> laaqiya' lohiya' 3.PL i tsaweerir laaqir lohir 'strangle' 'show' 'move' Verbs ending in h have a short final stem vowel. The verbs in h that have a s�em vowel s�or� en this vowel word-finally, that is in first and third person mas smgular, a loh I move , , but a loohaan 'we move'. The same holds for oh 'to Verbs ending in r or hh can have a short or long final stem vowel in the first "'\'erbs ending in another consonant all have a long stem final vowel in the first p smgular �u� some of them have a short stem vowel in the first person plural. Th some vanat10n among speakers as to which verbs have a short final stem vowel in first person plural. See also (26) below. (25) Verbs with vowel shortening preceding the l .PL suffix l .S G l .PL qaatl qatlaan 'to die (of many), break' d aakw dakwaan 'to whittle' guu' gu'aan 'to sleep' ' diif difaan 'to beat with head (of animals)' cfif cifaan 'to sigh' d aahh dahhaan 'to come from' kwaahh kwahhaan 'to throw away' t untuuk tuntukaan 'to cover' laaq laqaan 'to show' baats batsaan 'to store' muux muxaan 'to beat' haats hatsaan 'to fill' The indicative past is characterized by high tone also for the 3.SG.M form of verbs the third conjugational class and by -e' in 2.PL and 3.PL instead of -a>. aa d6ohl 'he cultivated' aga dohle> 'you (pl) cultivated' aa d oohliye' 'they cultivated' The subjunctive present is characterized by a low tone for all verbs and a suffix -i the 3.SG.M form of verbs of conjugation class III only. i doohli 'let him cultivate' Some verbs have a sho�t stem vowel if the i follows in the 3.SG.M form, ( 26). group partly overlaps With those verbs which have a short stem vowel i n the first p plural, such as laq. Compare for example, sii>aan 'we refuse', and si>i 'let him l. vl. u"''' "' � (26) Verbs with short vs long stem vowel for 3.SG.M subjunctive. short stem vowel long stem vowel ngi tlahhi ngi tleehhi 'Let him beat it. ' 'Let him do it. ' ngi muxi 'Let him beat it. ' i hatsi 1 aax1 'Let him be satisfied. ' i hamaatli 'Let him fill.' 'Let him wash.' 'Let him refuse it. ' 'Let him root it up.' ngi si>i ngi laqi ngi tuuci 'Let him do it. ' i kahhi 'Let him be absent.' ta qatli 'Let them die.' ngi dakwi 'Let him whittle it. ' ngi dahhi 'Let him come from it . ' ngi kwahh i 'Let him throw it. ' The subjunctive verb forms are used in subordinate clauses and in relative clauses. In simple sentences, the subjunctive is used for �ishes and adhortatives. 4.2.3. Person, gender, and number marking The indicative present tense paradigm is the reference paradigm. It takes no suffixes other than person, gender and number marking. Tense and mood suffixes are added in the other paradigms which are discussed in 4.2.4. (27) Person, gender and number marking. IIIe IIId Illc IIIb Ilia II I vvc VVy (V)Vr VVw Vh VVm aw l.SG VC Vg Vb Vt Vt eer VVn 2.SG vvc VVy VVw VVr Vh ay 3.SG.M Vn VC Vg Vb Vt Vt eer 3.SG.F VVn VVmaan awaan Vhaan Vraan VVwaan VVyaan VVcaan l .P L VC a> Vga' Vba> Vta> Vta> eera> VVnda> 2.PL VVciya' VVyiya' VVwiya' Vriya' Vha> aya' Vna' 3.PL VVC ir VVyir VVwir Vrir Vhir 3 . PL The first person singular is the conjugational base. The final stem vowel is long for verbs in the first conjugation and for most verbs in the third conjugation, with the exception of verbs which end in h and some verbs ending in r. The second person singular ends in a long vowel plus n for verbs like firiim 'to ask', in a long vowel plus r for verbs like tlaw 'to get up', in a short vowel plus a stop for verbs ending in a glide, in a short vowel plus t for verbs ending in h , in a short vowel 161 160 . s rng u 1 a plus the final consonant for other verbs. See the following examples: (28) Second person singular endings 2.SG 1 .S G firiin fi riim 'to ask' tleer thiw 'to get up' tsa'uw tsa'uur 'to get better' cag c aay 'to eat' lab laaw 'to go to cultivate' lot loh 'to move (house) ' eehat eehar 'to follow' dohl doohl 'to cultivate, dig' dog doog 'to increase' Historically the second person singular suffix is -d . Voiced stops are optionally word-finally. For example cag and lab can be realised as cak and lap. The *d obligatorily devoiced with verbs ending in h or r. Historically, stem final voiced are lenited in the first (and third) persons: b to w, g to y, and d to r Evidence this historical change can be found in derivation, where the voiced stop is ret For example, cagagiim 'eat habitually', labiim 'be going to cultivate', eehadiim be following', but also in forms such as eehad-a 'Will you follow?'. This process lenition was blocked by the stop that followed the final stem consonant in the sec:on:ct�'l person. Final stem vowels were shortened in the second person because of the that two consonants followed the vowel. This vowel reduction is the only trace of second person marker for verbs of class IIIe. In class II, the stem originally ended ay or ee and the second person marker d lenited to r. Futher evidence for the that historically the stem of class II verbs contained ee can be found in the causa derivation tlees 'to cause to leave' from tlaw 'to leave'. In class I, the stem en in V n, short vowel plus n. Lengthening of the vowel immediately before nd and reduction of nd to n word-finally are synchronic phonological rules, ( 1 ) in 2.2. ( 1 9 ) in 2.5.4. These historical observations follow roughly Elderkin ( 1 988). The third person singular masculine suffix was i , which was dropped in most The i shows up in the third person masculine singular subjunctive, and in the person plural -iya? and in the third person infinitive allomorph. . i d oohl-i � i doohli 'let him cultivate', SUBJ- 3.SG.M i d oohl-i-a> � doohliya' 'they are cultivating' -3- PL i doohl-i-a-ka � i doohliika 'he does not cultivate' -3.SG.M-INF-NEG The first person plural suffix is -aan, and is suffixed to the form of the first singular. For some verbs the preceding vowel shortens, (25), although these verbs exceptions which originally had a short stem vowel. With some other verbs, the has a short vowel. "'0"''"'n'"'� a kicisan 'we return' a daqawan 'we leave' The second person plural is formed by adding a plural suffix -a' to the second peJ:sol)��� person plural form, r form. The plurality . -a' also occurs in the third . . marker . . 1 e k us1nga 'th plural subjects m certam relative clauses; see 4.2.7., and m forms l'k 'this you'. In class 1 the second pers �n singular ends �;�ese you (plural)', ascf. iskusing clear from the plural form . Word-final nd 1s reduced to n , in nd unde rlyingly, see ( 19 ) in 2.5.4. a lot 'you move' a lot-a> 'you (pl) move' a firiin d a firiin 'you ask' a firiind-a> 'you (pl) ask' . ', � The third person plural is formed by adding -a' to the third person singular masculine form , but iya> for verbs of the third conjugation class, e.g. i doohl 'he cultivates' i tlay 'he leaves' i doohliya' 'they cultivate' i tlaya' 'they leave' Verbs of the third conjugation class have an alternative third person plural marker -ir. The plural marker ir does not occur elsewhere. There is no difference in meaning or . use between -iya' and -ir. I have no explanation as to why only verbs of the th1rd conjugation class have the third person plural suffix -ir. The subject noun agrees in gender with the verb; see 3.1. A plural subject noun that is feminine takes the third person singular feminine ending of the verb. Only neuter subject nouns take the third person plural ending. tsir>o o a axmis-a i c'a a<aam-iin. . bird(F) O.F hear:2.SG :INT-INF S.3 cry-DUR:3.SG.F 'Do you hear the birds? They are singing.' hikwa(N) i axmis-a caacaam-in- a). cattle O.N hear:2.SG:INT-INF S.3 cry-DUR:3-PL 'Do you hear the cows? They are making a noise.' hlee a axmis-a caacaamiin . cow(F) O.F hear:2.SG:INT-INF 8.3 cry-DUR:3.SG.F 'Do you hear the cow? She is making a noise.' 4.2.4. The tense and mood markers The past tense is marked by a high tone on the last syllable of the verb. In the indicative mood, the high tone for past is only significant for the 3.SG.M forms of class . 2.PL III verbs. Past tense is also marked by -e' instead of -a> as a plurality marker m and 3.PL. 163 1 62 (29) Indicative past paradigms d6ohl aga firiim thiw l .S G d6hi aga firiin tleer 2.SG d6ohl tlay 3.SG.M aa firin d6hl tleer 3.SG.F aa firiin aga firiimaan tlawaan doohlaan l .PL dohle> aga firiinde> 2.PL tleere' doohliye> aa firine> tlaye> 3.PL doohlir aa 3.PL A low tone marks subjunctive sentences, as does a vowel i for the third person singular in conjugational class Ill. If the verb is in the subjunctive, the dependent 'to be' is used. The subjunctive is, among others, used in present tense object clauses, whereas in the past tense object relative clause the dependent 'to be' with verb in the past indicative is used. (30) Subjunctive present paradigms doohl firiim l .SG tlaw dohl ta firiin 2.SG tleer doohli fir in 3.SG.M tlay dohl 3.SG.F i firiin tleer t a firiimaan tlawaan doohlaan l .PL ta firiinda> dohla> 2.PL tleera> doohliya> firina> 3.PL tlaya> doohlir 3.PL There is an archaic subjunctive suffix -e> . In the hlufay, a traditional thanksgi poem, the first person plural subjunctive has a final e>. The line �UU''-''"' ''""'"' ll l hhoo' ko om-aan-e> for: koom-aan peace 0.3:DEP.S . 1 /2:0.F have-l .PL:SBJV 'Let us have peace.' is one among a whole series in the subjunctive, it is followed by a line with the nrl"'l'lP'nt,a day subjunctive form and it translates as 'let us have peace'. I therefore assume the form koomaane> , which only occurs in the hlufay, is an archaic subjunctive Other, sporadic examples of subjunctive -e> are the following: hhoo> ngi kone> peace 0.3:DEP.S.3:0.F have:3.PL:SBJV 'Let them have peace.' aten 16> lll axwees-aan speak- 1 .PL:SBJV 'Let us speak.' ti gwet ti gwed-e> O . l .P L open:2.SG:SBJV O.l .PL open:2.SG:SBJV 'Untie us.' 'Untie us. ' (to many) ku intseehhiisan-te->ee' 6> 2.SG.M greetings-F1-l .SG.POSS say:2.SG:SBJV 'Pass my greetings.' 4 .2. 5 . Irregular verbs There are a few irregular verbs. The verb kah 'to say' has the following paradigm, (31 ). Note that there is no third person plural form in -ya>. There is another verb kah 'to be dry' which is regular. (31) Irregular verb kah 'to say' l .SG a kah a kat 2.SG i kahi or kay 3.SG.M i kat 3 .qG.F l .PL a kaha 2.PL a kata> 3.PL i kahir The verb ar 'to see' has an irregular second person form aan instead of at 'you see' and. aand a> 'you (pl) see', as though it were of class II. peace have-l .PL-SBJV hhoo> ka Senten ces with the verb in the subjunctive can occasionally occur without the verb 'to be ' . axaas-aan-e> l .PL true HIT hear-l .PL-SBJV 'We wish we had learned something.' The suffix e> could be related to the imperative plural suffix -e> ; see 4.2.6. The word deer 'to be present, to exist' has many properties of a noun. It takes the background suffix -o as nouns do, for example in yes/no questions, i deero 'Is it present?' It does not conjugate for person, with the exception of the third person plural form. The third person plural form is daya> as though deer were a verb of conjugational class II. For the conjugational class II, third person singular feminine and second person singular forms end in eer. 8 . 1 /2 S.3.SG S.3.PL a deer i deer i daya> The word hlaqas 'to be similar to', which is a defective verb with noun-like properties , has the derived forms hlaqamis , and hlaqamimis , containing verbal derivational suffixes; see 4.3. The noun hlaqasay (m) 'example' is derived from this. Neither tense nor subject indications are possible with hlaqas and its derived forms. hlaqas occurs as a complement of the copula, or of the object pronoun agreeing with the "subject" of hlaqas. The object pronoun is not gu, as it would be in a verbal sentence; u, 164 165 a non-verbal sentence does not take an object pronoun. An object pronoun with impersonal subject is, however, possible here, thus in this respect, hlaqas behaves an adjective. inos a (u) hlaqas nee nacaay-wos 3.SG COP (O.M) similar with child-3.SG.POSS 'He resembles his child.' ga-r ka hlaqas thing:C ON-F 0.3:IMPS:O.F similar 'What is it similar to?' 4.2.6. Imperatives The imperative forms distinguish between singular and plural addressee, and indi whether or not there is an object, and whether or not the action is towards (on behalf for the benefit of) the speaker. The negative imperative is preceded by the prohib' marker ma or m plus an object pronoun; see 4. 1 .15. In the negative imperative only a singular or plural addressee is distinguished. There is no difference between three verb classes in the imperative forms. The forms of the imperative are given (32). (32) The imperative forms doohl d o ohlE�> doohleek doohlaak doohlang doohlare' huwang huware> ma doohlaar ma doohlara> 'dig!' 'dig! (to many)' 'dig it!' 'dig it! (to many)' 'dig for me!' 'dig for me! (to many) ' 'bring it to me!' 'bring it to me! (to many)' 'don't dig' 'don't dig (to many)' The following suffixes are added to the reference form, the simple imperative. (33) List of imperative suffixes. suffix meaning -e' plural addressee -eek there is an object -aak idem and plural addressee -ang towards the speaker -are' idem and plural addressee -ang towards the speaker and there is an object -are' idem and plural addressee abbreviation IMP.PL IMP.O.SG IMP.O.PL IMP.HIT.SG IMP.HIT.PL IMP.HIT.SG:O IMP.HIT.PL:O -aar -ara' negative imperative idem and plural addressee IMP for NEG IMP.PL for NEG The suffix -ara' consists of -aar plus the plural marker -a' . The suffix are' looks like a fusion of -aar and -e' , but its meaning cannot be predicted from its constituent parts and it is therefore considered a single suffix. All imperatives with an object have low t one on the verb form. This low tone can be seen as a marker for the presence of an object and thus as a separate morpheme. The forms -ang and -are' are considered to consist of two morphemes -ang IMP.HIT .SG and low tone. The suffixes -eek and -aak only occur with an object and thus the presence of an object is part of their meaning. The imperative forms for the negative require the verb 'to be' with the prohibitive prefix m- ; see 4. 1 . 15. This prohibitive prefix indicates the negative element. The imperative form itself is positive. mi-ti taahh-aar PROH- O . l .PL beat-IMP(NEG) 'Don't beat us! ' huw-aar kurmo (M) mu-ngu hoe PROH-0.3:HIT:O.M bring-IMP(NEG) 'Don't bring me the hoe!' There are some irregular imperative forms. The stem qwal only occurs in imperative forms: qwalang 'come here', qwalasare> , idem to many, qwalase> 'come on, let's go'. The form xawee ( k) also means 'come here', from the verb xaw 'to come', but with the suffix -eek although there is no object. The forms xawe' and xaware' also mean 'come' (to many). There are no forms xaw or xawaak. There is an additional form xawaas also meaning 'come here!'. A suffix -as, which is no longer productive can be recognised in xaw-aas, qwal-as-e'. The form are, literally 'look!' (said to many) from the verb ar 'to see' is also used in speaking to a single person to express that you have something for him/her. Alternative forms are areengw and areengwaay. When presenting someone with something one says han o o ( s ) , related to haniis 'to give'. There are fixed expressions containing imperatives, for example ii>ari qaasaak literally 'put it in the ears' meaning 'listen!' (said to many) and used when starting a narration. 4.2. 7. Participles In present tense relative clauses with the head as subject, the verb form is not inflected for person, but for number and gender only, like adjectives. This participle has a high tone after masculine head nouns and a low tone after feminine head nouns. The same holds for adjectives. The head noun is in the premodifier form, as is the case before any relative clause or if an adjective f�llows. hee doohl i kaahh man:CON dig:M S.3 absent:3.SG.M 'There is no man who digs' 167 1 66 das�r doohl i 4.2 .8. The infinitive suffixes k'hh girl:CON-F dig:F S.3 absent:3.SG.F 'There is no girl who digs' _ , Plural personal (pro )nouns as head nouns require the plural suffix , on the Adjectives, too, show number agreement, but not with the suffix -a'. kuung,-d, sawawiti>i>iim-'' yaamu gi _ , However, if the head noun is not a personal (pro )noun, the suffix , corresponds the neuter gender of the head noun and not to the number. With neuter head the verb has the suffix , whether the noun is plural or singular, nac'a ,, doohl-'' i kaahh-ir children:N:CON dig-N S.3 absent-3.PL 'There are no children who dig' hhayso-ka see>ay mumukumiis-'' tail-DEM l : N dog waving-N 'The clog's tail that is waving ... ' , guu> ta plant:F In sentences with an impersonal subject, i.e. those containing ta as verb 'to be' , verb form is not inflected for person. The verb form is identical with the verb stem. no object precedes, the tone on the verb is low for the present tense of conjuga class Ill and high in the past tense, and for conjugational classes I and II also high the present tense. In other words, it is identical to the 3.SG.M verb form. If an obj precedes, however, the tone is low for the present tense for all conjugational classes high for the past tense of all conjugational classes. In the subjunctive, the parti has a suffix i and low tone, like the 3.SG.M:SBJV form. ta tl'y 'one leaves, one has left' (II) ta taahh 'one beats' (Ill) ta taahh 'one had beaten' (Ill) kuung tu taahh 'you (masc.) will be beaten' (Ill) kuung twa t'ahh 'you were beaten' (III) kuung tu taahhin 'you are being beaten' (I) kuung twa taahhin 'you were being beaten' (I) bara tlakway-wi bag-DEM1 'Whatever you put into that bag, ... ' The infinitive suffix can follow the verb in a subordinate clause with the background as pect marker -wa, changing the meaning to 'before'. loo'a i-wa dat-a (f) daaf-ir. mas hikwa na S.3-BACK enter:3.SG.F-INF cattle HIT:PERF go:home-3.PL 'Before the sun sets, the cattle should return home. ' ni-wa n ga ' aleehleer-a qas-a ta g'-r kiic-a aning ba�wa-r-1 2.SG.M HIT:BACK return-INF l .SG angano s'ngw dahaas farmers:CON-F wheat now 'Farmers who plant wheat now ... umuu-qo kuung people:CON-M1 sleep:.M 'People who sleep' doo hlite-r ad6-r every-EMPH thing:CON-F DEP.S. 1 /2 put:2.SG-INF in-CON sun Furthermore, plural head nouns that are not neuter do not take the suffix � a) on verb. mu-k axay l'aq well do:IMP manner:CON-F DEP. S . 1 /2 can:2.SG-INF 'Do whatever you can' 2.PL-DEM4:CON land 0.3:0.N rule-PL 'You who rule over the land ... ' _ The verb can have an additional suffix, -a, which I call the infinitive suffix. The infinitive suffix can follow the verb in a relative clause to give the clause a meaning of general validity. hhe>ees . go>i�r-o letter-F- D EM1 writing-F-BACK 0.3:DEP.S. l .SG:O.F:PERF finish:l .SG 'Before you return, I will have finished writing this letter.' The infinitive suffix can follow the verb in a conditional clause containing bar to make the condition suppositional or future, unfulfilled. nacii bar-n-i guu>-ii>a a tl'w children COND-PL-S.3 sleep-3.PL:INF S . 1 /2 leave:l .SG 'When the children are asleep, I'll leave.' impirmo b < u > r neet-aan-a, ball (m) COND<O.M> 'If we were to play with the ball, ... ' The past infinitive renders the condition counterfactual. in6s b < u > r-a atet-i geera na 3.SG COND < O.M>-PERF c.all:2.SG-INF:PAST before HIT:PERF hard'h arnve 'If you had called him (but you,didn't), he would have come. ' 1 68 an bar-ti axwees , 169 a axaas (34) l . S G COND-IMPS:O.l .SG talk:PRES S . 1 /2 listen 'If I am talked to, I listen.' b < i > r-n-a ganhl-in-e' COND<S.3>-PL-PERF hurry-DUR:3-PL:PAST 'If they hurried, ... ' birna ganhlin >i bar-n-i-a ganhl-in-e>-i COND-PL-S . 3-PERF hurry-DUR:3-PL:PAST-S.3:INF 'If they had hurried (but in fact they didn't), . .. ' The infinitive suffix can follow the verb in a subordinate clause in the concessive containing t arn , with no apparent additional meaning. anfng qayrno tarn l .S G field hlaw-a-ka doohl-a, bu>uungw u C ONCES:O.F cultivate-INF harvest O.M get-INF-NEG 'I may cultivate the field, even if I cultivate the field, I won't get a harvest.' Futhermore, the suffix is used with yes/no question intonation, and preceding negative suffix -ka. ma>ay i koond-a water O.N have:2.SG:INT-INF 'Do you have water?' anfng a doohl-a-ka l .SG S.1 /2 cultivate-INF-NEG 'I don 't cultivate.' The general function of the infinitive suffix is to identify the preceding clause as a This unit is questioned with the yes/no question intonation, negated if the negati suffix follows. The subordinated clause with wa and the infinitive suffix is seen as unit and the event as completed at the time of the action of the main clause, hence translation 'before'. The infi:p.itive suffix with a conditional sentence sets the condi at a higher level, making the condition unfulfilled or counterfactual. The function the infinitive suffix is the verbal equivalent of the background suffix with nouns. background suffix, too, is used with yes/no question intonation and before the nega suffix -ka and indicates that the preceding clause is set apart as a whole; see 3 .4.6. The form of the infinitive suffix is a, but i for third person in class Ill verbs. infinitive suffix is i for past tenses. Further, the suffix has the effect of lowering all preceding high tone.s of the verb. Negation is expressed by the negative marker -ka. When suffixed to a verb, it preceded by the infinitive suffix . There is no difference between indicative, subjunct' and conditional mood in the negative forms. The surface forms are presented in (34 There is no third person plural form in -ir for verbs of class Ill if the infinitive , Negative paradigms for the present tense doohlaaka tlawaaka fi riirnaaka l .SG dohlka 2.SG firiindaaka tleeraaka doohliika 3.SG.M firnaka tlayka l .PL firiimaanaaka tlawaanaaka doohlaanaaka tleera>aaka dohla>aaka fi riindaaka 2.PL tlay>aaka doohlii>aaka 3.PL fi rin>aaka 'to leave' 'to cultivate' 'to ask' ( 35 ) Negative paradigms for the past tense tlawiika do ohliika firiimiika l . SG dohlka tleeriika fi riindiika 2.SG doohliika tlayka 3.SG.M fi rniika l .PL fi riimaaniika tlawaaniika doohlaaniika tleeri>iika dohli>iika 2.PL fi riindiika tlay>iika doohlii>iika fi rin>iika 3.PL 'to cultivate' 'to ask' 'to leave' The negation of the participle is -a-ka. carneen f-r halo baaliim-a-ka a ti woman:CON-F ever win-INF-NEG COP INDEP :F 'The woman who rrever succeeds is this one.' The vowel preceding -ka is lengthened. This rule applies after the syllable reduction rule, which deletes the short vowel of a syllable behyeen two syllables with short vowels; see rule ( 4) in 2.3. The rul.e applies in the following cases: d ohl-a-ka -+ d ohlka 'she does not dig' d ohl-i-ka -+ dohl �a 'she did not dig' firin-a-ka -+ firnaka 'he does not dig' or -+ fi rinka (free variation) fi rin-i-ka -+ fi rnika -+ firniika 'he did not or -+ firinka (free variation) tlay-a-ka -+ tlayka 'he does not get up' tlay-i-ka -+ tlayka 'he did not get up' dig' The forms tlawaaka 'I don't get up' and tlawiika 'I didn't get up' are exceptions to the rule. The verb forms for yes/no questions have the infinitive suffix and a special intonation contour. This question intonation is an extra high tone on the penultimate syllable and a subsequent falL There is some variation in the vowel length of the syllable on which the intonation contour is realised, fi riirnana or firiimaana 'Are we asking?' 1 70 171 ( 3 6 ) Verb forms in yes/no questions for present tense doohla tlawa a firiima l .S G a fi riinda dohla tleera 2.SG doohli tlaya 3.SG.M i firna a fi riimana tlawaana doohlaana l .PL dohla'a a fi riinda'a tleera'a 2.PL doohlii'a tlay>a i firna'a 3.PL 'to ask' 'to leave' 'to cultivate' Verb forms in yes/no questions for present tense doohli tlawi ga firiimi l .SG dohli tleeri ga firiindi 2.SG doohli tlayi 3.SG.M aa firni 1 .PL na firiimani tlawaani doohlaani dohli'i ga firiindi>i tleeri>i 2.PL doohlii>i tlay>i na firn'i 3.PL 'to ask' 'to leave' 'to cultivate' The yes/no question can be neutral or leading to the answer "no" A ques t Ion ' 1ea<Un1�1 t o t he answer "yes , h as t he mtonat10n preceding the negative element which is · t case kee, a contractiOn of ka-hee, negative suffix plus background suffi x. The . . ( plus negative) suffix the . fi m�1ve th at after t h e m nominal background suffix -hee . . character of the infinitive suffix. See also 9.5. used shows the nommahsmg . . . · Ill , axas-a a S.l /2 listen: 2 .SG:INT-INF 'Do you listen?' (Expected answer: "No" ) hhe'es-ii-kee a-ga S . l/2-PERF finish:2.SG-INF:PAST:INT-NEG:BACK 'You are finished, aren't you?' (Expected answer: "Yes" ) 4.3. Verbal derivation 4.3.1 . Introduction The verbal morphemes include a causative suffix -s , a d ura t'1ve su ffix -m, . suffix . derivational middle vmce -t , and reduplication of the root consonant for the h a b't ua1 . �· s a1 so an unprod�ctive durative suffix -ar. The morphemes mentioned are discm;sects;l m 4.3.2-8. There 1s also verbal compounding, which is discussed in 4.4. -s causative -m durative -t middle voice Reduplication habitual 1 In addition, there are verbalising suffixes to derive verbs from adJ' ectives·. The meh oa suffi� -uw to a�qmre the quality of the adjective', and the factitive suffix -ees ' provide the quality of the adjective'. There are other verbalising suffixes to verbs from nouns, the factitive suffix -uus, and -uut . In -ees and -uus, the causa , · . · · suffix - s can be recognised, and in -uut the middle voice suffix -t. inchoative - uw factitive -ees factitive -uus verbaliser -uut ve aspectual meaning : Three of the verbal derivational morphemes have a progressireduplica tion. The pre­ habitual the and suffix, voice The dur ative suffix, the middle depending on verb to verb from differ can es morphem ci se meaning of these progressive For example, stem. verb same the with possible wh at other progressive derivations are There is no form. base its in tion reduplica a the verb sasaahh 'to whisper' contains 'to whisper' sasaahh of habitual the for verb form saahh. Since an extra reduplica tion s where situation in used is aam is impossible, the form with a durative suffix sasaahh contains that form base a is search' a habitual would be used. Likewise , leeleehh 'to a new a reduplication . The form leehh 'to bring' exists, but leeleehh has acquired suffix, voice middle a by meaning, 'to search'. The habitual of 'to search' is expressed is tion reduplica le eleeh hiit 'to be searching , to search habitually', because an extra nal derivatio no impos sible. I use the term "base form" for a verb form which contains morpheme, or one which does contain a derivational morpheme but where the corre­ sponding form without the derivational morpheme does not exist or the meaning of the derived verb is not predictab le. How these derivations with progressive meaning are interrelated in a systemat ic way is explained in paragraph 4.3.12. The suffixes with progressive aspect �earring are not inflectional because the suffixes are not obligatorytin any of the progressive situations . The suffixes are derivational because they do no combine with every single verb, because for some verbs the meaning of the derived verb form has become specialise d, and for some other verbs, the verb form without the affix does not exist. Moreover, inflectional affixes are usually at the extreme ends of the word. Here the progressive suffixes are close to the root and precede the causative suffix which is the most typical derivational suffix, because it can change the argument structure. The order of the suffixes is strict. Since reduplication involves a root consonant, the habitual derivation is closest to the verb root. Next to this is the durative or the middle voice derivation, but only one of the two. The causative derivation is always last. (37) Root - RDP - DUR / STAT - CAUS The combination of the durative suffix -m and the middle voice suffix -t is only possible if the middle voice suffix -t is part of the base form of the verb. If the combination occurs, the durative must precede the middle voice suffix. The durative can also precede the verbalizer suffix -uut ; see 4.3 . 1 1 . lakmiit 'to be waiting' lakiit 'to wait' hlaqamiit 'to get tired' hlaqaat 'to be tired' baqimiit 'to be defending' baqiit 'to be in defense' pacamiit 'to be splitting' pacaat 'to be split' tsal>amiit 'to be sinking' tsal>aat 'to sink' 1 72 1 73 Derived verbs with the inchoative suffix -uw do not take any other derivation reduplicatio n. Verbs with the factitive suffix -ees or -uus or with the verbaliser -uut can only take the durative suffix -m, in which case the final consonant factitive suffix is taken as a morpheme and is separated from the vowel, e.g. eemiis . axwanees 'to heat' hingees 'to take away' amohhe>ees 'to put in good order' axwane emiis 'to be heating ' hingee miis 'to be taking away' amohh e>eemi is 'to be putting in good order' hleemi is 'to be getting for' unjustly' malgu umiis 'to be treatin g un­ justly' caansu us 'to start' caansuu miis 'to be starting ' xuru ut 'to suspect' xurum iit 'to be suspect ing' muunuut 'to abstain from food, to be munum iit 'to continu e to ab­ disappointed' stain from food' hlaw 'to get' malguus 'to treat Again, the order of the derivational suffixes is very rigid. The last consonant is al treated as a suffix if it is a possible suffix, i.e. if it is s, t, w, or m. For example, verb axaas 'to listen' has a durative form axmiis. The final s is treated as it were a causative suffix, although there is no verb stem ax related to axaas . durative suffix m is strictly speaking, an infix in such cases. These cases are n and regular. It is an infix of a very restricted nature because it can only be by what looks like a suffix. At any rate, l will indicate it as an infix ·because t fact that the form without the infix is a base form is important in certain cases: lak < m >iit 'to be waiting' the combination of durative and middle voice suffix is possible because the latter is in fact part of the base form. In a verb such as gac 'to watch' the reduplica ted form is ga' <a'>aw, with reduplica tion of c as if it the final root consonant because aw looks like an inchoative suffix and, in with verbs with such a suffix, no durative suffix m can be used with this verb. the reduplicated form not only has the meaning of habitual but also covers durati aspect. What follows the infix is seen as a suffix in form, but at the same time it seen as part of the base form with respect to meaning. "' "'"n•·rt "'"'"'":ji; The vowel preceding the final derivational suffix is ii, irrespecti ve of the final s The vowel preceding the other derivational suffixes or the reduplica ted root cm1scman��� is an epenthetic a. cay-m-iis 'to feed' 'aay-iim 'to be eating' do og-iit 'to be increasing' doog-aag-iit 'to be regularly increasing' ax< m-aam>iis 'to listen usually' tseeg-am-iis 'to slow down' However, the vowel preceding the non-final derivational suffixes can also be ii. fiir<iir >iim 'to ask usually, to be asking' hlip<im > iis 'to be drilling' qayts < im>iit 'to be investigating' There a reduct1'on of the vowel of the syllable preceding the derivational suffix by the syllable reduction rule ( 4) in 2.3. ax<m>iis 'to be listening' axaas 'to listen' cak<m> iit 'to be jumping' cakuut 'to jump' awd-iit 'to be descending'" aweer 'to descend' kwandk-uut 'to be hoeing' kwandeekw 'to do the first hoeing' surkuum 'to be pushing' suruuk 'to push' xortliim 'to be snoring' xorootl 'to snore' IS · There is also assimilation of the epenthetic vowel to i, u or � in the preceding syllable through velar, pharyngeal, and glottal consonants; see ( 12) 2.5.3. bu>uum 'to be harvesting' b u u 'to harvest, pay' pacaas 'to split' pa'aat 'to be split' dahhaas 'to boil sth.' daahh 'to boil' duxuum 'to be taking out, to get duux 'to take out, to marry' married' kohgo>oot 'to be fallen' kongoo > 'to fall' , hungucuus 'to rest' hunguuc 'to recover m . The spreading of the rounding of the consonant :o t ?e following epenthetic vowel is a morphophonological rule restricted to verbal denvatwn. daaxw deeqw 'to make an incision' 'to shave' daaxuum 'to deequum 'to be incising' be shaving' A long vowel is shortened in verb stems if a syllable follows with a velar, pharyngeal, or glottal consonant in the onset, or if a glide follows. However, ee and o o are not shortened. tuntuuk-iim --+ tuntukuum 'to cover-DUR' duux-iim --+ duxuum 'to take out, marry-DUR' hluuq-iim --+ hluquum 'to kill a big animal or man-DUR' ufaahh-iim --+ ufahhaam 'to blow-DUR' tuu'-iim --+ tu'uum 'to uproot-DUR' buu'-iim --+ bu>uum 'to harvest, pay-DUR' wa>alah-iim --+ wa>alahaam 'to exchange-DUR' qaaw-iim --+ qawiim 'to make sb. quiet' say-iim 'to rule over' goo>iim 'to write' This rule operates only in verbs, compare: 1 74 naa 'ani (f) 'penis' tlaaqati (f) 'gazelle' tsii,imo (m) , pl.: tsii>o xwaa' ari (f) 'crow' 1 75 qaas Some verbs have a short stem vowel if a derivational suffix follows. This is t he torically original short stem vowel which is lengthened in the inflectional system·' 4.2.2. tlatiim 'to dream' fi riim 'to ask' gusiim 'to have diarrhoea' For verbs with the causative suffix, the subject causes the action of the verb. Intr tive verbs become transitive and the subject of the intransitive verb becomes the of the causative verb. aning tiq-m-iis-iya> tlet gadyeet g-a ropes:CON-F long:PL work 'Long ropes make the job easy.' inhlahh-is . 0 .3-0.F be:easy-CAUS:3.SG.F "basoro hleem-is-an g" hleem-iis basoro(F) ka get:DUR-CAUS-IMP.HIT millet 0.3:IMPS:O.F get:DUR-CAUS:PRES ' "Get the millet for me." They get the millet.' an kuung u inhlawt-iis cayto>o qayta-r-o l .S G 2.SG.M O.M remember-CAUS : l .SG maize 'I'll remind you to inspect the maize.' in6s baynu g-i-na So me verb s contain the causative suffix in their base form. loqo os 'to beat' hhe>ees 'to finish' The s uffix -t indicates primarly that the subject is a patient. In the following examples n aga af means 'to glue, to be sticky' (said of the material) ; the subject has the glueing prop erty. In nag>aafiit 'to adhere', the subject is glued together, but does not have the glueing property itself. moqonj 6 i aa With trans�tive verbs, the causer is the new subject of the causative verb, the obj . obJect. (e.g. basoro ) remams The former subject is no longer expressed or becc>m�ea�tl an oblique object, or the former subject (e.g. kuung, baynu ) is the new object. millet 'to put' on nagaf tree:glue S.3 glue:3.SG.F 'Tree glue is sticky.' vomiting(N) S.3 l .SG be:ill-DUR-CAUS-3.PL 'Vomiting is making me ill.' hiime- r the wall' qasiis 'to divide' 4.3.3 . The middle voice suffix -t 4.3.2. The causative suffix -s wa'aari dahaas 'to plant, to dress' na'aas 'to daub, to put mud dah 'to enter' naa c 'to be wet' (f) 'chick' inspecting-F-BACK cay-m-fis 3.SG pigs 0 .3-0.N-PAST eat-DUR-CAUS:3.S G.M:PAST 'He fed the pigs. ' The derived verb can acquire a specialised meaning: cakuut 'to jump' caktiis 'to drive, to bring a cow to a bull' ceet 'to descend' caytiis 'to empty out' nag'af-t-i S.3:PERF glue:INT-MIDDLE-INF:PAST 'Does it adhere?' For a number of verbs, derivation by -t changes the meaning of the verb in such a way that the body of. the subject is affected. For some of these the body itself is subject and has no control over the action. hamtliit 'to take a bath' hamaatl 'to wash' tunqalacaat 'to withdraw one­ tunqalaac 'to dislocate' self' tucuut 'to pull oneself out' tuuc 'to uproot' duux 'to take out, to marry (for a duuxuut 'to get married (for a woman) ' man)' gwabiit 'to fast' gwaaw 'to abstain from' solo>oot 'to be paralysed' ( sub­ soloo> 'to be relaxed, flaccid' ject is bodypart) tleehhiit 'to become' tleehh 'to make, to build' Verbs that have the suffix -t in their base form often describe states of affairs in which the body is central, such as 'to sneeze', 'to cough' or 'to be tired' or positions of the body. ciifiit 'to snee.ze' tsihhiit 'to cough' hleeqawakuut 'to have a skin disease' nor>oot 'to get a piece of skin scraped off' hlambareeciit 'to lose skin' 177 1 76 hlaqaat 'to be tired' yuqumiit 'to be cold' (subject is body, not person) " tsiit 'to wear' kwatiit 'to touch' iwiit 'to sit ' qaat 'to lie down, t o sleep' mahhaat 'to bend down' qwambiit 'to bend' kweetliit 'to stretch' sihhiit 'to stand upright' tumbaaraaraa>aat 'to kneel' kumbaalaalaa'aat 'to lie with knees up to the chest' xaaraaraa'aat 'to lean in a tilted manner' gaalaalaa>aat 'to be straight at 90 degrees to the surface' � derived mea�ing ?f -t i� the stative meaning. The connection with the middle that � he su bject patient. As a result of the function of the middle voice �erbs ':1�h th1s. suffix are more often than not intransitive. Transitive verbs IS IS mtransitive after suffixation of -t an-a-ga diyaac l . S G- O.F-PERF separate:l .SG ' I divorced her.' · at-ag-a diya<-at-aan . l . PL-S. l/2-PERF separate- MIDDLE- l .PL 'We spread.' (intransitive) diyaac 'to separate from' gweer 'to open' baaq 'to use sth. for defense' baal 'to defeat sth., sb.' qaaw 'to keep silence' cu u tl 'to twist' fee < 'to tear down' doog 'to increase' burumbuur 'to gather' haleelee' 'to be a nuisance to sb.' diyacaat 'to be scattered' gweeriit 'to be open' baqiit 'to be in defense' baaliit 't o be able (to defeat)' qawiit 'to be silent' <uutliit 'to sit twisted' feeciit 'to be torn down' doogiit 'to be increased' burumburiit 'to be together' heeleelee>iit 'to have no proper residence' For the stative meaning, the perfect tense is necessary. In the non-perfect tense, meaning is future or progressive. cayto>o aa hamat maize(F) S.3:PERF ripe:3.SG.F 'The maize is ripe. ' cayt o'O hanuit maize 8.3 ripe:3.SG . F 'The maize will become ripe. ' aa n1u-qa-qa' diya<-am-iit people-DEM3-DEM3 S.3:PERF spread-DUR-STAT:3.SG.M 'Those people have been spread, are scattered in different directions.' diya'-am- iit n1u-qa-qa' people-DEM3-DEM3 S.3 spread-DUR-STAT:3.S G.M ' Those people are in exodus now.' aa iwit S.3:PERF sit:3.SG.F 'She sits.' is also used for duration, 'to be in B y ext ension of the stative meaning, the suffix - t there is an agent, and they meaning durative with -t in verbs these the st ate of'. For the durative suffixe -m. with meaning pping overla an has suffix can be transitive . The suffix, some verbs can voice the middle or e durativ the Some verbs can have either in meaning. A difference no apparent with time, same have either but not both at the voice suffix -t; middle frozen a with verbs for combination of the two is only possible see 4.3. 1 . siiqiit 'to be cutting' siiq 'to cut' doogiit 'to be increasing it' doog 'to increase' gweediit 'to be opening' gweer 'to be open' 'to be digging up now' xwadiit xwaar 'to dig up' fooliit 'to be digging a hole' fo ol 'to dig a hole' hamtliit 'to be washing sth. ' hamaatl 'to wash sth.' Ieeleehhiit 'go on searching' leeleehh 'to search' migdiit 'to be gathering fire­ migir 'to collect firewood' wood' Derived verbs can have double meanings, the middle voice meaning and durative mean­ mg. tleehhiit 'to be building, to be­ tleehh 'to build' come' duuxuut 'to be preparing for duux 'to marry' marriage, to get married' � The durative meaning of -m is very close to the- stative meaning of -t. A number of verbs have both derivations with subtle differences in meaning . tseegihn 'to be fastening' tseegiit 'to be bound' baaliim 'to win' baaliit 'to win' (not completed) In Eastern Cushitic languages, a verbal derivational suffix -t has been attested with au­ tobenefactive, reflexive, and verbalizer functions; see Hayward (1977). In Iraqw, auto- 179 1 78 benefactive meaning is not usual with the suffix -t . One might see auto-ben meaning in the specialised verb leehhiit 'to search for a wife', from leehh 'to For reflexive meaning, Iraqw has the reflexive/reciprocal 'to be' ti; see 4. 1 .6. In too, the suffix -t is used as a verbalizer. The verb o oniit 'to be drunk' is derived o ona (f) 'gourd for beer' and xahliit 'to keep quiet' from the ideophone for i')uenr.s:\ 'i xahl; see also 4.3.9- 1 1 for the more usual verbalizers -ees , -uus and -uut . hheeriit 'to be insufficient' hheer ( adj) 'insufficient' ii>atleer ( adj) 'having a bad reputa­ ii>atleeriit 'to be of a bad repu­ tation' tion' There are a number of verbs that contain the middle voice suffix but without the suffix. qumburu<uut 'to dive into' ku>uut 'to be spilt' pa'aat 'to be split' hlur>uut 'to be damaged' <akuut 'to j ump ' natliit 'to jump' hi>iit 'to take a step' saloot 'to step down' Some verbs with the middle voice suffix have acquired a special meaning. bu>uut 'to. be enough' buu> 'to pay' ciif 'to sigh' cifiit 'to sneeze' alkic iit 'to narrate' alkiic 'to repeat' tuu> 'to swell' tu>uut 'to pound with a pestle, work with a hoe' 4.3.4. The durative suffix -m The meaning of this suffix is duration of the action. tutuuw 'to open a new farm' tutu uwiim 'to be opening a new farm' yaaw 'to protect with a fence' yaawiim or yaabiim 'be making a fence around' <aay 'to eat' 'aayiim 'to be eating' poohh 'to feed a child' poohhiim 'to be feeding a child ' tiqiis 'to make sb. ill' tiqmiis 'to be making sb. ill' weeriis 'to sell' weereemiis 'to sell always' Very often the durative suffix is used i'il· the present tense. Without the durative the verb can refer to the future. wa'ari anfng tiq-m-iis-iya> vomiting 8 .3 l .SG ill-DUR-CAUS-3.PL 'Vomiting is making me ill (now).' wa'ari anfng t iq-s-iya' vomiting 8 . 3 l . SG ill-CAUS-3.PL 'Vomiting will make me ill . ' Ho wev er, the durative verb can be used in past tenses. xw ee ra wo 'aay-i im- aan cisa l . PL S . l/2-PAST eat-DUR-l.PL yesterday night-BACK 'We were eating last night. ' aten a-na cisa - an-a-na tutuw-fim yesterday l . SG-8.1 /2-PAST clear:field-DUR 'Yesterday I was clearing a new field.' The d urative suffix can render verbs intransitive. aa not: ' ay-fn S.3:PERF eat-DUR:3.SG.M 'He has eaten. ' aa 'aay S.3:PERF eat:3.SG.M The suffix can also change the meaning in such a way that the action of the verb affects person. qaw-iim 'to stop sb. from crying' qaaw 'to keep silence' sol>oot 'to be paralysed (subject 1s so}>< onl> iit 'idem (subject person)' body part) ' hamtliim 'to take a bath' hamaatl 'to wash sth.' hleemiis 'to get sth. for sb. ' hlees 'to take up' al<aa'amiim 'to cry with sb. ' <aac 'to cry' ba<aam 'to save sb.' baa< 'to win over' laqaan1 'to show sb.' laaq 'to do' duuxuum 'to marry' duux 'to take out' 'oohliim 'to insult sb.' 'oohl 'to curse' hhehhe>eemiis 'to circumcise' hhehhe>ees 'to clean' hootuut 'to be overdue in pregnancy' hootuumiit 'to be overdue in pregnancy' (subject is woman) (subject is foetus) a IS A few verbs with -In in the base form have the same property that the object is the affected person. firiiin 'to ask sb. ' hlii>iim 'to commit adultery' sayiim 'to let sb . take over a task' geetihn 'to stand in the way of sb.' xawiim 'to copulate' 181 180 A number of verbs require the durative suffix -m if they take the causative suffix. corresponds to the durative used for a person affected by the action. caymiis 'to feed' caay 'to eat' If the base form has a middle voice suffix, the addition of the durative suffix renders the middle voice verb transitive or the middle voice verb inchoative. pacaat 'to be split' pacamiit 'to be splitting' nag>afiit 'to adhere' nag>afmiit 'to glue sth. ' diyacaat 'to be spread' dicaamiit 'to spread sth.' For other verbs only one of the two derivations, - m or - t , is possible. The verbs have no durative derivation and the middle voice suffix serves for the d meaning. gweer 'to be open' gweediit 'to be opening' fool 'to dig a hole' fooliit 'to be digging a hole' leeleehh 'to search' leeleehhiit 'to go on searching' migdiit 'to be gathering fire­ migir 'to collect firewood' wood' In some verbs, the suffix -m is in the base form. niciim 'to dance' soopiim 'tQ limp' " tumbiim 'to swim, to bathe in the giiriim 'to be in front' ti)iim 'to run' tan deriim 'to go here and there' tamberiim 'to go here and there' t latiim 'to dream' tsaea am 'to climb' hhu>uum 'to confess' kwa>iim 'to refuse totally' yac aam 'to agree' wawiiti>iim 'to rule' river' muusariim 'to pound' tseecariim 'to be in search from muusa 'pestle' of' from tseeca 'outside' Some verbs with the durative suffix have an unpredictable, specialised meaning. goo> 'to carve' goo>iim 'to write' guus 'to chase' gusiim 'to have giarrhoea' tsaaq 'to taste' tsaqaam 'to leak' 4.3.5. Reduplication for habitual For many verbs there are two different forms with reduplication. of redupli cation contains a long vowel aa. This second type of reduplication will be dis cussed in the next section. Reduplication is used for habitual, iterative, durative, pluractional meaning (pluractional refers to plurality of the subject or the object ) . adbabaw 'to have the habit of a dbaw 'to tell' telling' qaseeseem 'to be laughing' qaseem 'to laugh' gacacaw 'to watch for some time' gacaw 'to watch' qawaqaaw 'to keep silent for qaaw 'to keep silent' some time' sol>omaamiit 'idem, for one sol>omiit 'to be paralysed' body part after the other' or a siiq-iit S.1 / 2 cut-MIDDLE: l .SG 'I am cutting. ' peehhay u siiq-aaq-iit planks O.M cut-HAB-MIDDLE: l .SG 'I am sawing planks.' Reduplication can have inceptive meaning for verbs that have a durative suffix: the process of entry into a state for verbs of state. aleeleem 'to get �hort of, to be aleem 'to be less' becoming 'less' 't duux<ux>uum 'to start to duuxuum ' o marry' marry' · The verb with the reduplication can acquire a specialised meaning, for example, a>aw 'to fight' aw 'to go' leeleehh 'to search' leehh 'to carry' loloqo os 'to point with finger' loqo os 'to beat' hhehhe>ees 'to decorate' hhe>ees 'to finish' tataahh 'to carry off' t aahh 'to hit once' tlatlakweemiis 'to submit, be tlakweemiis 'to do badly' polite' Some verbs contain reduplication in their base form. tutuuw 'to clear a new field' mamaac 'to be weak, to deceive' matataac 'to make a loose knot' tsutsuu' 'to smell b�dly' The reduplication can take different forms. The initial, the medial, or the final root consonant can be reduplicated. For monosyllabic verbs, the entire root can be redu­ plicated. A vowel is ins�rted between the reduplicated and the original consonant. In 183 182 most cases this vowel is a. This epenthetic a assimilates to the nearest root the intermediate consonant is velar, pharyngeal, or glottal and if the For some verbs the vowel is ii. The reduplication involves a root consonant· form contains a frozen suffix or prefix, this affix is separated from the root ' reduplication. Rounded consonants are reduplicated entirely. '""''"' '-..."'V"' ' "-' Reduplication of the root-initial consonant. BASE tumbiim 'to splash in water' cakuut 'to jump' coos 'to excrete' hhe>ees 'to finish' loqoos 'to beat' goow 'to flee' caay 'to eat' leehh 'to carry' paahl 'to push aside, pass' REDUPLICATED tatumbiim cacakuut eo coos hhehhe>ees loloqo os gogoow caacaay leeleehh papaahl Reduplication of root-medial consonant: qwalaac 'to be happy' malaahh 'to loosen (of a cough) qwalalaac malalaahh Reduplication applies to the root, not to the stem. If a base form contains a frozen derivational suffix, this is skipped over; see for example fi iriim 'to ask', reduplicated form: fiir-ii r-iim. The first element in compound verbs (see 4.4.) also is neglected. 4.3.6. ilawaats 'to answer' intsaahh 'to get used to, to learn' ilawawaats intsatsaahh Reduplication with long aa Reduplication with a long vowel aa is used fqr verbs ending in aw , and for verbs voice suffix. These groups of with a frozen durative hsuffix or with a frozen middle i vation in -m and that they have der durative no have they at t common in have verbs another reduplicated verb form. Verbs ending in aw have a reduplicated form with an epenthetic (short) vowel a, and verbs with a frozen durative suffix have a reduplicated form with a vowel ii. For a number of verbs the reduplication with long aa i s the only �eduplicated verb form. For the latter group of verbs the meaning of the reduplication with long aa is the same as the meaning of reduplicated verb forms in general, thus habitual, frequentative, iterative, pluractional. If two reduplicated verb forms exist, the one with a long aa expresses duration or extension in time, i.e. 'always'. Compare the following pairs of sentences. __ Root-final consonant: Verbs with the inchoative suffix -aw or -uw and verbs with � frozen durative suffix reduplicate the final root consonant. The reduplicated verb also covers the durati aspect. There is no (other) durative form for these verbs. uraw 'to become big' b o ocaw 'to become black' tsa>uw 'to become cool' tsa<aam 'to climb' aleem 'to be less' qaseem 'to laugh' ya<aam 'to agree' laqaam 'to show' pungahhamu ut 'to be mad' vowel is ii: Intermedi ate numb er of verbs with a frozen durative suffix -iim take the vowel ii between the A reduplicat ed and the root-final consonant. goo>ii>iim goo>iim 'to write' fiiriiriim fiiriim 'to ask' kuumiimiit kuumiit 'to continue' awiiwiim awiim 'to make a blockade' geetiitiim geetiim 'to stand in the way' ti>i>iim ti>iim 'to run' tlatiitiim tlatiim 'to dream' sayiim 'to let sb . take over a task, ask saayiiyiim permission for sb . ' uraaraw boocaacaw tsa'aa'uw tsa<a<aam aleeleem qaseeseem yacaa<aam laqaqaam pungahhamumuu t Reduplication of the verb root: Some verbs, mostly monosyllabic verbs, reduplicate the complete verb root. . kuumiit 'to continue' ' kumkumiit huw 'to bring' huwahuw hhaam 'to chase far away' hhaamahhaam hhaaw 'to waste time' hhaawhhawaw an-a-ga goo ' < ii' >iim l .SG- S . l /2-PERF write< HAB> : l .SG I used to write now and then.' ' an-a- ga goo' < aa' >iim l.SG- S . l /2-PERF write<HAB2> : l .SG 'I wrote for a long time.' kur-ku cisa an-a-na iiw <iiw > iit bara year-Ml :CON yesterday l .SG-S.l /2-PAST sit<HAB > : l .SG in:CON ofsi-r-o office-F-BACK 'Last year I used to sit in the office.' 185 184 iiw< aaw>iit an-a-na cisa kur-ku bara year- Ml :CON yesterday l.SG-S.l / 2-PAST sit<HAB2> : l .SG in: CO ofsi lo o'a-r yaariit office hour:CON-F many ' Last year I used to sit in the office for many hours.' a Imboru ka-kaw S . l / 2 Mbulu HAB2-go:l .SG 'I always go to Mbulu.' kur-k-o ala tluwo ayto>o every:CON year-Ml-BA CK after:CON rain:BACK maize u r-aar-eer S.3 big-HAB2-INCHOA:3.SG .F 'Every year after the rains the maize grows. ' Other verbs that have a reduplication with a long aa besides one with a short d eer 'to be in a place' maw 'to leave' hlaw 'to get' haw 'to tell' a>aw 'to fight' ga'aw 'look at' kah 'to say' kaw 'to go' xwayluw 'to have a child' dadaw mamaw 'hlahlaw babaw a'aw gacacaw kakah kakaw xwayluluw a daadaw maamaw hlaahlaw baabaw aa'aw ga'aacaw kaakah kaakaw xwaylaaluw A few other verbs have two derived reduplicated forms of which one involves a long pungahhamuut mad' luuc 'to hhaam 'to be pungahhamumuut pungahh amaamuut hide' 'to expel' lucucuum hhaamahhaam luu caaciim hhamaahhaam Other verbs with a frozen durative or a frozen middle voice suffix that have a red cation with a long aa besides one with ii are: iwiit 'to sit' kuumiit 'to continue goo>iim 'to write' fiiriim 'to ask' awiim 'to make a blockade' iwiwiit kuumiimiit goo>ii>iim fiiriiriim awiiwiim 'to stand in the geetiitiim geetaatiim diar- ti>i>iim tlatiitiim gusisiim ta>aa>iim tlataatiim gusaasiim coohliim 'to insult' sayiim 'to ask permission cohlihliim sayiyiim cohlahliim sayaayiim ti>ii m 'to run' tlatiim 'to dream' gu usiim 'to have for sb. ' Imboru kaa-kaw umu way ' rhoea' S.l / 2 Mbulu HAB-go:l.SG 'I usually go to Mbulu.' a ge etiim iwaawiit ku umaamiit goo>aa>iim fiiraariim awaawiim verbs with a frozen durative or middle voice suffix that have only a reduplicated form with a long aa are: nicaaciim niciim 'to dance' soopaapiim soopiim 'to limp, to hop' tumbaabiim tumbiim 'to splash in wa­ ter' taambeeraariim taambeeriim 'to wander' doogaagiim doogiim 'to add more' huuraariim huu riim 'to cook' baalaaliim baaliim 'to win' hamtlatliim hamtliim 'to bathe' mu usaaraariim muusariim 'to pound' tseecaraariim tsee'ariim 'tq be in search of' doogiit sth.' baaliit 'to be increasing 'to be able to win' doogaagiit baalaaliit 4.3.7. The durative infix <ar > Some verbs have an infix < ar> for habitual and durative aspect. The middle voice suffix -t and the durative suffix -m cannot combine with the durative infix < ar > . The form with the infix, daraac 'to roast', has developed a specialised meaning. The verb daraax 'to tremble' probably contains the infix, although it cannot be traced to a form without <ar > . darah dah 'to enter' hardarah hardah 'to arrive' adrah adah 'to tread upon' darahh daahh 'to come from' daraa c 'to roast' daa' 'to burn' daraax 'to tremble' The verbs ha�dah 'to arrive' and adah 'to tread upon' are compound verbs based on the verb root dah 'to enter'. In fact there are only four roots that use this infix < ar > : dah 'to enter', daa' 'to burn', daahh 'to come from, to throw down', and daraax 'to tremble'. All four verb roots have an initial d. Word-initial d 's can be reflexes of an 187 186 hist �rical initial r . If these roots had an initial r at an earlier stage, this would the m:fix < ar > as a reduplication of the initial consonant. -+ * rah dah 'to enter' * ra-rah darah 'to enter habitually' -+ Further evidence for a historical rule r Alagwa and Iraqw corresponding words: > d word-initially comes from the Alagwa ra'am 'sing' raqatimo 'frost' rog-im 'increase' Iraqw da>am 'sing' daqtamo 'frost' doog 'increase' Such a sound chamge r > d word-initially would also explain the absence of word · 's in Iraqw. r However, another possibility is a sound change d * d a-dah -+ darah > r intervocalically. 'to enter habitually' Addition al evid�nce fo� the direction d > r is the lenition rule (20) in 2.5.4., and second person smgular m r for verbs in conjugat ion class II from a presuma bly second person marker *-d. Moreover, Alagwa has an initial d in the corresponding 'to burn', dac, besides other correspo nding words with initial d 's in both Alagwa Iraqw dac 'burn' daac 'burn' d eelo 'day' deelo 'day' duux 'take out' duux 'take out, marry' H-''-'-�F.Lla..=,,�;o ; .-z>;"� Choosing the second option, the word-ini tial r - d correspondence remains to be plained in some other way. There are addition al cases of a <ar> in:fix in words with an initial d such as d t �e durative �orm of da�f 'to return from herding' . Compare als� duub 'to bo . durative form With reduplication durb-iib -iim. With 1ts There is another, unrelated suffix -ar, for which see 5.1. 4.3.8. The inchoative suffix -uw The suffix -aw or -uw is used to derive verbs from adjectives giving them the 'to become' , entry into a state, inchoative. Most adjectives take -uw some take The adjedive niina 'small' is the only adjective that ends in a v�wel. It h as allomorph nunaw .. 1f. followed by the inchoative suffix -uw or the factitive suffix -e resulting in niinawuw and niinawees respectiv ily; see 4.3.9. The plural form of is also irregular: niinakw; see 5.1. H��Ju�.uu�1,,1 ur 'big' bo o' 'black' h ho o' 'nice' uraw 'to grow' boo'aw 'to become black' hhoo>aw 'to become nice' tseew 'close' c awaak 'white' alhoor 'clear' tle er 'long' saaw 'far' gawid 'difficult' niina 'small' ilakahaar 'ambitious' tseewuw 'to become close' cawaakuw 'to become white' alhooruw 'to become clear' tleeruw 'to become long' saawuw 'to grow far' gawduw 'to become difficult' niinawuw 'to become small' ilakaharuw 'to become ambi­ geetlaakw 'invisible' hhohhoo> 'beautiful' geetlakuw 'to become invisible' hhoohho>uw 'to become beauti­ iloo' 'heavy' geehhoo' 'visible' t sa' 'cool' ququmar 'short' tious' ful' iloo>uw 'to become heavy' geehhoo>uw 'to become visible' tsa'UW 'to become cool' qoqmaruw 'to become short' In some instances this suffix is also used to derive verbs from a noun. ma'anduw 'to make lumps' maca� du (m) 'certain fruit' xwayluw 'to give birth' xwayla (f) 'birth' The verb pungahhamuw 'to have a nightmare' is related to pungahhamuut 'to be delirious' which contains the verbalizer suffix uut, suggesting a non-verbal base for these two derived verbs. There are a number of verbs with a monosyllabic root that end in aw and have a second person singular form in eer, conjugation class II; see 4.2.2. haw 'to tell' adbaw 'to tell' h law 'to get' maw 'to leave' kaw 'to go' aw 'to go' geeqaw 'to break' warqaw 'to be changed' law 'to hit' tlaw 'to get up' There is no reason to suppose that these verbs contain the inchoative suffix, but in reduplication of the root final consonant the ending aw is skipped over. Moreover, these verbs have in common with inchoative verbs that the durative suffix is not possible and that the causative suffix is -ees, replacing aw. 189 188 t law 'get up' tl-aatl-aw 'get tl-ees 'awaken' up habitually' ur-aw 'to grow' ur-aar-aw 'to be growing' ur-ees 'to enlarge' 4.3.9. The factitive verbalizer -ees The factitive -ees , which contains the causative -s derives verbs from adjectives the meaning 'to confer the quality of the adjective'. · u r 'big' booc 'black' hhoo) 'nice' tseew 'close' cawaak 'white' alhoor 'clear' tleer 'long' saaw 'far' gawid 'difficult' niina 'small' ilakahaar 'ambitious' geetlaakw 'invisible' hhohoo) 'beautiful' iloo ) 'heavy' �geehhoo) 'visible' tsa> 'cool' ququmar 'short' wahl 'without' urees 'to make big' boocees 'to blacken' hhoo>ees 'to make nice' tseewees 'to get nearer to' cawakees 'to whiten' alhoorees 'to clear' tleerees 'to enlarge' saawees 'to cause to be far' gawdees 'to make difficult ' niinawees 'to make small' ilakaharees 'to make ambitious ' geetlakwees 'to make invisible' hhoohoo>ees 'to make beautiful' iloo> e es 'to make heavry' geehhoo)ees 'to make visible' tsa>ees 'to cool' qoqmarees 'to shorten' wahlees 'to remove' Other verbs in -ees are not derived from adjectives but from nouns or interjections. axunay (m) 'warmth' laway 'hello' xirif (m) 'praise' qoo n (inj) 'all right' but ( v) 'to be all right' also: axwanees 'to heat sth.' lawe>ees 'to greet' xeerfees 'to praise sb.' qoom qoomees 'to put right' Further, the transitive verb gunqarees 'to forget sth.' is related to the mt.rans l.tlVI�J verb gunqaruut 'to forget' which contains another verbalizing suffix -uut. verbs haam 'to be warm, to harm' and haamaar 'to become ripe' have related in -ees : haamees 'to heat', different from haamiis 'to stir up fire, to do harm', hamarees 'to make ripe'. For the verbs hingees 'to take away', and axwees 'to there is no other word from which they can be derived. Verbs in aw have a causative in ees , which is an indication that their stem vowel ay or ee, e,x plaining their second person singular form in eer. tlaw 'to get up' warqaw 'to be changed' hlaw 'to get' tlees 'to waken sb.' warqees 'to change' hleen1iis 'to be getting' Simil arly, the factitive -ees might be a fusion of the nominal suffix -ay and the causative suffix - s . ur 'big' u ray 'size' urees 'to enlarge' In co nnection with the recognition of -ee as being a separate morpheme from -s, I should add that there are two verbs ending in -ee-n1: aleem 'to be less' and qaseem 'to laugh'. The final m is separated in reduplication as if it were the durative suffix: ale elee m, qaseeseem. 4. 3.10. The factitive verbalizer suffix -uus The verbalizer suffix -uus is also used to derive verbs from nouns. It is not a causative but a verbalizer because the derived verb need not have the causative meaning and can be intransitive. gadyuus 'to work' gadyeet (f) 'work' ilatleeruus 'to have a greedy na­ ilatleeri (f) 'greed' ture' qeeruus 'to think deeply about qeeru (m) 'intelligence' sth.'· " kakanuus 'to weed' kakani (f) 'weeding' cayu us 'to blossom' cayo (f) 'flowers' or cayiis One verb has the suffix in its underived form, namely malguus 'to treat unjustly'. The verbalizer suffix -uus is also used with Swahili verbal loans. caansuus 'to begin' Sw.: kuanza 'to begin' paasuus 'to pass' Sw.: ku pasi 'to pass' soomuus 'to read' Sw.: kusoma 'to read, study' Agentive nouns contain the suffix -uus, for example: fiis-us-mo 'thief' fiis 'to steal' fiis-us-o)o 'female thief' fiis-us-e 'thieves' The verbalizer suffix cannot be doubled. The agentive noun of soom-uus 'to read' is soon1-us-mo 'reader' and not soon1ususn1o. The verbalizer suffix -u us contains the causative -s. The vowel u reappears in other verbalizer suffixes, such as the inchoative suffix -uw and the verbalizer -uut ; see 4.3. 1 1 . ' ' 191 190 4 . 3. 1 1 . hungu'uum 'to be recovering' hungu'umiis 'to be healing' quu' 'to smoke (intr.)', qu'uus 'to make smoke' ququ>umiis 'to make smoke every time' Ioh 'to move', lohiis 'to carry sth. ', lohiitiis 'to transfer' bayni (f) 'ostracism', bayniis 'to ban', baynitiis 'to be banned' doohl 'to cultivate', doohlitiis 'to teach to cultivate' hi>iit 'to take a step', hi>it iis 'to help to walk', hi>imiit 'to go hi>iitimiis 'to go on walking, to hawk goods' The verbalizer suffix -uut The verbalizer suffix -uut containing the middle voice suffix -t derives a mid dle verb from a noun. xure (f) 'doubt' xuruut 'to be in doubt' muu n a (m) 'heart' munuu t 'to be in a bad moo d' xirif (m) 'praise' xerfu u t 'to be honoured ' al u ( n) 'reverse, behind' aluut 'to be last' Some verbs contain the suffix -uut although they are derived from verbs, no t nouns. For deer 'be present', it is questionable whether it is a verb or a noun; 4.2.5. The verb naa'aruut 'to be bare' (said of soil) may be derived from the naa'ari 'damp soil'. For some verbs, the suffix -uut is preceded by the adjectival s -ar; see 5. 1 . deer 'present' deeruut 'to come into being' h o o t 'to be overdue' (of pregnancy) hootuu t 'to be in overdue preg­ nancy' kwaahh 'to throw' kwahhuut 'to forge' · naa c 'to be wet' and 'damp soil' t leehh 'to do' hheetiim 'to des t r �y' tambeeriim 'to wander' naa cari ( f1 ) naacaaruut 'to be bare (of soil)' tleehharuut about' 'to happen, to come h heetruut 't � b e destroyed� tamb eruut 'to be in a wandering state' Some verbs end in the suffix -uut, where there is no form without the suffix. iihlakuut 'to be taking out' <akuu t 'to j ump' ' The suffix -uut should not be confused with verb forms with an assimilated vowel u u followed by the middle voice suffix -t . tuuc 'to uproot' tucuut 'to pull oneself out' " '"' ''"' ......'LJ.'"''"""u 4.3. 1 2 . Combinatio ns of derivations and the relation between the different progressi derivations In 4 .3 . 1 . ( 37 ) I have given the formula for the order of the derivational suffixes. I will discuss the possible combination s of the morphemes. In addition to a causati suffix, verbs can have a durative, middle yoice, or habitual derivation. tiiq 'to be ill', tiqiis 'to make ill', tiqmiis 'to make constantly ill, a habit makes ill' kiic 'to return', kiciis 'to return sth.', ki<imiis 'to be returning sth.' hunguuc 'to recover' hungu'uus 'to rest, to heal' for a walk', Th e midd le voice suffix -t and the durative suffix -m cannot cooccur in one verb stem unless the middle voice suffix -t is part of the base; see 4.3. 1 . One exception is diyaa' 'to sp rea d', diya'aat , diya'amiit. The infix <ar> does not combine with a durative suffix -m nor with the middle voice suffix -t . A reduplication of the infix is possible with a habitual meaning. Verbs with durative infix <ar > and a reduplication of this infix are: a dah 'to enter' daahh 'to come from' adah 'to tread upon' daam 'to wait' darah darahh adrah damaraam dararah dararahh adrarah damraraam Verbs with an inchoative suffix -aw or -uw do not have a durative nor a middle voice derivat ion. These verbs can take two derivations involving reduplication, one with an epenthetic (short) a and one with a long aa; see 4.3.6. The same derivation cannot occur twice in one verb stem, except for reduplication and durative -m. A number of verbs have a single and a double reduplicated form, namely those which have a frozen durative suffix m. A number of other verbs with a frozen durative suffix have two derived forms involving reduplication; one with the vowel ii and the other with the vowel aa; see 4.3.6. Verbs with a frozen durative suffix that have a single and double reduplicated form are: a ya'aam 'to agree' t sacaam 'to climb' laqaam 'to show' tsaqaam 'to leak' yacacaam tsacacaam laqaqaam tsaqaqaam yacacacaam tsacaacaa<aam laqaqaaqaam tsaqaqaaqaam The durative suffix m also seems to occur twice in some verbs. I interpret the second m not as a durative suffix but as an instance of reduplication although the regular order is reduplication first. My reason for doing so is that these verbs lack another reduplicated form and the form with the reduplicated durative has a habitual or iterative meaning. Reduplication of the durative also involves a long aa. The verbs in question have a causative or a middle voice suffix in their base form. Verbs with a reduplication of the durative suffix involving a long aa are: 193 192 axaas 'to listen' feehhiis 'to tear' b o o <ees 'to make black, to consider' <arees 'to make less' nor>oot 'to get a piece of skin grazed off' hlur'uut 'to be damaged' deeruut 'to come into be­ ing' xerfuut 'to be in honour of' hootuut 'to be overdue (of pregnancy) ' xuruut 'to be in doubt' munuut 'to be in a bad temper' tsal>aat 'to sink' qumburuu<uut 'to dive' ta>andeeruut axmiis feehhamiis boo<eemiis axmaamiis feehhamaamiis b o o<eemaamiis <areemiis nor>omiit 'areemaamiis nor>om aamiit hlur>umiit deeruumiit hl urur'u umaam iit deeru umaam iit xerfuumiit hootuumiit xerfu umaamiit hootuumaamiit xurumiit munuumiit xurumaamiit munuumaamiit tsal>amiit qumburu cu umiit tsal'ama amiit qumbur uu<uumaa­ miit ta>andeeruum;aaJmiJit.,,;�J 'to ta>andeeruumiit have gone to sleep' (of body part) There are· a few verbs with the double durative suffix that lack the simple dmrative�;l verb form. lakiit 'to wait' lakmaamiit gadyuus 'to work' gadyuumaamiis xerfees 'to praise sb. ' xerfeemaamees amohhe>ees 'to put m amohhe>eemamiis good order' alee<iis 'to help' alee<iimamiis <aymiis 'to feed' <aymamiis hlakaat 'to hunt' hlakamamiit lakiit 'to wait' lakmamiit kwahhuut 'to form by kwahhuumaamiit beating' qun qulu>uut 'to be like a qunqul u umaamiit spiral' · 'U There is one exceptional verb with a double durative and a triple durative for the bas.e f�rm does not ??nt �in any derivational suffix, tsaaq 'to taste', tsaqmiim be tastmg , tsaqmaamnm to be usually tasting'. �part from t�e causative derivation, all the verbal derivations have progressive m their. meanmg. Progressive meaning includes durative, habitual iterative stat The middle voice suffix has a stative component. The inchoative d�rivation i� rela g to the progressive derivations because it expresses entry into a state. in meanin fhe as their core p rogressive verbal derivations have one of the progressive aspects aspects progressive depending other the of any of rneaning and can have the meaning possible. are root verb same ch other progressive derivations with the 0 11 whi derivation have all the progressive mean­ The durat ive derivation and the middle voice same verb root possible. One of the the of ing s if there are no reduplicated forms a reduplicated form is that the base form possible reasons for the non-existence of already contains a reduplication . axmiis 'to be listening, to listen axaas 'to listen' periodically' cakmiit 'to be jumping, to j ump cakuut 'to jump' every now and then' siqiit 'to be cutting, to cut habit­ siiq 'to cut' ually' sasaahhaam 'to be whispering, sas aahh 'to whisper' to whisper now and then' leeleehhiit 'to be searching, to leeleehh 'to search' search habitually' With stative verbs, duration need not be expressed and the durative suffix has other meanings, either habitual, as in aluumiit - 't'o be usually last' aluut 'to be last' gu urn 'to be usually .asleep (at guu> 'to sleep' a certain moment) ' 'U or inchoative meaning. The verb hlur>uut 'to b e damaged' has a durative form h lur'umiit 'to become damaged'. With some stative verbs, however, no durative -m can be added, e.g. iwiit 'to sit'. Other examples of inchoative meaning of -m are: hlaqamiit 'to become tired' hlaqaat 'be tired' pa<amiit 'to be splitting' pa<aat 'to be split' ku >umiit 'to be in the process of ku>uut 'to be spilt' spilling now' The reduplication can have durative meaning for those verbs that lack a durative derivation, i.e. verbs with a frozen durative or middle voice suffix, such as iwiit 'to sit' and verbs ending in aw, such as qaw 'to graze'. saree<a i-wa buffalo duqa i bara xats-ta-wa qa-qeer, gees6 8.3-BACK in:CON valley-Fl-ABL HAB-graze:3.SG.F gees6 di-da-wa iw <iiw > iit . duqa S.3 place-DEM4-ABL sit<HAB> :3.SG.M:PRES 'While the buffalo is grazing in the valley, Geso Duqa is staying there. ' Besides a durative and a habitual derivation, a combination of a habitual and a durative derivation is possible. If all three exist, the combination of habitual and durative has 195 1 94 (39) specific iterative meaning. an-a 'aay-iim l .SG-S.l /2 eat-DUR:l .SG 'I am eating.' an-a caa-'aay l .SG-S.l /2 HAB-eat:l .SG 'I usually eat. ' an-a caa-'ay-fim l .S G- S . l /2 HAB-eat-DUR: l .SG 'I eat now and then.' The verb hlu r>uut 'to be damaged' has a reduplicated form hlurur>uut be totally damaged'. The durative form hlur>umiit is used for 'to become The reduplicated durative form involving long aa, hlurur>uumaamiit , is used for be always completely damaged' ���---u..u.lull( · ........... daa>aw-ta balang-qa> i u...,1::.� hlur<ur>-uum-aam>it brand-Fl:CON corn-D EM3 S.3 be:damaged< HAB-DUR-HAB 2 > :3 .SG 'That brand of crops is always completely damaged.' However, the combination of reduplication and durative, in any order, is more co for those verb roots that lack a simple reduplicated form. In verbs for which red cation requires a durative suffix, the order is often durative-reduplicat ion but there at least three of these verbs for which the order is reduplication-durati ve. yaaw 'to protect with fence' yawiim yawaawihn or yaabiim yaabaabiim tutuuw 'to open a new tutuwiim tutuuwaawiim field' saap 'to move on' sarpaapiim The following table summarizes the various possibilities of progressive derivations a given verb stem. For each possibility a representative verb stem is given. For sake of completeness, the actual forms are also given in table (39). (38) Possible combinations of progressive derivations DUR RDP RDP+DUR caay 'to eat' DUR RDP+DUR yaaw 'to protect with a fence' DUR DUR+RD Paa axaas 'to listen' RDP RD Paa aw 'to go', goo>iim 'to write' RDP RDP+RDP yacaam 'to agree' RDPaa niciim 'to dance' DUR+RD Paa lakiit 'to wait' Examples of combinations of progressive derivations RDP DUR BASE cayiim ea ea ay c aay 'to eat' yaaw 'to protect with a fence' yawum axmus axaas 'to listen' a'aw aw 'to go' goo>ii>iim goo>iim 'to write' yacacaam ya'aam 'to agree' niciim 'to dance' lakiit 'to wait' RD Paa cacaayiim yawaawiim axmaamiis aa>aw goo'aa>iim yacacacaam ni'aaciim lakmaamiit Since what I call the durative derivation may have habitual meaning and what I call the habit ual derivation may have durative meaning, the terminology needs justification. I have named the suffix -m durative because the suffix -m is in many cases the first and only, and thus the more general progressive derivational suffix. Durative is in fact the core meaning of progressive aspect. My second reason for doing so is that the derivation with -m has duration as its specific meaning if there is an alternative form with habitual meaning. For the same reasons, I call the infix <ar > durative. I call the reduplication habitual because its meaning is habitual if it is the second progressive derivat ion. It can have a general progressive meaning, only if the durative derivation does not exist for that particular verb. 4.4. Compound verbs Compound verbs are verbs consisting of two roots forming a single word. The com­ bination of two roots is fixed one and the compound verb has a ·new meaning. The first element of the compound verb can be a verbal adverb, a case clitic, or a noun. The second element of the compound verb is a verb; the resulting compound is a verb. Compound verbs arise from constructions in which the first part of the compound immediately precedes the verb. a aten a doohlaan al l .P L S . l /2 together cultivate- l .PL 'We cultivate together. ' ti>ita- r- i aayi nee baaba ngi-n story-F-DEMl mother and father 0.3:HIT:O.F-EXPEC alkii c < aa'> iit-iya> narrate<HAB:PAST>-3.PL 'This story, mother and father used to recount it to us.' gidaba- r ku-sa yahas : reason:CON-F D E P .S l/2 0 .M- REAS ask:2.SG 'Why did you ask him?' . mu-k-da-da ta sawawiti>in people-Ml-DEM4-DEM4:CON IMPS govern:3.SG.M 'The people that govern.' 197 196 no verb ahla hamiis an- a adverb hara has the meaning of 'up to, together, same time, almost' (comparison of closeness or approaching from two points, or of time) . of t w o pla ces, l .S G- S . 1 /2 fire stir:up 'I stir up the fire.' Chalinze nee Daresalaam dabe>oh-aan at- a-ga l .P L-S.1 /2-PERF join:hands-LPL 'We cooperated.' The construction which is the model for Noun-Verb compounds is a special cons in which the noun cannot be modified, does not have construct case, has to be referential, and where no other element can intervene between the noun and the see 7.3.4. Some of the first elements occur in several compounds. They are not productive certainly not prefixes, but the first element that occurs in several compounds has or less the same meaning. Some of the first elements are reduced in form. origin is not always obvious. The second part, the verb, does not always exist independent verb. as 4.4.1 . The Adverb-Verb compounds al lmboru aten a al geehardah-aan RES PRO di-r-da>-ee l .P L S . l /2 together before:arrive-l .PL place-F-DEM4-BACK 'We will be near that point together.' In compounds a l attributes the meaning of togetherness, of doing again, or of pleteness. alcaaciim 'to pay tribute, express caac 'to cry' sorrow' al>axwees 'to plan' axwees 'to talk' daakw 'to sharpen' aldaakw 'to rethink' gaas 'to kill' algaas 'to return cattle to the group' alhhe>ees 'to complete fully' hhe>ees 'to finish' alkiic 'to repeat, go against sb. kii c 'to return' secret' alkiiciit 'to narrate' qoom 'to be all right' alqoom 'to be equal in compari­ son' qwaar 'to be lost' alqwaarees 'to set (of sun) ' · m The compound alqaad ta hara 'to give last instructions' contains the adverb caylin IMPS same:time sing:3.SG.M 'They sing at the same time. ' gadyeet aa fak hara ale work S.3:PERF finish:3.SG.F almost RESPRO 'The work is nearly finished.' ti fu>una doo hara tseeg IMPS:O . l .SG meat:CON house:CON same:time close:3.SG .M 'I am shut in in the house together with the meaL' hara hlaqaat l .S G-S.l /2-PERF almost tired 'I am almost tired. ' kaw-aan ( al l.P L S.l/2-PERF together Mbulu:CON go-LPL '.We went to Mbulu together.' hara saaw-en ki Chalinze and Dar-es-Salaam 0.3:IMPS:O.N apart far-N 'Chalinze and Dar-es-Salaam are far apart.' an-a-ga Two adverbs regularly occur in a compound with a verb, al and hara. meaning 'together' , can operate as an independent verbal adverb. aten a-ga qaad . al, but there In the compounds, hara has a wide range o f meanings: i t can add· the meanings 'close to ' , 'mee�ing', and 'by chance'. It can also intensify the'meaning of the verb. In some cases hara makes the compound transitive. harasuru uk 'to get closer' suruuk 'to move a little' haranakaac 'to get close to sth.' nakaac 'to get close' harati>iit 'to meet by chance' ti>iit 'to go out' haratsooc 'to squeeze (for little tsooc 'to squeeze' things)' haraxuu' 'to be confident' xuu' 'to know' harakiic 'to come back and stay' kiic 'to return' haratlintii> 'to depend on sb.' tlintii> 'to lean on sth.' harafaar 'to add to the number faar 'to count' ( tr. ) , to check family relations be­ fore marriage' harawaac 'to flood' waac 'to vomit' harawaraah 'to overtake inten­ waraahh 'to pass (intr.) tionally ( tr.)' haragaas 'to mix ( tr.) ' gaas 'to kill' haragwaa> 'to join (intr) ' gwaa> 'to die' harafiits 'to gather' flits 'to sweep' haratlaw 'to go to sb. for a fight' tlaw 'to get up' 199 198 waatl kaw kuray harawaatliim 'to get to live sb. 's residence' harakees 'to quicken sth.' 'to go home' 'to go' There are a small number of compound verbs with the element is no verb form without it. hara The compound verbs with har are: neet 'to play' hhe'ees 'to finish' for which hlaqaat qayts iit harahheef 'to expect' 4.4.2. The Case clitic-Verb compounds oh For all the four case clitics, reason sa, instrumental ar, directive i and ablative there are equivalent elements in the compound verbs. The semantic relation is speculative. The case clitic sa adds the meaning of 'direction towards a person'. The elemen should not be confused with the adverb sa, short form of sangw 'now'. kwahleemuut 'to hold a meeting' sakwahleemuut 'to accuse' sadakuus 'to make a mistake dakuus 'to make a mistake' against sb. ' sa>axwees axwees 'to talk' 'speak as a go-between, marriage' sakii< 'to come to do harm to sb.' kiic 'to return' sawawiiti >iim 'to rule people' wawiiti>iim 'to rule' · samamaw 'to stop using for sb.'s maw 'to leave' benefit' The element har- occurs in a small number of compound verbs. It is different hara because some verbs have both forms with a difference in meaning, for ex harhlaqaat 'to fail' versus hara hlaqaat 'almost tired'. The fact that har can with the instrumental case clitic in the following sentence suggests that the two related and have a common origin. bir-ti-r harkuray (m) 'hawk' 'to seize, grasp' dah 'to enter' meetiim 'to avoid' The element ii or in is used in a few verbs only. The meaning and origin are unclear. I tentatively coorrelate it with the directive case marker i. There is variation between in- and ii- for some speakers. Therefore the two are grouped under one. xahl (ideo.) 'quiet' hhaaf 'to spread (of a mat)' P, heek 'to go to fetch , gahhaat 'to rebuke' aw 'to go' guu> 'to sleep' hlaw 'to get' kiic 'to return' tla>aas 'to let sth. water' open to harm' kuc 'to make tight' haar 'to proceed' a har Chalinze and Dar-es-Salaam COP where 'Where are Chalinze and Dar-es-Salaam in relation to each other?' har also occurs in compound nouns for certain bird names. harkonki 'owl' konki (f) 'chicken' har, · iixaahl 'to clear iihhaaf 'to lay mat' the throat' the layers of a iihh eek 'to scoop up water' . iigahhaat 'to rebuke sb.' · ii>aw 'to grow' iigu'uus 'to make known, to call' inhlaw or iihlaw 'to remember' inkiic 'to repeat' intlaa' 'to set out to dry' inkuuc 'to make really tight' eehaar 'to follow' iihlaakw 'to take out' insareehh 'to be in doubt' intsaa' 'to pick like ama>intsaa­ >i 'millipede' hMne� Chalinze n e e Daresalaam and then' play with sb.' 'to be fed up now 'to fail' 'to cast an mqmsi­ tive eye on sth.' har>oh 'to arbitrate, to stop a fight' hardah 'to arrive' harmeetiim 'to leave things, to neglect' neet C OND-IMPS:O.l .SG-PERF play:with:3.SG.M:PAST 'If somebody played with me, ... ' But in other contexts a more locative meaning, similar to hara is linked to example when it is used with diima 'where' as a complement. harneet 'to harhhe>ees harhlaqaat harqaytsiit 'to be tired' 'to investigate' C OND-IMPS:0.1 .SG-INSTR play:3.SG.M:PAST b�a 'hammerheaded stork' The element waa whose origin is possibly gawa 'top' adds a directional meaning. In locative constructions i't is sometimes reduced to gwa; see 3.4.4. It is also related to the ablative case mark�r wa. The ablative case clitic has to cliticise to the verb because it cannot combine with the verb 'to be' where it would be confused with the background aspect marker -wa. an a tlo oma wacakuut l .S G S . 1 /2 mountain jump:across 'I jump across the mountain.' 201 200 muruut 'to be shy' oh 'to take, grasp' maw 'to leave' The element waa in verb compounds is parallel to the ablative case suffix -wa following two equivalents. The reason sense with the ablative suffix is not un see 3.4.5.2. b<a>r caa-'aam-iin aning wa ale COND < S . l /2> HAB-cry-DUR:2.SG l.SG ABL RESPRO 'If you cry because of me, . . . ' aning h < i > r-sa wa-'aa- caam-iin l . S G COND<O.l.SG>-REAS cry:about-DUR:2.SG 'If you cry because of me, ... ' tlaw 'to get up, leave' tlees 'to lift' ciis 'to help' hleec 'to cross water' tlakweemiis 'to do badly' oh Th e waatlaw 'to come up' waatlees 'to lift up, to open' waaciis 'to help a cow give birth ' waahleec 'to revive' watlakwe emiis 'to bring sur­ prise' wayoh 'to seize' or hayoh 'to appropriate, to take away by force' waaqaa' 'to disapprove' wa>alah 'to exchange' 4.4.3. The Noun-Verb compounds Frequent first nouns in noun-verb compounds are body parts, and general nouns. There are also compound adjectives with the same nouns; see 5. 1 . sometimes reduced. gee- 'in front of' amoadalee- 'on behalf of' afilagursagaiia- from geera 'front' from amo 'place' from ado 'manner' from ale resumptive pronoun ? from afa 'mouth' from ila 'eye' from gura 'stomach' from saga 'head' from iia 'ear' The element gee- means 'in front of, before, pre- '. Its origin is verbs there is still variation between gee- and geera-. ad element haw 'to tell' koom 'to possess' laaq 'to do' dah 'to enter' saga ila oh 'to iwaac geehaar or geerahaar 'to . be in front' geerakawiim 'to step in too quickly' geehardah 'to arrive before' buu' geebuu> 'to pay sb. before he asks for it' order' adbaw 'to inform sb.' adkoom 'to be untouched' adlaaq 'to make to be' adah 'to tread on sth.' The element alee has as its basic meaning 'on behalf of sb., for the benefit of sb.'. It may be related to the resumptive pronoun ale, although the resumptive pronoun cannot appear immediately before the verb. aleeciis 'to help sb.' ciis 'to help' aleefiriim 'to ask on behalf of sb. ' firiim 'to ask' alee>aw 'to come i n defence of sb. ' aw 'to go into' a>aw 'to fight' aleehlaw or ahlaw.'to be able' hlaw 'to get' kuuf 'to fart' aleekuuf 'to make a structure to hold a pot' aleedirii> 'to be troublesome' dirii> 'to be here' doog 'to increase, to aleedoog 'to mix' meet' The element meaning. 'front'. amohhe>ees 'to put in good amohhu>uum 'to confess' is probably from ado (f) 'manner'. aw 'to go' giiw 'to be geera initially' means 'place' as an independent noun. It is present in two verbs hhe>ees 'to finish' hhu>uum 'to confess' The element haar 'to follow' kaw 'to go' hardah 'to arrive' 'to pay' amo element geemuruut 'to be shy gee>oh 'to support' geemaw 'to set free' avoid' (ml) 'head' appears in a number of compound verbs . dark' of sb. as an obstacle' (fl ) 'eye' is part of a number of compounds, mostly with a positive seize' 'to respect, hanmiis saga>aw 'to come in front sagagiiw 'to be stupid' 'to give' goow 'to flee' hlaw 'to get' ila>oh 'to welcome sb., to ila>iwaac 'to respect sb.' sing a refrain' ilahanmiis 'to translate' ilagoow 'to escape from sth., to deny, to dislike' ilahlawi (f) 'reward' ilawaats 'to speak' The element af comes from afa (f) 'mouth'. It is used in a number of words. 203 202 qaas 'to put' fiits 'to sweep' quu' 'to produce smoke' afaqaas 'to join' afafiits 'to fill to the brim' afaquu> 'to use bad language' afleesii> 'to be different, wrong' af)uruutl 'to make a knot' The element gur originates from gura' (m) 'stomach'. The stomach is the of the body, which is evident in the compounds with gur. It can also be place indication for 'inside, underneath'. buu ' 'to pay' gurbuu' 'to remind, warn' tse'ees 'to cool sth.' gurtse>ees 'to comfort' caay 'to eat' gurcaay 'to find out sb. 's inner feelings' duux 'to take out' gurduux 'to take out from underneath' qaw 'to leave' gurqaw 'to forgive' gurhhamuut 'to be in sorrow' gurkwacas 'to comfort sb.' Other noun-verb compounds are: With dabe 'hands': oh 'to seize' dabe>oh 'to shake hands, to cooperate' t lakweemiis 'to do dabetlakweemiis 'to do sth. forbidden' badly' With daanda 'back' muut 'hit' daandamuut 'to slap on the back' With hari, a word that only exists in compounds; see also 5.1 . aw 'to go' hari>aw 'to harm' buu> 'to harvest, be haribuu> 'to transfer by magic' enough' tlees 'to raise' haritlees 'to winnow by wind' With lama 'lie' buu' 'to harvest, be enough' lamabu>uum 'to witness, to testify' si tion of the attributive adjective is after the noun that it modifies, and the noun I� the adjectiv� is predicative, it i.s p �eceded by � he 'to b e' with an Impersonal subject and an object pronoun agr�emg gend�r w1th In both constructions adjectives agree in gender and m number . w1 th the �@. The gender agreement is purely tonal. Adjectives . mo �ifying a . m�sculme � o�n, or (ml ) ' have a high tone on the final syllable. AdJectives mod1fymg a femmme a1 so marked noun , (f) or (fl ) , or a neuter (n) noun have a low final syllable. . t h e preGender . 1scons ' t rue t wn, d d' that is suffixed to the modified noun, an , m 1cative nker li . the lU object pronoun. Plural adjectives carry a plural suffix. uct c�se; see 3 .4.4. in � �e co nstr m · niina garm6o boy:M:CON small:M 'a small boy' niina dasi-r girl:CON-F small:F 'a small girl' niina duunga nose:N:CON small:N 'a small nose' tluway ku h heer rain(m) 0.3:IMPS:O.M insufficient:M 'Rain is insufficient. ' faca ka hheer food(£) 0.3:IMPS:O.F insufficient:F 'Food is insufficient.' nacii ququmat ki children(n) 0.3:IMPS :O.N short:PL:N 'The children are small.' ququmaar hhayso ki tail(n) 0.3:IMPS:O.N short:N 'The tail is short.' It is an interesting feature of Iraqw that (number) agreement on the adjective which is so close to the noun is semantic and that (gender) agreement on the verb which in general has a looser connection with the noun is strictly automatic, never semantic: aa'i tleer kuung u hlakaat-im-is-iya' . trip:CON long 2.SG.M O.M tired-DUR-CAUS-3:PL 'A long journey (n) makes you tired.' a'aa tlet kuung u hlakaat-im-is-iya' . journeys:CON long:PL 2.SG.M O.M tired-D UR-CAUS-3:PL 205 204 ween -en and -iyen , for example muriyen or muuren 'mixed colours', var:i at ion bet 'with fine black and red stripes', biifiyen or biifen 'spotted black naa'en or naa'Iyen peehhayen or peehhen 'flat', hhantsare' I yen or hhantsare'en ' fine, e', whit ctives with a plural suffix -en include many colours of cattle. The vowel dje A suffix -en is shortened unless it is ee . e th 18 . 'Long journeys (n) make you tired.' ur-en daaq6o Not: giil-in boys:M:CON big-PL S.3 fight-DUR:3.SG.M 'Big boys are fighting.' daaq6o ur-en gil-n-a' boys:M:CON big-PL S.3 fight-DUR:3-PL Participles in subject relative clauses behave like adjectives. There is no person on the verb. The verb is the bare stem with tonal agreement with the gender noun but high tone for neuter nouns and masculine nouns, and low tone for f Neuter nouns require the plural suffix -a' on the adjective. The predicative adj construction also has its verbal equivalent in impersonal sentences. The same £ the verb 'to be' are used. The main verb is the stem with tone indicating tense, gender. High tone for past tense, low tone for present. See 4.2.7. garm6o doohl d6ohl dasir boy:M:CON dig:M girl:CON-F dig:F 'the boy who digs; the girl who digs' nacaa doohl-a' children:N:CON dig-PL 'The children who are digging ... ' garmo ku ateet 0.3:IMPS:O.M call:PRES boy 'The boy is being called. ' · dasi ka ateet girl 0.3:IMPS :O.F:PERF call:PAST 'The girl was called.' nacii ka ateet The number agreement on the adjective i s on a semantic basis. The same noun have a singular or a plural adjective with a difference in meaning. Compare: mar'i-wos ka ur-en. mouths:CON-F houses-3.SG.POSS 0.3:IMPS:O.F big-PL 'His doors are big.' afe-r mar'i-w6s ka catlaar 1 'atlaren daa 'aat I daacaten ceetl 1 'eetlen gawid I gawden kaahaar I kaaharen qaantsar I qaantsaren saaw I sawen saxamar I saxamaren hlahla<aar I h lahla<aren tsee'aat I tsee<aten tseew I tseewen ur I uren alhor I alhoren 'aankwets 1 'aankwetsen wahar I waharen diitsaakw I diitsaakwen narakw . 1 narkwen p eehh I peehhen hhantsarere' I hhantsar'en hheer I hheeriyen Cattle colours: children 0.3:IMPS:O.N:PERF call:PAST 'The children were called. ' afe-r . ur. mouths:CON-F houses-3.SG.POSS 0.3:IMPS:O.F big Lit. 'His doors are many', i.e. 'He heads a lot of houses. ' Plural suffixes o n adjectives are -en, and -t or shortening of the final syllable. some adjectives, singular and plural forms are identicaL Some adjectives take plural suffix -iyen : qul - quliyen 'spotted with black and white'. For others, t qany I qanyen sirara'aat I s irarcaten far a c I far' en biif I biifen or biifiyen qul I quliyen naa' I naa>e n or naa'iyen muur I muuren or muuriyen hhins I hhinsen hhisihhins I hhisihhinsen xusub 1 xus ben bahhay I b ahhayen farakw I farakwen girif I girifen amatl I amatlen . fat red fresh hard, difficult dry green far away healthy dirty, bad yellow near, close big, great clear naked healthy, fat without help or company poor, rare flat, even fine, thin insufficient white, black stripe on back red and black spots white stomach and black spots spotted black and white big white and black spots fine, black and red stripes mixed colours red with stripes red with stripes grey grey grey (of hyena) with horns pointing forwards with horns pointing backwards 207 206 The other plural suffix for adjectives is -t for adjectives that end in r, and shortening of the final syllable for those that end in a different consonant. T he has the same morphophonological behaviour as the third person feminine subject suffix -d in the verbal conjugation; see 4.2.3. · tleer I tlet tleerantleer I tledadet ququmaar I ququmat hhoo' I hho> adhhoo' I adhho> , adhho>en hhohhoo' I hhohho' geehhoo' I geehho> ilo o' I ilo' b o o ' I hoc 'awaak 1 'awak tlaakw I tlakw liitlaakw I liitlakw geetlaakw I geetlakw iraakw I irakw intlaaxw I intlaxw inhlaahh I inhlahh meehh I mehh long very long short, brief good, well, nice safe, easy, acceptable beautiful, good, holy clear, visible, open heavy black white bad, rotten, evil poor obscure, invisible narrow broad light, easy, quick spotted black and white , Some adjectives have no distinct plural form. The adjectives aben 'new' and 'old' have the plural form with -en generalised to the singular and therefore they longer have a distinct plural form. The adjective diren 'big' is only used in plur The fact that yaariit 'many' has no plural form is conceivable. This word refers to total quantity, the collection, not to every single entity in it. A plural adjective would refer to every single entity. - I diren yaariit 'aben 1 'aben qaren I qaren tsutsuf I tsutsuf hatla' 1 hatla' The adjective niina 'small, a few adjectives end in kw. big, wide (only for plural) many new old, of former times cruel different little, young' has an irregular plural form ninakw. This is probably the relic of a former suffix. iraakw I irakw tlaakw I tlakw farakw I farakwen diitsaakw I diitsaakwen narakw I narkwen narrow bad, rotten, evil grey (of hyena) without help or company poor, rare _Redu p licat ion of the adjective is used to intensify the adjective. long tleer I tlet very long tleerantleer I tledadet good, well, nice hh oo' I hho> beautiful, good, holy hhohhoo' I hhohho' red with stripes ns I hhinsen hhi red with stripes hhisihhins I hhisihhinsen dirty, bad hlahla'aar I hlahla<aren short, brief ququmaar I ququmat In o ne word, the suffix -ar is used to derive an adjective from a verb: kah 'to be dry', ka ah aar ( adj ) 'dry'. There are more adjectives that end in ar, which could be a relic of this suffix ar. green qaantsar I qaantsaren fat 'atlaar 1 'atlaren healthy saxamar I saxamaren dirty, bad hlahlacaar I hlahla'aren healthy, fat (of people) wahar I waharen short, brief ququmaar I ququmat The suffix -ar also appears in a few verbs. Especially if the verb is derived from a different word class, or if it has a factitive suffix. _naa' 'to be wet' naa'ari (fl ) 'damp naa'-aar-uut 'to b e bare (of soil)' soil' tleehh-ar-uut 'to come to ap­ tleehh 'to do' pear, to happen' muus-ar-iim 'to pound' muusa 'pestle' tsee'-ar-iim 'to be in search of' tsee'a 'outside' haam-aar 'to become ripe' haam 'to be warm' ham-ar-ees 'to ripen ' daam-aar-aam 'to wait usually' daam 'to wait' ii>ar 'to try' gunq-ar-ees 'to forget' ( tr. ) gunq-ar-uut 'to forget' (intr.) There are some compound adjectives of which the first part is a noun. The noun does not display the gender link er, nor the high tone of the construct case suffix. More or less the same set of nouns used in compound adjectives is used in compound verbs; see 4.4. In the following, I include verbs or nouns that are compounds containing an adjective as the second element. With ii>a (f) 'ear' as fir�t element: ii>atleer 'widely �nown' tleer adj . 'long' ii>aloo' adj . 'sincere, faithful' lo> adj . 'true' With ila (fl ) 'eye' as first element: · 209 208 tleer adj . 'long' kahaar adj . 'dry' hho o' adj . 'nice' With afa ila tleeri (f) 'greed' ilakahaar adj . 'clever' ilahhoo'a (f) 'present, hhoo' afakahaar adj . 'very talkative' afuray (m) 'suffering' afaloo>ees 'to be confident ab saying sth.' (f) 'calf from a cow is lent to repay a debt, the calf the repayment' afbhamit adj . 'very important' afbhoo>i adj . 'nice' With gura' (m) 'stomach' as first element: With gift' (ml ) 'mouth' as first element: kahaar adj . 'dry' ur adj . 'big' lo> adj . 'true' b o o ' adj . 'black' hhoo' adj . 'nice' t laakw adj . 'bad' gawid adj . 'difficult' gee from geera (m) 'front' gurboo' adj . 'discontent' gurhhoo' adj . 'good-hearted' gurtlaakw 'sorrowful' gurgawid adj . 'courageous' as first element: t laakw adj . 'bad' hhoo' adj . 'nice' geetlaakw adj. 'invisible' geehho o> adj. 'visible' With ad from ado (f) 'manner' as first element: . hhoo' adj . 'nice' adhhoo> adj . 'in good position' The adjective wahl 'without' only occurs in compound adjectives. wahl adj . 'without' ii>awahl 'foolishly stubborn, deaf', ii>a 'ear' xuu'awahl 'stupid' (without knowing, xuu>a 'knowing' ) The first element i s much more free compared t o other compounds. Noun plus has no different forms for singular and plural. The compound is preceded by the forms of 'to be' that are used for adjectives on which no tense difference can be Therefore I consider the noun plus wahl combination as a compound adjective an� not as a noun plus noun or a noun plus verb combination. ti-da-r kila' ka sumu ka fa'a wahl huuringw wahl without po rri dge 0.3:IMP8:0.F cooking ' cooked. not is porridge ' The wing I give a few nouns that might be mistaken for adjectives because they In the follo as traJlslat e such. umu ' every' is a noun which always has a construct case suffix. It always precedes the it mo difies. The following noun has the background suffix. umu 'every' means in negative sentences or in questions implying a negation. In these sentences there is no background suffix after the modified noun. I consider the word toinbea noun becaus e no other word class modifies a following noun, except a noun Noun :C ON-No un constru ction. no u n a umu hee-wo hlaa> umu deelo-r-o cayma ga every man-BACK eating 0.3:0.F like 'Everybody wants to eat every day.' umu fu>unay i daya->a ala. any meat 8.3 be:present:3.PL-INF:INT but 'Is there any meat? ' Implying "No" umu ga-r any kahh thing:CON-F HAB-be:present even laa dasi- r kila-r doo-ren gaas-an-i kill-l . PL:INT-INF:PA8T 'Did we kill the very girl of our own house today?' n axay xwayluur 1-n a ham-da-r kila>. by:change S.3-PAST give:birth:3.SG.F moment-DEM4-F:CON j ust 'She gave birth at that very moment.' The word for 'pregnant', form. 'ameena-r-qa' tsihaay , a is a noun. It has masculine gender it has a plural tsihaawe tsihaay without a-na today girl:C ON-F very:CON-F house- l.PL.P088 O .F-PAST muru-sing ma'ay wahl niina INDEP.CON.F little 8.3 be:absent:3.8G.F :There isn't anything, not even a little.' kila' (f) 'exactly, very' is a noun which follows the noun it modifies. It is a noun because it has gender (feminine) and because it can be followed by noun suffixes. kila> can have a possessive suffix, in which case it becomes an adverb ; see 5.2. women-F-DEM3 COP pregnancies 'Those women are pregnant.' ku ar -claw tarn da INDEP.F-DEM4:CON-F just 0.3:IMP8:0.F p01son without 'Exactly that one without poison.' things:M-DEM2 0.3:IMP8:0.M water 'These things are without water.' every day-F-BACK gwa kwahh pregnancy 0 .3:0.M:PERF throw:3.8G.F 211 210 ts uwa qo na at ganhlar 'She had a miscarriage.' The word fontsi 'without beads, naked' is also a noun< dasi a fontsi girl COP without:beads 'The girl is without beads.' The word dimhe 'different', unlike the complement of a copula. faaro ar hatla' Some adverbs end in wa, which could be a relic of the ablative case clitic: tseewa 'early', 16wa 'very' (from lo' 'true') , tsuwa 'for sure, really'. In male the resumptive pronoun ale may be fused. halo is based on hal 'day'. qar6 is related to qaren (adj) 'old'. Two adverbs seem. to contain the adverb ak 'more': lak 'almost ', mak �somew h a t ' . With l6wa 'very' a construct case linker is sometimes added. More often it is not. The form ganhlar 'fast' contains a construct case suffix. There is no noun ganhla without the construct case suffix. (adj ) 'other', is a noun because it kangw 1raqw a dimhe' nee counting INDEP.CON.F matter:CON Iraqw COP different with faaro ar kiswahili inin counting INDEP.CON.F Swahili ' Counting in Iraqw is different from counting in Swahili.' · ad a ak lak mak ala alge adawa al hahh halo hara male qar6 sa'ala san gw , sa tawo, to tseewa 'quickly' 'more, further' (used in comparison) 'almost' (often with negative) 'somewhat' (making statements weaker) 'firstly' 'almost, for a short time' 'all together' 'together' 'partly, together in a group' 'ever' (often with negation meaning 'never' ) 'nearly, together with, at the same time as' 'again' 'already' 'happily' ( relief) 'now, ever' (emphasis) 'just, in vain, uselessly' 'early' a nahhaat hara kiintamo-y RES PRO 'They quickly hid in the bush.' i-na 16wa sawees S.3-PAST very go:far:3.SG.M:PAST or i-na sawees 16wa-r ale S.3-PAST go:far:3.SG.M: PAST very-F . RESPRO 'He went very far.' hee The verbal adverbs are the following: ganhlar ale There are two types of adverb in Iraqw. The verbal adverbs that occur in the p immediately before the verb and the sentential adverbs that never occur in the immediately before the verb. The sentential adverbs can occur sentence-initially, the subject, or sentence-finally. The verbal adverbs can occur after the verb so are followed by the resumptive pronoun ale. Sentential adverbs are never by the resumptive pronoun. The syntactic behaviour of the two types of adver different enough to treat them as different word clas ses. ' ta-na 3.PL IMPS-PAST quickly:F:CON hide:PAST in:CON bush-DIR 5.2. Verbal adverbs " 'for sure, really' emphasis strengthening of imperatives 'like, similarly' 'quickly' i-na lowa-r tliiq kaahh man:CON S.3-PAST very-F be:late:3.SG.M:PAST S .3 absent di- r daaqay-qa'-ee place:CON-F boys-D EM3-BACK 'Nobody was late among those boys.' Examples of usage of the verbal adverbs: t law ada ale leave:IMP quickly RESPRO 'Leave quickly! ' hikwa-wos g-1-na-r tlay adawa cattle-3.SG.POSS 0 .3-0.N-PAST-INSTR leave:3.SG.M together ale RES PRO 'He went with all his cows.' an-a-ga ak dakuus l .S G-S.l /2-PERF more fail: l .SG 'I failed again. ' 213 212 ak m-u naanu xu'-us-ar guru Imhoru-wa al haniis-ii-ka tlehh-a ta-wa ala tlaw l .S G- S . 1 /2 but leave:l .SG 'Before you do that thing of yours, let me leave first.' kon komo ala ar-ang alge daa> halo S . 1 /2 ever LSG 'I'll go one day.' aning a thiw go:LSG halo tlaw-a-ka fak work S.3:PERF nearly be:finished:3.SG.F 'The work is nearly finished.' ino>in ta gadyuus, ta hara caylin 3.PL IMP S work:3.SG.M IMPS same:time sing:3.SG.M 'They are working and at the same time singing. ' aa lak yacan-i-ka S.3:PERF almost agree:3.SG.M-S.3:INF-NEG 'He almost disagreed.' aa lak house 0.3:IMPS:O.M-EXPEC now build:3.SG.M:PRES 'The house is being built now.' m-a-wa sangw male kiic qaro kala' qaro amohhe'es field O.F-PERF already complete:2.SG 'You had already completed the field.' . aning a too'· qeeromaamiis tleehhamu dasu ma>ay na hara tleehhiit sa ku-n doo'-o LSG S . 1 /2 just think:l .SG building-CON house-BACK 'I am just thinking of building a house.' LSG S . 1 /2 ever go: 1 .SG-INF-NEG 'I'll never go.' gadyeet aa do> qaymo a-ga halo aand-i lizard O.F-PERF ever see:2.SG:INT-INF:PAST 'Have you ever seen a water lizard?' , a S.3:PERF RELIEF leave:3.SG.M 'Luckily he has left. ' snake O.M-PERF already tread:on:2.SG 'You had already trodden on a snake.' S.3:PERF almost agree:3.SG.M 'He almost agreed.' aning tlay dayshimo u-ga yacan n aqaqaati a-ga ask:l .SG but 0.3:HIT:O.M-PERF PROH-O.F-BACK now again return:LSG 'I shouldn't repeat it again. ' ( sangw makes it stronger.) but see-IMP.HIT.TR cock 'But show me the cock.' aa sa>ala aa thing-F-2.SG.POSS-DEM2 DEP.S. 1 / .2-BACK do:2.SG-INF let an-a ala ngw-a give-S.3:INF-NEG 'I asked for vegetables but he didn't give me any.' kaw-aan L S G S . 1/2-PAST Mbulu-ABL together go-l .PL 'We went together from Mbulu.' ga-r-ok-sin g mak fi riim, vegetables O.M-PAST just PROH-O.M more stomach-CON know-CAUS-IMP(NEG) 'Don't let him know too much.' aten a-ga u-na hamaar S.3:PERF almost be:ripe:3.SG.M:PAST 'It is almost ready (ripe, hot)' hheek-aak girls water very fetch-IMP :PL:TR 'Girls, do fetch water.' An adverb can also modify adjectives or other adverbs, in which it precedes them. Especially Iowa 'very' is used as a modifier of adjectives or adverbs ; Iowa is possible as an independent adverb as well. The adjective hatla> means 'other', but with Iowa, it acquires a sense of degree, meaning 'excellent'. The adverb Iowa is also used for the expression of superlatives. ka Iowa huurin 0 .3:IMPS:O.F very cook:3.SG.M 'It is very much cooked.' 1-na lowa cay wahhana ga-y S .3-PAST very eat:3.SG.M fatness 'The more he eats the fatter he gets.' i-na am o-r lo'wa-r hlay. 0.3:0.F-CONSEC2 get:3.SG.M saaw kay. S.3-PAST place:CON-F very:CON-F far 'He went very far.' go.3.SG.M 215 214 Iowa hatla' tloom'i ku tsa ea 'an g-o 0.3:IMP S :O.M very other mountains climbing-BACK 'He is excellent at climbing mountains.' aten ti bahh tlakw l.PL IMPS:O.l .PL partly bad:PL 'Some of us are bad.' aten a wa'a-qo leave- l .PL aangw aangw Iowa ale dasi-r-qo aten a-ga di-r-qa' before before very RESPRO l .P L S . l /2 place-F-DEM3 'We lived there long long ago. ' dirangw a lion COP very Iowa makito'o-r tlakway animal:CON-F badness hleemeero hhe'ees finish animals all 'The lion is the worst of all animals. ' Comparatives are expressed by the adverb ak 'more'. The standard against which comparison is made is introduced by the preposition ta 'than'. ka ak ni,ina 0.3:IMPS:O.F more small 'It is less. ' ayto 'o-r-i ka hho' ta ak maize-F-DEM1 0.3:IMPS:O.F more nice:PL than more t o-qa'-e INDEP.F-DEM3-BACK 'This maize is better than that maize there. ' Verbal adverbs can also occur in the nominal complement of a copula construction. kwa cangw is a mak al caymusmo hare 3.SG COP just 'The hare, he is a deceiver.' deceiver male wak a-qo COP-EMPH again one 'It is one again.' a at see'aay COP like dog 'He is like a dog."' a-qo is very often used after the copula in constructions like Noun-Relative clause­ Copula-Noun, or Copula-Verb phrase. These constructions are used for emphasis; see 7. 1 . 1 . Question words are the complement of a copula in the first type of con­ struction; see 9 . 1 . qo is used if the question word is gaala 'which', but not if the question word is mila 'what' . qo is incompatible with the indefinite noun suffixes. The observed characteristics of qo indicate that its meaning is to express that there is no other possibility, and it consequently gives emphasis, hence the gloss EMPH. The adverb kilos 'only, alone' consists of the noun kila' 'exact, very' (see 5.1 ) and the third person singular possessive suffix os. Like a verbal adverb it can occur inside the verbal phrase. If kilos follows a noun, it modifies that noun. If the noun is a person, the meaning is 'alone'. ni true:INT-BACK kaw a Imboru kilos place:C ON-F DEP.S. l go: l .SG COP Mbulu 'I am only going to Mbulu.' ta- n bara gu>ute kilos-i IMPS-EXPEC in:CON sleep 'They are only asleep.' ga-r ta cag only dirii' only-DIR be:PRES a fu>unay kilos thing:CON-F DEP.S . l /2 eat:2.SG COP meat(N) only ( kilo-' in ) ( only-3. PL.POSS) 'You are eating only meat.' inos ga'ay kilos tsatsa' gu-n 3.SG only stars 0.3:0.M-EXPEC watch:3.SG.M 'He alone is watching the stars.' If the adverb refers to a neuter noun, either kilos or the plural kilo>in _is used. fu'unay kilo-'in tsuwa lo'-e COP-EMPH really qo kila' girl:CON-F-EMPH very 'The very girl.' di-r ak wak-ar time- EMPH one-INSTR ' At one go. ' Iowa tseewa tlaw-aan l .P L S . 1 /2 very early 'We leave very early.' makay 'Is it really true?' T he adverb qo is in fact a clitic. Nothing can occur between qo and the verb 'to be'. Moreover , a word cannot consist of CV only; see 2.2. The adverbial clitic qo is not restri ct ed to the verb phrase. It is also suffixed to umu 'every'; see 5. 1 . And in other nu meral noun phrases, such as ( kilos ) 'ag S.3 meat(N) only-3.PL.P OSS (only) 'She is eating meat only.' eat:3.SG.F 217 216 fu>unay kilos ( kilo>in) 1-n meat(N) only (only-3.PL.POSS) O.N-EXPEC eat : l .S G ' I eat only meat.' If kilos is inside the verb phrase, it refers to the verb phrase. In the following kilos refers to the way the meat is eaten, and not to the meat as in the sentence fu>unay i-n kilos caay meat(N) O.N-EXPEC only eat:l .SG 'I eat meat only (i.e. first, sth. else may follow) . ' i no s ( kilos) gacay tsatseec kilos gu-n 3.SG stars(M) only 0.3:0.M-EXPEC only ale) watch:3.SG.M RES PRO 'He is only watching the stars.' kar a a kilos meet gan . well S .3:PERF only remain:3.SG.M:PAST well 'Well, he remained alone.' If kilos follows the verb phrase, the resumptive pronoun is optionally used. doohl in6s kilos ale 3.SG S.3 cultivate only 'He is digging alone. ' RESPRO guu' ta- n kilos IMPS-EXPEC sleep:3.SG.M only 'They are only sleeping' If it refers to a first or second person, the appropriate possessive suffix is used. ar'ee hee a ki kilok. please man COP 2.SG.F just-2.SG.F 'Please, you are the only one.' The noun kila> plus the appropriate possessive suffix can also have the meaning reflexive pronoun; see 4. 1 .6. kuung kil-ok ti ala hee caay aldaqw 2.SG.M just-2.SG.POSS REC think:2.SG 'You think about yourself.' 5.3. Sentential adverbs Sentential adverbs are words that are not nouns and that can occur seJHe�nce-Inn;Ial!Y1 before or after the subject, or sentence-finally. They cannot occur within phrase. aa gwaa' (ala) but man:CON S.3.PAST die:3.SG.M but axmns-1 ( ala) S.3 hear:3.SG.M:INT -S.3:INF but 'But a man who died, does he hear?' The sent ential adverbs are the following. 'long ago, already, before' aangw 'maybe (depending on decision of the subject) ' anga'aw wane 'maybe (beyond control of the subject) ' doqa 'maybe, possibly' (hesitation) 'mind you' (caution) ari 'if, surprisingly' (condition) bar, bare tarn 'even if' (concessive condition) 'always' ceesi 'for sure' kwa'o tibe 'another time' (often used twice) t omak 'at that time (immediate past) ' 'well' (used in narration to connect sentences, kar mostly sentence-initial) 'by chance' (good luck) taxes naxes 'by chance' (often in the combination kar naxes ) laati indicates· some surprise daqani 'afterwards' ala 'but' alok 'hopefully' 'hopefully' (mild obligation) mas or masok The adverb masok varies with mas, and this element Both mean more or less the same, 'hopefully'. ok appears m alok as well. Often the distinction between noun and adverb is difficult to make. The adverb ham, or hamti 'now' can be analysed as a noun ham (fl) 'moment' followed by a demonstrative suffix. One could similarly explain the variation daxta or daxa 'now'. naagay 'for nothing' (uncertain or negative result) is a noun because it can be the complement of a copula. hleemeero 'all, whole' consists of hleemee followed by a gender linker and the background suffix which makes hleemee a noun. But hleemee is used as an adverb meaning 'also', which may have developed from hlam or hlami 'still, daringly' plus the background suffix. hleem has the meaning of 'all' in the expression daqihleem 'always' (all moments) . aluwq 'later' consists of the neuter noun alu and the background suffix. Other words that we expect to be adverbs are nouns. h ami, tseeca (n) 'outside' dinkwa (f) 'together' tsini (f) 'better' ,I I 219 218 gan ham ari now mind:you you! ' Mind !' Some adverbs have their origin in fixed expressions: angacaw 'maybe' from: an-a ceesi surprise inos i hi><iim-am>iit amo-r-i 16> gu hee tleehh-aahh-iit kwa>o bare anin g. INDEP:F-and-INDEP:F-BACK 'This and that' l.SG 'The man who has been building it for sure is me' 'the next day, afterwards' hlaa>-i maamay daxta ngi-wa tleer sun S .3 get:up:3.SG.F 'The sun is up.' hhahlowahlee 'of course' uncle problems without-BACK 'Without problems' eye-F1-3.SG.POSS-ABL RESPRO 'Uncle would now like them to die because of his eye.' ( mas) ihl-t-6s-wa di-r-qa' hoot-aan. l .P L before S . 1 /2-PERF place-F-DEM3 live- l .P L 'Before, we lived there.' tlaw-aan l.PL may:be S . 1 /2 leave- LPL 'Maybe we will leave. (We will see, we haven't decided yet.)' aten doqa a tlaw-aan. l .P L maybe S . l /2 leave-l .P L ' Maybe we will leave.' (hesitation) aten wane a qoon , male qatl-iya' ado-r S.3-EXPEC again die-3.PL ale. l .S G now now now now 'I a m leaving for this area now.' hee-ko mas manner:CON- F aa sa>ala t hiy qoond-a-ka maybe S .3 be:good:3.SG.F maybe S.3 be:good:3.SG.F-INF-NEG 'Maybe it is good; maybe it is not.' ( ari) ga afi-wa oh-iin ari (mind:you) 0.3:0.F mouthes-ABL take-DUR:3.SG.F mind:you 'Take care! She'll take it from the edges.' 0.3 :0.F do:3.SG.M:PRES S.3:PERF relief leave:3.SG.M dare 'Now that he has left, he dares to say it.' kat-a. tleehh . hlami g-a sangw warahh geexaw land-DEMl .N DIR leave: l .S G gadyee-sing g a man-INDEF.M must work-DEM2 'Someone must do the work.' in6s a a tlaw-aan doqa 0.3:DEP.S.3:0.F-BACK want-3.SG.M:SBJV must 3.SG S.3:PERF now l .P L maybe S . l /2 leave-l .PL 'Maybe we will leave. (It is beyond our control.) ' doqa maso k aning daxta ( daxa, hami hamt i) y"aamu-ka Ex�mples of the use of s�ntential adverbs: aten anga>aw a now ino>in i-n (must ) 3.PL wahl-ee aten aangw a-ga a man-CON 0.3:0.M build-HAB-MIDDLE SURPRISE for:sure COP t i-nee-ti-he hhahlo ale always 3.SG S.3 travel<HAB-HAB>:3.SG.M place-F-DIR RESP RO 'He always travels to this place.' well COP true 'It is true.' lo o>itleer loo>a i hheedruut aa vegetables SURPRISE S.3:PERF be:spoiled:3.SG.M ' The vegetables are spoiled?!' (with surprise) l .S G- S . 1 /2 see:l .SG 'I see' or 'I suppose. ' kararlo' kar a bare naana gacaw kah S .3-0.F say:3.SG.M kuung hlam a pass:3.SG.F 2.SG.M dare S . l /2 speak:2.SG:INT-INF 'Now that it (hunger) is over, you dare to speak about it. ' hare-r-6k bar a tsahh-a-ka, a: qo wife-F-2.SG.POSS COND O.F recognise:2.SG-INF-NEG COP-EMPH naagay for: nothing 'If you don't recognise your wife, it is bad luck for you.' 221 220 ado-da-da' ta ( taxes ) inos taxes ta COP naagay-hee inos-ee alok mas geera-wo ya'e ta hay6t COND 3.SG-BACK first-BACK river O.l .PL:PERF take:3.S G .F 'If it were up to him, the river would have taken us. ' tarn ad6-r gaala-hee even manner:CON-F which-BACK 'in whatever circumstances' laati tsacam-t-o mak baal-ii-ka g-a-qo well climbing-Fl-BACK 0.3-0.F-EMPH just 'Well (light surprise) , he cannot climb.' loo'a laati an-i win-S.3:INF-NEG hla> god well l .SG-O.l .SG like:3.SG.F 'Well, God likes me.' ( hleemee ) faca hleemee g a cak-ka also porridge also 0.3:0.F eat:3.SG.F-NEG 'She does not.eat porridge either.' inos hleemee 1 wah-an S.3 drink-DUR:3.SG.M 3.SG also 'He too is drinking.' tibe ti oo', tibe time S .3 INDEP.F:DEMl say:3.SG.M:PRES time S .3 OO' say:3.SG.M:PRES 'Now he says this, now he says that.' kar nacaay t i b e gu-n well child ar kutsuhh , kutsuhha time 0 .3:0.M-EXPEC pinch:3.SG.F pinching tsar-ee . INDEP.CON.F two-BACK 'She pinched the child another time, pinching for a second time.' t oomak ku ung kahh m-a-s then 2.SG.M PROH-S.l /2-REAS be:absent:2.SG were you absent at that time?' 'Why , daqani aten a tlaw-aan afterwards l .PL S.l/2 leave- l .PL 'Afterwards we leave. ' ado-r laq D EP.S . l /2 do:2.SG 'Su ppose he arrived, what would you do?' for:nothing:INT-BACK 'Is the way we talk in vain?' bar hardah supp ose 3.SG suppose HIT:PERF arrive:3.SG.M manner: C ON-F axwees-aan a manner-D EM4-DEM4 DEP.S .l/2 talk-l .PL na hlay u-na-r wish must 0 .2.SG.M-PAST-INSTR get:3.SG.M 'Hopefully he got you.' ques tion word gaalay 'where?, why not?' is not a noun because it cannot follow a co pula. It is an adverb because its position is that of an adverb. gaalay has a different meaning from diima 'where?' . It asks 'where', but knowing that the object is close, cf. g aal a 'which?' which can also be used to express irritation. The verb is in the subj unctive. dangw ya'e-r tlaakw gaalay elephant:CON leg:CON-F bad where is the elephant with the bad leg?' (knowing it is one of the elephants 'Where around. ) kar aako gaalay i-wa watli well grandfather where S .3-BACK return-3.SG.M:SBJV 'Why has the old father not come back?' (expecting him back) gaalay heedada' hard <ar-ar>ah-i where man-DEM4-DEM4 S.3 arrive<HAB-HAB>-3.. SG.M:SBJV 'How come that man has not arrived?' tlehh gadyee-da> .gaalay ka work-DEM4 where 0.3:DEP.S. l /2:0.F do:2.SG:SBJV 'Why didn't you do that job?' Interjections are special adverbs. They are used in direct speech in addressing people only. From a syntactic point of view, they are adverbs. ar'ee gimay gim gimse xay x �ygan gan hand ay had a expressing pity order to get started introducer introducer addressing somebody, asking for a reaction (sentence finally) addressing somebody, calling for attention (sentence initially) 'you' 'there' 'let me' 223 222 daa' ax axay are areengwaay naas naamamiis laway lauw maray baabu-ren 'let me' 'well then' 'well then' 'here you are' id. 'thanks' 'thanks a lot ' (with durative infixes; see 4.3.4) 'hello' (first greeting) 'how is your family?' (lit. 'news of the other combinations with lauw are possible. 5.4. ·· ­ bara laqaa a keer tlooma-r S . l /2 in:CON mouhtain:CON-F go:2.SG 'Are you going home or are you going to the mountain?' aayi dayshimo ga-na mother snake hunguc kiihh hami an ala i-na 0.3:0.F-PAST bite:3.SG.M but S .3-PAST kahh too law-iin ala>is ga-r l .S G just beat-DUR:2.SG but ni a gurhamut-a asma ta-wa 2.SG.M S . l/2 regret:2.SG:INT-INF because DEP.S.l/2-BACK di-r do'-og-i buu' thing:CON-F HIT pay absent :3.SG.F 'You are beating me for nothing; it pays nothing.' kuung kic , place:C ON-F house-2.SG.POSS-DIR return:2.SG:SBJV 'Are you unhappy because you are going home?' shule-r-'ee' ga get:3.SG.M 'My father works hard to get enough money for my school. ' Expressions o f time Expressions of time are not all adverbs. Many are nouns: nouns with a background suffix, a demonstrative suffix, or a directive suffix, or fixed expressions. I group them here all together. Nouns are indicated by their gender, but only if they appear without suffixes. Units of time: daqa, daqi ( f1 ) 'moment' de'ema (n) 'time' siiwa (f) 'a while' 'hour, sun, god' loo'a (f) 'day' (in combinations) baala (f) deelo (f) 'day' wiiki (f) 'week' dominika (f) 'week' 'month, moon' hlahhangw (m) kuru (ml ) 'year' Divisions of time, the week: cure:3.SG.F 'A snake bit mother but she recovered quickly.' now askahhoo' hi ay. Conjunctions are adverbs that occur at the beginning of a second clause in a seiJLtellleeJ The conjunctions are laqaa 'or', ala 'but', ala>is 'but', asma 'because', a --�?� .... of as the reason clitic and -ma a question suffix; see 3.8, and expressions such askahhoo' 'in order that'. For these adverbs as coordinating conjunctions; see Clauses can also be introduced by the prepositions, nee 'and', as 'because' and 'with' and by complementizer nouns such as gidaba 'that', ador 'that, how'; see watl-a gadyuus money:CON-F being:enough:CON-F school-F-l .SG.POSS 0.3:0.F a a bu>uutu-r h ela-r The variation between gim, gimse, and gimay 'well' shows a suffix -se which is in some irregular imperatives such as tlaw-se 'go'; see 4.2.6. gim-ay contains -ay which is a collective number suffix for nouns; see 3.2.4. 1 and appears in n 'for nothing', ax or axay 'well then', handay 'there', and areengwaay 'here· you S.l /2 go:home:2 .SG:INT-INF or lo>wa-r father:M-l .PL.POSS S .3 very:CON-F work:3.SG in:order:to deelor d eelor deelor deelor deelor deelor d eelor M ungu ki< ima tsar tarn tsiyahh koo'an lahhoo' 'Sunday (day of God)' 'Monday (day of return) ' 'Tuesday (second day) 'Wednesday (third day) 'Thursday (fourth day) 'Friday' (fifth day) 'Saturday' (sixth day) The traditional names for the months of the year are not often used. The usual form of expression is hlahhangw mibangw 'the tenth month, October'. The traditional calender starts somewhat earlier than the modern calender. The months do not agree exactly. The first month starts about mid December. axwaarir tlaakw 'December, first month of the year' ( axwaari (f) 'dry season, period of new food', tlaakw 'bad', period characterised by fierce rains from the West.) 225 224 axwaarir hhoo' 'January' (the nice dry period, month of of the crops) 'February' (heavy rains with big drops) 'March' (also the word for a star that is visible in this month, and the name for a beetle) 'ApriP (the black rainy season) 'May' (the white rainy season, lighter rains) 'June' (from quu>i (f) 'smoke, fog') 'July' (from tsaqwa (f) 'coldness') 'August' (a lot of wind) 'September' 'October' ( qaday (m) 'dry period' and kah aar ( adj ) 'dry') 'November, last month' ( maar (adj ) 'of long de­ lay') tlufqa (f) huya>a (f) d oomu booc doomu cawaak qu u>a (m) tsaqutumo (m) tlamb ocamo (m) tarqway (m) qad o kahaar qado maar The periods that are used in the names of the months are: axwaari (f) 'period of new food, beginning of the year' d oomu (m) 'rainy season' qaday (m) 'dry period, end of the year' The division of the year into seasons uses other periods: , age (m) 'dry season (June-October)' saxi (fl ) 'minor rainy season (October, November)' tsirpahhaas 'time between the rains (December, January)' from tsiriimi pahhaas 'seeds with wings drop down (by the wind) ' buhare (n) 'rainy season (March-May)' The day is divided into the following periods: matlatle (f) 'morning' matlath�r booc 'early in the morning' (lit. the black morning) sagw loo>a 'early in the morning' (lit. head of sun) caymadu (n) 'midday, midday food' (lit. meals) tlatlacangw (m) 'midday' ameetleemu (n) 'afternoon (2-4 p.m.)' tsiindo (n) 'evening ( 4-6 p.m.) daafi (f) 'sunset' (lit. return of the cattle) yaaraafi (f) id. axweso (n) 'evening, early night' xweera (n) 'night' • amsi (n) darakita (f) 'fhe 'night, midnight' 'middle of the night' absolute time indications are: 'now' daxa, daxta 'now' hami, ham, hamti 'just now' (now-F very) hamtir kila> 'now' siwri 'at that time' (lit. mouth of that period) afiqomada 'once upon a time' INDEP(F)-INDEF-F-BACK tokaro 'sometimes' ( daqi-ta-ka-r-o daqtakaro time-Fl-INDEF-F-BACK 'at a certain time') 'sometimes' ( siiwa-r-ka-r-o siiwarkaro time-F-INDEF-F-BACK 'at a certain time') 'always' ceesi adv. 'long ago' aangw adv. 'then' ( daqi -DEM4 'that time') daqada> 'always' ( daqi-hleem 'time-all') daqihleem 'often' (time-Fl:CON many-BACK 'many times') daqtayariire 'in former times' (day-first) btil geera 'in_ olden days' (day-old) bal qaro The relative time indications are: 'afterwards' daqani 'afterwards' (behind-BACK) aluwo 'after that, then' (behind-DEM4 ) aluda> 'firstly' (first-DEM l ) geeri 'the next day, some day afterwards (the sun gets loo>itleer up) ' 'next day' (second day) bal tsar 'future' (day that comes) bal xaw 'recently' (time-DEM l :N) de>emaka 'just ago' (now-DEM4) hamtida' 'early' t seewa adv. 'next week' (week:F:CON behind-BACK) wiikir aluwo 'next week' (week that is coming) wiikir ta kawana 'last week' (week that has passed) wiikir ta warahh 'next month' (month:CON behind) hlahhangw alu 'next month' (month:CON tomorrow) hlahhangw matlo 'last month' (month:CON before) hlahhangw geera 227 226 hlahhangw cisa kurki kuru , kurko bal'aangw lat'aangw cisa (f) laa (f) laari matlo (n) baloqa' baldane t udane taqane tudadane 'last month' (month:CON yesterday) 'this year' ( ku ru-ku-i year-Ml-DEM l ) 'next year' (year, year:Ml :BACK) 'second day before yesterday' (lit. day-before) 'day before yesterday' (lit. day-before) 'yesterday' 'today' only in narration, otherwise: 'today' ( day-F-DEM l 'this day') 'tomorrow' 'day after tomorrow' ( day-DEM3) 'second day after tomorrow' 'third day after tomorrow' 'fourth day after tomorrow' 'fifth day after tomorrow' The prepositions ay 'to', ar 'with', and as 'because' consist of a (the copula?) a case suffix. The meaning of a prepositional phrase consisting of a preposition noun is not different from that of a noun phrase containing a noun with a case s Prepositions can have a clausal complement; see 7.3.7. a ar faa ro ar kangw iraqw a dimbe> nee count ing INDEP.CON.F matter:CON Iraqw COP different with kiswahili counting INDEP.CON .F Swahili 'C ounting in Iraqw is different from counting in Swahili.' tlaahh ku-na nee fiisuuse nee i-na 0.3 :IMPS:O.M-PAST beat:3.SG.M:PAST by ganhlar ta'a'-in thieves and S.3-PAST rapidly run-DUR:3.SG.M 'He was hit by a thief and ran away.' In a comparison the entity by the prep ostio n ta. ayto'o-r-i against which the comparison is being drawn is introduced ak ka hho' ta ak di-r maize-F-DEM l 0.3:IMPS:O.F more nice:PL than more place:CON-F t o-qa>-e INDEP.F-DEM3-BACK 'This maize is better than that maize there. ' 5.5. Prepositions baaba fa a ro a buuhh as aning Another preposition is har 'towards, near'. It is used as a preposition to diima 'where'. See also 4.1 . 1 5 and 4.4.2. har bara afa towar:ds in:CON mouth 'Up to the mouth' father S .3:PERF be:angry:3.SG because l .S G or 5.6. Ideophones father S.3.PAST l .SG-REAS be:angry:3.SG ' Father is angry because of me. ' Ideophones are words that giv:e an impression of their meaning in their sound. They are often used as complements of the verb 'to say', after the preposition as 'because', or as sentences by themselves. Verbs can be formed on the basis of some ideophones by adding one of the verbal derivational suffixes. baaba aa a-na aning-sa buuhh baaliim-aan a r tlak6-r maheeri S . l /2-PAST win-l .PL by shooting:CON- F arrows 'We won by shooting arrows.' aning kilo'ee> a qumburucuut ay bihha-qa l.SG myself S . l /2 swim 'I'll swim to the other side by myself.' Another preposition is di-r nee kar hatla> to side-DEM3:CON other 'and, with, by' hhawate nee cameena-r-i axwees S .3 place:C ON-F men and women-F-DIR talk:3.SG.M:PRES 'He is talking to men and women.' b eecangw ku dal can nee ga-r-ka sheep 0.3:IMPS:O.M hit:DUR:PRES by 'The sheep is hit by something.' thing-F-IND EF .F ba'armo i-na oo': xiing well bee S .3-PAST say:3.SG.M xing 'The bee said: xiing. ' (sound of stinging) t sunqa n-i-na tlix oo'-iye>: saliva(n) PL-S.3.-PAST say-3.PL:PAST tlix 'The saliva said: tlix. ' (sound of something falling onto a surface) ta-na oo>: xahl; ta-na xahl<m>iit IMPS-PAST say:3.SG.M xahl IMPS-PAST keep:silent <DUR> :3.SG.M 'They said: xahl (sound of silence) ; they kept silent.' t a-na ar-ar-an as hlap hlap IMPS-PAST HAB-see-DUR:3.SG.M because hlap hlap 'They saw each other and hlap hlap (sound of collapsing) . ' 229 228 ku-na al cakmiit-ii-ke 6. as 0.3:IMPS:O.M-PAST together run-S.3:INF:INT-NEG:BACK A n o un phrase always starts with a noun. The noun can be followed by the following :modifiers in the order given below. "Or" here means "only one of the possibilities" , "either/ or" . xob xob xob xob 'They ran after him, didn't they? and xob xob (sound of irregular neewo-r-6s ga-na neer>is ar thread-F-3.SG.POSS 0.3:0.F-PAST spread:3.SG.F IND EP.CON.F bara daandu ma'ay. hii in:CON back:CON water hii 'She (the spider) made her thread over the water. hii (sound of passing The ideophones are: 'sound of sth. dropping down' buk id. 'sound of filling calabash with liquid' qut id. 'sound of collapsing' hlap id. 'sound of jumping on the ground' tsaxw id. 'sound of a bee stinging' xiing id. 'sound of sth. falling on a surface' tlix id. 'sound of silence' xahl id. 'impression of speed of light, of a shining surface' wiis id. 'sound of sth. passing fast' hii id. 'sound of irregular running' xobxob id·. 'sound of birds picking, of drops of water falling' tsirktsirk id. 'sound of pounding maize' ssipssip id. ��u v r,,'"'· Reduplicated ideophones are used for sounds that include repetition. 'sound of irregular running' xobxob id. 'picking birds, drops of water falling' tsirktsirk id. 'sound of pounding maize' ssipssip id. T h e noun phrase Word order within the noun phrase 1 . a possessive suffix 2. a demonstrative or indefinite suffix or a demonstrative or indefinite pronoun 3. a construct case suffix or an construct case pronoun plus a modifier, e.g. - noun (plus noun suffixes) - numeral - (adverb plus) adjective - adverb - prepositional phrase - relative clause 4. a case clitic (directive, ablative, instrumental, or reason case) The first suffix that is attached to the noun must be preceded by a linker suffix agree­ ing in gender with the noun; see 3.4. A noun can have two modifying suffixes at a time. Instead of the second modifying suffix, an independent pronoun can be used. A demonstrative and an indefinite suffix/pronoun exclude each other because the mean­ ings cannot be combined. A possessive must precede a demonstrative or indefinite marker. hhafeeto-w6k-sing mats-2.SG.POSS-DEM2 'These mats of yours' hiim-u-'ee' koo-ko rope-M- l . SG.POSS INDEP.M/N-INDEF:M 'A certain rope of mine' duguno-w-6s ko-qa' thumb-M-3.SG.POSS IND EP :M-DEM3 'That thumb of his' The noun is in the construct case if one of the modifiers under 3 above follows the noun. Instead of the construct case, an independent construct case pronoun can be used if the modifier does not immediately follow the noun. The construct case can also be suffixed to the last noun suffix. The construct case and the construct case pronoun are not always necessary. With numerals and adverbs, the construct case can be used but is not obligatory. Several of the modifiers under 3 above can be used in one noun phrase. maka gada ninakw animals:N:CON forests:N: CON small:PL 'The small forest animals' 231 230 d o ohla-r-6k ar ta-qa' bu>ut-ii-ka cisa aa LP L IMPS:O.l .PL some bad:PL 'Some of us are bad.' ay Babati example, in the noun phrase hi>itanor ay Babati 'walking to Babati',occurs in the phrase that modifies hi>itano 'walking' which therefore is p rep osit ional longer no If, however, ay Babati occurs in sentence-final position, it con st r u ct case. which then has no construct case marking. noun e fi d th mo i es too work-F-l .SG.POSS-DEM4:CON-F yesterday S.3:PERF in:vain a tleehhit happen:3.SG.F 'That work of mine from yesterday was in vain . ' hikwa- 'ee> l.S G-M-DEM l strength:C ON have cattle- l .SG.POSS INDEP.M/N-INDEF:N five 'Five of my cows. ' hikwa- 'ee> ale ehhiw (awa) koo-kariya' ' umu-qo ar hanis-ang give-IMP.HIT.TR . 'Give us our daily food.' If �the modifier is a no�n, the sec�nd noun can again be suffixed by noun su.u.J.At:\li, , followed by modifiers. These suffixes or modifiers have either the first or the noun as their referent, depending on the context. .. Iowa hlahha> hlee-r-os illness:CON-F cow-F-3.SG.POSS S.3 very serious:3.SG.F 'The illness of his cow is very serious. ' muuxt a-r hhoohho> ka oowi-r-os beating:CON-F drum-F-3.SG.POSS 0.3:IMPS:O.F nice:PL 'Her beating of the drum is nice.' The numeral can immediately follow an adjective. If the order is noun numeral tive, a construct case pronoun must precede the adjective. mar a ur-en tarn g-i kon houses:CON big-PL three 0.3-0.N have:3.SG.M or rnara tarn awa ur-en g- I O.F loohi waarahh awa Nade tlacangw yaarna aangw path(F) S.3 pass:3.SG.F middle(M) :CON land(N):CON before d ee I o-r-o porridge- l . PL.POSS INDEP.CON.F every-EMPH d �y-F-BACK tiqt i-r walking:CON -F to Babati can:l .SG 'I, who am strong, can walk to Babati.' Iowa cattle- l .SG.POSS INDEP.M/N- INDEF:N ( INDEP.CON.N) very 'Some of my nice cows. ' fac a- ren ay Babati a koorn hi>iitano-r cuuru aning -u-wi koo>an koo-kariya' nice bahh tlakw ate n ti S .3:PERF be:enough:3.SG.F-S.3:INF-NEG 'That hoeing of yours in the field is not enough. ' gadyee-r->ee-da-r very catt le- l .SG.POSS INDEP.M /N-D EM4 five 'Those five very nice cows of mine.' hoeing-F-2.SG.POSS INDEP:F-DEM3 INDEP.CON.F in:CON aa koo'an lowa hhoo' ku-da hikw a- 'ee' bara kon houses:CON three INDEP.CON.N big-PL 0.3-0.N have:3.SG .M 'He has three big houses.' If the modifier is an adjective, this adjective can itself be modified by an intervening adverb. INDEP.CON.N Nade 'The path goes through the former land of N ade.' If there are several modifiers, the relative clause is the 'last one. tarn bird(F) even dakuus aa wak ar ar INDEP.CON.F one kahh INDEP.CON.F S.3:PERF miss:3.SG.M:PAST S.3 be:absent:3.SG.F 'A bird, even one, that he missed, does not exist. ' The case clitics are the last element i n the noun phrase. a harntl-iind-a bara tlaw-t-i ur-wa S . l /2 bathe-DUR:2.SG:INT-INF in:CON lake-Fl-DEMl big-ABL ale RES P RO 'Do you bathe in this big lake?' A special case of a prepositional phrase is the coordinating preposition nee 'and, with'. If a list of nouns is coordinated, the coordinating preposition nee can be but need not be repeated. n1 di-r keernu hlaa' a Kwerrnuhl, (nee) place:C ON-F HIT going:CON want:l.S G COP Kwermuhl Tlawi, (nee) Dongobesh, (nee) Haydom nee Daudi Tlawi, and Dongobesh and Haydom and Daudi 'I want to go to Kwermuhl, Tlawi, Dongobesh, Haydom, and Daudi. ' and 233 232 Within such a coordinated noun construction, a nominal suffix refers only to the to which it is suffixed. The same applies for adjectives. Adjectives can only the last noun. If it is to refer to both nouns, the adjective must be repeated . In after the preposition nee a new noun phrase follows. kitangw nee kabati-r ur gi tleehhiit chair and cupboard:CON-F big 0.3:0.N make:3.SG.M:PRES 'He is making a chair and a big cupboard (not: a big chair and cupboard). ' kitangw ur ur nee kabati-r gi tleehhiit chair:CON big and cupboard:CON-F big 0.3:0.N make:3.SG.M 'He is making a big chair and a big cupboard.' An adverb after a prepostional phrase with nee can refer to both nouns, like nu�enneE�rr m: hiikwa nee aara hleemeero awa �attle(N) and goats(N) all gi bar a qawo-r-i kijiji daaqay IND EP.CON.N village boys tlees hlahlacar-en. K wermuhl boys and girls:CON Kwermuhl 'The boys and girls from K wermuhl.' If the first noun has a construct case suffix and a coordinated noun structure this structure as a whole modifies the first noun, as in ' " "'._. .. .,, , , kwacangw nee du>uma story:CON-F hare and leopard 'The story of the hare and the leopard'. mu-k do> nacams-u gacalee nee mahhangw-ar tlaquut S.3-PAST bow and arrow-INSTR ' He shot with bow and arrow.' shoot:3.SG.M:PAST Th e scope of a preposition extends over both nouns of a coordinated noun phrase. i-na gacale nee (ar) ar tlaquut S.3-PAST shoot:3.SG.M:PAST INSTR bow 'He shot with a bow and arrow. ' i-na a>ii kay ar mahhangw and INSTR arrow ya>a nee gar1 S.3.PAST journey:DIR go:3.SG.M INSTR leg 'He travelled on foot and by car.' and car Wit hin the noun phrase modifiers can be coordinated. kal>a ar dacat-en nee kal>a ala ar qansar-n-ee-ka and bahhay-en green-PL-BACK-NEG but IND EP.CON.F colours:CON grey-PL n ee tsee>at-en. c aay Linker suffixes agree in gender with the noun they are attached to, not with the head noun of the phrase which they modify. Within the noun phrase, gender agreement is local. The compound afer mar>i 'doors, lit. mouths of houses' is feminine, as can be seen from the gender agreement in the object pronoun, but the possessive suffix to the compound is not preceded by a feminine linker because the immediately preceding noun is neuter. afe-r and beans 0.. 3:1MPS: O.M-EXPEC eat:PRES 'The family is eating a dish of maize and beans.' A case suffix will refer to the complete noun phrase and thus refer to both nouns coordinated noun structure without repetition of the suffix. mar>i-wos ka ur. mouths:CON-F houses-3.SG.POSS 0 .3 :IMPS:O.F big:F 'His doors are many: The number of houses he heads is big.' muruu ayto>o n e e loosi people:CON-Ml house dish-M:CON ma1ze ku-n i-na 6.2. Gender agreement within the noun phrase ugly-PL 'The girl and the boy of Buura are ugly.' ti>ita-r S.3 place:CON-F men and women-F-DIR talk:3.SG.M:PRES 'He is talking to men and women. ' and yellow-PL 'My sheet is not red and green .b ut grey and yellow.' Buura ki girl- F-DEMl and boy-DEMl :M:CON Buura .. 0.3:1MPS:O.N daaqay nee dasu axwees sheet-F-l .SG.POSS INDEP.CON.F colours:CON red If a coordinated noun structure is modified by another noun, the construct case is only needed once. nee garma-wu hhawate nee cameena-r-i inqwari-r-'ee> 0.3:0.N in: CON meadow-F-DIR bring:3.SG.M 'The boys bring all the cows and goats of the village to the meadows. ' dasi-r-i di-r cayma-r-os ku gawid things:M:CON eating-F-3.SG.POSS 0.3:IMPS:O.M difficult 'His food is difficult (to get)' hlahhangw oowi-r-os ku hhoohho> . beating:CON drum-F-3.SG.POSS 0.3:IMPS:O.M nice:PL 'Her beating of the drum is nice.' If a construct case pronoun is used after a coordinated noun structure within the noun phrase, it agrees with the last noun. The following sentence does not tell whether the 235 234 ,.,.[ . B asic sentence structure Non-verbal sentences friend is from Tumati or not. mulqumo-w-i ku-da> nee hhiya-'ee friend-M-D EM l and brother- l .SG.POSS IND EP.M-DEM4 oo hardah-iye> Tumati naa aya INDEP.CON.M land:CON Tumati HIT:PERF arrive-3.PL:PAST 'This friend and my brother from Tumati have arrived. ' 6.3. Gender agreement with the noun phrase Gender agreement with the noun phrase is with the gender of the head noun, be seen from the agreement in the object pronouns of the impersonal "to be" examples above. In the case of coordinated nouns, the gender is neuter, rpo· "' ",''�­ the gender of the individual nouns, see the object pronouns in the following sent naanu cay-aan i-na nee kasiis vegetables (M) and potatoes (F) O.N-PAST eat-LPL 'We have eaten vegetables and potatoes.' loosi i-na nee kasiis cay-aan. beans (F) and potatoes (F) O .N-PAST eat-l .PL 'We have eaten beans and potatoes. ' d aaqay nee dasu g-i-na intsahhatiis boys (M) and girls (M) 0.3-0.N-PAST teach:3.SG.M 'He has taught boys and girls.' dasi7r-6k nee cameni-r:-6k ti-da> girl-F-2.S G.POSS and woman-F-2.SG.POSS INDEP.F- D EM4 ki saaw-en 0.3:IMPS:O.N far-PL 'Your daughter and that wife of yours are far.' ki hara saaw-en n - verb al sentences contain a copula or a verb 'to be' with a nominal complement. The locative 'to be' is a The complement subjects. person third for i and subjects person second and st r fi for temporal aspect: a have ta with sentences and ta is be' 'to dependent The ve. ati c lo 's be' has a special 'to verb The identical. inherently not are complement and ject ub s �he 'to be', i .e. dependent the with homophonous is which subject, impersonal an for form For adjective. an is complement the when used is marker subject impersonal e Th ta . 1 . . 4.1 see ails det 7.1 . 1 . C opular sentences �Nohe copula is a and is used when the sentence is an equation. T he minimal verbless sentence consists of the copula and a noun. For example a 16> COP truth 'It is true.' In addition, the copular construction may have a subject. iraqw a doohlitee Iraqw COP farmers 'Iraqw are farmers. ' dasi a 'tsihay girl COP pregnant:woman 'The girl is pregnant. ' The complement of the copula can b e a noun phrase consisting o f more than a noun. ga-r-qa a gadyee-r deelo umuu thing-F-DEM3 COP work:CON-F every:CON day di-r-een-ee 0 .3:IMPS: 0 .3 apart far-PL place-F- l .PL.POSS-BACK 'They are far apart (Dar-es-Salaam and Chalinze). ' 'That is every day's work for us. ' If the coordinated noun phrase is the subject, i t has neuter (that is, plural) agJ�eeJmeiJtt'l It is very common in Iraqw t o use a sentence of the type: noun, followed by a relative on the verb. clause, followed by a copula plus a noun. This construction is used to focus the last The following sentence contains the introduction of the hare in the story. noun. kit aangw nee mesa i gwaranggwarimiit-iya> asma because and table S.3 shake-3:PL chair kwa'angw a kwaahh ga hee 'The chair and the table shake because of the earthquake. ' man:CON 0.3:0.N:PERF throw:3.SG.M:PAST COP hare 'The man who threw them is the hare. ' The following sentence is an answer to .the question "What does it want?" na'ay ga-r hlaa>-i a fu>unay child thing:C ON-F S.3 ·want-3.SG.M:SBJV COP meat 'What the child wants is meat.' 237 236 'Where are the sabasaba (national holiday) festivities this year?' This type of construction is also used for questions, with the question word noun. konki saga df-r hen a ngw-1 yaa'e di-r qas river diima tlaa-tlaw a matlatle-r booc l .S G D EP.S. l .SG HAB-rise:l .SG COP morning:CON-F black:F 'I'll rise when it is early in the morning. ' ga-sfn g ngi tleehh a wiiki-r thing-DEM2 0.3:DEP.S.l .SG:O.F do:l .SG:SBJV COP week: CON-F alu behind 'When I'll do it, is next week. ' 7. 1.2. Locative 'to be' If the complement is a locative noun phrase, the locative verb 'to be' is used. locative 'to be' is a for first and second person subjects and i for third person see 4. 1 . 1 . kuung a bara qaymo bara feast:CON sabasaba aama tsihay ta-wa mother DEP.BE-BACK pregnant:woman 'When mother was pregnant, ... ' ta-na hardah , ta-y di-r IMPS-PAST arrive:PAST DEP.BE-CONSEC2 place:C ON-F af- ku tlawi mouth-Ml :CON lake 'They arrived and they got to the ed_ge of a lake.' ino>fn t a bihhi>-i f sabasaba nacay bara-da ta-r dasi-r xuu>-i in>fn ka do> they IMPS house 'They are at home' calf S.3 place:CON-F side-DIR 'The calf is at the side. ' If the complement is the question word diima 'where' the locative 'to be' is used ' not in sentences of the type: "The place is where" . These have a copula. sikukuu ta-wa l .S G DEP.BE-BACK child 'When I was a child, . . . ' If the subject is unspecified, the impersonal subject marker ta is used. The impersonal subject marker ta can have a locative complement. The impersonal subject marker cannot be used in an equation for which the copula a is used. di-r-qa> di-r an 7.1.4. Impersonal subject hunkay COND<S.3>-EMPH place-F-DEM3 'If he is there, ... ' dama i temporal aspect is expressed in the sentence, the dependent verb 'to be' ta is used. This verb can be followed by the aspectual suffixes; see 4. 1 . 1 . The dependent 'to be' is also used in subordinate clauses. house-3.PL.POSS 3.PL 0.3:IMPS:O.F know:INT-S .3:INF 'That the thing inside is the girl of their house, do they know that?' sun S .3 back:CON cloud 'The sun is behind the cloud. ' b < i > r-qo If a do>-fn , qaymo daandu mountain-F-DEM3 'The river, where it goes is beyond that hill.' thing:CON-F in-DEM4:CON D EP.BE-INSTR girl:CON-F 3.SG S.3 in:CON field 'S / he is in the field.' loo>a i place:CON-F S.3 get-DUR:3.SG.F COP behind:CON ga-r 2.SG.M S.l/2 in:C ON field 'You are in the field. ' in6s ala 7J . 3. Temporal nominal sentences The subject of the copular construction can be a subordinate sentence. anin g ni a tlooma-r-qa' head place:CON-F 0 .3 :DEP.S.3:0.M-DIR put:3.SG.F:SBJV COP where 'Where did the hen put the head in?' ooh-iin diima kur-k-i S.3 where year-Ml-DEM l bar-ta di-r do>-o-ka, COND-IMPS place:CON-F house-BACK-NEG 'If they are not at home, ... ' daqa they COP crowd 'They form a crowd. ' 239 238 ' He climbed down from the tree.' not: a ta daqa IMP S crowd With an adjectival complement, the marker ta is fused with the object prono uns prefixed by the third person object marker g- ; see 4. 1 . 1 . inos ku hhoo' inos ka hhoo' 3.SG 0 .3 :IMPS:O.M nice:M 3.SG 0 .3:IMPS:O.F nice:F 'He is nice.' 'She is nice.' If the object is unspecified, it has feminine gender. The least specific non-human gaa 'thing', is feminine. ka hhoo' ... ..-�.,�-�-,;� 1 ' r� ..,.�., .,,, hr:;�' ' ! aax male atee t m-a-wa garmo too (too) ateet l . S G PROH-S.l /2-BACK in:vain boy:CON in:vain call:l . SG 'Don't let me call the boy for nothing.' an m-a-wa garm6 too (too) ateet l .S G PROH-S.l/2-BACK in:vain boy:CON m:vam call:l.SG 'Don't let me call the boy for nothing.' i daandu wawutmo-wa mu-k ateet-in inos The subject is expressed on the main verb. The object precedes the main verb. adverbs and noun phrases with an adverbial case clitic can also occur between 'to and the verb. Prepositional phrases, noun phrases with a background suffix, serlteJrrtlaJ:.I adverbs cannot occur between 'to be' and the verb. I will call the word group from be' to the verb, the core of the sentence. The following complete sentences consist just the core of the sentence. axwees IMP S story:CON-F tell:3.SG.M 'They tell a story.' people:CON-Ml daandu wawutmo-wa ateet-in . call-D UR:3.SG .M 'He calls the people on behalf of the king.' Two adverbs can occur before the verb. Two noun phrases with an adverbial case clitic can also occur before the verb, but this is mostly avoided by having one of them occur after the verb. male ada ta'-a'-in male ateet xa'ano-wa ceet S .3-PAST top:CON tree-ABL mu-k 3.SG S.3 people:M:CON-Ml back:CON king-ABL S.3 again fast run-HAB-DUR:3.SG.M 'He runs fast again.' S.3-PAST again call:3.SG.M:PAST 'He called again. ' gawa (male) amo-r-og-i call-D UR:3.SG .M 'He calls the people on behalf of the king.' S.3 be:good:3.SG.F 'It is good.' i-na male kay Arusha-r 3.SG S.3 back:M:CON king-ABL qoon i-na an inos S.3 be:satiated:3.SG.M:PRES 'He is satiated.' ti>ita-r basi-r-ar S.3 bus-F-INSTR Arusha:CON-F again go:3.SG.M 'He goes again by bus to Arusha.' These constituents can occur in any order. The adverb can precede or follow a noun phrase with a case clitic. The object can precede or follow a noun phrase wit h a case cliti c. l.SG S.l /2-PAST (again) place-F-2.SG.POSS-DIR again call: l .S G 'I called upon you again.' 7.2. Verbal sentences: The core of the sentence The minimal verbal, non-imperative sentence consists of the verb 'to be' followed the main verb. A verb 'to be' is obligatory; see 4.1 . Subject, object, aspect, case, and mood are expressed on the verb 'to be'; see 4.1 .2. Subject, tense and are expressed on the main verb; see 4.2. Progressive aspect is expressed by of the main verb; see 4.3. ta an aning a-na 0 .3 :IMPS:O.F nice:F 'It is all right.' weeriis di-r-og-i O.F place-F-2.SG.POSS-DIR sell:l .SG 'I'll sell it to you.' All three of these types of constituents, verbal adverbs, objects, and noun phrases with adverbial case clitic can at the same time occur in the core of the sentence. descend:3.SG.M:PAST 1-na Imb oru-wa K arato-r-i kiic S.3-PAST Mbulu-ABL Karatu-F-DIR return:3.SG.M 'He returned from Mbulu to Karatu.' 241 240 basi-r-ar i-na tluwo-sa daqay-ka ale 8.3-PAST bus-F-INSTR leave:3.SG.M-NEG rain:M-CAUS 'He didn't go by bus because of the rain. ' I t i s not possible t o have two full objects. In the following sentence kasir h 'cooking of potatoes' is one constituent made up of two nouns, linked by the case suffix. The two nouns form one constituent because the reverse order of the nouns is impossible . kasi-r inos huuringw ay. 3.SG 8.3 potatoes:CON-F cooking:CON go:3.SG.M 'He will cook potatoes.' The object can be an object pronoun. ka kakanuus . RDP-kanuus g-ta-a 0 .3-IMPS-O.F HAB-weed:3.SG.M:PAST 'They weeded it.' The complement of the case clitic can also be an object pronoun, and if so, the clitic will normally cliticise to the object pronoun. male doohl u-r O . M-INSTR again cultivate: l .S G 'I dig again with i t (the hoe). ' However, a n adverb can intervene between the object pronoun and the case clitic. inos fiiso ga halo kiic-ii-ka 3.SG stealing 0 .3:0.F ever DIR return-INF-NEG 'He will never steal again. ' One can have an object pronoun plus a full object in the core, as can be seen in following sentence. The first person singular is the patient of the verb which has impersonal subject. There are two extra entities, 'meat' and 'house'. The these two nouns is fixed; fu>unay and doo cannot exchange positions. two are one constituent. doo tat6 hare-r-o ti-na house: C O N parents:CON wife-F-BACK IMPS:O.l .S G-PAST doo haratseeg house: C ON shut:3.SG.M 'At my in-laws' , I was closed in in the house with meat. ' 7.2. 1 . The subject The subject is obligatorily expressed on the verb. The referent of the subject can understood. <aa<aam-iin 8.3 cry-DUR:3.SG.F 'They (i.e. the birds (f)) are singing.' pers onal (pro )nouns are mostly used for people or personified animals in stories, and for thin gs. A personal referring to an animal or a thing is accepted in proposed sentences in elicitation, but I never encountered it in spontaneous speech such as stories. in6 s <aa<aam-iin 3.S G 8.3 cry-DUR:3.SG.F 'They are singing.' (i.e. tsir<o o (f) 'birds', or amaxupa (f) 'frogs') inos hu-hu>- un 3.SG 8.3 HAB-fall-DUR:3.SG.M 'It is falling.' (i.e. d o > (m) 'house') deelo gaas-ii-ka is 3.SG S.3 day kill-S.3:INF-NEG 'It won't take a day.' The personal noun is rather used for contrast, not just for any known subject. In the story about the hare and the leopard, these two main characters are both masculine nouns. As long as there is no change in subject, the subject is only marked on the verb. The personal noun inos or is 's/he' is used whenever the other becomes subject. xa>i tu<u-t-o ngi-wa hhe>ees trees uprooting-Fl-BACK 0.3:DEP.S.3:0.N-BACK finish:3 .SG.M:PAST i-na waatl. is i-wa 8.3-PAST return:home:3.SG.M:PAST 3.SG 8.3-BACK hardah xa>i-da> ka arrive:3 .SG.M:PAST trees-DEM4 0.3:IMPS:O.N:PAST kwaahh . throw:3.SG.M:PAST 'When he (the leopard) finished uprooting the trees, he went home. When he (the hare) arrived, those trees were thrown. ' For third person subjects, the verb distinguishes between masculine, feminine, and neuter subjects, identifying the subject by gender. Third person personal nouns have only two forms: singular and plural. The distinction between male and female singular subjects is only made on the verb. inos xa>i g1-na tuuc 3.SG trees 0 .3:0.N-PAST uproot:3.SG.M:PAST 'He uprooted trees. ' in6s xa>i gi-na tuc 3.SG trees 0 .3:0.N-PAST uproot:3.SG.F:PAST 'She uprooted trees. ' The impersonal subject has t a as verb 'to be' and the third person singular masculine ending on the verb. The impersonal subject has to be human, or, in a story, a per­ sonified animal. The third person plural personal noun, ino>in 'they' is used with an impersonal subject. The impersonal subject is always understood as a group of people; see 4.1 .5. 243 242 aten ta tsaxaar ino 'in ta 3.PL IMPS throw:3.SG.M:PRES 'They (together) throw. ' If there are coordinated agents, the subject o n the verb i s plural. The subject o n verb is plural even if the noun phrase with the coordinating preposition nee 'and, follows the verb. a hariim n1-wa axways-aan nee COP necessity HIT-BACK speak- l .PL:SBJV with bara necema-r kaw-aan hare-r k6n male kay The object noun phrase requires no construct case suffix if it is modified by a nmmeJtB;!H an adjective, or a relative clause, all of which follow the noun. lowa-r go:3.SG.M vv.u.u ..,.££L .>:,.m tlet bara guru kun e-r pestles:CON-F long:PL S.3 in:CON stomach:CON mortars:CON-F ka-keer HAB-go:3.SG.F 'The long pestles go down into the mortars.' hot mas xu>uti-r hhoo> k6on S . l /2 knowing:CON-F good:F have:2.SG 'You who have lived abroad should know better.' an-a tarn nacaa k6om l .S G- S . l /2 children:CON three have:l .SG 'I have three children. ' hikwa-w6s mibangw loot-in farmer S .3 cows-3.SG.POSS ten:N 'The farmer is milking his ten cows.' milk-DUR:3.SG.M is qayts iit qaym6-r ta d6ohl The object noun phrase can be a locative object. Some verbs have locations as obj ect, for example kaw 'to go'. an-a Imboru kaw l . SG-S . l /2 Mbulu:CON go: l .S G a m going t o Mbulu.' l o ohi i The object can be more than a simple noun. The object noun phrase can genitive noun construction, for example with locative nouns as in bara guru 'in the inside of the mortars'. muuse-r nga 'I saaw kay S.3-PAST place:CON-F very:CON-F far 'He went very far.' tseeca dig:3.SG.M 3.SG S .3 field:CON-F IMPS cultivate:PAST watch:3.SG.M 'He examines the field that is cultivated.' S.3 bus-F-INSTR Arusha:CON-F again go:3.SG.M 'He goes again by bus to Arusha.' am6-r axwees, b ohh6ngw yaariir fooliit d oohlitumo i However, the object noun does not form a close unit with the verb because the noun phrase with the construct case suffix can be followed by an adverb. i-na kwi 2.SG.M- M-DEM2 outside 0.3:HIT:O .N:PERF live:2.SG:SBJV must well Geso Duqa S.3 wife:CON-F have:3.SG.M 'Well, Geso Duqang has a wife.' Arusha-r muru'-In ' a If the object noun phrase is only a noun, or if its last element is a noun, this requires a construct case suffix. basi-r-ar ta kuung-u-sing 7.2.2. The object gees6 duqa i inin 3.SG S .3 hole:CON big:M 'He is digging a big hole.' with John S.l /2-EXPEC in:CON dancing:CON-F go- l .PL 'I am going to the dance with John' kar koom-aan 3.PL IMPS things-3.PL.POSS INDEP.M:DEM l say:3.SG.M 'While they are telling these things of theirs, ... is parents-F- l .SG .POSS 'I must speak to my parents. ' Joni a-n ma'a Adj ectives, numerals, and relative clauses can follow the noun. xwaylite-r-'ee nee shida-r l .PL DEP.S. l /2 problem:CON-F water:CON have- l .PL ' We have water problems.' Nominal suffixes or their corresponding independent pronouns can follow the noun, for example muru'in kwi 'these things of theirs'. di-r qama Nadi-r warahh path S.3 place:CON-F fields:N:CON Nade:CON-F pass:3.SG.F 'The path passes the plot of Nad e . ' xaatli i bara hhay diri> trees S.3 in:CON row 'The trees are in a row.' yaama be:3.SG.F aben harweer-iya> S.3 land:N:CON new encircle-3.PL 245 244 If the object noun is understood, it is represented by an object pronoun. This is case if the object is mentioned in the previous sentence or if it is evident from context. do> a kwe- 'ee' kargan , bar house C O P INDEP.M-l .SG.POSS well aning If there i s n o specific object and if the verb i s transitive, the object pronoun i s ternmine.,.l presumably referring to gaa (f) 'thing'. gwa yaamu- 'ee-wa na'a-na<-ir di-r-og-i iwiit . i-na naanu tlaxw-ta-sa bara . go:3.SG 'He went to the market to buy vegetables. ' There can b e an external object, outside the core o f the sentence, but the eXljerilatl object noun is represented by an object pronoun within the core of the sentence. wah . hare-r-os 3.PL Noun phrases with one of the adverbial role case clitics, -i directive, -wa ablative, instrumental, or -sa reason, can be inside the core of the sentence. If the case mCJLrKe::r�l cliticises to the noun, it is preceded by a gender linker. See 3.4.5. for the these case clitics and for other morphological details. ,a.uaJ.F, .�. . u.... <ameni-r-i haniis bracelet 0 .3-0.M-PAST woman-F-DIR give:3.SG.M:PAST 'He gave the woman a bracelet. ' i-n a gawa bara xa>ano-wa <eet . aye' ng-u-na di-r nada-r-i 3.SG PL:0.3-0.M-PAST place:CON-F market-F-DIR go:3.PL:PAST 'They met him at the market.' ';rhe noun may be modified by an adjective or a relative clause. naa amo-r saaw wa HIT:S.3:PERF place:CON-F far 'He returned from a far away place.' inqwari g-a hee kiic ABL return:3.SG.M inqwarf-r cloth inos give<Dl}R>3.SG.M:PRES 'He gives ·a cloth to the man who has no cloth.' xwaytsi-r-ar taahh 3.SG child 0.3-0.M stick-F-INSTR beat:3.SG.M:PRES 'He will beat the child with a stick.' ti>i>ing-sa huuw na<ii-wos-ee. 3.SG S .3-PAST top:CON tree:M-ABL fall:3.SG.M:PAST 'He fell from the tree.' na<ay g-u do>-i wife-F-3.SG.POSS 0 .3:HIT:O.F-PAST in:CON house-DIR bring:3.SG.M nee ino>in in6s 7.2.3. Adverbial case muungay g-u-na nga-na with children-3.SG.POSS-BACK 'He brought his wife together with his children into the house.' O.F-PERF drink:l .SG beer 'I drank beer.' a-ga sokoni-r S.3-PAST vegetables:CON buying-Fl-REAS in:CON market:CON-F kay sii> 0 .3:0.F refuse:3.SG.M:PRES 'He refuses (it ) . ' inos doohl l.SG S.l /2-PAST place-F-2.SG.POSS-DIR sit : l .SG 'I sat at your place.' The noun phrase with the case clitic may contain a genitive construction. alhhe>ees . buura a-ga kurmo-' een-ar aning a-na 0.3-0.F-PAST finish:3.SG ..M:PAST 'He finished it (i.e. the field (f) ) ' ga qaymo ga field 0.3:0 . F hoe- l . SG.POSS-INSTR dig:3.SG.M:PRES 'He cultivates the field with my hoe.' trees S.3 top:CON land-l .SG.POSS-ABL HAB-grow-3.PL 'Trees are growing on my land.' O .M-EXPEC build-HAB-MIDDLE: l .SG 'The house is mine since I have been building it,' g-a-na as xaatli i C OND l .SG tleehh-aahh-iit . u-n no un to which the case clitic is attached may be modified by noun suffixes, such p ossessi ves. fhe 'They will encircle the new land.' hlaqaat S.l /2-PERF running:M-REAS be:tired:l .SG 'I am tired because of running.' koom-a-ka-y 0.3-0.F man:CON cloth:CON-F have-INF-NEG-DIR han < m > iis The noun phrase may consist of a personal noun. inos aa aning-sa buuhh 3.SG S.3:PERF l.SG-REAS be:angry:3.SG.M 247 246 'He was angry because of me' The case clitic indicates that somewhere in the sentence there is a noun phrase has the role expressed by the case. This does not need to be the noun phrase which the case is cliticised. For example, in the following sentence the poison is into the beer and yet 'poison' and not 'beer' has the directive case clitic, because noun for 'poison' is in the core of the sentence, and 'beer' is external, which in i reflects the sequence of the action: you take the beer first and then put poison buura a-n sum-1 I n the following sentences, the instrumental case clitic can b e attached either 'tail' or to the 'ground'. hhayso-r yaamu-r It i s also possible t o exchange noun phrases within the core of the sentence and the adverbial case clitic in the same position. hhar-ta naqaqaati a-ga hhart-i qaymo a-ga umu-w-6s u-r d6ohl in6s fiiso ga bal6 kii'-ii-ka 3.SG stealing(£) 0.3:0.F ever DIR return-S.3:INF-NEG 'He will never steal again. ' 7.2.4. Adverbs amohhe)ees babay ku bobooc kon Hhaymu dasi ngi wak. Hhaymu girl 0.3:DEP.S.3:0.F have:3.SG.M:PRES one 'Hhaymu has only a single daughter. ' ngaa laqwal tarn children 0 .3:DEP.S.3:0.N:PERF give:birth:3.SG.F three 'She gave birth to three children.' Note that the numerals are nouns; see 3.6. The linked noun construction is not possible with adjectives, hence the following sentence is impossible: *na'ii The noun phrase to which the case clitic refers can also be outside the core of sentence. It is then represented by an object pronoun in the core of the sentence. qar6 name- M-3.SG.POSS 0.3:IMPS:O.M call:3.SG.M:PRES Black 'They call him Black.' nacii l.SG O .M-INSTR dig:l.SG 'I dig with it (the hoe)' ngwa field O.F-PERF already complete:l .SG 'I have already finished the field.' 7 . 2.5. The linked noun Nouns that have an attributive function to the object head noun occur after the verb . In this case the dependent form o f 'to be' must b e used, a construction which i s very common for numerals. 3.SG S.3 man:CON stick-DIR give 'He is giving a stick to the man.' an ala ask:l .SG but 0.3:HIT:O.M:PERF give-S.3:INF-NEG 'I asked for vegetables but he didn't give them to me. ' hanmiis If the noun with the adverbial role is understood but not expressed, there is an pronoun referring to it in the core of the sentence. The case is then cliticised to object pronoun. This is not possible for the ablative case clitic wa. It would mistaken for the homophonous background aspect suffix -wa; see also 4.1. 16. mak firiim, haniis-ii-ka hhawatri hanmiis hhawatu u-na vegetables O.M-PAST just 3.SG S.3 stick-Fl :CON man-DIR give 'He is giving a stick to the man.' in6s bal6 aand-i lizard O.F-PERF ever see:2.SG:INT-INF:PAST 'Have you ever seen a monitor lizard?' muux muux male ateet . aning kuung u-na l .SG 2.SG O.M-PAST again call 'I called you again.' to tail S.3-0.N-EXPEC land-INSTR beat:3.SG.M:PRES 'He is beating his tail on the ground. ' in6s see naanu land S .3-0.N-EXPEC tail-INSTR beat:3.SG.M:PRES 'He is beating the ground with his tail.' hhayso g-i-n C t ai adverbs can appear in the core of the sentence. These adverbs are verbal as opposed to sentential adverbs that cannot appear in the core of the sentence; al so 5.2. qaas-aan beer O.F-EXPEC poison-DIR put- l .PL 'We'll put poison into the beer. ' yaamu g-i-n n er adver bs ng1 koon ur-en children 0.3:DEP.S.3:0.N have:3.SG.F big-PL:N 'She has big children.' Furthermore, locatives can immediately foll.0w the verb. Then the dependent form of 'to be' is used. The locative noun phrase is an essential part of the act of the verb, it immediately follows it, whereas if the locative noun phrase is circumstantial, it requires background suffix. In the following sentences, the locative noun phrases immediately follow the verb since the locative expressions are an essential part of the action. a 249 248 ku ka is too qas bara afa 2.8G.M 0 .3:DEP.8 . 1/2:0.F just put:2.8G in:CON mouth 'You just put it at the mouth.' du>uma ngi-na luuc bara dasi-r ku 7.3. ka do->fn qat-u-wok, ka gagar in:CON bed-M-2.8G .P088 0.3:DEP.8. 1/2:0.F carry:2.8G to qat a bed 'You transport the girl of their house into your place to sleep, you carry her the place of sleeping.' na'ay-w-os ku-du di-r naxes aa iwft saree'a Adjuncts Adj un cts are phrases that are not part of the core of the sentence. Possible adj uncts are sent ential adverb, a noun phrase, or a prepositional phrase. Noun phrases that are co referent with the subject of the verb or with the object pronoun are called external subjects and objects, respectively. tokaro-ya sare'a bara xats-ta-ka-r-wa once-EMPH buffalo( F) 8.3 in:CON valley-Fl-INDEF-F-ABL qa-qeer HAB-graze:3.8G.F 'Once upon a time, a buffalo was grazing in a certain valley.' ayto>o 0 .3:IMP8 : 0.M-EXPEC let:suck maize(F) O.F cultivate-HAB-MIDDLE:INT-INF 'Are you growing maize?' nunumaamfis di-r ku-da' place:CON-F INDEP.N-DEM4 'His child, the buffalo's, was fed by those cows of his.' ba)aramo i iwiit gwa daandu xarami bee 8.3 sit:3.8G.M top:CON back:M:CON honey:comb 'The bee is on the honeycomb.' saga i hu>-un yaamu daya' cattle di-da-da> fadu->ee> fool diren seehh<im>ft bara qaymo heaps: CON-F big:PL 8.3 stand<DUR>:3.8G .F in:CON field 'Big heaps are standing in the field.' lo ohi i way Nadee waarahh tlacangw yaam-a aang 8.3 pass:3.8G.F middle:CON land-N:CON before Nadeet 'The way passes through the former land of N adeet.' . aning-sa buuhh aa ale 8.3:PERF be:angry:3.8G.M 1 .8G-REA8 RE8PRO 'He is angry because of me. ' i-na 'eet lak ale Adjuncts that are locative, and temporal noun phrases are often followed b y a back­ ground suffix. kwa'angw matlatlee-r-o 0 .3:IMP8:0.N bury:3.8G.M 'Cattle will be at the place where you bury my bones.' ufe-r doohl-aahl-iit-a 3.8G 8.3-PA8T fall:3.8G.M nearly RE8PRO 'He nearly fell. ' 8.3 be:3.PL place-DEM4-DEM4 bones- 1 .8G.P088 ki a A verb�l adverb and a noun phrase with an adverbial case clitic require a resumptive pronoun ale if they occur outside the core of the sentence, since there is no -element within the core which refers to them . inos head 8.3 fall-DUR:3.SG.M ground 'The head falls onto the ground.' not: yaamu-i 'ground-DIR' hikwa dinkwa. well next:day clan cannibal well 8 .3:PERF sit:3.8G.F together ' Well, another day the cannibal clan happened to sit together. ' child-M-3.8G.P088 INDEP.M-DEM4:M:CON buffalo ku-n niina a 2.8G.M girl:CON-F house-3.PL.P088 0.3:DEP.8. 1/2:0.F bara doohl kar lo o >itleer hhay caga qaymo leopard 0 .3:DEP:O.N-PA8T hide:3.8G.M in:CON field 'The leopard hid them (the trees) in the field.' 1-na 3.8G 8.3-PA8T cultivate:3.8G.M:PA8T place:CON-F small:F 'He cultivated a small part. ' ti>fit . i-na hare(M) morning-F-BACK 8.3-PA8T go:out :3.8G.M 'The hare went out in the morning. ' du>uma i-na hardah matlatlee-r-o. leopard 8.3-PA8T arrive:3.8G.M morning-F-BACK 'Leopard arrived in. the morning. ' cisa> xweera-wo inos u-gwa ar-ii-ka yesterday niglit-BACK 3.8G O .M-PERF see-INF:PA8T-NEG 'Last night I didn't see him.' 251 250 daq-ta yaariit-ee xweera-wo aning a time- F l :C ON many-BACK night-BACK l .S G ( xweera-wo ) guu'-a'-iim-a-ka S.l/2 sleep-HAB-DUR-INF-NEG night-BACK 'Often I cannot sleep at night. ' External subjects and objects and sentential adverbs preferably precede the core of sentence. The sentential adverbs anga>aw 'maybe (controlled by the subject of sentence) ', doqa 'maybe (hesitation) ', daqani 'afterwards' have the same distri as wane 'maybe (beyond control) ' in the following sentence. wane ( wane ) a aten tlaw-aan na'aay tibe kutsuhh g-u-n xawa' hunkay hardah ay di-r do-'in fiisusmo dirisha-r thief do) a i-r-a dah window:CON-F S .3-INSTR-PERF enter:3.SG.M:PAST m qaymo doori tuntuuk ga do>-o-wi hee-wi aa tleehh an-u house-M- DEMI man-DEMl S .3:PERF build:3.SG.M l .SG-O.M watlakwemiis . admire:l .SG 'I admire the house that this man has built.' The question one must ask is: when is the object noun phrase within the core of the sentence, and when is it outside? In past tenses, the object tends to be external and in the' present tense internal. , baynu g-i-na caymis pigs 0.3-0.N-PAST feed:3.SG.F 'She fed the pigs.' However, the other orders do occur. In fact, the object can occur outside the core of the sentence in all tenses. The following sentences are examples of internal object in the past tense and external object in the present tense. i-na bara sok6-r kay as S.3-PAST in:CON market: CON-F go:3.SG.M because naanu t laxwa vegetables:M:CON buying 'He went to the market to buy vegetables. ' , The object can occur before the core of the sentence. If it does, an object pron follows 'to be' and this pronoun is suffixed to i't . bara The external object noun phrase can contain a relative clause or other modifiers. ti house C OP INDEP.F:DEMl 'The thief, the window by which he entered into the house is this one.' The external subject can, exceptionally, occur after the core of the sentence; see 7 i-na cak < > it hhay caga S.3-PAST run<DUR>:3.SG.F clan cannibals(F) 'They were running, the cannibal clan.' 7.3.2. External objects. tsafemiis clouds(M) sky(F) 0 .3:0.F cover:3.SG.M 'The clouds cover the sky.' External case noun phrases, verbal adverbs, and prepositional phrases tend to the core of the sentence. IMPS-CONSEC2 arrive:3.SG.M to place:CON-F house-3.PL.POSS 'And they arrived at their house.' 7.3.1 . External subject The external subject usually precedes the "core of the sentence. The external is not necessarily the topic. The first noun phrase in the sentence is the topic only it is followed by a pause; see 7.7. A topic does not require a syntactic relation to core of the sentence. u manure O.M spread: l .S G in:CON field 'I spread manure over the field. ' well child again 0.3-0.M-EXPEC pinch:3.SG.F ' She pinches the child again.' ta-y do>-u-f-hee Mbulu(M) 0 .3-IMPS-O.M go:3.SG.M:PRES house-M-DEMI-BACK 'Somebody in this house is going to Mbulu.' If the object is a third If th e object is a first or second person, the verb 'to be' is zero. .2. 4.1 see be'; 'to verb the to gprefix a is there perso n , ( *wane ) may:be l .PL may:be S.l/2 go:away-l .PL maybe 'Maybe we will leave.' kar Imboru ku kay do>owihee kay Imboru g-ta-u garma In kurmo gu-n tlaaxw 0 .3:0.M-EXPEC buy:3.SG .M:PRES boy hoe 'The boy is to buy a hoe.' clauses with simultaneous actions, the objects are internal. inin ta muru >-in axwees , kwi 3.PL IMPS things:M-3.PL.POSS INDEP.M:DEMl 'While they are telling these things of theirs, ... ' say:3.SG.M 253 252 kar is hikwa daaf, ahla'ay Muray a dasi i-n cakmam:ft well 3.SG S.3 cattle:CON return girl S.3-EXPEC run:3.SG.F 'While he returns the cattle, the girl is running. ' In sentences expressing intention, the object is external. famfe>amo u-n af-ku do>-i qaas-aan snake(M ) O.M-EXPEC mouth-Ml :CON house-DIR put- l .P L 'Let u s put a snake on the door.' saree'a-r awu a cay-aan buffalo:CON-F bull O.F eat-l .PL 'Let us eat the big bull.' Outside of a context, a sentence that is non-past and that has the object outside core, is interpreted as future. a aning kasiis kasii-r kahawu huuriim wah- before migr-u d<ar-ar> ahh-i IMP S-BACK firewood-M:CON come:from<DUR-DUR>-SBJV ta-n da>-a'-aat IMPS-EXPEC sing-HAB-MID DLE 'Long ago, whenever they returned from firewood collecting, they were is i-wa mu-k alcag-ag-in a 3.SG S .3-BACKGND people:C ON-Ml deceive-HAB-DUR COP ado oma how 'When he had tEe habit of deceiving people, how did he do it? ' The object i n negative statements is external. In the following sentence the object to be external. d6o ur gwa Kwermuhl-u go: l .SG 'No, I am not going to Muray, I am going to Kwermuhl.' th e following negative sentence the object is internal, but the object is the most dil rea y expected object of this verb. faca-r a huuriind-a-ka S . l /2 porridge:CON-F cook:2.SG-INF-NEG 'You are not going to cook.' fac a a huuriind-a-ka porridge O.F cook:2.SG-INF-NEG 'You don't cook porridge.' diri ti,ita-r-'ee-ti S . l /2 coffee:CON drink:l .SG 'I drink coffee (I am a coffee drinker). ' In subordinate clauses, the object is usually outside the core of the sentence. exception is when the action is or was a habit, a situation that is not specific in aangw ta-wa In a 'here', dinkwar a-ga 'together', adori 'such ' di-r-i story-F- l .SG.POSS-INDEP:DEMl.F O.F-PERF place-F-DEM l l .S G S . l /2 potatoes:CON-F cook:l .S G 'I cook potatoes.' General statements have the object in the core of the sentence. For example, a kaw kaw-a-ka O.F go: l .SG-INF-NEG S.l/2 Kwermuhl-M:CON Nouns with an adverbial usage, such as are internal. huuriim l .S G potatoes O.F cook:l.SG 'I'll cook potatoes.' anin g a Muray no tleehh-ii-ka house:C ON big:M 0.3:0.M:PREF build-INF:PAST-NEG 'He didn't build a big house.' al-h he'ees together' I have finished my story here.' ta dinkwa-r hoot-at-in IMP S together:CON-F live-HAB-DUR:3.SG.M 'They live together.' Geso D uqa fu'una saree'a gay Geso Duqa meat:N:CON buffalo ado-r-i laaq 0.3:0.N:CONSEC2 manner-F-DEMl do:3.SG:PAST 'And Geso Duqa did thus with the buffalo's meat.' The inherent object of a verb is inside the core of the sentence. aa>aa kaa-kay S.3 travels:N: C ON HAB-go:3.SG.M 'He usually goes on journeys.' d6o tleehhiit S.3 house:M:CON build:3.SG.M:PRES 'He is building a house.' If the object of the in a sentence-initial sentence above is placed outside the core of the sentence, that is, position, the sentence needs an addition, for example 'over there' . The object 'house' i s now the theme of the sentence that is modified by 'over there'. 255 254 do' gu tleehhiit is an di-r-qa-y ap propriate answer to "What are you eati�g?." or to "Are you eating porridge?" , the latter runs counter to the expectation of the speaker. In the following e er h w the emphasis is on the external object. ces en nt se ale house 0.3:0.M build:3.SG .M:PRES place-F-DEM3-DIR RESPRO 'He is building a house over there.' If the object is the theme of the sentence, it is external. In a sentence such as gadyeet ga la ma faak hlee-r it is more fit for the object to be external because otherwise the meaning would be 'work' in general is 'finished' once and for all, which is hard to conceive. The is external if it is negated because then it is the theme of the sentence. The is preferably external and sentence-initial in sentences with impersonal subjects. object is naturally the theme if the subject is not to be mentioned. o piimuus land:N 0 .3:IMPS:O.N-PAST measure:PAST 'The land was measured.' In the following sentence, the object is not the theme and therefore the object is in core of the sentence. kur-ku faak doohla-r ale S .3 year-Ml :CON finish:3.SG.M:PRES cultivating-INSTR RESPRO 'He cultivates the whole year through.' The object is in the core of the sentence if both verb and object are together in fo The answer to a question "What did you do yesterday?" IS tlaba a-na hhuunts-iit S.l /2-PAST clothes:N:CON wash-MIDDLE: l .SG 'I washed my clothes. ' i-na hhuunts-iit clothes O .N-PAST wash-MIDDLE:l .SG 'I washed my clothes. ' would b e the answer t o "What did you wash yesterday?" , supposing that there something else to be washed. Similarly the following sentence is an appropriate to "What are you doing?" or to "Are you eating porridge?" a fac a-r caay S.l /2 porridge:CON-F eat:l .SG 'I am eating porridge.' Whereas fac a afa a caay porridge O .F eat : l .S G 'I a m eating porridge.' b6oc a-n gas-a cow:CON-F mouth:CON black O.F-EXPEC kill:2.SG:INT-INF 'Do you kill an innocent cow?' The object is usually in the core of the sentence if the sentence is in progressive aspect, with the durative suffix on the verb. The focus is on the aspect. fak-in doohla-r S .3 cultivating:CON-F finish-DUR:3.SG.M 'He is finishing cultivation.' an-a amhl-iim dama l .S G-S.l/2 calves:N:CON separate-DUR: l .SG 'I am separating the calves.' Themes tend to be specific. In past tenses, the situations or events also ten d to be specific and therefore in past tenses the object is often externaL However, specific objects do not automatically occl!r externally. For example, place names that are the object of the verb aw 'to go' or the verb daahh 'to come from' are commonly inside the core. an a uholansi-r daahh l.SG S . l /2 Holland:CON-F come:frorn:l .SG 'I come from Holland.' Objects with a possessive suffix can occur in the core of the sentence, if they are general. umuu-qo whereas t labu k6om evidence O.F have: l .SG 'I have evidence. ' 0 .3:0.F finish:3.SG.M:PRES work 'He finishes the work.' yaamu ki-na a hee-wo i-qo hare-r-6s k6n every-EMPH man-BACK S .3-EMPH wife-F-3.SG.POSS have:3.S G .M 'Every man has his wife.' Since personal nouns are specific, they are usually outside the core of the sentence, and a personal noun as an external object is usually in its full form, a ten 'us', not at, although an 'me' for aning is possible. However, the personal nouns can also occur inside the core of the sentence. aning kuung u-na ateet l.SG 2.SG.M O.M-PAST call: l .SG 'I called you.' at e n ( * at) ti atet l .P L l .P L O . l .PL call:2.SG 'You call us.' 257 256 an-i-ga the ext ernal object, aten 'we'; 'fear' is a quality to be attributed to the object, 'us'. :Likew ise , 'doors' is the object and 'two' is attributed to it. atet l .S G-O.l .SG-PERF call:2.SG 'You called me.' an-a in6s w akuse-r ateet l .S G-S. l /2 3.SG call: l .SG 'I'll call her/him.' External objects are usually in front of the core of the sentence. They can either or follow the external subject. If they precede the external subject, the extern al is topic; see 7. 7. kuung dayshimo u o ca-cag-a-kee kwacangw g-i-na ca-caay faak ga harahhef n1-wa haniis yaah<aam>iis-i aten gadyeet a tleehhama-r aw-aan-a-ka doohla-r hlaa> l .SG maize O.F cultivating:CON-F want:l .SG 'I want to cultivate the maize.' aning a cayto>o-r doohla-r hhia> l .SG S . l /2 maize:CON-F cultivating:CON-F want:l .SG 'I want to cultivate the maize. afe a-n tsar tleehh-aan doors O .F-EXPEC two make-l .P L 'We make two doors.' 7.3.4. Bare noun internal object kanga-DIR give:l .S G 'My sister expects me t o give her a kanga (a piece of cloth). ' ku-wa tlaq-ka tsar tleehh-aan aning cayto>o a hikwa sister-F- l . SG.POSS 0 .3:0.F expect:3.SG.F DEP.S.l .SG-BACK kang-i da>e-r tomorrow l .P L work O.F doing:CON-F go- l .PL-INF-NEG 'We are not going to work tomorrow.' The internal object holds contrastive emphasis. In the following sentences the second sentence differs from the first in the fact that 'maize' has priority over other crops. In the third sentence, there is contrastive emphasis on the numeral which is inside the core of the sentence. lion 0.3:0 .N:CONSEC2 finish:3.SG.M:PAST cattle ' And the lion finished the cattle.' If the external object is a sentence, this sentence follows the core of the main sen and the object pronoun is feminine; see 10. hhoo>o-r->ee> aten ti doors O.F-EXPEC two make- l .P L 'We make two doors.' This cons truction with a split object is common for verbal nouns and their patient nouns. The patient of the nominalised verb is the external object. The object pronoun referring to it, together with the verbal noun, is the internal object. matlo children(N)- l .SG.POSS hare(M) S .3-0.N-PAST HAB-eat.3.S G .M 'My children, the hare ate them.' The external object can also follow the core of the sentence. This is a highly order. In stories it is used for the stylistic effect of establishing a series of related leading to a climax; see 7 .8. diirangw gay a-n afe 2.SG.M snake(M) O.M HAB-eat:2.SG-INF-NEG:INF:INT 'You don't eat snakes, do you? ' nacii->ee> saw-en enemies:CON-F far-MULT l .PL O.l .PL fear:CON- F cut:3.SG.F- NEG 'Far away enemies don't make us afraid.' ga- n 0.3:IMPS:O.M-BACKGND ask<DUR>-3.SG:SBJV 0.3:0.F- EXPEC Iowa hlaa>-ii-ka very like-S.3:INF-NEG 'He does not want to be asked questions. ' 7.3.3. Split object The object noun phrase can be partly inside the core of the sentence and partly The noun that is outside the core of the sentence haS" an object pronoun it inside the core of the sentence. The part of the object that is inside the core of sentence consists of only a noun. This noun is attributive to the external object. construction is similar to that of the linked noun after the verb; see 7 .2.5. The verb be' does not need to be dependent. For example in. the following sentence, 'fear' ��f·"'��·; ...,,. rm:; The object carries a construct case suffix if it ends in a noun as we have seen in 7.2.2. certain instances, the core-internal object noun has no construct case. In such a case, the noun and the verb form a close-knit combination, that is, the noun is not modified by any noun suffix, nor can an adverb come between the noun and the verb. This construction is often used with body parts. Usually there is an external object and/or an object pronoun in addition to and related to the bare core-internal noun. The noun can be in a logical combination with the verb, like saga d eeqw 'to shave the head' sage naa> 'to cut the heads (the hair)' or fixed expressions like saga aw ' ' 'to go in front'. The noun is like an adverb; the noun can be placed sentence-finally and if it is, it requires the resun;ptive pronoun ale In an u deeqw saga ale l .SG O .M shave: l .SG head RESPRO 'I shave his head.' (lit. 'him the head') 259 258 The following examples involve a human external object and the preverbal noun · of the body. Note that the noun sage 'heads' is plural agreeing with the pl the understood referent of the object ( nacii (n) 'children'). saga deeqw u an l .S G O.M head shave: l .SG 'I shave his head.' g-i-na sage g-u-na u-ga saga tsat an kil->ee> g-u-ri in6s diitsa tsaat bite:3.SG.M The form a-ga is ambiguous. It can be S.l/2-PERF or O.F-PERF. In the sentence aga can only be interpreted as containing an object pronoun. is impossible with hlee alone as an object. a-ga aa ya>e kiihh snake(M) man-DEM4 0.3-0 .M-CONSEC leg 'The snake bit that man in the leg.' .t.VLJLV YY "'"' � h lee gaas O.F- PAST cow kill:l .SG 'I killed a cow for her.' There are, however, also sentences without an object pronoun and with a bare preceding the verb. Compare for example the following sentences. 1-na sihheena duuq S.3-PAST teeth brush:3.SG.M 'He brushed his teeth.' cisa a-ga cameni-r gaas tlacano tleehhiit ti-na kil-os mana tlehh 3.SG REC-PAST self-3.SG.POSS spirit make:3.SG.F 'She turned herself into a hyena-spirit. ' The construction is also used with a verbal noun followed by the verb plete', meaning doing something completely. , yesterday l .SG REC-PAST self- l .SG.POSS finger cut:LSG 'Yesterday I cut my own finger.' dayshimo gitla-da> gaas S.3-CONSEC stone make:3.SG.M:PAST 'He turned himself into a stone. ' diitsa tsaat ti-na hee i-ri yesterday O.M-PERF finger cut:l .SG 'Yesterday I cut his finger. ' (lit. 'I cut him a finger.') cisa hheet-iim S.l /2-PERF woman:CON-F kill:l .SG 'I killed a woman.' Alternat ively, the verb is very general, for example tleehh 'to make'. Here tleehh expresses that one changes oneself into somethin� . There is no object pronoun. well mother 0.3-0.M-PAST head cut:3.SG.F 'Mother cut his head off. ' (lit. 'cut him the head off') cisa gaa S . l /2-PAST thing destroy-DUR: l .SG 'I destroyed something.' a-ga nee hikwa-wo saga ay aama a- ga S.l /2-PERF man kill:l.SG 'I committed manslaughter. ' na> 0.3-0 . M-PERF head go:3.SG.M and cows-BACK 'He went in front of him and the cows. ' kar 't hin g', or hee 'human being', where cameeni 'woman' would require a construct case s uffix. a-ga 0.3-0.N-PAST heads cut:3.SG.F 'She cut their (the children) heads (the hair). ' g-w-a gaa diitsa tsaat yesterday S.l /2-PERF finger cut:l .SG 'Yesterday I cut my finger. ' The construction is also used in sentences where the noun is very general, for ex si>iima hhe)ees 'com­ hhe>ees S.3:PERF refusing finish:3.SG.M:PAST 'He refused completely.' The compound verbs (see 4.4.3.) have developed from such constructions. The fol­ lowing sentence shows that the ' combination of noun and verb has acquired a new meaning. a-ga dabe tlakwemiis O .F-PERF hands do:bad:l.SG 'I did something illegal.' The following compound verbs contain the noun ila 'eye'. 'to run away from sth., avoid', goow 'to run' ilagoow 'to interpret', hanmiis 'to give' ilahanmiis 'to receive, to answer in songs', oh 'to take, catch' ila>oh 'to have good luck', hlaw 'to get' ilahlaw 7.3. 5. External adverbial case noun phrase and external verbal adverbs: The resump­ t ive pronoun ale Adverbs and noun phrases with adverbial case clitics can be in a position after the core 261 260 In gener al, nouns without an adverbial case suffix do not occur in a post-verbal position by followed ale, but occasional examples do occur. In these examples the noun phrase . not the object but an adverbial. See ganhlar ale 'quickly' above, and: of the sentence, in which case they require a resumptive pronoun ale. gadyeet aa fak hara IS ale work S.3:PERF finish:3.SG.F nearly RESPRO 'The work is nearly finished.' kurmo gw-a hoe gw-a ala ale leeleehhahhit to in:vain RESPRO but 0 .3:0.M-PERF search:3.SG.F hleer-ii-ka in6s Imboru kaw-aan al l .S G S . l /2-PERF Mbulu go- l .P L 'We went together to Mbulu.' muu u gacaw mak ale together RESPRO ale, ala a ad6-r ceet gwa xa>ano-wa Basili ale iimf-r ti> <ii> > in Kuta-wa 3.PL IMPS-PAST hide ale gitla-qa> i-na ceet lak ale gwa 3.SG S .3-PAST fall:3.SG.M nearly RESPRO top:CON tree-ABL ale RES PRO 'He nearly fell from the tree. ' is bara bush-D IR RESPRO 'They quickly hid in the bushes.' in6s i-qo mas gadyee-sing g-a bare aangw a tleehh 0.3-0.F do:3.SG.M:PRES mak narkutamo man-DEM3 well before COP somewhat poor:man 'That man used to be somewhat poor.' ham b < u > r 3.SG now quickly:CON RESPRO in:CON kiintamo-y ale mar>afi geewaw man-IND EF.M must work-DEM2 'Someone must do the work.' ale nahhaat ganhlar bahh ale-hee l.SG now land-DEMl .N O.N leave: l .SG 'I am leaving this area now.' More than one phrase, each with its own resumptive pronoun, can appear after verb. ta-na gweer aning daxta yaamu-ka IMP S-DIR arrive:PAST place-DEM4-DIR RESPRO 'They arrived at that place.' inin muu hee-ko di-da>-i afa be:absent:3.SG.F 'Among other people, the system of family relationship is absent .' 7.3.6. Sentential adverbs ,The adjunct can consist of a sentential adverb. For a list and discussion of sentential adverbs; se� 5.3. The sentential adverbs precede the core of the sentence. RES PRO 'Basili was running from Kuta to here.' hardah fala g-a di-r HIT-S .3-PAST run<HAB> :3.SG.M point:CON-F Kuta-ABL t a-y ale kahh 3.SG S.3-PAST nearly fall:3.SG.M top:CON tree-ABL 'He nearly fell from the tree.' B asili n-i-na lo o>a-r place:CON-F people some RESPRO-BACK relationship S .3-EMPH trees 'I can see people somehow, but they are like trees.' lak sagw With a resumptive pronoun, the adverbial case noun phrase can also occur at other posit ions in the sentence if it is followed by a background suffix. xaa'i i-n a tlay 3.SG hide 0.3-0.F mouth open:3.SG.M 'He has opened the bag at the opening.' people O.M see:l .SG somehow RESPRO but COP lllOS ta-ri well IMPS-CONSEC leave:3.SG.M head:CON sun:CON-F RESPRO 'Well, they left in the early morning.' A core-internal bare noun can occur post-verbally. The nominal parts of compound verbs (see 4.4.) cannot be in a position after the verb. 0.3:0.M-PERF get:3.SG.F-S.3:INF-NEG 'She looked for the hoe in vain.' aten a-ga kar ku-r gaas-aan a.d6-r COND<O.M> kill-l .PL hlaw-aan a manner:CON-F ado oma 0 .3:IMPS:O.M-INSTR get- l.PL COP how 'If we then kill him, how do we get him?' 7.3.7. Prepositional phrases The adjunct can consist of a prepositional phrase. There is a small set of prepositions: 'to (DIR)' , ar 'with (INSTR)', as 'because (REAS)', nee 'and, with, by', har 'until', t a 'than (in comparison)'. The first three, ay, ar, as are variants of the adverbial case ay 263 262 i- na clitics i, r, and sa and probably consist of a copula a plus the adverbial case cli noun phrase introduced by ay, ar, or as is comparable to a noun phrase w ith clitic. The preposition as can be replaced by asma with no difference in i-na bara sok6-r kay as ( asma ) S .3-PAST in:CON market:CON-F go:3.SG.M REAS because tlax-o naanu naanu tlaxw-ta-sa Ot her bara prepositions are ta, used in comparisons, and har 'until'. ayto'o-r-i ak ka Chalinze nee Daresalaam gwarangwarimit-iya' as because chair and table S .3 shake-3.PL 'The chair and the table are shaking because of the earthquake.' gurhamut-a hand-3.SG.POSS 'She moved with a bracelet in her hand. ' hh6) as kicima di-r 2.SG.M S.1/2 regret:2.SG:INT-INF because returning place:CON-F do)-6k a har i-na bara sok6-r kay as gurhamut-a? 2.SG.M S . 1/2 return-2.SG.POSS-REAS regret:2.SG:INT-INF 'Are you sad because of returning to your house?' a gurhamut-a asma ta-wa 2.SG.M S .1 /2 regret:2 .SG:INT-INF because DEP.S. 1/2-BACK d i-r kic . do>-6g-i place:C ON-F house-2.SG.POSS-DIR return:2:SG ' Are you sad because of returning to your house?' The noun following the preposition is not necessarily the semantic complement of preposition. The semantic complement of the preposition can be the object. T restricted to the prepositions that are nearly identical to the equivalent adverbial clitics for which this property has already been shown in 7.2.3. nee gu tsaxaar ar dasi and 0 .3:0.M hit:3.SG.M INSTR girl 'And he beats the girl with it (the ball) . ' The preposition nee 'with, by' is also used for conjunction, 'and'; see 1 0 . 1 diima as naanu S.3-PAST in: C ON market:CON-F go:3.SG.M because vegetables kuung kuung di-r was ' tlaxo buying 'He went to the market to buy vegetables.' kicima-w6k-sa ak Chalinze and Dar-es-Salaam COP until where ' Where are Chalinze and Dar-es-Salaam in relation to each other?' It is unusual for a prepositional phrase to occur sentence initially. For the first of the following two sentences, putting the prepositional phrase at the beginning was not accepted. The second sentence, however, with the prepositional phrase at the beginning accepted with the comment that the order is unusuaL house-2.SG.POSS 'Are you s ad because of returning to your house?' a ta I NDEP.F-DEM3-BACK 'This maize is better than that maize there.' kay a gawa t o-qa'-e sokoni-r go:3.SG.M 'He went to the market to buy vegetables. ' kuung sixm6 maize-F-DEM1 0.3:IMPS:O.F more nice:PL than more place:C ON-F S .3-PAST vegetables buying-F1-REAS in:CON market:CON-F kitangw nee mesa i nee dak-6s vegetables buying-BACK 'He went to the market to buy vegetables.' 1-na tla-tleer S .3- PAST HAB-leave:2.SG with bracelet:CON top:CON gurbu>uta in6s kangw-si tseewa oo'-eek because informing:CON 3.SG matter-DEM2 early 'In order t o inform him, send the news i n time.' tell-IMP.O .S G 7.4. The syntactic function of the background suffix Adjuncts can take the suffix -o which I call the background suffix; see 3.4.6. This suffix is used in a number of ways. It occurs before the negative suffix and with yes/no question intonation in nominal sentences. It is obligatory after a noun modified by umuu 'every'. in6s nacay g u 3.SG child al-hee-ka taahh ala xwaytsi-r-ar 0.3:0.M beat:3.SG.M:PRES but stick-F-INSTR RESPRO-BACK-NEG 'He beats the child but not with the stick.' I n the followi� g in meaning 'her two sentences the presence or absence of the suffix reflects a difference two children' versus 'two of her children'. The function of the suffix is to take tlie preceding noun phrase as the domain which is being backgrounded. The fact that her children are two c�mstitutes the background of the sentence. Likewise the 26 5 264 entire domain of the suffix -o is negated or questioned. aama na'ii tsara-wo hamatl ngi-n mother children two-BACK 0 .3:DEP.S .3:0.N-EXPEC wash:3.SG.F 'The old woman should wash the two children. ' (two is total) aama nacii mother children two 0.3:DEP.S .3:0.N-EXPEC wash:3.SG.F 'The old woman should wash two of the children.' In the following sentence the background suffix is attached to the external subj ect makes it the background of the sentence. hee kar gu'a aa hhoo'a-r-o kiic man:CON well swallowing nice-F-BACK S .3:PERF return:3.SG.M qaymo-da' bara The background suffix cannot occur on nouns within the core of the sentence. can it occur after prepositional phrases with the prepositions ay, ar or as. The for this is that there is a copula in the prepositions ay, ar and as . The oa(::K.e;rou.nd.J suffix cannot occur on the complement of a copula. Moreover, the noun phrase background suffix is comparable to a copula plus noun phrase. The background is, however, used after prepositional phrases with the preposition nee 'and, with'. tlaa-tlaw a· matlatle-r booc l .S G D EP.S. l .SG HAB-rise:l .SG COP morning:CON-F black 'I usually rise at dawn.' aning ni tlaa-tlaw matlatle-r boo'-ee l .S G D EP.S. l .SG HAB-rise:l .S G morning:CON-F black-BACK 'I usually rise at dawn. ' wiiki- r alu-wo ga-sing a tleehh week:CON-F behind-BACK thing-DEM2 O.F do:l .S G 'Next week I'll d o that thing.' ga- sing tleehh ngi a wiiki-r thing-DEM2 0 .3 :DEP.S . l .SG:O .F do: l .SG COP week: CON-F alu behind 'When I'll do that thing is next week.' laari ( *laari-hee) a deel6-r) today today-BACK COP day:CON-F 'Today is saturday.' nada-r-o kuung nee hee ta in:CON market-F-BACK 2.SG.M and man:CON DEP.S.l /2 get:2-PL:PAST 'At the market, the man whom you met. (i.e.: whom did you meet?)' qooma-r-ka wak-ee gitla-ko aa bara time-F-INDEF one-BACK man-INDEF.M S.3.PERF in:CON gar-ta-wa tineeti-hee hi>iimiit . dayshimo g-u-na forest-F l-ABL walk:3.SG.M suddenly-BACK snake 0 .3-0.M-PAST adah tread:on:3.SG.M:PAST 'Once upon a time a man was walking in the forest. Suddenly he stepped on a snake. ' in:CON field-DEM4 'As a person with great confidence he returned to the field. ' anin g ni bara h leer-e' hamat l tsar ngi-n back g round suffix. Especially when these circumstantial noun phrases are sentence they require a background suffix. In the following sentences the background ini tial , obligatory. is x su ffi lahh6o SIX Noun phrases that are adjuncts and indicate time or place are often followed background suffix. The background suffix indicates that the time or place is cir stantial. Locative noun phrases that are a complement of the verb do not have do>-o-wi ku geera-da>-ee cawaak house-M-DEMl before-DEM4-BACK 0.3:IMOS:O.M white:M 'Formerly the house was white.' du'uma loo'a-r leopard hatla'-ee i-wa kiic, day:CON-F other-BACK S .3-BACK return:3.SG.M:PAST doohla-r-o. hhe'ees qaymo �a field 0.3:IMPS:O.F finish:3.SG . M cultivating-F-BACK 'When the leopard returned another time, the field was completely cultivated. ' bara kaahh-i do>-o in:CON house-BACK S .3 absent:INT-S.3:INF 'Is it absent inside the house?' Not all circumstantial phrases of time or location have a background suffix. hia ( laa-r-i) ni qaat loo'a-r today today-F-DEM l D EP.S . l .SG sleep:l .SG:SBJV hour:CON-F koo)an five 'Today, I'll go to bed at eleven o'clock.' Verbal nouns often occur with a background suffix. This will be discussed in the next paragraph. 7.5. Sentences with verbal nouns The nominalised verb can be an external subject, or an internal or external object. Tense distinctions are not possible in a nominalised verb. tlaq6-r tlace tsaxwa k6on throwing:CON-F stones S .3 danger:CON have:3.SG.F 267 266 hamtla-r-o 'Throwing stones is dangerous.' d oohla a ga-r kila> di-r doohlitee-r-o farming COP thing:CON-F just place:CON-F farmers-F-BACK 'Farming is the only thing for farmers.' mulqomo-'ee> Imhoru keemu hlaa' matlo. laari aning hlaahh-ta o owi a-na axaas 1 .8G beating-Fl :CON drum O.F-PA8T listen:l .8G 'I heard the beating of the drum.' daandu ya< < a< > an in6s xeemu 3.8G 8 .3 believe<HAB> :3.8G.M back:M:CON coming:CON Yes u-w-o Jesus- M- B ACK 'He believes �n the coming of Jesus. ' tluway i <aansuus tluwtan-t-o i-na kuumiit hara loohi-r-i ale RE8PRO 'He continued to obstruct the road.' halo kii<-ii-ka aa sii> aa <ayma-r sii' 8.3:PERF eating:CON-F refuse:3.8G.M:PA8T 'It tasted bitter.' To make a sentence explicitly future, the auxilliary aw 'to go' is used. The main event expressed in a verbal noun. The verbal noun is the object of 'to go' and precedes the verb. The complement of the verbal noun forms a genitive construction with the verb al noun. The construction with aw 'to go' can also be used for actions that are posterior to a point of reference in the past. is makay ma'a wahungw ay-a' animals 8.3 water:CON drinking:CON go:3-PL 'The animals will drink water.' huhhutis . xarimiisu ay bull COND< ,O.M>-PERF tease:2.8 G 8.3 blowing:CON go:3.8G.M 'If you tease a bull, it will snort.' matlo aten a gadyee-r tleehhama-r aw-aan-a-ka. tomorrow l .P L 8.1/2 work:CON-F doing:CON-F go-l .P L-INF-NEG 'Tomorrow we will not go to work.' mu-k gucuungw eer Ama Irmi 8 .3-PA8T people:CON-Ml swallowing:CON go:3.8G.F 'Ama Irmi was going to swallow people.' blocking-F-BACK 8.3-PA8T continue:3.8G.M in:CON road-F-DIR in6s in6s aama irmi i-na ram 8.3 begin:3.8G.M raining-Fl-BACK 'The rain starts (to rain).' geetima-r-o <ayma-r-o awu h < u > r-a If the verbal noun i s not an external subject, and if the verb i s intransitive, the noun is an adjunct with a background suffix -o. The verbs caansuus 'to kuumiit 'to continue', hhe>ees 'to complete', may 'to leave', tseegemiis 'to be faak 'to finish', all indicating phasal activities. They are intransitive and take verbal noun with the background suffix. hhe>ees today eating-F-BACK 3.8G 8.3:PERF refuse:3.8G.M 'Today he refused to eat.' father return-3.8G.P088 0.3-0.N-EXPEC wait-DUR:3.8G.M 'Father waits for his return.' The verbal noun can be part of a noun phrase. hamtla-r *aa da>amar-an g-i-n hhe>ees 8 .3:PERF bathing:CON-F finish:3.8G.M:PA8T friend- 1 .8 G.P088 8.3 Mbulu going:CON want:3.8G.M 'My friend wants to go to Mbulu tomorrow.' haaha kii<ima-wos h<i>r-na bathing-F-BACK COND < 8.3>-HIT:PERF finish:3.SG .M:PAST 'When he finished washing, . . . ' fiiso-r-o 3.8G 8.3 ever return-8.3:INF-NEG stealing-F-BACK 'He will never steal again. ' In general, these verbs do not take the verbal noun as an object. Although, the sii> 'to refuse' does allow the verbal noun <ayma 'eating' as an object, but specialised meaning, namely 'to be bitter, unfit for eating'. If the verbal noun is an adjunct with the background suffix and has an object, the object pronoun of the sentence agrees with the external or understood object of the verbal noun and not with the verbal noun itself. In the following two sentences the feminine object pronoun refers not to the verbal noun fiiso 'stealing', but to the understood object of 'stealing' if the verbal noun has a background suffix. fiiso ga halo kii<-ii-ka stealing 0.3:0.F ever DIR return-8.3:INF-NEG 'He'll never steal again.' fiiso-r-o ga halo kii<-ii-ka stealing-F-BACK 0 .3:0.F ever DIR return-8 .3:INF-NEG 'He'll never steal it again.' 269 268 The verbal noun with background suffix either immediately follows this obj ect pears behind the verb. If it follows the main verb, the verb 'to be' does not have dependent. This is different from the linked noun construction of 7 .2.5. ngw-a <ayma-r-o caamu qar6 pumpkins(M) eating-F-BACK 0 .3:DEP.S.3:0.M-PERF already hhe>ees-i doohla-r-o. alhhe>ees do> fiitsa-r-o ngwa place:CON house sweeping-F-BACK 0 .3:DEP.8.3:0.M:PERF hhe>ees, finish:3.8G.M 'When he finished sweeping the place of the house, . . . hhap e ngi-wa ' hhe'ees i-na waatl putting-F-BACK 8.3-PA8T return:home:3.SG.M:PA8T 'When he was finished moving sand, he went home.' mapri foola-r-o ngi-wa hhe>ees , ku-r hlaw-aan gaasa-r-o manner:CON-F 0.3:DEP.8.1 /2:0.M-IN8TR get-LPL 'How do we get him to kill him?' tsacam-t-o mak ga-qo killing-F-BACK baal-ii-ka climbing-Fl-BACK 0 .3:0.F-EMPH somewhat succeed-S.3:INF-NEG 'Climbing it, he does not succeed. ' A lot of different orders of the verbal noun and its patient are possible. can be an internal or external object. If the verbal noun has the background the patient of the verbal noun must be an external object, at least in the sentence. imbooru keen1u hlaa' imboru gu ? i imboru 0.3:0.M want:3.8G.M:PRE8 hlaa' keemu-w-o hlaa' imb oru hlaa' going-M-BACK 8.3 Mbulu:CON want:3.8G.M:PRE8 imboru keemu-w-o Mbulu hlaa, gu going-M-BACK 0 .3:0.F want:3.SG.M:PRE8 imboru gu hlaa' keemu�w-o Mbulu 0.3:0.M want:3.8G.M:PRE8 going-M-BACK nacii n-i-na hiimu uruxa-r nacii hiima uruxa ngi-na ii>ar- Iye> hiima uruxa-r-o ngu-na children rope(M) pulling-F-BACK 0.3:DEP.8.3:0.M-PA8T ii>ar-iye' try-3.PL:PA8T 'The children have tried to pull the rope. ' nacii hiima ii>ar<ar > iya> ng-u-n children rope(M) 0.3:DEP.8.3:0.M-EXPEC try<HAB>3.PL uruxa-t-o pulling-Fl-BACK 'The children try to pull the rope.' The position of the verbal noun with a background suffix outside the core of the sen­ tence differs in meaning from its position within the core. The former is used for circumstantial phrases that are not directly related to the verb. This can be seen in the following examples where a verbal noun inside the core contrasts with a verbal noun with a background suffix outside the core. aning <ayto>o doohla-r-o a hlaa' 8.3 Mbulu:CON going:CO.N want:3.8G.M:PRE8 'He wants to go to Mbulu.' L8G maize cultivating-F-BACK O.F want 'I am happy when I dig maize.' imboru gu aning cayto>o a Mbulu keem u hlaa' 0.3:0.M going:CON want:3.8G.M:PRE8 ii>ar-iye> children rope(M) pulling(F) 0.3:DEP.8.3:0.F-PA8T try-3.PL:PA8T 'The children have tried to play �ope pulling.' nacii ditches digging-F-BACK 0.3:DEP.8.3:0.N-BACK finish:3.SG .M 'When he had finished digging the ditches, . . . ' ad6-r keemu going:CON Mbulu children PL-8.3-PAST rope:M:CON pulling:CON-F try-3.PL:PA8T 'The children were learning the work of pulling the rope.' soil(F) 0 .3:DEP.S.3:0.F-BACKGND finish:3.8G.M:PAST qaasa-r-o 0.3:0.M want:3.8G.M:PRES *keemu-w-o field 0.3:0.F-PA8T finish:3.8G.M:PA8T cultivating-F-BACK 'He finished the field cultivating. ' kit angw hlaa' keemu gu Mbulu:CON going 8.3 Mbulu:CON want:3.8G.M:PRE8 going-M-BACK finish:INT -INF:PA8T 'Has he already eaten pumpkins?' qaymo ga-na im boru 1 .8G maize doohla-r hlaa> O.F cultivating:CON-F want. 271 270 g arn1 a 'I want to weed the maize.' The verbal noun with a background suffix is not part of the external object . have seen above, the object pronoun of the core of the sentence does not verbal noun with background suffix. The object pronoun does, however, refer verbal noun if the verbal noun precedes the core of the sentence and has no b suffix. Compare the following sentences. tsacamto-r gawa xa'ano ga aleehlay-ka climbing:CON-F top:CON tree(M) 0.3:0.F can:3.SG.M-NEG 'He cannot climb up into the tree.' xa'ano The agent of the nominalised verb can be expressed by a possessive suffix, ass the agent is a person. aning-i ngu-na oo' leaving-M-3.SG.POSS 0.3:HIT:O.M-PAST l .SG-DIR say:3.SG.M 'He informed me of his leaving.' tleemu-'ee' oo' ngu-na leaving:M- l .SG.POSS 0.3:HIT: O.M-PAST say:3.SG.M 'He told me to go' The possessive suffix on the nominalised verb can also express the patient, nrrnnnAil''] this is a person. An interpretation of the possessive suffix as either the agent or patient of the nominalised verb is context-dependent. anin g a ara'aangw-os-ee harahhif-iit l .S G S . l /2 expect-MIDDLE:l .SG seeing-3.SG.P OSS-BACK 'I expect to see him.' The patient noun of the nominalised verb can precede the verbal noun. order, verbal noun in construct case followed by patient noun, is also possible, a clear difference in meaning. an-a too qeeromamiis do' tleehhamu-w-o l .S G- S. l /2 in:vain think:l .SG house building-M-BACK 'I dream in vain of building a house.' an-a too qeeromamiis tleehhamu do'-o l .S G-S.l /2 in:vain think:l .SG building:CON house-BACK 'I dream in vain of building a house. ' garma u-na yacaaw sukari leehhama-r-o O.M-PAST send:l .SG sugar boy 'I sent a boy to collect sugar.' , Yacaaw finding-F-BACK leehhama-r sukari-r-o O.M- PAST send:l .S G finding:CON-F sugar-F-BACK bov 'I ;ent a boy to collect sugar.' A dverbs and prepositional phrases can modify the verbal noun. an-a harahhiif hardahina-'ee' awa tseewa l .SG-S. l /2 hope: l .S G arriving-l .SG.POSS INDEP.CON.N early singida-r-o Singida-F-BACK 'I hope to arrive early in Singida.' fiikruumiis gara an-a tum ati . tree(M) climbing-F-BACK 0.3:0.M can:3.SG.M-NEG 'He cannot climb the tree.' tleemu-w-os - na S.l /2-S. l/2 think:l .SG aleehlay-ka gu tsacamto-r-o U hleehh'amo-r-o matlo ay forest going:through-F-BACK tomorrow to Tumati 'I am thinking of walking through the forest to Tumati tomorrow. ' yacan gadyeet tleehheemu-w-o as i-na kuung doing-M-BACK REAS 2.SG.M S.3-PAST agree work 'He agreed to work for you.' If the nominalised verb is not cirumstantial and if there is another object, the nomi­ nalised verb can occur in the verbal phrase with the ablative suffix -wa. The verbal noun with -wa is an alternative for the verbal noun with a background suffix. Instead of -wa in some sentences, the reason clitic -sa can be used. ku u lawe'esa-r-wa hlaa' 2.SG.M 0.2.SG.M greeting-F-ABL want : l .SG 'I want to greet you.' barisee masamba ngi-na elders youth qwahlarmo fiiro-r yacab d:l-r 0.3:DEP.S.3:0.F-PAST send:3.SG.F place:C ON-F tluway-wa ale medicine:man asking:CON-F rain-ABL RESPRO 'The elders sent the boys to ask the rainmaker.' garma gu-na barwadu leehha-r-wa boy 0.3:0.M-PAST letters 'He sent a boy to get the letters.' garma gu-na barwadu leehha-r-sa boy 0.3:0.M-PAST letters 'He sent a boy to get the letters.' daaqay gu hlaa' daaqay g u doohla-r-wa yacaaw catching-F-REAS send:3.SG.M doohla-r-o boys 0.3:0.M want:3.SG.M digging-F-BACK 'He wants tlie boys to help to dig.' boys ya'aaw catching-F-ABL send:3.SG.M hlaa' 0.3:0.M digging-F-ABL want:3.SG.M 272 273 'He wants the boys to help to dig.' The nominalised verb can also occur with an instrumental case marking in the the sentence. daaqay gu boys 0.3:0.M digging-F-INSTR want:3.SG.M 'He intends to make the boys do the digging.' The conjunction nee can follow the subject in a reduced sentence with a verb and no conjugated verb. aama aama bag mouth open-IMP.O.SG 'Op en the bag at the opening!' LJ.V Jc.uuitt nee gurta hanisa goat-M-DEM4 S.3 where mother and goat g1vmg ' "Where is that goat?" And the mother handed over the goat.' aama cayma ( i ) nee muruu · nee huuringw hiiyaa->ee> siiyo ngu-n a->ay oohi'ng 0.3:DEP.S. 3:0.M-EXP EC catching:CO N hikwa-qa', IS umu-qo hanis-an g give-IMP.HIT:O 'Give us our daily food!' The adverbial case relations can be expressed on the object. doohl-eek INSTR cultivate-IMP.O.SG hoe 'Dig with the hoe!' in6s-i hanis-eek 3.SG-DIR give-IMP.O.SG ngi-wa hlay a where 'Those cows, where did he get them?' Two topics in a row are possible as well. konki, saga, df- r hen head diima deelo-r-o porridge- l .PL.POSS INDEP.F:C ON every-EMP H day-F-BAC K kurmo ar df-r cattle-D EM3 place:CON-F 0 .3:DEP.S.3:0.F-BACK get:3.SG.M COP mortar fetch-IMP.O.SG 'Take the mortar!' ar PROH-S.2 l .SG speak-IMP( NEG) 'Don't speak to me!' Topic or intonation The topi c is a sentence initial constituent that is followed by a slight pause break. Some sentences have one or even two topics, whereas other sentences have none. A common structure of a sentence with a topic is a noun phrase followed by a noun plus relative clause, copula and noun. o oh-eek faca- ren ani'ng axwees-ar diim.a The object in imperative sentences precedes the verb. The verb presence of an object. musa m-a nee hlakat HAB-go:3.SG .M and hunting 'My brother goes fishing and hunting.' 7.6. Imperative sentences ale afa hide open-IMP .O.SG mouth RESPRO 'O pen the bag at the opening!' Likew ise, for negative imperatives, the object precedes the verb. 7.7. mother and cooking 'And the mother was cooking.' brother-l .SG.P OSS fish fala gwee r-eek gadyuusa mother and things: CON eating (DIR) working 'And the mother made the food.' aama gweer-eek fala afa hlaa> doohla-r-ar gurt-u-da 'Give it to her /him!' verb can be preceded by a bare noun. If ngw-i qas a place:CON-F 0.3:DEP.S.3:0.M-DIR put:3.SG.F COP where 'The hen, the head, where did she put it?' the topic is an external object, the external subject can follow it. laa, awu-w-1 yaarfir, tsunqa n gwa tlaq- fr today bull-M-DEM l big:M saliva 0.3:DEP.S.3:0.M:PERF cut-3.PL 'Today, this big bull, saliva has killed him.' awu , famfe>amo g-u-na tsaxaar bull, python 0.3-0.M-PAST hit:3.SG.M:PAST 'The bull, the python hit him.' Not all external objects are topics. In the following sentence the object pr_onoun is cliticised to the external object, the short form of the persona1 ( pro ) noun an1ng me ' , including shift of high tone, so there clearly is no pause after the external object. • ' 27 5 274 an-i-ga ' Geso Duqa, my calf, what are you doing to it?' The sent ence-final posit ion most unambiguous way of putting a noun phrase in focus, is by using a sentence the no un in focus after the copula, sentence-finally. atet l .SG-O.l .SG-PERF call:2.SG 'You called me.' If the topic is an external subject, it is followed by a pause. qwari, na'ay g-u hunger child gaas h<u > ra 0.3-0.M kill:3.SG.M:PRES COND<O.NI> muruu'ayma-r-i hans-ii-ka food-F-DIR give:2.SG-INF:PAST-NEG 'Hunger, it will kill the child if you didn't give food to it.' aning, ad6-r l.SG nga hiaq manner:CON-F S.l .SBJV:O.F:PAST do: l .SG S.3 kahh The topic does not have to be external object or subject. It need not have any to the verb. balbal-da> , tlawi gi-na bara-di harakic road-DEM4 lake 0.3:0.N-PA ST in-DEM4:D IR return:3.SG .F , About that road, t�e sea returned them (the cannibals) into it.' (A _ been magically cut a sea and the cannibals, in pursuit, drowned; see . . The �opic can be ,.an ad�erb of time. These adverbials are sentence initial' if the Circumstances. m · ham daxta, ad6-r now xuu>-a nacay-wok, an-a-qo manner:CON-F child-2.SG.POSS l .SG-S . l/2-EMPH know: l .SG:INT-INF 'Now, about your child, do I know?' tokaro-ya, bar a sareeca once:upon:a:time- EMPH buffalo qa-qeer S.3 in:CON HAB-graze ' Once upon a time a buffalo was grazing in a certain valley.' The topic can be preceded by a sentence introducer or term of address. ala du>uma, m-a gawid. but leopard PROH-O.F difficult 'But the leopard, what is difficult? (implying it is easy)' Geso Duqa, dama-r-'ee', Geso ' IS do:2.SG Duqa hami u-gwa ad6-r ka calf-F- l .SG.POSS manner:CON-F 0.3:DEP.S. l /2:0.F qeeru-r hlaw, is a kuray 3.SG now O.M-PERF insight:CON-F get:l .SG 3.SG COP kite 'He that I got the insight (from), he is Kite.' ala a ooh-iin di-r yaa>e river(F) place:CO N-F S.3 catch-DU R:3.SG . F COP behind:C ON tlooma-r-qa' mountain-F-DEM3 'The river, the place where it flows is behind that hilL' ga hee be:absent.3.SG.F 'I, what I do is nothing.' now is kwaahh a kwa'angw man:CON 0 .3:0.F throw:3.SG.M COP hare 'The man who threw them is Hare.' (Introduction of the hare in the story.) na'ay ga-r hlaa'-i a fu'unay child thing:CON-F S.3 want-3.SG.M:SBJV COP meat 'What the child wants is meat. ' with the object sentence-finally. In stories there is sometim es a repetitio n of sentences central, most important object the has which sentence the After such sentences comes . sentence the of core the ·noun. This noun occurs before . · gwareeh h , 6t ar garma-k o i-na ar garma-k o 1-na ar garma-ko daangw g-u-na " INDEP.C ON.F boy-IND EF.M S.3-PAST seize:3.SG .F dikdik tlaqati , 6t INDEP.C ON.F boy-IND EF.M S.3-PAST seize:3.SG .F gazelle 6t INDEP.C ON.F boy-INDE F.M elephant 0.3-0.M- PAST seize: 3.SG.F 'The one (a trap) of one boy caught a dikdik, the one of another boy caught a gazelle, the one of another boy caught an elephant. ' (The stories continues about this last one.) The external subject or object can occur sentence-finally as an afterthought. is i-na cakut, dama-r sareca 3.SG S.3-PAST run:3.SG.F calf:CON-F buffalo 'She was running, the calf of the buffalo.' 1-na <ak<m> it , hhay caga S.3-PAST �run<DUR> :3.SG.F clan cannibals 'They were running, the cannibal clan.' ga-da> ga- na qaas, hhape thing-DE M4 0.3:0 . F-PAST put:3.SG .M:PAST soil 277 276 'He put that thing, soil. dirangw ga geemamay yagan , hlee lion 0.3:0.F:PERF capture:3.SG.M well cow 'The lion captured it, a cow.' Placing the object in sentence-final position is a further means of leaving the initial position free for another element which is to be emphasised, for exc:tml)l• verbal noun in the following example: ar-t-o hlaa'-a-ka u-n-qo garma-qa> seeing-Fl-BACK O.M-EXPEC-EMPH want-INF-NEG boy-DEM3 'I am not willing to see that boy.' The external object with a numeral is placed sentence-finally for contrastive on the numeral. The unmarked order is the one discussed in 7.2.5. a-na xwayh iur nacii tam-ee -kee S . l /2-PAST give:birth :2.SG children three-BA CK-NEG :BAC K:INT 'Didn 't you give birth to three children ?' hare i-na xwayluur clauses occurs after the head noun. The head noun is then in either the e suffix, case or takes a demonstrative t u r cons . mostly. of third or fourth deixis. A . participle can be used m stead of a subject relative clause, see 8 . 1 . If a re1 �tr. ;e cont ains an object pronoun, this object pronoun refers to a noun phrase w1thm relative clause; it cannot refer to the head noun that is outside of the relative cI ause . If the head noun is the patient of the verb in the relative clause, there is no ob jec t pronoun referring to the head noun. In the relative clause the verb is in th� s � bj � nctive moo? for present tense. In the past . The dependent tense there is no distinction between md1cat1ve and subjunctive mood. . . b 'to be' is used in relative clauses. There are some restnctwns on aspect an d mo od in relative clauses, see 8.2. There is no difference between a restnct1ve an d an attributive relative clause. If th e relative clause does not immediately follow the head noun, a construct case pronoun agreeing in gender with the head noun replaces the head noun. t ver a-ga hee-wo umuu 00 · qwatlaariima-r every:CON man-BGND INDEP.CON.M magic:CON-F nacay wak amiinuu<m>iis wife S.3-PAST give:birth :3.SG.F child one 'The wife gave birth to one child.' Another position utilized to indicate contrasti ve emphasis for objects or parts of ob is found inside the core of th� sentence, as we have seen in 7.3.3. and 7.3.4. cisa · a daktani believe<DUR> :M COP fool 'Anybody who believes in magic is a fool.' muu a. maga' oo aa people COP ,how:many INDEP.CON.M S.3:PERF qaatr diitsa tsaat die:3 .SG .MASC :PAST 'How many people have died?' yesterday S.l /2-PERF finger cut: l .SG 'Yesterday I cut a finger' kurmo gaala o o hoe ta which IND EP.C ON.M DEP:S.l/2 choose:2.SG:SBJV ku-qa'-ee di-r place:CON-F INDEP.M-DEM3-BGND 'Which hoe do you choose among those?' an tsawat d eelo-d a-da> inhlaw ( ar ) kung LSG day-DEM4-DEM4 remember:l .SG INDEP.CON.F 2.SG.M ni-wa 8.1. diri hardat HITH-BGND here arrive:2.SG 'I remember the day that you arrived here.' Participles Inst ead of a relative clause, a noun can be followed by a participle of which it is the ;ubject. The participle consists of the base form of the verb, which is homonymous with the first person singular. No person and no tense is expressed on the participle. Like adjectives, participles display gender agreement by tone (low tone for feminine and high tone for. masculine and neuter nouns) . Neuter (singular and plural) head 279 278 'A b oy getting country.' � ouns and plural personal nouns require the suffix -a' on the participle . The also us :d as a plural suffix in the verbal conjugation; the third person plural the verb 1s used for neuter subjects, see 4.2.7. This suffix does not occur on although adjectives do show number agreement with other plural suffixes. plural personal nou�s. receive the neuter demonstrative suffix if they fun ction head noun of a participle, thus we have aten-a-ka LPL-N-DEM l :N 'these IS hhayso-ka laqaq-an-a' a wave-PL ga ins-a-wi tluway-wi Moshi-r cameeni-r tlaw-aan-aa-ka daahh gawa loohi-r-ar wacamiim-a> ngi water�DEM l :N top:CON road-F-INSTR flow-PL 0 .3:DEP.S.3: hhithhit-n-a' guu> ar ad6-r boy:CON girl aya-'in 0.3:0.F capturing:ABL g-w-a dakuus bring:M rules:M:CON land-3.PL.POSS 0.3-0.M-PERF fail:3.SG.M:PAST gari-r kon-a have:3.SG .M:INT-INF 'Does the man who is going to Arusha tomorrow have a car?' Object pronouns replace the noun object that is not immediately before the verb. The object pronoun is preceded by the third person object marker g- . gila As daharu kayo man-D EM4 tomorrow Arusha:CON-F go:M S.3 car:CON-F ganaa> harawatli>ingwa huuw Arusha-r kaw A rusha-r matlo hee-d a' yaamu gi people-Ml-DEM4-D EM4 land wahar. dasi ga 8 .3-0.F ti Iowa ti><aa'>iim mu-k-da-da> 0 . 3:IMPS:O.M fat:M 'People who sleep well are lucky.' garm6 bal6 baaliim-a-ka a muk-d a> people:CON-Ml sleep:M INSTR manner:CON-F proper:F ku barabara g-a people:Ml-DEM4 very run<HAB> :M S.3 Arusha:CO'N-F go:3.SG.M 'The people who are running fast are going to Arusha. ' destroy-DUR:3-PL 'The water that is flowing over the road is destroying it.' mu-k tluu' woman:CON-F ever win-INF-NEG COP INDEP.F:DEM. l 'The woman who never wins is this one.' huuriin. woman:CON-F Moshi:CON-F come:from:F S.3 cook:3.SG.F 'The woman who comes from Moshi is cooking.' ma>ay-ka deelo-r-i-hee hhet-in l .P L-N-DEMl:N ask-PL S.l /2 leave-l .PL-INF-NEG 'We who are asking are not leaving.' The object of the participle precedes it and the last noun of the object construct case. A noun phrase with an adverbial case clitic may precede the and a p�eposition'al phrase may follow the participle. With regard to these word properties the participle is similar to the verb. camen:i- r ur destroy-DUR.3.SG.M 'This big rain that is raining these days is destroying the road.' adverbs such as Verbal adverbs such as bal6 'ever' and Iowa 'very', and sentential participle. the and noun head the between matlo 'tomorrow' are placed gaala firiim-a> a hlaa' rain-DEMl big day-F-DEMl-BGND rain:M road 3.SG-F- DEM1 ask COP which ' She who is asking is which one?' aten-a-ka an DEP.S.l .SG:O.N want:l.SG ' You, who just cultivated my field at the river side, you want war, and I want it too.' gaala firiim a hla' , gila a too dohl-iit , n gi thing:CON-F S.3 3.SG-M-DEM1 ask COP which ' He who is asking is which one?' ya'e 0.3:0. F just dig-MIDDLE:M S.l/2 war: CON want:2.SG LSG qwal'amaye-r see>aay firiim a af-ku ar 2 .S G. M-DEM2 field-F-l.S G .P OSS INDEP.CON.F mouth:CON-Ml nver show-DUR:3-PL COP joy:CON-F dog 'The clog's tail that is waving shows that it is happy.' in6s-u-wi wife on his own initiative is not according the rules of our qaymo-r-' ee' ku- sing see'aay mumulumiis-a' ga-r tail-DEM l :N dog a male ale ay sawawiti><i' > iim 0.3:0.N rule<HAB>:M S .3 war:CON go:3.SG.M again RESPRO 'Those people who are governing the country, are going to war again.' soon as tense is expressed, a relative clause is used instead of the participle. hee-da- da> yaamu g-a man-DEM4-D EM4 land male gila ay again war:C ON go:3.SG.M sawawiti>in aa 0.3:0.N-PERF rule:3.SG.M S.3:PERF 281 280 ' c1 auses. clauses lack the third person object prefix g - that is used 1·n non-re1 at 1Ve 'That man who ruled the country (before) went to war again. ' kuunga-da> yaamu i-ga 2.PL-DEM4 land eer-a> male ale O.N-PERF rule.2-PL:PAST is dawe ngi-r ahlaw-ka l .S G- S . l /2 can: l .S G-NEG 'I cannot hunt elephants the way he does.' hee aning i-ga muux eat:l. S G ' I will eat the meat that is left over. ' ut w ith a personal noun as head noun there is no object pronoun referring B rsonal relative clause. the impe kuung ta l .S G-M-DEM l (3.SG-M -DEM3) IMPS beat-3.SG .M:SBJV 'I (masc) (he) who is beaten, ... ' be used in relative The conditional, concessive and prohibitive mood prefixes cannot the backgrou nd and -(g)a clauses. Among the aspectual suffixes, only the perfect suffix in nonpossible -wa is only suffi x -wa can be used. The background aspect suffix s ubj ect relative clause s. house-D EM4 DEP.S. l /2:PERF build:2.SG S.3 HAB-fall- DUR:3.SG .M 'The house that you built is falling down.' time-D EM4 2.SG.M l .S G O . l .SG-BGND laugh-HA B-DUR:2 .SG diilo> ka 0.3,:IMPS:O.F long:ago 'The time when you were laughing at me is long ago.' xuu'-aa-ka know-INF-NEG 'I don't know when you left. ; Object pronouns are used if the object is external or understood. not refer to the head noun. · aten ta harwet tleehhiit-i an- u house-M-DEM l people-Ml-DEMl S.3 build-3.SG.M:SBJV admire:l .SG 'I admire the house that these people are building. ' ku ta tleehhit house-M-DEMl 2.SG.M DEP.S. l /2 build:2.SG:SBJV 'The house that you are building ... ' Only. if the subject o� the relative clause is impersonal, does the object pronoun in . the head noun. The object pronouns in imp relative clause agree gender with m 8.3. hlaqwa-r-ar eer S.3-PAST war-F-INSTR go:3.SG.F 'At that time that t he Germans were arriving, the lraqw went to war.' The head noun The head noun of the relative clause is marked by a relative suffix, one of the demon strative suffixes, or a double demonstrative suffix da> , or qa' . Demonstratives are not used for general statements. The demonstrative -da' is used to refer to past tense, and it is doubled to make the head noun clearly specific. ­ watlakwemiis do'-o-wi i-na a INDEP.F-DEM4 'The tribe that surrounds us are those people·. ' i 1raqw hard<ar >at period-DEM4 Germans HIT-BGN D arrive<D UR>:3.SG .F Iraqw ti-da' mu-k-i wadachi n1-wa qooma-d a> people:C ON-F l .PL O.l .PL:PERF surround:3.SG.F:SBJV C OP do>-o-wi waqas-aas-een aning i-wa qooma-d a> k u a period:CON-F 2.SG.M DEP:S.l/2:PERF leave:2.SG O .F xooro-r huu-hu'- un tlehh ta doo-da' a tleer to it i n mux-i ta (ins-u-qa ') ani-w -i man:CON l .SG O . l .SG-PERF beat:3.SG.M:PAST COP who 'Who is the man who has hit me? ' qoo ma-r ni eaay S.l/2 manner:CON-F 3.SG elephants 0.3 :DEP:O.F-INSTR an-a an meat:N:CO N IMPS:O.N in:vain leave-DUR:PRES LSG go.2-P L again RESPRO 'You (PLUR), who ruled the country (before) went to war again.' 8.2. Relative clauses Relative clauses have the same order as other clauses: Verbal adverbs occur · ately before the verb, and sentential adverbs occur after the head noun. Adj a background suffix -o . ado-r meet-in too ti fu> u na sawawiti>iind-e> a umuu-qo hee O O'-a ga U gaas every-EM PH man:CON 0.3:0.F say-INF O.M kill: l.SG 'I'll kill whoever reveals it.' do'-o-w i hee-wi aa tleehh house-M-D EM l man-DE Ml S .3:PERF build:3. SG .M watlakwemiis. admire:l .SG an-u l. SG- O.M 283 282 'I admire the house that this man has built.' tlo oma-r tsacam-an ti a mountain:CON-F DEP.S.l /2:DIR climb- l .PL:SBJV COP t o-qa-r I ta di-r-qa' ga<eer INDEP.F-D �M3:CON-F place-F-DEM3 DEP.S. l /2 see:2.SG:S , The mountam that we will climb is the one you see over there. ' , haniis na baabu-'ee hlee-da' cow-D EM4 father:M- l .SG.POSS HIT:PERF give:3.SG.M:PAST aning-i tfq i ale l .SG- DIR RESPRO S.3 ill:3.SG.F 'The cow that my father gave me is ill.' tatsuun ta do-qa-qa daandu ar back:M: C ON house-DEM3-DEM3 DEP.S. l /2 thatch:2.SG hlarhhee i tluw-iit doo-da-da> na tleehh-ir walls:CON-F house-DEM4-DEM4 PL:S.3:PERF build-3.PL waarahh-ir aa hlahheeri-da> tsar na months-DEM4 two kat-ii-ka. PL:S.3:PERF pass-3.PL S .3:PERF dry:3.SG.F-INF:PAST-NEG 'The walls of the house that they built two �onths ago are not dry.' The demon� trative suffixes following personal pronouns as head nouns are i the speaker for fi:st person pronouns, sing 'close to the addressee' for second pronouns , and qa' or da> for third person pronouns , although d a> is used personal pronouns . the past tense. See also 3.5. The head noun can be .followed by a possessive suffix and a demonstrative suffix. head noun can be modified by an adjective, or a by numeral. m nacay-w 6k-da> Iowa uru ta'<a> > im child-2.SG.POSS-DEM4 run<HAB>:M S.3 very k6n strength:CON have:3.SG.M 'Your child, who is usually running, is strong. ' daftaray-da> mibeeri tarn exercise:books-DEM4 tens na hhe>ees go>i-r-o three writing-F-BGND u-gwa qar6 yacaaw DEP.S.l .SG:PEB,F finish:l .SG O.M-PERF already send:l .SG di-r !.. tn.nt:Lt,!V" as the complement of the question words are nouns , see 3.8. They oftentheoccur quest ion word diima . locati ve 'to be' if the complement is cop ul a, or the doo-ren place:C ON-F house- l .PL.POSS 'The thirty exercise books that I finished writing, I have already sent home. adoo ma doori a h lahh angw miba angw nee tsar-e e COP how and two-B ACK sky mont h:CON ten ' How is the weather in December?' sikukuu grasses S.3 leak-MIDDLE:3.SG.M:PRES 'The roof of the house that you thatched is leaking. ' kur<e-r questi oning prefix can be formed by using a question word or by using the tion contour intona on questi a both by d forme 'to be'. Yes/no questions are the verb ion suffix on the verb, or the background suffix on the noun. Questtion the infi niti ve no special intona is only used for yes/no questi ons. Other questions have negat ive suffix and the of nation combi a L eading questi ons are formed by expre ss negat ion, to device ic stylist a as jno questio ning. Quest ions are often used wer 'no '. yes lead in g to the ans Question words as a complement of the copula diima kur-k-i sabasaba i feast:CON sabasaba S.3 where year-Ml-DEMl 'Where are the sabasa ba (national holiday) festivi ties this year?' do>-6 k a mu-k aa gaala house-2.SG .POSS COP which 'Which is your house? ' a qaatl maga ' people :C ON-M l S.3 :PERF die:3.S G.M:P AST COP how:m any 'How many people have died?' kurm6 ta di-r tsawat hoe:CON DEP.S. l /2 choose:2.SG:SBJV place:CON-F ku-qa>-ee a gaala INDEP.M-DEM3-BACK COP which 'Which hoe do you choose among those?' . The most common way of forming a question is with a relative clause construction ', 'place aamo ', 'place dii The head noun is general in nature , for example, hee 'man', e clause which is then gaa 'thing ', ado o or idoo 'manner'. This is followed by a relativ tial to followed by the copula and the question word that is related the sentence-ini 'how'. oma ido or oma head noun: heem a 'who', diima 'where ', aama 'where ', ado noun gaa 'thing '. The head the to ted unrela is 'what' Only the question word mila' question word diima 'where ' can only be used with the head noun dii 'place' and, similarly, aama 'where' only with aamo 'place'. hee kuung u axwees a man:CON 2.SG.M O.M say:M 'Who is talking to you?' heema COP who 285 284 naanu d i- r a ka-wa place:CON-F vegetables 0.3:IMPS:O.M-BACK sell-DUR-CAUS-3.SG.M:SBJV COP where 'Where do they sell vegetables?' inos aamo-r kay a a ' I aa t'1-r aama dalaac ga-r ta c ay-aan a mihi There is often el�ipsis wher� th.e copula and the question word are left out. cases, too, there no questiOn mtonation. IS ta di- r eer stone shooting-F -BACK place:CON-F DEP.S. l / 2 go:2.SG:SB JV ' How far can you throw a stone?' �awu ganaac ado-r ku · manure:M:C ON good:M manner: CON- F 0 . 3 : DE P.S . l /2:0.M tlehh build:2.SG:SBJV ' How do you make good manure?' place:CON DEP.S. l /2 go:2.SG:SBJV 'Where are you going?' Ques � ions with more than one question word often start with a copula plus the ques �IOn wo:d. �he sec?nd copula with a further question word is coordinated , nee and , either Immediately after the first one, or sentence-finally. a diima n ee a xayla ta-wa laqwal COP where and COP when DEP S 1 /2 - BAC K born:2.SG: SBJV 'Where and when were you born?' · a heema a COP who haniis mihi nga · kuung-i eo. p M what 0 . 3 : DEP. s . 3: 0 .F:PERF 2.SG.M-DIR give:3.SG.M:PAST 'Who gave you wh,at?' koon ki 0 .3:DEP.S. l /2:0.N have:2.SG:SBJV ' What kind of animals do you have and how many? ' ment of an embedded verb. S e al strategies are used in asking for the logical comple whereby the first relative One possibil ity is to have a double relative clause constru ction occurs after a constru ct clause relative second the clause occurs with the main verb, and plus question word. copula the by d followe verb, case pronoun with the embedd ed ev r ga-r ta fi ikrus ta ar thing:CON-F DEP.S. l /2 think:2.SG:SBJV INDEP.CON.F DEP. S. l /2 tlehh wiiki-r alu-wo a mila build:2.SG:SBJV week:CON-F behind-BACK COP what 'What do you think you will be doing next week?: ga-da-da' na oo' ar thing-DEM4-DEM4 HIT:PERF say:3.SG.M:PAST INDEP.CON.F n1 kuung-i han iis a mila DEP.S.l 2.SG.M-DIR give:l .SG:SBJV COP what 'What did he tell me that I gave you?' Another strategy is to have the "embedded" verb as a verbal noun in the relative clause. keer ta am maga gaala nee a gaala nee a a animals COP which and COP which and COP how:many a today thing:CON -F DEP.S. l/2 eat- l .PL:SBJV COP what 'What do we eat today?' tla<an o tsaxara-r-o diim a nee a dohl mila ta makay manner:CO N-F today IMPS:O. l .SG-INSTR fill:PRES COP 'How will I be filled today?' laa daxw CO P what DEP.S.l /2 cultivate :2.SG:SB JV and COP where 'Wh at and where do you cultivate?' 3.SG place:CON-F S.3 go:3.SG.M:SBJV COP where ' Where is he going?' ado-r blood:CON-F cow 0. 3 :DEP.S . l /2:0.F-BACK take:b lood:2 .SG :SBJV 'How and why do you take blood from a cow?' diima a weereehh-eem-iis-i and why COP how ku-wa hlee adooma nee asnna tseeree-r keemu aa>i ki di-r hla' place:C ON-F trip 0 .3:DEP. S . l /2:0.N going:C ON want:2. SG.SBJ V kur-k-o a diima year-Ml-BACK COP where 'Where do you want to go next year?' Another possibil ity is that of direct speech in the relative clause. hee ta b eer "nnigir aw-ang " M a !llan:CO N DEP . S.l/2 ask:2.SG :SBJV firewoo d:CON go-IMP .F{IT COP heema who 'Who do you order to collect firewood?' 287 286 garm a a boy "xaa' o gaal a oo ta beer tlaxw-ang" bar- a harahhif ga-r n1 CON D-S. l /2 expect:2. SG thing :CON -F DEP .S.l han iis give: l .SG: S BJV mila what 'Wh at do you expect me to give ?' The ques tion words gaala 'which' and maga) 'how y' follow the noun they which is then not in the construct case . The verb 'toman be' is of the dependent tvrle, ,>�z,,. ,,, 'f mag a> Mb ulu when 0.3:DEP.S. l /2:0.M go- l .PL:SBJV ' When do we go to Mbulu?' daq ma ta IS laari ki m-a-r d eel6-r maga) mu-k maga) m-a-s keer watl ta day:CON-F how:many DEP.S. l /2 go:home:2.SG:SBJV 'On which day do you come home?' aa qaatl people:CON-Ml how:many S.3:PERF die:3.SG.M:PAST 'The people of which turn have died?' 9.3. Question words as adjuncts The ques tion word s xayla 'when' and daq ma time ' occu r in an adjunct posit ion in the sentence, and the dependent 'to be''atis what used . goo)iin WHAT-O.F-INSTR write:2 .SG 'What are you .writing with? ' koon . kicima Dar- es-S alaam 0.3: DEP.S.l/ 2:0. F go:2 .SG: SBJ V a COP turn maga > how:many 'How many times have you been in Dar-es-S alaam ?' If, however, the noun preceding the question word maga> 'how many? ' does occur in the cons truc t case , the interpretation is ordinal. For a para llel with othe r numerals, see 3.6. cay-aan m-a today WHAT-O.F eat- l .PL 'What are we eating today?' koo n ka watl when DEP.S. l /2 go:home:2.SG:SBJV ' At what time do you go home?. ' Ques tions with the questioning prefix on 'to be' . stat ,ent can be made a ques t 10n asking 'what?' by the addition .of the prefix m.' 4 1 ·,15 The difference in meaning from a question usmg t h e quest �� A 'to � to to � o adde � i -r suffix case instrumental the If clear. not � i word m�l ;,.. �':. ha; ? . , and with the reason. case suffix -s the questiOn why::. an� the quest iOn 1s 'h ow ?' the implication is that it should be otherwise. children how:many 0.3: DEP;S . l/2:0 .N have:2.SG :SBJ V 'How many children do you have ?' Dare salam a kaw-aan Imbor u xayla ku illness which DEP .S. l /2 have:2.SG :SBJ V 'Wh ich illness do you have ?' nacii <aans us-aan · 9.2. Question words as modifiers gaa la ta ku harvest-BACK 0.3:DE P.S. l /2: 0.M start-LP L: SBJV w hen grain . ?' harvestmg start we do en Wh ' · COP which IND EP.C ON.M DEP .S. l /2 ask:2 .SG: SBJV charcoal buy-IMP.HIT 'Wh ich boy do you ask to buy charcoal ?' Yet anot her strategy is to have the relative clause prec eded by a cond itional with the main verb. tiqt i :xayla balangw bu'uung-o 9.5. caacam-iin WHAT-O.F-REAS cry-DUR:2.SG 'Why are you crying? (You should not cry)' Yes/no questions and leading questions . takes the £orm of an extra high tone and a subsequent fall. . Yes/no question mtonatwn It always combines with an infinitive suffix on t h e verb or 'th a background suffix on the noun in nominal sentences, see 4.2.8. Wl loosi ga doohl-i beans 0.3:0.F cultivate:3.SG.M:INT-S.3:INF 'Does he cultivate beans?' inos i am6-r saaw hoot-i 3.SG S.3 place:CON-F far:F live:3.SG.M:INT-S.3:INF 'Does he live far away?' tnos a irqawtu-w-o 3.SG COP Iraqw:INT-M-BACK 'Is he an Iraqw?' Yes/no questions are often used rhetorically. Without a negation marker ' the speaker expects a negative reply, for example: 289 288 g a-r ta koond-a thing:C ON-F DEP.S.l/2 have:2.SG:INT-INF 'Do you have the thing? (Expectation: you don't.) ' If a negation marker is present, where the negation follows the question t m onat1 expected reply is in the affirmative, e.g. · ga-r ta is koond-a-kee thing:C ON-F D EP.S.l/2 have:2.SG-INF:INT-NEG:BACK 'You have the thing, don't you?' However, in cases where the negation precedes the question intonat1'on , as can m t h e £o 11owmg example, the expected reply is negative: · · ga-r ta koond-a-kee thing:C � N-F DEP.S.l/2 have:2.SG-INF-NEG:B ACK:INT , You don t have the thing, do you?' dayshimo u snake ca-cag-a-kee. a'a a O.M HAB-eat:2-PL:INF-NEG:BACK:INT no S . l /2 ca-cay-an-aa-ka HAB-eat-l .PL-INF-NEG 'You don't eat snakes, do you? No we don't.' Leading questions can also have an extra addition of Iaq aari koond-a, · hlaa>i lit. laqhlaa>i hhiiya-w6k nee heema ( oo ) kay ta INDEP.CON.M IMPS go:3.SG.M:PRES 'Your brother and who go together by car to Karatu?' loosi nee mila ngi al-caay beans and what 0.3:DEP.S.3:0.N together-eat:3.SG.M 'He is eating beans and what?' qaymo -r-wa gadyuu s-i bara i-wa work-3. 8G.M:8 BJV 8.3 3 .8 G 8.3-BAC K in:CON field-F- ABL ta hhoo> tleehh < iim>iit ga- r ak is i-wa thing:C ON- F nice:F make< DUR> :3.8G.M than more 3.SG 8 .3-BAC K wah-an buura-r beer:CO N-F drink- DUR:3 .SG.M 'That he works in the shamba is better than that he drinks beer.' g-a in6 s ador do> knife 3.8G 8 .3-0.F expect: 3.S G.M that 'He expects t o buy a knife. ' 3.SG how tlaaxw gidaba tsatay g-u haraxu u' in6 s ay ,. goats O .N have:2.SG:INT-INF isn't:it 'You have goats, isn't that so?' 9.6. Echo questions A question word can be put in place of a word that one has not heard properly. brother-2.SG.P OS S and who Co mplex sentences a main verb, in one ex sent ence consists of two or more clauses , each lwith eompl co ntour. One of the clauses can be the externa subject or object of the the The clause that is external subject or object can either follow or precede gweer- a 1-r 8.3-0.M buy:3.8 G . M arta g-a house 8 .3-INST R open-IN F 0.3-0.F seeing:C ON go:3.8G.M 'He will check if the door is open.' aning i-ga 1 .8G Iowa qwalcatiis 0.1..8G-PERF very ni-wa tlooma-r-qa> make:happy:3.8G.M mountain-F-DEM3 aleehlaw tsacamto-r-o DEP.8.1 .8G-BACK can:l.8 G climbing-F-BACK 'It pleased me that I managed to climb that mountain. ' a ga-r afbhamiit dir Buura-w-o COP thing:C ON-F important:F to ngi-wa alhhe>ees-i doohla Buura-M-BACK cultivating(F) 0.3:DEP.8.3:0.F-BACK finish-3.8G.M:8BJV 'It is important to Bura to finish the hoeing.' Complex sentences can consist of a series of clauses in consecutive tense. The consecu­ tive tense suffixes require the dependent verb 'to be', although the main verb is in the indicative mood. ala gadye-r-> ee> ngi-wa hhe>ees after work-F- 1 .8G.P088 0.3:DEP.8. 1 .8G:O.F-BACK finish: l .SG ng1-r1 tlaw 0.3:DEP.8 . 1 .8G:O.F-CON8 EC leave: l .8G "After I have finished my work, I will leave. ' If the verb is transiti ve and the complement clause is an external object, there is a feminine object pronoun in the core of the sentence. In 7. 1 .4. I have argued that an unspecific object has feminin e gender, because the least specific non-human noun, gaa 291 290 'thing' is femin ine. For the same reason there is a femin ine objec t pronoun referring to the complement clause. aning ngi-wa l .S G xuu> kangw 0 .3:DEP.S. l .SG:O .F-BA CK think :l .SG matt er:CO N ku inhl aah h 0.3:IMPS:O.M easy:M 'I think that Iraqw is easy.' ado r i-r tiiq S.3- INS TR be:i1l:3.S G.M :P RES XUrUt kangw Iraqw ku 2.SG .M S.l/2-BAC K doub t:2.SG matt er:MO D Iraqw 0.3:I MPS :O gawid. difficult:M 'When you doub ted that Iraqw is difficult. ' n gi ' (ni) hlaa > kuu l .S G 0.3:D EP.S . l .SG:O .F (DEP .S. l .SG) want :l .SG 2.PLnga> ti REC hla>a-hla'-a' RDP-like:2-PL 'I hope that you like each other.' The complement clause is either in the indicative or in the subju kuun g a gurh amu t-a asma a a gurh amut -a asma nctive mood . di-r ta-wa 2.SG .M S . 1/2 regret:2.SG :INT -INF because DEP.S. 1/ 2-BA CK di-r do>-og-i letters 0.3:DEP :O.N-BACK kuung a gurhamut-a asma a,c{�eu l! a, t.He. as ta-wa 2.SG.M S . 1 /2 regret:2. S G : INT - INF b ecause DEP.S.l/2-BACK di-r do)-og-i kic. placeCON-F house-2.SG.POSS-DIR return:2.SG:SBJV . home.? ' 'Do you feel sad about returnmg gur h amu"' t -a a asma ta di-r 2.SG.M S . 1 /2 regret : 2 SG : INT - INF because DEP.S. l/2 placeCON-F . kic . do'-og-i house-2.SG.POSS-DIR return:2.SG:SBJV . home.? ' 'Do· you feel sad about returnmg �ut after the verb hlaa> 'to want ' ' the complement clause must have the background suffix: hlaa' an-a kuung ta-wa l .SG-8.1/2 want:l .SG 2.SG.M DEP.S. 1 /2-BACK (*ta) (DEP.S.l /2 xahlit 2.SG .M 8.1/2 regret:2.S G:IN T-IN F because S . 1 /2 plac eCO N-F d o>-og-i kic . hous e-2.S G.PO SS-D IR return:2.S G 'Do you feel sad about returning home ?' kuun g imboru barwadu ngi-wa catch-3.SG. :NI:SBJV 'I sent a boy to Mbulu to collect letters.' The background suffix -wa can be left out and the sentence will still be for ex ample in: kuung Some verbs can be both trans itive or intransitive, and i s some variation whet her a femin ine objec t pronoun referring to the compthere leme nt clause is mserted ll)'f;; not. an yacaaw O.M-PAST send:l.S G Mbulu oh-i With intra nsitive verbs the complement clause has no object pron oun referring ta-w a tomorrow 'I think I will go to Mbulu tomorrow.' boy 0.3:0.F know:3.SG .M:PRES how 'He knows that he is ill.' kuun g m atlo imbor u kaw think<DUR> :l .S G DEP. l .SG-BACK Mbulu garm a u-na xuu> ga ni-wa xuur< uum> lit ; . 1 /2 kic . place CON-F house-2.S G.PO SS-D IR return:2.S G:SB JV 'Do you feel sad about returning home ? ' A complement clause in the subjunctive mood requires the depen dent verb 'to be' with the background suffix -wa. be:quiet:2.SG:SBJV 'I want you to be quiet.' an-a hhia> inos (*.i) i-wa hardah-ii.;.ka l .S G-8.1 /2 want : l .SG 3.SG S.a-BA CK (S.3) arrive-INF:S.3--NEG 'I want him not to come.' The function of the background suffix IS. to set the . tuat ion for another is in fact why it is preferred in complement clauses. SI kar aama loo>a i-wa sagw well mother head:M1 :CON sun na'aay g-u-na kutsuhh. S . 3-BA CK child 0.3-0.M-PAST pinch:2.SG 'When the sun was about to come out, the Compl�ment clauses are often re1 at IVe clauses that · which 293 292 negation in the complement clause is acceptable. an-a, qooma 'period' , iimi 'time', afir qooma 'until (lit. mouth of time) ', ado etc. The head noun adoo has a very wide usage which will be discusse d ino 1 gadyee-r-f maso work-F-DEMl must xeer-a i-wa � �k � om�r S.3:PE RF finished :3.SG.F period: CON-F S.3-BACK come:3.SG.F-INF 'This job must be finished when the time has come.' afo-r na axaas xwaylite-ren-ee kahh hlahhangw-f aa iimi-r place:CON-F parents-l .PL-BACK time:CON-F month-DEMl waraahh pass:3.S G .M:PAST 'I have not heard from my parents for a month. ' hi>ino a aleehlt� er ay affrqo oma-da > kuung walking O.F can:2.S G hla> to until-D EM4 Complementizers and clause introducers In · th e secon d clause indicates the relation between the two fi st wor d m . clauses. tlzer be cannot complemen a cases other in obligatory is t' tzer 1 emen cas es a comp . , an d ad or . ' . Complementlzers , are g1daba optional is it cases other yet in d ; an d use ala such as adverbs are clauses two between relation the t e d' t tca m Other wor ds th a ' d ? ee ' and' . . er , bu.t', bar 'if', and preposit ions such as a s or asma 'beca�se , . a �mdirect ·aft questiOn W't h a dtrect ques t'ton no eo mplementizer is used ' but if the , , , wthen , h en ask to yahaas verb the with example for y, complementizer becomes necessar . d . use ' at h ad6r 'how t t he comp lementizer ' · . a ta harahhiif katibu ay 0.3:DEP.S . l .SG:O.M-BACK seeing:C ON go:3.SG .M 'I expect my father to see the secretary.' In a complex sentenc e, negation is usually expressed in the first clause. a-ga hlaa>-ii -ka do> 1-wa S . i /2-PER F want:l .SG-INF :PAST- NEG house S.3-BA CK huw-i fall-3.SG.M:SBJV 'I didn't want the house to collapse.' , inos ga th1w-i tl uway yahaas yahaas S .3 rain:3.S G.M:IN T-INF:S .3 ador tluway i-r ram S .3-INST R rain:3.SG.M 'He asked if it would rain.' In the followin g sentence no complementizer can be used. a hariim nee COP must axwaays-aan ni-wa xwaylite-r- >ee with parents- F-l .SG.POS S DEP.S. l .SG-BA CK speak- l .PL:SBJV 'I must speak to my parents.' ara>aan gw-os-e e baab-u->ee> arta i-na tluuw LSG- O.F expect:l .SG father-M-LSG.P OSS secretary ngu-wa in6s 3.SG 0 .3:0.F:P ERF ask:3.SG . M : PAST h ow l .SG- S . l /2 expect: l .SG 2.SG.M seeing-2 .SG.PO SS-BAC K 'I expect you to see him.' an-a IS 3.SG S . 3 - PAST ask : 3 . SG . M .· PAST ram 'He asked: "Will it rain?" ' 2.SG.M D EP.S. l /2 There i s often a choice between , using either a complement clause o r a nomn1a verb, see 7.5. The complement must b_e a clause and not a nominalised verb if 11 a tense difference. If the subject and the object of the complement are different those of the higher predicate, a clause is more usual than a nominalised verb. But possible to have a nominalised verb with a subject and object different from the predica te provided that the subject and object are personal pronouns. If the and object of the complement are nouns, a clause is required. harahh iiffit kuung IS 1 want:2.SG 'You can walk as far as you want. ' an-a hardah-ii-ka r voice:CON-F DEP.S. l.SG:PERF hear:l .S G S .3 be:absent:3.SG . F amo-r . l. S G-S . l /2 want:l .SG 3.SG S.3-BACK arnve-INF:S.3 -NEG ' I want him not to come. ' i-wa in6s hlaa' In the followin g sentence the complementizer is optional . 1nos i fi ikruus ( gidaba ) bati hleemeero g-a iron:sheets all 3.SG 8.3 think:3.SG.M (that) aleehlay. 0.3-0.F can:3.SG.M 'He thinks that he'll get all the iron sheets.' T wo common complementizers are gi· d ab a 'that' and ad6r 'how ' that' . The choice of which complementizer to use depends on the main verb, the _comple�en t a� d th� meanin of the complementizer. In the following sentence ad or can e use . 't ba axwee : 'to talk' as a main verb followed by an action complement . whe�e�s gid � . posstble gidaba r, howeve here would be impossi ble. With a non-action complement, ' ' Wl IS � 295 294 in6s ga axwees ad6r ( *gidaba) 3.SG.M 0.3:0.F:PERF tell:3.SG.M:PAST that tlay (*that) in6s 3.sG leave:3.SG.M 'He said that he is leaving.' in6s ga in6s axwees ga alkic{it oo>-{n an gidaba ma'ay daamaraam n1-wa a l .S G S . l /2 wait: l .SG 'I wait until I leave.' an a kahh-!r tlaw DEP.S. l .SG-BA CK leave:LS G:SBJV daamaraam gidaba a LSG S.l/2 wait: l .S G 'I wait hoping t o leave.' that tlaw S . l /2 leave:l .S G Because it reflects a positive value, the complementizer gidaba is not used after with a negative attitude such as dayuut 'worry', da>eemiit deny, dislike'. kuung a da'eem!t ( *gidaba) tluway i-wa 2.SG.M S.l/2 fear:2.SG (*that) tluw-i . ""'� is not used with verbs for which no particularly possitive attitude towards the . ...."."" can be implied, such as yahaas 'to ask', firiim 'to beg'. a ram S.3-BACK rain-3.SG.M:SBJV 'You fear that it will rain.' gidaba is not necessary, but possible, after verbs that in themselves already expre,ss a positive value, such as harahheef 'to expect', haraxuu ' 'to expect', aldakuut 'to firim-aan (ad or) ( *gidaba) ilahhoo'a ten a-ga l.PL S.l /2-PERF beg- l .P L gidaba 3.SG S.3 say-DUR :3.SG.M that water S.3 be:abs ent-3.P L 'He often says· that there is no water,. ' The complementizer gidaba is not completely neutral. It expresses a positive tation towards the complement. With the· verb daamaraam 'wait' in the two sentences, the use of the complimentizer gidaba in the second expresses aleen ala>is be: eno ugh-3.S G.M:SBJV but S.3 be:insufficient:3.SG.F ' He exp ected the beer to be sufficient but it is not.' gidaba 3.SG.M 0.3:0.F:PERF narrate:3.SG.M:PAST that S.3 'He said that he is leaving.' The word gidaba is of Datooga origin, from Datooga gideeba 'that ' (with front vowel) . In Datooga , it functions as a general complementizer for indirect (John Macaulay p.c.). In Iraqw gidaba can be used as a feminine noun 'reason'. As a complementizer its meaning is not reason. If reason has to be as 'because ' precedes gidaba. in6s 0.3:0.F:PERF in:vain expect:3.SG .M:PAST beer S .3-BACK bu'ut -i 3.SG.M 0.3:0.F:PERF tell:3.SG.M:PAST that 'He said that he is old.' The use of gid aba is possible with an action complement and another main in meaning to axwees , namely alkiciit 'to narrate'. biya i-wa harahheef too ga (*that) (that) hlaw-aan ka-r present 0:3 :DEP.S.l/2:0.F-INSTR get-l .PL 'We asked to get a present. ' asp ect of positive attitude towards the complement and uncertai�ty a �out the co mplement is also reflected in the fact that with some of these verbs g1daba can be used if the complement refers to a future event which will probably or hopefully take la ce. With hlahlaw 'to get to know' the complementizer ador is used. Only if the �mplement is in the future the complementizer gidaba can be used. The an-a-ga hlahlaw ador Engaruka ka-r LSG-S.l /2-PER;F know;l .SG that - Engaruka saaw . 0 .3:IMPS:O.F-INSTR far:F 'I got to know that Engaruka is far.' an a hlahlaw gidaba matlo neeto d eer l .S G S . l /2 know: l .SG that tomorrow dance S.3 exist:3.SG .F 'I know that there is a party tomorrow. ' 1nos OO' ngi ador inos ta-r 3.SG 0.3:HIT :O.F say:3.SG.M:PRES that · ur 3.SG DEP:BE-INSTR man big:M 'He says to me that he is big.' 1nos ng1 oo' . gidaba aako 3.SG 0.3:HIT:O.F say:3.SG.M:PRES that ku ur 0.3:IMplS:O.M big:M 'He says to me that grandfather will be old.' Sentences following gidaba can have different tenses. grandfather 297 296 an-a-ga qeeruus gidaba in6s LSG-S.l /2-PERF think:in:vain:l .SG that i-na, i-ri ,1 1, 3.SG S.3 hardah , an tSG S.3-PA ST S.3-CO NSEC arrive:3.SG. M 'I thought in vain, that he arrives, has arrived, arrived, arrived aft Anoth er common complementizer is ad6r 'how, that (lit. mann of)', a relative clause . The (dependent) verb 'to be' in the relative er clause instrumental case suffix because the head noun is adoo 'manner'. But the ad6r is more general than 'how' . ani'ng a-ga ar ad6r ta-r l .S G O.F-P ERF see: l .SG how 'I saw that the church is big.' an-a xuu ruut 1-na ari-r- wa gidab a tsaat h lay. get:3.8G.M 'My father works hard to get enough money for my schooling.' Other sentence introducers are ala 'after', ala (or ala ) 'but' �nd �l a:is 'but'. derived from the construct case form of the locative noun alu behmd . ala ad6r an gaas- i do> i S.3 wonder:3.SG .M:PRES INSTR house fire l .S G harda h tseew a tlaw S . l /2 early as afi'qo oma-d a ni arrive: l .SG:S BJV until- DEM 4 DEP.S . l .S G want: l .SG:S BJV hlaa' Arusha i-wa tseewur ala 8.3-BACK be:close:3.8G.F but u-na mak firiim, haniis-ii-k a ala ngwa ask:1 .8G but 0.3:HIT:O.M:PERF give-8 .3:INF-NEG 'I asked for vegetables but he didn't give them to me.' in6s ga too harahheef biya i-wa 3.8G 0.3:0.F:PERF in:vain expect:3.8G.M:PA8T beer 8.3-BACK bu>ut-i n1-wa hlaa> mak yacaand-a-ka naanu 0.3:D EP:O. M-PERF rise:l .SG REAS DEP.S . l .S G-BA CK a vegetables O .M-PA8T just eat:3.SG:F 'He wonders whether the house has burnt down. ' The prepo sition as 'because' can b e used as a complement izer, It can stand alone, it can be followed by gidab a. It also occurs in the asma 'becau se', and askahh 'in order to'. ani'rrg a tlaw · 8.3 agree:3.8G.F- INF-NEG 'I would rather prefer Arusha to be closer, but it is not.' ahla ngw- a cak hh e>ees 1 .8G 8.1/2 rather like:l .8G Arusha The instru mental preposition ar can be used as a complement izer. Again the is not clearly instrumental. ar is . 0.3:DEP.8. 1 .8G:O.F-CON8EC leave: l .8G 'After I have finished my work, I will leave.' lion 0 .3:DE P.S.3: 0.M-I NSTR kill-3. SG.M :SBJV 'He predi cted he would kill a lion.' aldak uut ngi-wa gadye-r-'ee' ala . .8 G after work-F-1 .8G. Po88 0.3·. DEP.8.1 .8G:O.F-BACK fimsh:l 3.SG 0.3:0 .F-PA ST prediction-F -ABL cut:3. SG.M :PAST that diran gw ngu-r ga shule-r->ee' bu>uutu-r hela-r ngi-ri ari-r- wa askahhoo> gadyuus lowar father: M-l .PL.P088 8.3 very: CON work:3.8G.M:PRE8 in:order:to 0 .3:0.M kill:3.SG.M:PRES ' He predicted he would kill a lion.' ga-na i baabu-ren gaas in6s 8.3 money:CON-F being:enough:CON-F school-F-1 .8G.P088 0.3:0.F 3.SG S.3-PA ST predic tion-F -ABL cut:3. SG.M :PAST that gu ram REA8 that clause can be introduced by askahhoo> 'in order to'. This word consists of hh oo' literally 'because it is all right'. tlaw tsaat 8.1/2 be:sad:l .8G tluw -ii- ka DEP: BE-IN STR church :C ON- l .SG-O.F doubt: l .SG how DEP. S. l .SG-INSTR leave:l .S G:SB JV 'I doubt that I will leave.' The clause with ad6r is often the external object of the higher clause . in6s gidaba tluway gurhamuut as a rain-INF:8.3-NEG 'I am sorry that it does not rain.' kanis a-r ad6r ni-r ris e .early in order to arrive when I want.' The ala>is i aleen be:enough-3.8G.M:8BJV but 8.3 be:insufficient:3.8G.F 'He expected the beer to be sufficient but it is not.' conditional sentential adverb dis cussed in 4.1 . 14 . bar, and the concessive tarn have already been 299 29 8 'ayto' o 1' h ama�t tarn t I uway maize S.3 ripen :3. SG F CO . NC ES ram S.3 'The maize 'll np en even if the re is no rain. ' Co ord ina te sentences can b e sep arated by ne e 'an d', see also 5.5 . · · WI ku -na 0 .3: IM_PS :O .M-PA ST beat:3h.SG .M :PA ST ga nh lar ta '< a' >in ra pid ly ru , He was hit. byn<aHA B> 3.S G. M thief and ran away. ' 'ayto >o- r a nee Gees6 Duqa The buffalo and Geso Duqa was told by Maria Sanka on September 18th 1987, in her house in Haylotto. chil dren were present. I taped the story and transcribed it later with t he help Dafay and John Qamlali. · · tla ah weer <am > liS '' � ee y fii su us ee saree'a i thieves ne e an in g S . 3 �aiz. e:C ON-F sell< DU R> :3. SG M: . PR ES an d l .S G tla x- uu m buy-D UR: l .S G 'He i s selling maize and I am . g' b uym t' bar a xats-ta-ka�r-wa qa-qeer . 8 . 3 in:CON valley-Fl-INDEF-F-ABL HAB-graze:3.SG.F a buffalo wandered around in a certain valley. time, upon a bara i- wa xats-ta-wa qa":'qeer, 8.3 -BACK in:CON valley-Fl-ABL HAB-graze:3.SG.F the buffalo is grazing in the valley, a duqa i di-da-wa iw<iiw> iit . duqa 8.3 place-DEM4-ABL sit<HAB>:3.SG .M:PRES Duqa is around there. 1 . na'6o saree'a g-u-n na'OO saree'a b < i > r-a kutsuuhh. child:M :CO N buffalo 0.3-0.M-EXPEC pinch:3.SG.M:PRES pinches the child of the buffalo. 'aa', child:M:CON buffalo COND<S . 3>-INF cry:3.SG.M Wh�n the child of the buffalo cries, saree'a b < i > r-a · 1-n cakut · · o' buffalo COND<S.3>-INF jump:3.SG.F 8 .3-EXPEC say:3.SG.F when the buffalo jumps, she says: kw-a gees6 duqa na'aay ga-r gees6 mila. duqa child cfs what "Geso Duqa, what did you do to the child?" i ar>ee dama-r-6k kahh i-n net . 8.3 be:absent:3.SG.F sorry calf-F-2.SG.POSS 8 .3-EXPEC play:3.SG.F "Nothing, sorry, your calf must be playing." kar>arlo', ado-r-1 ' < im>lis, g-a-na truely manner-F-DEM l 0.3-0.F-PAST do<DUR> :3.SG.M:PAST Really, he was doing so, g-a-na male kutsuuhh 0.3-0.F-PAST again pinch:3.SG .M:PAST He pinched her again. saree'a b < i > r-a buffalo a thing:CON-F 0 .3:DEP.S. l /2:0.M-PERF do:2 . S G COP cakut 1-n o' COND<S.3>-INF jump:3.SG .F 8 .3-EXPEC say:3.SG.F 301 300 When the buffalo jumps, she says: geeso duqa dama-r-'e e> ado-r ka geeso duqa calf-F-PO SS. l .S G manner:C ON-F 0.3:DEP.S .l/2:0.F "Geso Duqa, what are you doing to my calf?" an ado-r n ga laaq LSG manner:C ON-F 0.3:DEP.S . l: O.F:PERF do: LS G S.3 dama-r-ok i-n cfs. kahh. g-a-na i-n a geeqeer, i-n a i-na h�m geeso duqa daxata ado-r o> ni Iaaq. now geeso duqa now manner:C ON-F DEP.S. l .SG do: l.SG:SBJ V "Geso Duqa, what do I do now?" laq a-qo i-n manner:C ON-F DEP.S. l /2 do:2.SG:S BJV COP-EM PH 0.2.SG.F -EXPEC gaas i-ri caay. m-i gimay aning an cay--aar, dimbe m-i cay-aar. l .SG PROH-O. l .SG eat-IMP(NEG) . duux-eek fadu dimbe meat-l .SG.POSS different take:out-IMP.S G.TR bones different Put my meat apart, and my bones apart. ki . dimbe fol. 0. 3:DEP.S .1 /2:0.N different bury:2.SG:SBJ V Yo u should bury them apart." infol-iit. an-a-qo l.SG-S.l /2-EMPH bury-MIDDLE:l .SG "I'll just bury you." i-na O': hhoo' hleemee. ka S.3-PAST say:3.SG.F 0.3 :IMPS:O.F nice:F also She said: "That is also all right. kill:LSG 0.2.SG.F-CONSEC eat : l .SG "What you do is that I'll kill you and I'll eat you." 1-na ad6-r nacay-w-ok bihhaa daqani ku ku-sing child-M-2.SG.POSS INDEP.M-DEM2 than 0.3:DEP.S. l / 2:0.M side:N:CON S .3-PAST say:3.SG .F l .SG PROH-O . l .SG eat-IMP( NEG) manner:C ON-F hikwa-wog-wa child-l .S G .POSS She said: "Don't eat me. What about my child?" cattle-2.SG.POSS-ABL suck-DUR-CAUS:2.S G Afterwards you should let that child of yours suck your cattle." 1-na I-na na<ay-'ee' . oo' ham daxta ado-r S.3-PAST say:3.SG.M :PAST now an-a-qo xuu '-a now manner:CO N-F l .S G- O.F-EMPH know:l .SG:INT-INF He said: "Now, what about your child, how do I know?" a nacay-w -ok ado-r know about your child." o': fu> unay-' ee' . ta an oo> S.3-PA ST say:3.SG.F please l .SG She said: "Please, don't eat me. leg 0.3 :DEP.S.3:0 .F-BACK break:3.SG .F S.3-PAST say: 3 . SG F When she broke her leg, she said: ad6-r bu>-i. kn ow- INF-NEG He s aid: "I don't geeqeer ya>e ngi-wa gas-ii-kee g-u hunger 0.3-0.M kill:3.SG.F-S.3 :INF:INT-NEG :BACK chil d "won't hunger kill your child? x:uu'-a-k a well 3.SG S.3-PAST again jump:3.SG.F Well, she jumped again. leg 0.3-0.F-CONSEC break:3.SG.F s.he broke her leg. qwari S.3-PA S T say:3.SG.M:PAS T l.SG manner:CON-F child-M-2.SG.PO SS O.F male cakut ya' e g-a-ri ' aY i- n a kutsuuhh turn three-BACK 0.3-0.F-PAST pinch:3.SG.M:PAST Three times he pinched her. kar is na thin g: CO N-F S.3 be:sufficient- 3.SG.M:SBJ V Wh at use will it be?" calf-F-2.SG.POSS S.3-EXPEC play:3.SG.F "I am not doing anything. Your calf is surely playing." kicima tam-ee -2. SG .POSS S.3-PAST say:3.S G.M:PAST c.u"ild -M , "Your chil d , " h e sa1'd ga-r net oo', 1-na a' ay- w - 6 k, n OO': nunu-m-is. aangw hikwa S.3-PAST say:3.SG.M:PAST before koom-a cattle diima, S.3 where have: l .SG:INT-INF He said: "First of all where is the cattle? Do I have them?" O.N 303 302 1-na o' hikwa daya' S.3-PAST say:3.SG.F cattle fadu-'ee' S.3 be:present:3.PL place-DEM4-D EM4 ki fol. ku-du ti>iit-iya' . daqani nacay-'ee> ku ku-sing child- l .SG.POSS INDEP.M-D EM2 0.3:DEP.S.l/2:0.M nunu-m-is naagay. kar geeso duqa hare-r dasi-r doo caga. · dasi-r doo 'aga geeso duqa ngi-wa kon, well gees6 duqa meat:CON buffalo fol-iit , fadu g-a-na ' ti>iit-ir. 3.PL:0.3-0.F:CONSEC2 go:out-3.PL Where he dug up the bones, cattle came out. fadu different bones hikwa place-DEM4-F bones 0.3-0.F-PAST dig:3.SG.M cattle ng-ay dinkwa. taat-oo hare-r-os oo' gitla-qa' bare aangw a di-r mak narkutamo. pauper ngi-wa ham loohi-r cattle-D EM3 now fu>unay d imbe, xwaar, iwit IMPS-PAST say:PAST The people of his wife's family said: hikwa-qa' 0 .3-0.N:CONSEC2 bury-MIDDLE:3.SG.M meat he buried it, meat apart, bones apart. aa hlay a diima. cattle-D EM3 place:CON-F 0.3:DEP.S.3:0.N-BACK get:3.SG.M C OP where Where did he get those cattle? 0.3-0.N:CONSEC2 do:3.SG.M Geso Duqa did such with the meat of the buffalo di-da-r doo muk hikwa-qa' sareeca g-ay laaq, g-ay naxes man-DEM3 behold before COP just "That man used to be just a poor man. have:3.SG.M Geso Duqa having a cannibal girl, geeso duqa fu>unay caga well next:day clan:CON cannibals accidently S .3:PERF sit:3.SG.F together Then the cannibal clan happened to be sitting together. ta-na well girl:CON-F house:CON cannibals gees6 duqa 0 . 3 : DEP. S . 3: 0 .F-BACK kar qa-qay. na'ay g-u-n people:M l :CON house:CON grandfather-M:CON wife-F-3. S G.POSS wife COP girl:CON-F house:CON cannibals The wife is a girl from the. cannibal clan. kar cattle-3.SG.POSS INDEP.N-DEM4 While he is herding them, the child of the buffalo is sucking those cows of him. daa' h<i>r de'en is 3.S G COND<S.3> herd:3.SG.l'v1 S.3 sing:3.SG.M When he herds, he sings. ka r loo>itleer hhay kon. well well well gees6 duqa S.3 wife:CON-F have:3.SG.M Well. Geso Duqa has a wife. hare a d ir child 0.3-0.M-EXPEC HAB-let:graze:3.SG.M He let the child graze. suck-D UR-CAUS :2.SG Afterwards you should let that child of mine suck them." kar nunumamiis 0.3:IMPS:O.M-EXPEC feed:DUR:PRES at ku-da' . hikwa- wos cattle S.3-EMPH go:out-3.PL The cattle will come out. than na'ay-w-os saree'a ku-n IN D EP.M-DEM4:M:CON buffalo than 0.3:DEP.S.l /2:0.F digging:CON-F go:2.SG:SBJV Afterwards you should go to dig for it. hikwa i-qo de'<a' > in , well 0.3:DEP.S .3:0.N-BACK herd<HAB> :3.SG.M child-M-3.SG.POSS eer. xwara-r cattle-3.SG.POSS INDEP.N-DEM4 0.3-0.N herd<HAB> :3.SG.M he is herding t hose cattle of his. ka r ngi-wa bones- l .SG.POSS 0.3:DEP.S. l /2:0.N bury:2.SG:SBJV She said: "The cattle will be there where you bury my bones. daqani ka well Well , de' <a' > fn . g-1 ku-da' kar'ee hikwa-wos di-da-da' gaala. ki-r hayoh-aan a way:CON-F 0.3:DEP.S.l /2:0.N-INSTR take- l .PL which How do we get those cattle? ga-r ki-wa hhoo' a hayoha. thing:C ON-F 0.3:IMPS:O.N-BACK nice COP taking What would be nice about the cattle is taking them." COP 305 304 oo' ta-na ki-r ham ad6-r IMPS-PAST say:PAST now hlaw-aan . manner:CON-F 0.3:DEP.S. l /2:0.N-INSTR get- l .PL:S BJV They said: "Now how do we get them?" oo' i-na u-n gaas-aan oo ' ta-na aha, gimse b<u>r gaas-aan, hami b < u > r lama gaas-aan . gaas-aan 3.SG now COND<O.M> kill- l .PL If we kill him, ad6-r ku-r hlaw-aan a adooma. manner:CON-F 0.3:DEP.S. l /2:0.M-INSTR get-l . PL:SBJV COP how how do we get him? d oo-ren dasi- r i-qo girl:CON-F house:M- l .PL.POSS S.3-EMPH place-F-DEMl-BACK:INT-NEG:BACK Our girl is there, isn't she?" is b < i > r-a de>eengw ku-n ay, ta muru-'in oo>-i i-n 6> axwees, kwi de>eengw kiing nunuu> hat6> S.3- EXPEC say-SBJV 2.SG.F suck:IMP my:niece He says: "You suck, my dear." kar i-n nunu' nunu' well S.3-EXPEC suck:3.SG.F suck:3.SG.F She sucks and sucks. kar nunu>a b < i > r-a -r-o well sucking-F-BACK COND<S.3>-INF finish:3.S G .F When she is finished sucking, laa ku XU' , m-a gees6 duqa d6o tu ay gees6 duqa COND<S.3>-PERF herding:CON go:3.SG.M when Geso Duqa has gone to herd. gaas nee muk 2.SG.M IMPS:0.2 .SG.M kill:PRES by hare-r-6k. taatu people:M l :CON house:M:C ON grandfather:M:CON wife-F-2.SG.POSS Geso Duqa, you will be killed by the people of your wife." oo'-i aha, ga- r 8.3-EXPEC say-SBJV aha 3.PL IMPS things:M-3.PL.POSS INDEP.M:DEMl say:PRES They were saying their things, gees6 duqa b < i > r-a i-n 1-n axwees. things:M-DEMl 0.3:IMPS:O.M-EXPEC say:PRES that these things were said. inin koom. gees6 duqa, ku COP-EMPH 3.SG C OND<S.3>-PERF herding:CON go:3.SG.M It is when he was out herding, muruw-i a cipiis, l .S G-S. l/2 suck:l .S G S.3-EXPEC say:3.SG.F today 2.SG.M WHAT-O.F know:2.SG.M she says: "Today, what do you think? di-r-i-hee-kee. a-qo i-n gees6 duqa, an-a o' witness O.F have:l .SG I have news." manner: CON-F 0.3:DEP.S.l /2:0.M-INSTR kill-l .PL:SBJV how do we kill him? is cak<m> <am > it S .3-EXPEC say:3.SG.F gees6 duqa She says: "Geso Duqa, let me suck, COND<O.M> kill-l .PL ku-r ad6-r dasi i-n i-n get-l .PL:SBJV-BREAK COP-EMPH O.M-EXPEC kill-l .P L One said: "Well, the way we'll get them is t o kill him." IMPS-PAST say:PAST aha well They said: "Well, if we kill him, kar daaf. hikwa well 3.SG S.3 cattle:CON return:home:3.SG.M He is bringing the cattle home. ca S.3-PAST say:3.SG.M:PAST well manner:CON-F a-qo is well girl S.3-EXPEC run<DUR> < HAB > :3.SG.F S.3-EXPEC k< m > < am > it un r <D UR> <HAB> :3.SG .F And the girl is running and running. gim ad6-r hlaw-aan-ya kar gaas-i. ti-s thing:CON-F IMPS:O . l .SG-REAS kill-3.SG.M:SBJV He says: "Aha, why will they kill me?" ta-na OO' cagmo-ren b<i>r-qo IM PS-PAST say:3.SG.M:PAST cannibal:M- l .PL.POSS COND<S.3>-EMPH di-r-qa' , hikwa i-n place-F-DEM3 cattle hayoh-aan O.N-EXPEC take- l .PL 307 306 They said: "If our cannibal is there, let us take the cattle." 1-na o' tu gaas-ii-ka. now ka-qo ga-r tu-r gaas-i, tomorrow thing:CON-F IMPS:0.2. SG.M-INSTR kill-3.SG.M:SBJV kwahleemuut. 0.3:IMPS:O.F-EMP H discuss:PRES Tomorrow, how they will kill you, will be discussed." 1-na o' an ng1-qo ta-na oo'. i-wa de>eengw naxes ta ku-r gaas-aan af-ku a do>-i hhay caga i-ri gwaa' . kat. well morning-F-BACK clan cannibals 8.3 say:3.SG.F The cannibal clan is speaking in the morning. fanfe>amo kwa-qo hhe>ees, 0.3:IMPS:O.M:PAST-EMPH finish:PAST snake The snake was ready, ' kwa qaas . 0 .3:IMPS:O.M:PAST put:PAST it was put in position, tu xu'. m-a laa tu gaas. i-na oo> i-na 6>: aha. hhay caga af-ku laa fanfe>amo g-u cannibals today snake qas . d o'-i b < u >ru-nga kay bara 0.3-0.M in:C ON tsaxaar, IMPS say:3.SG .M:SBJV C OND <0.M>-0 .3:DEP.S.3 :0.M:INF attack:3.SG .M i qaas-aan 0.3-0.M- EXPEC attack:3.S G.M:PRE S S.3-CONS EC die:3.SG.M :PRES It will spit on him, and he will die." kar matlatlee- r-o ku laa S.3 -PA ST say:3.SG.F well gees6 duqa well today IMPS:0.2.S G .M ta mila. well snake O.M-EXPEC mouth-Ml :CON house-DIR put-l .P L We'll put a snake at his door. tsaxaar, g aas . geeso duqa kar kar on:CON mouth-Ml:CON house-DIR put:3.SG.F She said: "T9day, the cannibals will put a 'snake at your door. . now thing:CON-F 0.3:IMPS: O.M-INST R kill- l .PL:SBJV COP what "How do we kill him? g-u-n o' gawa kay-i: gimse fanfe'amo u-n i- n a S.3- PAST say:3.SG.F clan well accidently IMPS say-3.SG.M:SBJV they say: . ham ga-r 8.3-PAST run<DUR > <HAB>: 3.SG.F well calf The calf was running. S.3-PAST say:3.SG.M:PAST aha He said: "Aha." ay, well next:day 3.SG S .3-BACK herding:CON go:3.SG.M When he went herding, kar cak< m> < am>it 2.S G. M today IMPS:0.2. SG.M kill:PRES To day you will be killed." waatl. loo>ith�er is dama i-na ku well IMPS-PAST return:home:PAST They went home. kar kar daaf, laari kill:P RES 2.SG.M WHAT-O .F know:2.SG .M . She sai d: "Today you will be killed. What do you thmk? S.3-PAST say:3.SG.F l .SG 0.3:DEP.S .l .SG:O.F-EM PH say:l .SG She says: "I'll tell you." kar Is well 3. SG today 8.3 return:home:3.SG .M:PRES fie retu rns the cattle today. S .3-PAST say:3.SG.F IMPS:0.2.SG.M kill-S.3:INF-NEG She said: "You will not be killed. ham matlo I<a r · gwaa' . S.3 die:3.SG.M:PRES They say: "If it spits on him, he'll die." i-na oo' ah, ala ad6-r S.3-PAST say:3.SG.M ah a-qo gwaa'. ki n1 laaq but manner:CON-F DEP.S. l .SG do:l .SG:SBJV maw-eek S.l/2-EMPH die: l .SG.M 2.SG.F leave-IMP.SG.TR He said: "Ah, what shall I do?, I'll die. You, leave it." i-na o' gwa'-a-ka. a 8.3-PAST say:3.SG.F S.l/2 die:2.SG-INF-NEG She said: "You won't die. geerahar-i s. yaqamba ku d aqani aw-qu US:2.SG go:front-CA 0.3:DEP.S. l /2:0.M then bull-DEM3 :M:CON giant ku d aqan i ta o' 2.SG.M then S.l /2 say:2.SG First of all you should let that big bull go in front, then you should say: 309 308 tsunqa g-w-a Wh at shall we do? tlaq-ir. awu i-na ale. 3.SG S.3-PAST go:out:3.SG.M:PAST behind cattle-ABL RESPRO He walked after his cattle. tsaxaar, awu fanfe>amo g-u-na 0.3-0.M- PAST attack:3.SG.M:PAST bull snake The snake spat on the bull, aangw i-wa too m:vam before awu i-ri dah-i, gwaa> i-na cis-aan . ateet 1-na oo> 0 .3 :D EP.S.l/2:0.F:CONSEC poison-M-DIR put- l .PL We will put poison in it." qaas . cakut i-na i-na 6> gees6 duqa, laari i-n a people uu 8.3-PAST say:3.SG.M:PAST aha He said: "Aha.'' saliva kill-3.PL "Uuu, people, today this big bull, saliva has killed him. qwal-ang sareeca-r awu a cay-aan . come-IMP.HIT buffalo: CON-F bull O.F eat-l .PL Come, let us eat the buffalo of a bulL" awu kway caay. kar fanfe'amo-da-da> kar ta aha. OO' 6> kwahleem< am>ut. laari hhay caga 8.3-PAST say:3.SG.F clan aa male cannibals today S.3:PERF again discuss<HAB> :3.SG.F S he said: "The cannibals have been discussing again today. i-na o>-iye' sum-1 buura a-n qaas-aan. oo> ki maw-eek. 8.3-PAST say:3.SG.M:PAST 2.SG.F leave-IMP.SG.TR He said: "You, leave it .. gwa geexay. today well snake-DEM4-DEM4 0.3:0.M:PERF leave:3.SG .M:PAST "Today that snake left him. ad6-r i-na i- na 6o> IMPS-PAST say:3.SG.M:PAST they said: hia laari. O.F-EXPEC poison-DIR put-l .PL 8.3-PAST say-3.PL:PAST beer They said: "We'll put poison in the beer." bull 0.3:IMP S : O.M:CONSEC 2 eat:PAST and the bull was eaten. ta-na gwa' , a S.3-PAST say:3.SG.F gees6 duqa today S . l /2 die:2.SG today She said: "Geso Duqa, today you'll die, today." yaariir tsunqa today bull-M-DEMl big:M sareeca, dama-r 3.SG S.3-PAST jump:3.SG.F calf:CON-F buffalo She ran, the calf of the buffalo. say:3.SG.M:PAST When the bull died, he called, he said: . tlaq-ir, qaas-aan. sumu-w-1 kaY qaas-aan. O.F-EXPEC put-l .PL COP beer IM P S-PAST say:PAST well beer. place must we that is "It said: ey h T {s bull S .3-BACK die:3 .SG.M:PAST S .3-PAST call:3.SG.M:PAST awu-w-i' buura a-n gimse a oo> ka r buura ka-na even before he entered, and the bull died. ori>ok uu, laa gaasa-r-o , 0.3:IMPS:O.F-PAST put:PAST well beer the beer. positioned hey T S.3-BACK enter-S.3:INF bull S.3-CONSEC awu i-wa ta t a- na hikwa-wa ala ti>iit i-na ad6 - r hlaw-aan rnan ner:CON-F DEP.S.l/2 do- l . PL:SBJV H o w do we get to kill him?, what do we do?" geerahaar. well bull S.3-PAST go:front:3.SG.M:PAST The bull went in front. is ku-r rnanner:CON- F 0.3:DEP.S. l /2:0.M-INSTR get-l .PL:SBJV killing-F-BACK saliva 0 .3-0.M-PERF cut-3.PL "Saliva has killed him." " kar ad6- r ciis-aan , manner:CON-F well DEP.S. l /2 do- l .PL:SBJV an l.SG l aaq ti- qo gaas . an ado-r nl IMPS:O.l .SG-EMPH kill:PRES l .SG manner:CON-F DEP.S. l .S G do :l.SG: SBJV I shall be killed. What shall I do?" 31 1 310 i-na o) e)e' t u oo> gaas-ii-ka PA ST say:PAST gees6 duqa beer i d·. "Geso Duqa, come for beer. theY sa JM pS S .3-PAST say:3.SG.F no IMPS:0.2.SG.M kill- S.3:INF-NEG She said: "No, You will not be killed." 0) i-na daqani an i-qo CO too qaas . kooma-koon. · kar binda tseewa dux. dux ala an-a {s di-r C OND <O.N> take:out:2.SG but l .SG-S. l /2 place:C ON-F hikwa-wok, an amo-d i_ daqani ni cattle-2.SG.POSS l.SG t hen qawo- r DEP.S .l .SG place-D EM4:D IR grazing:C aw . go:l .S G If you take the cattle out, and I am with your cattle, I'll go grazing at that i-na o> daqan i an buura a-qo kalaac . S .3-PAS T say:3.S G.F then l .SG beer She said: "Then I'll kick the beer. S.l /2-EM PH kick:l .SG ku bara ka too qas afa, ku'us, gaas also O.M hardah , kar buura ka-wa bu ura gan. you dalaac. qaas bara afa. 0.3-0.F-PAST put:3.SG.M:PAST in:CON mouth beer to his mouth. hikwa-w 6s ga male duux. cattle-3.SG.POSS 0.3:0.N:PERF again take:out:3.SG.M:PAST his cattle out again. He took d ama calf The i mno-di qeer. S.3 place-DEM4:DIR graze:3.SG.F calf is grazing there. dama-d a-r sareeca qeer. hi>ft , calf-DEM4:CON-F buffalo S.3 walk:3.SG.F S.3 graze:3.SG.F That calf of the buffalo is walking, she is grazing. buura ngi-wa ga qaas bara afa, 0.3:DEP.S.3:0.F-BACK put:3.SG.M:PAST in:CO N mouth wah-an-a-ka. ga too 0.3:0.F:PERF drink-DUR:3.SG.M-INF:PAST-NEG 0.3:0.F:PAST in:vain may. leave:3.SG .M When he was just putting the beer to his mouth, he was not drinking it, he just 1eft kill:l.SG and I'll spill it, I'll break the calabash too. . ta-wa 3.SG beer He put the m:vam beer qware )amo hleem ee u 0.3:DEP.S . l .SG:O.F -CONS EC2 spill:l .SG calabash are oo, arrive:PAST IMPS-PAST say:PAST here beer they sa1'd : "H ere, you, t ake your b eer. " buura g-a-na ta,o 2.SG.M 0 .3:DEP.S . l/2:0.F in:vain put:2.SG in:CON mouth You j ust put it to your mouth, n g-ay ta-na -M-3.SG.POSS 0.3:IMPS:O.M:PAST calab ash Hi s calabash was filled. 2.SG.M cattle 0.3 :DEP.S .l/2:0.N outside take:out:2.SG you push the cattle outside . cattle hardah , qwar e)amo-w -os kwa hikwa ki hikwa b < i > r ta-wa . l .S G COND:HIT:PERF arrive: l .SG If I have arrived, kuung already been put into his beer. ell IMPS-BACK w en they arnved, Wh hardah , sum-1 qaro ka INDEP.F:3.SG .POSS 0.3:IMPS :O.F already poison-DIR b eer put:PAST po1son h ad 0 .3 :DEP.S . l /2:0.F m:vam HAB-have:2.SG you should just have it a short time. an cay-aan O.F eat-l .PL beer ' k b eer. " Let us d rm well beer C OND-0 .3:IMPS :0.3-0.3 :HIT:O. F give:PRES if beer is given, ka buura a {aat f buura tos haniis , go-IMP.HIT . TR - \'Va }-ang q me- IMP. HIT hardah S .3-PAST say:3.SG.F then l .SG DIR-EMPH arrive: l .S G She said: "Afterwards I'll arrive there, buu ra b ar-ki-n ga geeso d uqa buura aw-ang. it, qaas , IMPS- BACK arrive: PAST well beer 0.3:IM PS:O. F-BAC K put:PA ST When they arrived , they had put beer there, dama i-na hardat di-r geera-w-os . S .3-PAST arrive:3.SG.F place:CON-F front-M-3.SG.POSS calf the calf arrived in front of him. 313 312 g-a-na kahic , qware'amo gway 0 .3-0.F-PAST kick:3.SG.F calabash She kicked and she broke the calabash, buura i-ri gas , 0.3:0.M:CONSEC2 kill:3.SG.F IS ku )-ut . i-na cakuut, dama g-a-na al 0.3-0.F-PAST together cakuut. run:3.SG.M:PAST He ran, he ran after the calf. oo' laa dama-r-I buura-r-'ee' S.3-PAST say:3.SG.M:PAST today calf-F-DEM1 beer-F- l .SG.POSS ngi-wa-qo ku>us-i. a gaas, laarl. Is cow boo' kay a-n gas-a aako, asma maw-eek. leave-IMP.S G .TR old:man leave-IMP.SG.TR "Do you kill an innocent cow? because of beer? Leave it, old man, leave it." dama gay may. 0.3:0.F:CONSEC2 leave:3.SG.M calf And he left the calf. ti-da> sumu k6on naagay aa loo>itleer ta-na fak 6o> well accidently next:day IMPS-PAST say:PAST Well, the next day they said: gwa>-ii-ka aa u gaceer-a'-a-kee. S.3:PERF die-INF:PAST-NEG O.M look:at:2-PL-INF:INT-NEG:BACK "He didn't die. Don't you see him? u-ga � har-hlaqat-aan , ta-na ka ta oo'. O:M-PERF nearly-be:tired-l .PL IMPS-PAST say:PAST We are going to be exhausted with regard to him" , they said. dama qeer. S.3 graze:3.SG.F bara ha-huw-i-ka hikwa. 0 .3 :IM PS:O.F HAB-bring-S.3:INF-NEG in:CON cattle She is normally not brought to the cattle. d am a i di-r bihhi-da-wa qeer. S.3 place:CON-F sides-DEM4-ABL graze:3.SG.F calf The calf grazes aside. gimse, xay 6o> na qatni-r-6s dasi, really? girl: VOC laqam-ang. 2.SG.F bed-F-3.SG.POSS come:on show-IMP.HIT.TR show us his bed. a-qo u-n qat-i aw-aan xweera-wo. 80P-EMPH O .M-EXPEC bed-DIR go-l'. PL night-BACK The solution is that we go to his bed at night. loohi-r gitla-qa> ar kahh, hatla> S.3 be:absent:3.SG.F way:CON-F man-DEM3 INDEP.CON.F other There is no other way for that man. a INDEP.F-DEM4 poison:CON have:3.SG.F S .3:PERF finish:3.SG.F The one with poison is finished on the ground. kar ya, S.3 place:CON-F side-DIR calf calf is aside. The calf is grazing. kling :CON-F mouth:CON blqck:F 07F-EXPEC beca"Use maw-eek calf Th e bihhi>-i IM PS-PAST say:3.SG .M well They said: "Well, really, girl, today O.F kill:l .SG today 3.SG S.3 say:3.SG.M Today I'll kill her, today" , he says. hlee-r afa di-r ta- na 0.3:DEP.S .3:0.F-BACK-EMPH spill-S.3:INF He said: "Today this calf completely spilled my beer. laarf ay Irwah lee muut. dama i well 3.SG S.3-PAST run:3.SG.M:PAST calf 1-na de>eengw i-wa S .3- BACK herding:CON go:3.SG.M BREAK IMPS:PERF rneet:3 .S G.M:PAST Wh en he went herding, they had a meeting. S .3-CONS EC spill-MIDDLE:3.SG.F beer and the beer was spilt. kar 1s hlaw-an-a-ka. S.l /2 get we won't get him otherwise." dasi i-na 6> qatn i-r-6s handay. girl 8.3-PAST say:3.SG.F bed-F-3.S G.POSS there The girl said: "His bed is there." hare-r-6s qatni g-a-na laqaan . wife-F-3.SG.POSS bed 0.3-0.F-PAST show:3.SG.F His wife showed them the bed. ta-na oo> aten xweera-wo binda hardah-aan IMPS-PAST say:PAST l .PL night-BACK CONB:HIT:INF arrive- l .P L a-qo u-n gaas-aan , ta-na 6o> COP-EMPH O.M-EXPEC kill- l .PL IMPS-PAST say:PAST They said: "If we arrive at night we will kill him" , they said. 315 314 1-na 6> ka i-n a cattle S.3-BACK return:home-3.PL well well Well, when the cattle went home ' is 1-na tu o' i-na tu ku tu ahlay Iaa gaas. today IMPS:0. 2.SG.M can today IMPS:0.2 .SG.M kill:PRES today they are able to get you, today you will be killed." oo> i-na aha. 1-na o' laa kar tu-n qati S.3-PAST say:3.SG.F today well IMPS:0.2.SG.M-EXPEC bed:DIR ay, ta axwees. go:3.SG. M IMP S say:PRE S She said: "Today they are going to your bed, they say. hare qatni-r-ok 1 aqaan. hleemee g-a wife bed-F-2.S G.P OSS also The wife showed your bed as well. i-na 0 . 3- 0 .F show:3.S G.F qatni-r-os a ti-qa'. S .3-PAST say:3.SG .F bed-F-3.S G.POSS COP INDEP.F -DEM3 She said: "His bed is this one." oo' ta-na daqani u IMP S-PAST say:PAST then They said: "Then we'll kill him." I-na O' ka - gaas-aan. O.M kill-l .PL hhoo>. S .3-PAST say:3.SG.F 0.3:IMPS:O.F nice:F She said: "All right." kar is i-na dasi- r COND<S.3>-INF sleep:3.SG.F oo> well 3.SG S.3-PAST say:3.SG .M:PAST Well, he said: ka-r do-'in z·.s G .M girl:C ON-F house-3 .PL.PO SS 0.3:DE P.S.l/2 :0.F-IN STR gagar-ee k. qat-uw -ok, bara war ahhas carry-IM P.SG.T R OSS 2.SG.P bed-Mchange :2.SG.F :SBJV in:CON you carry her. bed, your with house you should change the girl of their in qwari-r S .3-PAST say:3.SG.M aha He said: "A ha." gu', gimay, hare b<i>r-a o' wife S.3-PAS T say:3. SG.F well sleeps, wife your when "Well, aid: She s geeso duqa, S .3-PAST say:3.SG:F gees6 duqa she said: "Geso Duqa, laa gaasa-r-o . kwatiit -ii-ka F-BAC K IM PS :0 .2.SG.M touch- S.3:INF,_"-NEG killingYou won 't be touch ed for killing ta> <a' > iin . 3.SG S .3-PAST run<HAB> :3.SG.F she was running. 1-na gaas-ii-k a. tu 6> EG 5.3-PAS T say:3.S G.F IMPS:0 .2.SG.M kill-S.3 :INF-N killed. be won't "You said: daaf-ir, naagay hikwa i-wa gaas. ti-qo WH AT- S . 1 /2 do: l .S G my:mece IMPS:O .l .SG-EM PH kill:PRES ''But w hat am I to do, my niece? They' ll kill me." hhoo'. S.3-PAST say:3.SG.F 0.3:IMPS: O.F nice:F She said: "That is all right." kar hat6 � . ciis ala m-a tsiit-ee k. na do->in dasi-r R sheet :CON-F girl:C ON-F house-3 . P L.POS S come:on wear-IMP.SG.T Take the sheet of their girl." xweera-wo gu' aa S.3:PERF sleep:3.SG.F night Well, mother was asleep at night. qat-i ka tsuuq. 0.3:IMPS:O.F:PERF bed-CON :DIR spit:PAST She was blessed in bed . ay bara gagaar ka-na qata, 0.3:IMPS:O.F-PAST carry:PAST to in:CON bed She was carried into bed, ay to bara gees6 duqa. oo qat-uw-6s in: CON bed-M-3.SG.POSS INDEP.CON.M gees6 duqa into the bed of Geso Duqa. kar qaatisa-r-o ka-wa hhe>ees well laying -F-BACK 0.3:IMPS:O.F-BACK When she was laid in the bed, geeso duqa i-na qaat bara qatu hare. gees6 duqa S.3-PAST lie:3.SG.M:PAST in:CON bed:M: CON wife Geso Duqa went to his wife's bed. 317 316 kar inin ta-wa duux, ta say he IM P S "Well, th e Y say: tlatacang-wa laqan-ii-kee. 0.3:IMP � : O.F:P ERF midday-A BL show:3.S G.M-INF :PAST:IN T-NEG:B A but hadn t the bed been shown in the afternoon ? piindo duuxa-r -o door ka-wa hhe'ees ta-na taking:o ut-F-BA CK 0.3:IMP S:O.F-B ACK finish:PA ST IMPS-P bara dah do' . enter:PAST in: CON house After taking out of the door, they entered the house. t a-wa hardah bara bara-da qatni-r-da-r ta-r tlaw-aa n. 1-r hikwa-ka cat tle- DEMl :N O.N-IN STR leave- l .PL let us leave with these cattle. geeso duqa, dasi-r do>-fn come cattle take:out-IM P.HIT Come, let's take out the cattle." kay ka. r geeso duqa i well gees6 duqa S.3 say Well, Geso Duqa said: ahla 'ay baaba ado-sing-e-ka, 3.-P"L 0 .3 :IMPS:O.F know:S.3:INT-S.3:INF the thing ins id� there was· the girl of their house did t hey know that? hlee-r ka xuu'-i. ka-na da'h ga<m> Is-uw-o. · 0.3:IMP S:O.F-PA ST DIR enter:PAS T killing<D UR>-M- BACK They were about to kill. ka-ri gaas. 0.3:IMPS : O.F-CONSEC kill:PAST and they will kill her. is i-n an m-i kay • ka-wa ngi-s a kihh mila -DEMl :N-BACK 0.3:DEP.S.3:0.F-REAS bite:3.SG.F COP An innocent cow, for what reason should a hyena bite it this night? saga aw' g-a is b<u>r-a gas-e' matlatlee COP morning Who will go against it? Since you have killed him. It will have to be in the morning ." ham tsuwa oo' ta-na tsini-hee -ke, IMPS-PA ST say:PAST now for:sure better-B ACK:INT -NEG :BACK They said: "Isn't now much better?" t'1-ll ' a I 'ag-In kar laari. 3.PL IMPS say IMPS:O .l .PL-EXP EC deceive-D UR:3.SG .M well today They said: "He is deceiving us today." kar baha xweera- ka>-ee ga-r cow:CON-F mouth:CON black:F thing:CON-F hyena night a gaas-ara , to-hung. ta .. boo' afa man:CON 0 .3-0.F head go:l .S G 3.SG COND<M >-PERF kill:2-PL:PAST l .S G- CO P INDEP.F I am yours." inin father manner-DEM2-BACK -NEG no "No father, not like this, hee 3.SG S.3-EXP EC say:3.SG .F l . SG PROH-O .l .SG kill-IMP. PL She said: "Don't kill me. an- a duux-aan . siw-r-i b<i>r .PL cat tle-D EM3-D EM3 COND <O.N> time-F-D EMl take:out-l now, right out If we take those cattle thing:CON-F in-DEM4:CON DEP.BE-INSTR girl:CON-F inin COP how qwal , hikwa duux-an g. IMPS-BACK arrive:PAST in:CON bed-F-DEM4:CON-F gees6 duqa When they arrived at that bed of Geso Duqa, ga-r girl:VOC now girl, what now? h ikwa- qa- qa' adooma . ham a kay xay d asi ala qatni door 0.3:IMPS:O.F-PAST take:out:PAST but bed they took the door out, ka hhe>ees , girl killing-F-BA CK 0.3 :IMPS:O.F- BACK finish:PAST the killing of the girl was over, well 3.PL IMPS-BACK arrive:PAST Well, when they arrived, piindo ka-na ka-wa dasi gaasa-r- o hardah , hhe'ees gaasa-r-o, well 0.3 :IMPS :O.F-BACK finish:PAST killing-F-BACK When they were finished killing, kar hee g-i ilaa' deer-o. well man:CON 0.3-0.N prevent:M S.3 exist:INT-BACK "Well, is there anybody who will stop them? fs b < i > r-a gwaa' 3.SG COND<S.3>-PERF die: PAST if he has died.'' 319 318 m a laati kw-a ta-n a gaas-ii-ka. but behold 0 .3:IMPS:O.M-PERF kill-INF:PAST-NEG But he was not killed ma laati ga- r but well ta gaas a ka dasi-r thing:CON-F IMPS:PERF kill:PAST COP girl:CON-F do>-in. well sagw loo>a-r-o kar ta-na morning-F-BACK head:M:CON sun-F-BACK well IMPS-PAST tlay, ta-wa calf 6> 6>, sareeca 1-na S .3-PAST say:3.SG.F calf-F-DEM4:CON-F buffalo ga'eer, S .3-PAST say:3. S G .F gees6 duqa WHAT-O.F see:2.SG the calf said, that calf of the buffalo said: "Geso Duqa, don't you see? nee tlaw-ang, hikwa-wo. leave-IMP.HIT with cattle-BACK Leave with the cattle. kar ta-na tla-tlay, tlaa-tlay ino>fn ta nee hikwa-wo. hikwa leehh morning-F-BACK 3 .P L IMPS cattle look:for:PRES In the morning the others are looking for the cattle. hikwa i kahh-ir. ta-na dasi-r aa a-na tlay. hikwa-w6s-ar kar kw-a nakaa' , well 0.3:IMPS :O.M- PERF be:close:PAST They were close to him. ku-na do'-o. qaytsiit ta>a>fn. al 0.3:IMPS:O.M-PAST together run<HAB> :3.SG.M They ran after him, hi>iit-iya loohi-r-o. but cattle S .3 walk-3.PL:INT way-F-BACK a.nd the cattle were walking on the road. kar kw-a bara do>-fn. corpse:CON- F girl:CON-F house-3.PL.POSS They arrived, they had a look in the bed at the corpse of their girl. o oha-r-o. nakaac well 0.3:IMPS :O.M-PAST be:close:PAST getting-F-BACK They were close to getting him. sareeca g-a-na bay hardah daxta, an-a-ga IMPS-HIT:PERF arrive:PAST now They have arrived now, I am dead. i-na qatni IMPS-PAST arrive:PAST IMPS-PAST inspect:PAST in: C ON bed tuwa-r doo-ren t oday girl:CON-F just:CON-F house:M- l . PL.POSS O.F-PAST ti-nda kaahh hardah kila-r ga as-im- i dama-d a-r man-D EM4-DEM4 S.3 be:absent:3.SG.M:PRES house-BACK That man is not in the house. ta-na dasf-r calf-DEM4-F buffalo 0.3-0.F-PAST call:3.SG.M He told that calf of the buffalo: cattle S .3 be:absent-3.PL The cattle are not there. hee-da-da' laa ala hikwa i well IMP S-PAST HAB-leave:3.SG.M HAB-leave:3.SG.M with cattle-BACK They left and left with the cattle. matlatlee-r-o hara- 'aa 'amin . 3.S G S.3:PERF cattle-3.SG.POSS-INSTR leave:3.SG.M He has left with his cattle. dama-r-da-r gees6 duqa m-a ta is waatl, 3.PL IMPS-BACK return:home:PAST When they had returned home, dam a i-n a ur. 0. 3:IMP S:O.F big They said: "Uu, the thing that he has done is grave. kill- l.PL:INT -INF:PAST Did we kill our own girl today? leave:PAST Well, in the morning before sunrise they left. inin tleehh-ahh-iit-i IM PS nearly-cry:3.SG.M They nearly cried. house-3.PL.POSS But whom they killed was their own girl. kararl6> matlatlee-r-o uu ga-r IM P S -PAST say:PAST uu thing:CON-F S.3 make-HAB-MIDD LE-S.3:SBJV 6> a gwaa> . l .S G-S . 1/2-PERF die: l .S G gwa'-a-ka. 8.3-PAST say:3.SG.F S . 1 /2 die:2.SG-INF-NEG She said: "You will not die." 1-na 6> di-r-qa' hlahh-eek ar hhara. S.3-PAST say:3.SG.F place-F-DEM3 beat-IMP.SG .TR INSTR stick She said: "Beat there with your stick." 321 320 kar hhara. ar hlaahh g-a-na dii well place 0.3-0.F-PAST beat:3.SG.M INSTR stick He beat the spot with his stick. wa'angw yaariit yaariit 1-na big pit:CON tsat-iit . big S.3-PAST place-DEM4-ABL tsat-iit , tiping-o. covering:D UR-BACK they fell from behind into the pit, filling it. qar6 nee waraahh hhe>ees hikwa-wo. tip-iin. tiping-o, male waraahh ta-na 3.PL IMP S-PAST again pass:PAST they passed again. kar naagay ta-na 6> tlawi g-a-na taahh hhay 'aga hhe>ees tlaw-ti-d a-da> . di-r hardat 1-na clan cannibals S .3-PAST arrive:3.SG.F place:CON-F lake-Fl-DEM4-DEM4 the cannibals arrived at that lake. ta-wa waraahh, i-na bara hi>it tlawi . IMPS-BACK pass:PAST S .3-PAST walk:3.SG.F in:CON lake When they had passed, they (the cannibals) stepped into the lake. bara-di hlahh-ee k gees6 duqa nee dama-r-6s hhar-t-o . S.3-PAST say:3.SG. F lake-Fl-D EMl beat-IMP .SG.TR stick-Fl-B ACK She said: "Beat this lake with the stick." kar ta-wa hara-ki< . bara-di ta-y faak. qaatl. IMPS-CONSEC2 in-DEM4:DIR finish:PRES IMPS-CONSEC2 die:PRES And they were finished in there, and they died in it. tlawi. af-ku tlaw-t-1 ar hikwa->in-ee well passing<DUR>-BA CK IMP S-BACK finish:PAST When they had passed, ta-y IMPS-CONSEC2 place:CON-F mouth-Ml :CON lake and they were at the edge of a lake. 1-na nee waraahh kar ta-na balbala-da> tlawi g-i-na hardah, di- r waraahh . road-DEM4 lake 0.3-0.N-PAST in-DEM4:DIR towards-return:3.SG.F That road, the lake turned upon them in there. IMPS-PAST arrive:PAST well well They had arrived, ta-y tleehh-ar-ut IMPS-CONSEC pass:PAST A road formed in the middle, and they passed. kar warahham-o pit 0 .3 :IMPS:O. M-BACK finish:PA ST covering:D UR-BAC K When they finished filling the pit, inin tla<amu-da-r bara in-DEM4-DEM4 They passed with their cattle through there. clan cannibals S .3 pit:CON cover-DUR:3.SG.F cover-DUR:3.SG.F The cannibal clan are filling and filling the pit. wa'angw ku-wa binkicit-ir. bihhee-r-i bara-da-da> wacangw tip-iin, i INSTR stick well IMP S-PAST pass:PAST with cattle-3.PL.POSS-BACK INSTR 3.PL IMPS already pass:PAST with cattle-BACK The others had already passed with the cattle. hhay 'aga hhara. ar S.3-PAST in:CON middle-DEM4:CON-F build-ar-MIDDLE:3.SG.F road enter:PAST IMPS-PAST behind:N:CON pit-DIR ino >in ta n-i-na ta-ri wacan gw-i dah ala ino>in t a-na m a 'aY bal bal a 1-na S.3-BACK cut-MIDDLE:3.SG.M:PAST well pit When the pit had made itself, 3.PL taahh g-a-na 0 .3-0.F-PAST beat:3.SG.M:PAST lake He b eat the lake with the stick. PL-S.3-PAST sides-F-DIR spread:aside-3.PL wa ter T he water opened up. cut-MIDDLE:3.SG.M:PAST A big pit formed there. kar wa'angw i-wa S.3-PAST say:3.SG .F lake hit-IMP.SG.TR stick-Fl-BACK calf The calf said: "Hit the lake with the stick." tlawi di-da-wa hhar-t-o . tlawi tahh-eek 6> i-na dam a hhar-t-o well lake 0.3- 0.F-PAST beat:3.SG.M:PAST stick-Fl-BACK He beat the lake with the stick. ta-ri waraahh gees6 duqa and calf-F-3.SG.POSS IMPS-CONSEC pass:PAST and Geso Duqa and his cattle passed. kar i-ri 6> ham gees6 d uqa, well S.3-CONSEC say:3.SG.F now gees6 d uqa And she said: "Now Geso Duqa, 323 322 ham m-1 11.. qo gaas-aar. c OP- EMPH old:age 0.3-0 .N-PAST kill:3.SG.M It was old age that killed them. now P ROH-O. l .S G kill-IMP (NEG) now, don't kill me." �na o' kd daxta ham a S .3-PAST say:3.SG.F 2.SG.M now She said: "Now you won't die. kd now gwa'-a-ka. S . l /2 die:2.SG-INF-NEG 'awaak hi>ii <m-am>iit . 1 bal b<u>r-a kahh i-qo mother-F-3.SG.POSS S .3-EMPH be:absent:3.SG.F His wife is absent. gas Is give:birth:P AST day COND<M> -INF kill:2.SG a-qo kilos. 3.SG COP-EMPH just He is alone. binga COND:0.3:DEP.S.3:0.F:PERF gas . lo o >itleer i-n a kill:2.SG If there has been the birth of a white bull at your house, when he touched the top of the house, then you should kill him; the day that you kill him, next:day S.3-PAST say Then he said: bal b < u > r well S . l /2 die-INF-NEG now gaasa-r-wa hla> m-u gaas-aar hoot-at-in gwa'-a-ka kar a ad6-r hoot-at-in , n1 awu g-u-ri S.3- CONSEC be:old:3.SG.M Well, Geso Duwa lived and lived, and he became old. muu nacaa din . nang-6s n-ay qatl-ir . children:N:CON grandchild-3.SG.POSS PL:S.3-CONSEC2 die-3.PL The children of his grandchildren had died. a-qo dimay g-i-na tsduc. COP-EMPH old:age 0.3-0.N-PAST kill:3.SG.M It was old age that killed them. awa hatla' n-ay male qatl-ir. IND EP.CON.N other PL:S.3-CONSEC2 again die-3.PL Those of others had died again. u-n but bull-M-DEMl O.M-EXPEC l<iaq, a gwa'-a-ka. manner:CON-F DEP.S.l.SG do: l .SG S . l /2 die What shall I do?, I don't die." well gees6 duqa S.3-PAST live-HAB-D UR:3.SG.M live- HAB-DUR: 3.SG.M i-ri daxta ala awu-w-i kill-INF:INT-NEG:BACK " I don't die but now shouldn't I kill this bull? in:vain-F-BACK PROH-O.M kill-IMP (NEG) don't kill him no matter what." kar gees6 duqa 1-na oo' gaas-aa-kee. day COND <M> killing-F-ABL want:2.SG The day you want to kill him, to-r-o laqwaaL bull- M-3.SG.POSS INDEP.M:DEMl 0.3:IMPS:O.M-PERF give:birth:PAST This bull of his was born. aam a- r- 6 s do'-og-ee bull:CON white:M house-2.SG.P OSS-BACK laqwaal , kw-a kwi bull S.3 walk<DUR-HAB>3.SG.M:PRES The bull is walking around. 2.SG.M now S .l/2 know:INT-INF Now do you know? awd 11w u -w - 6 s 11wu xfP-a. h am a tsuu' dimay g-i-na gaas . bull 0 .3-0 .M-CONSEC kill:3.SG.M:PAST and he killed the bull, g-w-ay adbay. people 0 .3-0.M-CONSEC2 call:3.SG.M:PAST and he called the people, awu ngu-wa gaas alu-da ahi bull 0.3:DEO.S.3:0.M-BACK kill:3.SG.M:PAST back-DEM4 after:N:CON saw-a i-�i gwaa'. far-INF S .3-CONSEC die:3.SG.M:PAST When he had killed the bull, after that, long after, he died. aa fak . S.3:PERF finish:3.F I t is finished. 325 324 1 1 .2 . kwacangw nee hhooki The hare and the pigeon. This story was told to me by Maria Sanka on August 1 9th, 1987, in her Haylotto. kwacangw hhooki g-a-na alcaay. pigeon 0.3-0.F-PAST deceive:3.SG .M:PAST hare The hare deceived the pigeon. i-wa hardah hhooki aa xwayhi ur. S .3-BACK arrive:3.SG.M:PAST pigeon S.3:PERF give:birth:3.SG.F When he arrived, the pigeon had given birth. nacii n gaa laqwal tarn. children 0 .3:DEP.S.3:0.N:PERF give:birth:3.SG.F three She had given birth to three children. nacii t arn waay children three well Three children. hhooki g-a-na pigeon oo>-ya bay hhooki 1-na 0 .3-0.F-PAST call:3.SG.M pigeon:VOC S.3-PAST a-na xwayh1ur nacii say:3.SG.M-BREAK S.l /2-PAST give:birth: 2.SG children tam-ee-kee three- BACK-NEG:BACK:INT He called the pigeon: "Pigeon" , he said, "you -gave birth to three children, isn't so?" kwacangw 1-na hardah, hare S.3-PAST arrive:3.SG .M:PAST The hare arrived, i-na oo> hhooki nacaay kwahh-ang. i-na ngu throw-IM P.HIT.TR kwahh-a-ka. S.3-PAST say:3.SG.F 0.3:DEP.S. l.SG:0.2.SG.M throw-INF-NEG She said: "I won't throw you one." oo' i-na hara-tsa'am. S.3-PAST say:3.SG.M:PAST 0.2.SG.F towards-climb: l .S G H e said: "I'll climb t o you." laati kwacang w tsacamit o-r behold hare ahlay-a-ka bara X?'ano g-a climbing:CON-F in:CON tree aako can:3.SG.M-INF-NEG old:man But the hare cannot climb into a tree, my dear, 0.3-0.F g-u xu> -a but 3 .S G 0.3-0.M know:INT- INF does she know him? but ngu-na nac ay-wos caytis. child- 3.S G.POSS 0.3:DEP.S .3:0.M-PAST drop:3.SG.F She let her child down . gur- uw- O' s dalaa' , ngu-wa stomach-M-3.SG .POSS 0.3:DEP.S.3:0 .M-BACK fill:3.SG.M:PAS T He filled his stoma ch, aa ala watl-ii-kee S . 3:P ERF return:home-S.3 :INF:INT-NEG:B ACK but he went home, didn't he? kiic , tsar i-na bal day:C ON two S.3-PAST return :3.SG.M:PAST The second day he returned. i-na oo, 1-na o' > 1-na o' o > hhooki na'aay kwahh-ang. S .3-PAST say:3.SG.M:PAST pigeon:VOC child He said: "Pigeon, throw me a child." · throw-IMP.HIT .TR kwahh-a-ka. nacaay n gu S.3-PAST say:3.SG.F child 0.3:DEP.S. l .SG:0.2.SG.M throw-INF-NEG child." a you throw won't She said: "I · hara-tsa'am. S.3-PAST say:3.SG.M:PA ST 0.2.SG.F towards-climb:l .SG He said: "I'll climb to you." kar S.3-PAST say:3.SG .M:PAST pigeon:VOC child He said: "Pigeon, throw me a child." 6> s ala in6 g-u-na kwahh well 0.3-0.M-PAST throw:3.SG.F Well, she threw one. kwahha-t-o ngu-wa hhe>es, throwing-Fl-BACK 0.3:DEP.S.3:0.M-BACK finish:3.SG.F When she had thrown a child, nacaa meet wak-ee-kee ala. children:N:CON remain one-BACK:INT-NEG:BACK but all that is left of the children now is one child, isn't that so? loo>itleer kuray i-na hardah . next:day eagle S .3-PAST arrive:3.SG.M:PAST The next day the eagle arrived. kuray i-wa hardah , eagle S.3-BACK arrive:3.SG.M:PAST When the eagle arrived, 327 326 i-na OO' xay hhoo ki S .3-PA ST say:3 .S G.M: PAST he ku-k a bal geera barema a tarn. INDE P.N-D EMl :N day:C ON first behold COP three he said: "Well, pigeo n, these children of yours were three befor e." i-na O' na'ii- 'ee' kwa' angw g-i-n a S.3-PAST say:3 .SG.F children-l .S G.PO SS hare 0.3-0 .N-PA ST 'a-'aay. OO' ah ad6- r ngi-r hlaa-hl ay. HAB-get:3.SG.M He said: "Ah, how did he get them?" o' i-na aning S .3-PAST say:3.SG.F l .SG baa- bay na'aay O.l .SG HAB -call: 3.SG .M child kwahh-ang. throw-IMP.HIT. TR She said: "He told me "throw a child " ." inos i-n a oo> ah m-u -s kwa-kwa hh . ., 3.SG S.3-PAST say:3 �SG.M :PAS T ah WHAT-O.M-REAS HAB -throw:2. He said: "Ah, but why did you throw one? " i-na O' kar i hara-tsa' an-a-kee . S.3-PAST say:3 .SG.F well O.l.S G towards-climb :3.SG .M-IN F-NE G:BA CK: She said: "Well, wouldn't he climb to me? kahi hara- tsa'a m. oo' xa'a no ngi-w a alee hlay tsa'amt6 -r place:CON-F climbing:C ON-F a diim a. tree 0.3:D EP.S .3:0. F-BA CK can:3 .SG.M :SBJV COP where He said: "Wh ere is the place that a hare can climb a tree? kaa d aktan-t-o 2.SG.F:COP fool:INT-Fl-BACK Are you a fool?" kar kuray i-wa waat l-ya, na'aay kwahh-ang. 1 · �n: VOC ch'ld _pAST say:3.SG. M:PAST �1ge S3 sal'd ·· "Pigeon ' throw me a ch1ld. throw-IMP.HIT.TR · ' hboo ki laa . eon p1g gurbu'-ii-kee ka today 0.3:DEP.S. l /2:0.F:PAST inform-INF:PAST:INT -NEG:BACK kuray. eagle Wasn' t the pigeon informed by the eagle today? hho oki laarf a si' . pigeon today S . l /2 refuse:3.SG.F The pigeon refuses today. i-n a 0' i-na 00, i-na o' ' kwahh-a-ka. ngu S.3-PA ST say:3.SG.F HIT :0.3: ? :M throw: l .SG-INF-NEG She said: "I won't throw you one. hara-tsa'am . hhooki 5.3-PAS T say:3.SG.M:PAST pigeon:VOC 0.2.SG.F towards-climb:l .SG He said: "Pigeon, I ' ll climb to you." qwal-ang. tsa'am-ang S.3-P AST say:3.SG:F climb:l.SG-IMP.HIT .TR come-IMP.HIT.TR She said: "Climb to me, come." heart ta now cay-in. na'aay-wos gaas mu una daxa g-a laati ee kwa <ang w di-r S.3-PA ST say:3 .SG. M:PA ST ee hare hhooki well eagle S.3-B ACK return:home:3.S G.M: PAST -BRE AK When the eagle went home, mak baal-ii-ka. tsa'amto g-a-qo behold climbing 0 .3-0.F-EMPH just He does not succeed in climbing. al<aay g-a-na 0.3-0.F- PAST deceive:3.SG.M He had deceived her. nacii faak-iye' . naa children PL:S .3:PAST finish-3.PL:PAST The children were finished. nacaa kwi-da 0.3-0.F kill:3.SG.M:PRES child-3.SG.POSS IND EP.M-D EM4 IMPS eat-DUR:3.SG.M The thought killed that that child of hers was to be eaten. S.3 say:3 .SG.M 0.2.S G.F towards-climb :l .SG He says: "I'll climb to you." " i-na 00, i-na bv S .3-PAS T say:3 .SG.M :PAS T ah manner:C ON-F 0.3:D EP.S .3:0. N- INST R hardah. S .3-PAST arrive:3.SG.M:P AST . arrived hare nee HAB -eat:3 .SG.M :PAS T She said: "My children, the hare has been eating them ." i-na i-na na'ii- wok pigeon:VO C children-2. SG.P OSS meet wak. children:N :CON remain:N one One child left. win-S.3:INF-NEG 329 328 i-na oo> na'aay ngu ham i kwahh-a-kee. S .3-PAST say:3.SG.M:PAST child 0.3:HIT:O.M throw-INF-NEG:BAC He said: "You don't throw a child, is that right?" o' i-na laari ngu kwahh-a-ka al6k. S .3-PAST say:3.SG.F today 0.3:DEP.S .l .SG:O .M throw-INF-NEG sorry She said: "Today I won't throw one, sorry." oo> i-na hara-tsa'aam-a S.3-PAST say:3.SG.M:PAST 0.2.SG.F towards-climb:l .SG:INT-INF He said: "Shall I climb to you?" o' i-na tsa'am-ang. oo> hee-w-a heema laa today adbay. laa g-a a man-D EM3 today 0.3-0.2.SG.F:PERF inform:3.SG.M:PAST C OP Who informed you today" , aa - 6o, kwa'angw. gawa xa>ano g-a aleehlay-ka. climbing:C ON-F top:CON tr.ee 0.3-0.F can:3.SG.M-NEG that he can't climb to the top of a tree. i-na 6> is hami u-gwa S.3-PAST say:3.SG.F 3.SG now hlaw , is a kuray. qeeru-r O.M-0.3:PERF intelligence:CON-F get : l .S G 3.SG COP eagle She said: "The one from whom I got the insight, is the eagle." ala ham ad6-r hia dalaa'. ti-r but now manner:CON-F today IMPS:O. l .SG-INSTR fill:PRES "But how will I be filled today? ga-r-qa' an hami a-qo thing-F-DEM3 l .SG now That thing, will I eat it? caay-a. O.F-EMPH eat: l .SG :INT-INF loohi gwaa> . barekwa'o a-na S . l /2-PAST die:l .S G . as:if . will lie at the side of the path as If I have d1ed. I Now gwa>ara-r ilaqaas , t <i>m an CONCES<O.l .SG > dying-INSTR pretend: l .SG 1.S G to be dead. retend p I 'll ka hh os kuray aning i-qo 'ayma-r ay. in: order:to eagle l .SG O . l .S G-EMPH eating:CON-F go:3.SG.M that the eagle will come to eat me. cayma-r ay ngwa-ri oh. cat ch:l .S G When he comes t o eat me, I'll catch him." kuray hleemee a a fuqr-in. well eagle also S.3:PERF be:intelligent-DUR:3.SG.M But the eagle too is intelllgent. ka r kwa'angw aa well hare qaat afa loohi ado-r S.3:PERF lie:3.SG.M mouth:.C ON way tu)a. S.3:PERF say:3.SG.M:PAST hare said the hare. tsa<amot6-r afa l.S G S.l/2 lie:3.SG.M:PRES place:CON-F mouth:CON way 11ow kar gurbuu> di-r COND< O . l .SG>-INF eating:CON-F go:3.SG.M 0.3:DEP.S . l .SG:O.M-C ONSEC 0.3 :0.2.SG .F:PERF call:3.SG.M He said: "Who has informed you today? hee-qa' qaat b <i>r-a S.3-PAST say:3.SG.M:PAST man-M-DEMl :COP who ga a 80 S .3-PAST say:3.SG.F climb:l .SG-IMP.HIT She said: "Climb to me." i-na an manner:CO N-F corpse The hare has lain down at the edge of the path like a corpse. ka r kuray g-u mak cayma-r-wa well eagle 0 .3-0.M just The eagle goes to eat him. g-u hlaa> . eating:CON-F-ABL want :3.SG.M:PRES harwen. 0.3-0.M encircle:3.SG.M He encircles him. kar i-n a 6o) ujanja-d a-r ' kwa'angw hami well 8.3-PAST say:3.SG.M:PAST tricks-DEM4:CON-F hare a ado oma. now COP how He said: "What are the tricks of the hare now? ham wanay ti-na now bara ad6-r-qa-r ilaqaas may:be REC-PAST manner:CON-F-DEM3-F pretend:3.S.G .M:PAST gur-uw-6s-i ale. in:CON stomach-M-3.SG.POSS-DIR RESPRO Maybe he is just pretending." 331 330 gur-uw-6s-ee bara he says "I go to eat beer" , oo' i-na in:CON stomach-M-3.SG.POSS-BACK S.3-PAST say:3.SG.M:PAST now OO'. say:l .S G To himself he said: "Now I'll say" , kuray i-na eagle oo' kar S.3-PAST say:3.SG.M:PAST well as:if IMPS b<i>r-a 0.3- 0. M-PAST get:3.SG.M-NEG S.3:PERF be:lost.3.SG.M:PAS T He (th e hare) didn't get him, he was lost, gwaa' , hare S.3 do-3.SG.M:SBJV COND<S.3>-INF die:3.SG.M:PAST What the hare does if he has died, hhayso g-i-n yaamu-r muux. g-u ar-ta-wa hlaa' hadaxay gwa>ara 3.SG 0.3-0.M seeing-Fl-ABL want:3.SG.M:PRES really lo>-ee, laqaa i ax<m>iis. dying true:INT-BAC K or S .3 listen<DUR>: 3.SG.M:PRES He wants to check whether the dying is true or whether he is listening. ala� hee aa gwaa' ax<m>iis-h. but man:CON S.3:PERF die:3.SG.M:PA ST S.3 listen<DUR> :INT-S .3:INF But a man who is dead, can he hear? kar ado-r-i ngi-wa oo> yagan well manner-F-DEM l 0.3:DEP.S.3:0.F-BACK say:3.SG.M:PAST he While he was talking like this, kar yaam-u kwa<an gw hhayso ngi-wa well hare tail dalaac . dahiac oo' 0.3:DEP.S.3:0.N-BACK land-M:CON laati i-na al<aay oo' geera-w-o laat:f, OO' buura <ayma-r S.3-EXPEC say:3.SG.M:PRES beer fak. S.3:P ERF finish:3.F It is finis hed. 1 1 .3. deel6r wakee About one day John Qamlali gave this account of a typical day among the rural Iraqw. It was taped on June 30th, 1 987 in Mbulu. mulqumo-'ee' martiini hadaxay bara siiw-r-i-hee friend- l .S G.POSS � Martin well in:C ON -time-F-DEM l-BACK ad6-r ta-r aya-ren-ee hoot-at-iim-aan manner:CON-F land- l.PL.POSS-BACK DEP.S.l /2-INSTR live-HAB-DUR- l .P L ar aten nee xwaylitee-ren ta-r hoot-at-iim-aan DEP.S.l /2-INSTR live-HAB-DUR- l .P L INSTR l .PL and parents-l .P L nee gaday-da t a tlahhayit-aan hadaxay ngi well and task-DEM4 D EP.S. l /2 do-l .PL 0.3:DEP.S.l .SG :O.F ale. di-r-6g-i axa ii>a waay. qaas-eek aako . place-IMP.SG.TR well My friend Martin well now I'll tell you how we live in our land and how we and our parents live and what we do. Prick up your ears. bara aya-rn-ee umuu deelo-r-o in:CON land- l .PL.POSS-BACK every a hheeku matlatlee-r dasu kaasi-r-in day-F-BACK girls boo<. work-F-3.PL.POSS COP fetching:water morning:CON-F black:F In our land, every day, the work of the girls is to fetch water early in the morning. S.3-PAST say:3.SG.M:PAST first-M-BACK behold He said: "First of all, i-n S . 3- CONSEC leave:3.SG.M an d he left. narrate:l .S G:SBJV place-F-2.SG.POSS-DIR RESPRO well ears S.3-PAST say:3.SG.M:PAST behold S.3-PAST deceive:3.SG.M old:man He said: "Well, he was deceiving, old man." 1-na tlay. alkiiciit beat:3.SG.M:PAST beat:3.SG.M:PAST the hare beat and beat his tail on the ground. 1-na 1-ri aa tail 0.3- 0.N-EXPEC land:CON-INS TR beat:3.SG.M:P RES is that he beats his tail on the ground." is qwaar. aa hlay-ka g-w -a <iis-i baa<. 0.3-0.M-PAST win:3.SG.M:PAS T we ll Well, he won over him. say:PRES-BREAK the eagle said: "Well, people say: kwa<angw i tla-tlay. S .3- EMP H HAB-leave:3.SG.M he will get up." naXciay g-w-a barekwa'o ta kahi-ya. i-qo aw, eating:CON-F go:LSG 333 332 hheeku ku-n 'aansuus iimi-r lo o'a-r 0.3:DEP.S.3:0.N -EXPEC fetch:water-HAB -MIDDLE:3.SG . M DIR fetching:water 0.3:IMPS:O .M-EXPEC start:PRES since:CON- F hour:CO N­ gir ls one IND EP.CON.F morning DIR hour:CON-F three They start fetching water from seven o'clock in the morning until nine o'clock. hour:C ON-F three DIR hour:CON-F four The girls fetch water until nine o'clock, ten o'clock. wak ar matlatlee ay dasu i-wa qooma-r-i period-F-D �lVI1 girls nee baaba ta loo'a-r tarn. hheek-iit-i S .3-BACK fetch:water-MIDDLE-3.SG.M:SBJV boys laaw bar qooma-r d6ohla. water Io o'a- r t arn, ay ahi lo o'a-r tsiyaahh . loo'a-r h ardah . and father IMPS go:cultivate:PRES COND period:CON-F cultivation field- F-DIR arrive:3.SG.M:PRES After ten o'clock the girls arrive in the field. no� peri �d-F-DEMl now DEP.BE-BACK in:CON harvesting Wh1le the g1rls fetch water, the boys and father go to cultivate if it is the cultivation and now, this period is harvest time. we daxa qooma-r-i matlath�e-r ha·m ta-wa boo' baabu n e e daqaay-6s morning:CON- F black:F father bara qaymo buluung in: CO N field bara 1-n and boys-3.SG.M S.3-EXPEC mangware ngu-n cereal:CO N sorghum bu>-uun-iya' . fiqit . 0.3:DE P.S.3:0 .l\II -EXPEC harvest-DUR-3.PL In the early morning father and his boys go out into the field to harvest the sorghu�, daqa-ta-kaa-r-o ayito>o bu>-uun-iya'. other-Fl-INDEF.F-F-BACK maize Another time they harvest maize. aay1 n ee dasu-w-6s harvest-DUR-3.PL ta doo>-i har garma COND wife:CON boy ta- n di-r deer, hargarma S .3 be:present:3.SG.F with daughter:in:law doo>-i meet . watl-aan am6-r do'. and father DEP.S. l/2-CONSEC go:home- l .PL place:CON-F house aw-aan caaru. cayma-r-o S.l /2-EXPEC eating-F-BACK go- l .PL breakfast We and father go home. We go to eat breakfast. c aym a-r-o hhe>ees- aan nee bar-a aay1 a-n eating-F-BACK COND-S. l /2 finish- l .P L with mother S . l /2-EXPEC together-return-l .PL DIR in:CON field and daughter:in:law COND<S.3> al-kii'-aan deer ay bara qaymo nee hargarma-wo do>. di-r b<i>r exist:3.SG.F place:C ON-F house When the breakfast is finished we return to the field together with mother and with . the daughter-in-law if there is· �ne. bar-a meet . nee HIT-EXPEC in:CON . mother and girls-M-3.S G.POSS IMPS house-DIR remain:PRE S Mother and her girls stay at home. bar at en nee baaba ta-ri a- n bara dasu n1-n tsihh-ee after:N :CON hour:CON-F four-BACK girls qaymo-r-i ay hhek-aak-iit dasu ma'ay ngi-n If there hardah-aan bara COND-S.l/2 arrive- l .PL qooma-r-i qaymo-r-o nee dasu aay1 in:CON field-F-BACK mother and girls daxa laqwaantay n gu kon-a) . 0.3:DEP.S.3:0.M have:3-PL period-F-DEM l now baskets When we arrive in the field, the girls and mother now have baskets. balo-da ta b u'-uum-aan bar ayto>6-r-o IMPS-EXPEC place:C ON-F house-DIR remain:PRES the daughter-in-law. day-DEM4 D EP.S. l /2 harvest-DUR- l .PL:SBJV COND maize-F-BACK mother and daughter:in:law-3.SG.POSS IMPS-EXPEC grind-DUR Mother and her daughter-in-law do the grinding. 0.3.DEP. S.3:0.M-EXPEC carry-3.PL aayi n e e hargarma-w6s ta-n dasu hhek-iit . girls fetch:water-MID DLE:3.SG.M:PRES The girls fetch water i ma'ay hhek-iit . S .3 water fetch:water-MIDDLE:3.SG.M:PRES They fetch water. xoohl-in . ngu-n ngu-n gagar-iya'. bar gagar-iya' . mangware COND sorghum 0.3.DEP.S.3:0.M-EXPEC carry-3.PL Those days that we harvest, if we harvest maize we carry it, if sorghum we carry it 335 334 bar d i-r doo'-i hikwa daaya' COND place:CON-F house-DIR cattle hee wak bara man:CON one waatl aten-d a exist:3.PL or hhawatee-wo in:CON l .PL-DEM4 men-BACK am6-r-d-i ale S .3 daaf-iy a'. return:home-3.PL W hen the evening has come the cattle go home. hikwa and duux. hee cattle dakaat . dee' <aa> 'in hee towards-return:3.SG.M:PRES before the evening has come, mother or father, one of them returns there. ag'ale aayi hatla' 1-n hour:CON-F eight-BACK man:CON other S.3-EXPEC in:CON t seehhee qasa-r-wa d asu nee aten a-n watl-iis as girls · · · · · h < i > r-a hhe'ees, i-.ri eating-F-B ACK COND<S.3 >-INF finish:3.SG.M S.3-CONSEC bara kii c am6-r baaba bara return place:CON-F father COND maize i-n mangware bu>uungw . hhe'ees-aan , ta-y do'. ma'a wa · hara kiic- aan DEP.S.l /2-CONSEC2 towards return- l .PL baaba ki-n hlay i-ri hamtl-in . COND harvesting sorghum The one that is sent home will return to father whether 1' t 1' s a maize h arves t or sorgh urn h arvest. alhhe.' eese-r-owa water INDEP. CON.N father 0.3:IMP S :O.N- EXPEC get:3.SG.M S.3-CONSEC laqaa bara harvest or fiq-aan gagar-o. ah� am6-r watlees. ayto'o fiqit na . because place:CON-F house When we are finished we return home. INDEP.M-DEM4-DEM4 0.3:0.M:PERF go:home- CAUS:3.SG.M S.3-EXPEC waya kwi-d <% COND-S.l/2 finish- l .PL in:CON cattle. When he has finished eating, he returns to the cows gwa qaymo asma day-DEM4 IND EP.M-DEM4 DEP.S.l /2:PERF harvest- l .PL finishing-F-ABL bar-a hikwa. kwi-d a-da bara RESPRO carrying-BACK We and the girls stay in the field because in the days on which we harvest, we carry the harvest until it is finished. RES P RO One of us boys goes home to eat. cayma-r-o meet-aan and l .P L S . l/2-EXPEC remain-l .P L in:CON field balo-d a cayma-r-o 0.3:DEP. S.3:0.M-E XPE C go·home- CAUS·3 SG M : SBJV REAS eatmg-F-BACK · ale. m anure placing-F-ABL RES PRO Mother always returns home with the daughter-in-law to put the manure inside. in:CON l.PL-DEM 4 boys-BACK IND EP.M-DEM l-DEMl ale asma hargarma- wos-ee nee towards-return :3.SG.M:PRE S with daughter:in:law-3.SG.POS S-BACK because daaqay-wo kwi-d a-da n gu-n am6-r-d-i hara-kiic bara leave:3.SG.M At two o'clock someone else will leave for the field. ate-da 1-n always mother S.3-EXPEC place:CON-F-DEM4-DIR atlay. bara S.3-EXPEC place:CON-F-DEM4-DIR And eight He will herd the cattle until two o'clock. dakaat-ee am6-r-d-i wak i-n h ara-kiic 0.3:DEP.S .3:0.N-EX PEC herd<HAB > :3.SG.M:SB JV DIR lo o'a- r nee b aaba front:CON evening HIT-BACK come-S.3:INF-NEG mother and father p erson:CON one ay aayi xay-i-ka, tsiindo n1-wa nee geera 0.3:DEP.S.3:0.N-EXPEC take:out:3.SG.M:SBJV If there are cattle at home or goats, one of us men goes home to take out the hikwa n gi-n HIT-EXPE C evening COND<S. 3>-PERF come-3.PL :PAST cattle goats go:home:3.SG.M:PRES place:CON-F-DEM4-DIR RESPRO cattle n gi-n hikwa ni-n xay-e', tsiin do h < i > r-a laqaa aari bath-DUR:3.SG.M Water for father is collected and he takes a bath a ate-da daaqay hamtlo to o-ren l.PL-DEM4 boys bara ya'ee. a-n aw-aan , bathing INDEP.F- l .PL.POSS O.F-EXPEC go- l .P L in:CON river We, boys, go for our bath to the river. 337 336 b < i > ra bara ya'ee-r-wa kiic-aan , 11 .4 . His tory and origin of the Iraqw i s version of the oral history of the Iraqw people was narrated by �ather Willibrord the more 1987. It differs in some details Th 1{ waan gw m B ashay on September 24th ' . clansfrom formed; which are m manner the sea· red a ornmon vers10n. The crossi· ng of ' other shared not with are Iringa with connection · the Hehe and the the en emy b emg versions. ta COND<S.3> in:CON river-F-ABL return-l .PL DEP.S. l /2 muruucayma tsiindo. food: C O N evenmg When we return from the river we eat our evening meal. barc.i muruucayma tsiindo aya-reen-ee kaahh . in:CON land-l .PL-BACK food:CON eveing In our land we don't have an evening meal. muruucayma-qo xweera loo'a-r food-EMPH a-n c night cay-im-aan . xweera cayma-r hatla> ta-wa S . l /2-EXPEC eat-DUR- l .PL after eating:CON-F other kiic-aan na matlatlee loo'a-r return-l.PL: SBJV HIT:COP mornmg a-n wah-aan uji-r ta well l.SG porridge ulwa-i ar qaas O.F- EXPE C drink- l .P L porridge:CO N-F IMPS:PERF milk-DIR put:PA ST nee na-rx gadyee-ren aw-aan . and HIT:S. l /2-CONSEC work- l .PL.POSS go- l.PL We eat at night, at eight o'clock at night. Afterwards the next meal is seven o'clo;�k in the morning. We drink porridge in which milk is put and then we go to work. a an hlaa> mulqumo-'ee' martiini ga-r-i l .SG S.,l/ 2 want:l .SG friend-l .SG.P OSS Martin maraa ad6-r iraqwa-r-o ta-r thing-F-DEMl maray iraqwo hlaahhangw-i hoot-at-iin hleemeero a period:CON-F wak. month-DEMl live-HAB-DUR all COP one I want my friend Martin to know that this is the way the Iraqw families live. Iraqw families during this month are the same. hoota ta-wa di-r dimbedimbe place:C ON-F living DEP.BE-BACK different kahh Iraqw-F-BACK There is no place in Iraqw land where it is different. an a hlaa' tsini axweesa ti>ita-r l.SG S . l /2 want:l .SG better taking birnga di-r-i All the bara S.3 absent:S.3 .SG in:CON irqwa-r-o . niina alhhe'ees . COND:0.3:DEP.S. l .SG:O.F:INF place-F-DEM l finish:l .SG I'd prefer if the telling of my small story would end here. alkic-a ni d oo-ren aak6 INDEP.CO N.F father:CO N house- l .PL.POSS HIT narrate-IN F COP t i. IN D EP.F:DEM l remember something that our father told me and that . th1s: 1 IS bahu nici kayi tlaw-aan a . ni-wa aten di-r Bahu Nii S .3 say:3.SG.M l .PL place:C ON-F DEP.S.l-B ACK cuuya. · ar kila' Iraqw:land-l .PL.POSS INDEP.CON.F just Our real Iraqw land is in the north. aten n i-wa tlaw-aan a cii-kw-i diri> . S.3 north-Ml-DIR exist :3.SG.F masomba-r bara t leemay. l.PL DEP.S.l-BACK leave-l .P L COP boys:CON-F in: CON adolescence When we left we were boys in adolescence. ta-wa bara tleemay ta duux-aax-in-ka. DEP.BE-BACK in:CON adolescence IMPS marry-HAB-DUR:3.SG.M-NEG Being in adolescence one didn't marry. tlaw�ta story:CON-F small INDEP.F- l .SG.POSS INDEP.F- INDEF.F O.F remember :l .SG i rqwa-ren hleemeero qooma-r live-HA B-DUR:PRES houses:CON iraqw:BACK all inhlaw a t o- k a, ' leave-LPL :SBJV COP north Bahu Nii says we come from the north. manner:CON-F houses:N:CON iraqw-F-BACK IMPS-INSTR hoot-aat-in. kayi Yahamiis ga-r- ka ka r aning te-'ee> wak. uji hour:CO N-F one . DEF.F ask:3.SG.M :PRES S.3 say:3.SG.M People- Ml-DEMl S .3 thing-F-IN aama. , hh a d aa i ira qw aangw am6-r where . COP ST Iraqw before place:CON -F DIR come:from: 3.SG.M:PA from m the come they T hese people ask something , they say: "The Iraqw, where did past ?" hour:CON-F two INDEP.CON.F night alo . · muu -k-i S .3 absent:3.SG.M tsar ar • A ta kay waraahh. daa'aat ki-ngi-na lake-.F l :CON red:F A red sea was crossed. 0.3:IMPS-0.3:HIT:O.F-PAST pass: PAST tlaw-t a da>aat ki-ngi-na IMPS say:PRES lake-Fl :CON red:F waraahh . pass:PAST They say: A red sea was crossed. 0.3:IMPS-0.3:HIT:O.F-PAST 33 9 338 tlawi n gi-wa 1ake caben ? .3:D EP.S. l /2:0.F-BACK 1-n gweer-aan . pass- l.PL well night-B ACK O.N -EX PEC bea t-l .PL fiercely. p eople, during the night we'll beat then now O .N-EXPEC open- l .PL new Having crossed a red sea, we opened a new land. ala naxes ta-wa qaytsiit duux-uux-un-ii-ka. 00, kar ala xoor6-r get-DUR-LP L wives-l .PL-ABL RESPRO 'aben ad6 IMPS-CONSEC say:PAST well but nation:CON-F new:F manner:CO N ka-r ciimu u cu um-aan bar t l aaway s .3 0.3:DEP.S.l /2:0.F-INSTR begin-l .PL:SBJV COND wives kaahh . absent:3.SG .M:PRES They said: "How can we start a new nation it if there are no wives?" kar ;;!I akoo-du ur 00 aya-hee . INDEP.CON.M land-BACK father-DEM4:M:CON big:M i-ri leehh-tu aw-aan di-r m1.1 a. , "' ·· -an-a tlatl akweemns di-r mu-k-qa ya 'am-an -a-ka, ado-r-sin g a manner-F-DEM2 S . l /2 agree- 1 . p L-IN_F-NEG manner-F-DEI\112 S . l /2 ya'am-an-a-ka. agree- l .PL-INF-NEG We will not agree to that. miis . siwawahha mamii s, siwawahhama ku -n a beat :PAS T 0. 3:IMP S : O.M-PA ST beat:PA ST they were beaten fiercely. kar hee -wo ngi- wa h are-r-6 s xoo ro-d a> U'. i-wa bur umb uur . hlaq war a ku- na mu -k-d a> mak eeh ar-i n. ni-n a well people-D EM4-DE M4 HIT -PA ST just Those people tried to follow us. inin l .PL COP soldiers We are soldiers. a raid :PA ST people- Ml- DEM 4-D EM 4 0.3 :IMP S:O .M-PAST Well, those people were swept away well 0.3 :IMP S:O .M-PAST gather:P AST people:CO N-M l war the people fit for war were gathered . wanajeshi. ado-r-sing iida ahh , ku- na mu-k- da-d a' mu-k REC-EXPEC despise-l . PL:INT-INF place:CON-F people-Ml-D EM3 Should we lower ourselves to those people? aten a kar cry: 3.SG .F morning- F-B ACK nation-D EM4 8 .3-B ACK cried , In the mor ning whe n that nati on IMPS-C ONSEC say:PAST what? They said: "What? ti-n opening :CO N-F go- l .P L DEP.S. l /2-C ON SEC land-N:C ON new :N t a new land ." an d we will star mat latl ee-r -o "Maybe we shall look for wives among these people." 00, aw- aan . gweera-r SS 0.3 :DE P.S. 3:0 .F-B ACK every-EM P H man-BA CK wife-F-3 .SG .PO ale. bas -kw -i t lay tind i-ri hlay, ST so�th-M l-D IR RES PRO ge t:3.S G.M IMP S:HIT-C ON SEC leavte:PA thwards . When every man got his wife, they wen sou mayb e S . l /2-EXPEC searching-M:CON go- l .PL place:CON-F ta-ri cabe n yaam-a ta- ri u mu u-qo say :3.SG.M: PAST The leader of the land said: dooqa a-n ale. tlawe-r€m-wa ooh-iim-aan IMPS marry-HAB-DUR:3.SG.M-INF:PAST-NEG But they didn't marry. ta-ri O.N -EX PEC kill- l .P L en : N : C ON DEP .S.l /2-INST R-IN F get- l .PL ter, we will kill ; Iil men that we enc oun ino>in ta tsu u <- aan , hlaw-a an 1-n ta- r-a bh awata but accidently IMPS-BACK look:PAST 3.PL siwa hha s-aan , i-n xweera-wo warahh-aan , gimse daxta gwa-go o', ta-n a follow-D UR: 3.SG .M gwa-go o' ay gwa t lo om >i . DIR top :of mountains 3 .PL IMP S-PAST HAB-run :PA ST HAB -run :PA ST They ran and ran up to the mountains. gawa-d a> ki-w a ay nee kukumay- >in-ee n ee slings-3.P L:P OSS -BA CK and top-DEM 4 0.3 :IMP S:O :N-B ACK go:PAST with t la'ee gwangwara ng- o. nee nee mah eeri- 'in-ee lawlu-w o and stones rolling:M-BA CK spears-B ACK and arrows-3 .PL .PO SS-B ACK ws, and stones to roll dow n. Up there they went with their slings, spears, arro 341 340 tsa<amto ka-wa climbing waatl , are harhlaqaat , many, the slaves. kar iw<iw >iit . ta-ri return:home:PRES well IMPS-CONSEC stay<HAB> :PRES When they failed to climb they returned home and they stayed there. aak6 do o-ren INDEP.CON.M before kayi tlaw-aan a muu clan:M:CON one ta mak masomba-r bara bahhale mar>afi i-qo da>iyuut ta-na aten ni-wa kahh. bara a thing-F-IND,EF CO'P group tinda oh-in ko-ko a INDEP.CO N .M hlaqwaro-wa ale, mu-k-da-da ' ta tinda ino>fn hleemee RESPRO 3.PL wak baw-aan . also RESPRO sawaw1't'Pin, · duuxu ut-ir bara ino'in mi-tawa ad o- sing- ee 00 poople:CON-Ml before bara wak clan:M:CON one call- l .PL original people, the kings, we call one clan; those who were ruled over we call clan; and those of the slaves who were caught in the war, those we call one clan as aangw IMP S :HIT:PERF get-DUR:3.SG.M in:CON war-ABL h laqwaro-wa ale in:CON war-ABL amo-da-de'-e bahhale, mu-k tlahhoo lawale-r tlahhoo well-BREAK l.PL HIT-BACK leave- l . PL place-DEM4-DEM4- BACK ga-r-ka INDEP.M-DEM4-DEM4 INDEP.M-DEM4-DEM4:M:CON slaves:CON-F IMPS :HIT:PAST oo' tlaw-aan u-n kwi-da-du now IMPS-PAST fear:PAST IMPS-PAST say:PAST Now they were afraid, they said: kar-ya call- l .P L sawawati>in IMPS rule:over:PAST O.M-EXPEC clan:M:CON one place:CON-F people group relation S .3-EMPH absent:3.SG.F Among some people there was no family bond. daxta ta- na wawita INDEP.CON.M kings wak baw-aan , ku-da- da' l .P L HIT-BACK leave- l.PL COP just boys:CON-F in:CON "When we left we were only boys in adolescence." df-r aangw oo 00 father:CON house-l.P L S.3 say:3.SG.M Our father says: aten ni-wa manner-DEM2 S.3 agree:3 .SG.F-INF-NE G say:PAS T no 0 .3 :IMPS:O.F-BACK be:tired:PAST IMPS-CONSEC ya'and -a-ka. ahla'ay, ado-s ing oo' ta-ri manner-DEM2-BACK 3.PL PROH- REC:B ACK marry-3 .P � in:CQN wa�:ee . tlahhay-d u . one-BA CK N 4:M:CO clan-DEM marry within one clan. not should Thus they mu-k-d u lawalee b < i > r hlaa' am6-r duuxo- r COND< S.3> marriage:C ON-F INDEP.M- INDEF COP people-Ml- DEM4-DEM 4 IMPS govern:PRE S people-M l-DEM4 :M:CON slaves land-D EM4 0.3-0.F govern:PRES Well, when we left that place, there was something of a group , 1' . e . the prisoners war, some others were those people that were governing, governing that land. want:3.S G.M:PRES COP place:C ON-F people-M l-DEM4 -DEM4 kar ta-ri people-M l-DEM4-DEM4 IND EP.CON .M IMPS govern:P AST and yaamu-da' g-a sawawi ti>in . a yaamu g-i · 6o>: ado-r ta laq-aan well IMPS-CONSEC say:PAST manner:CON-F DEP.S. l /2 do-l .PL:SBJV bar-a ado-r-i-r kuumiit-aan, daqani. mu-k wawiti>i>iim a-qo mu-k ta- s kwi-da' a-qo kilos n ee k u-da' and people:CON-Ml IMPS- REAS govern:PRES COP-EMPH INDEP.M-DEM4 hatla' yaariit oo mu-k-da-da' oo ta mu-k-da-da> oo ta hlaa' duuxo-r COP-EMPH INDEP.M-DEM4 only . ' wawu t I'In sawawu ti>fim, laqaa am6-r 0.3-0.N govern:M or place:C ON-F sawawu ti'in nee sawawu ti>in bar ta people-Ml-DEM 4-DEM4 IND EP.CON .M IMPS govern:PAST COND IMPS COND-S . l / 2 manner-F-DEMl :CON-F continue-l .PL then They said: " What do we do if we continue like this?" people:CON-Ml govern INDEP.C ON.M land mu-k-d a-da' lawalee. other many INDEP.CON.M slaves The people that govern are those, and the people that are governed are those others am6-r doo-da-du marriage:C ON-F want:3.S G.M:PRES place:CO N-F house-D EM4-DEM4:M:C ON wawita laqaa amo-r-du kings or lawalee , ino'in kilo-'in place-F- DEM4:C ON slaves 3.PL ti self-3.PL .POSS REC duuxuut-ii'-a-ka. marry-3.PL-INF -NEG the If t he slaves want to marry, it is among the people that govern the land or among it marry, to want they if d governe were people that were governed and the people that 345 344 daaqay ku-n 1)oys ak , I owa ur 0.3:IMPS:O.M -EXPEC more big:1VI very . n-qo 1- bara, kaa 1l h Iak ale, das u RESPRO gJr1s . ay-k-o . . .·CON lan d S .3-EXPEC-EM PH almost absent·3. SG M m -M1- BACK Th e b oys were very many, the girls were very few in the country. · . basi daaqay bara kar tleema>i-r-o ngi-wa in:CON m · itJatiOn-F · · . well well boys -BACK 0.3:DEP .S.3:0.F- BAC K , . waatl, aako k u-r1 b, return:hom e:3.SG.M: PAST father 0.3:IMPS:O.M -CONSEC ca�r.PAST Well, when the boys returned from the initiation, they called the le�der. xaygan n1u-k Ilee , a t en nee t -a' , hlaw-ang. people:CON-M1 with 1 PL playing- PL get-IMP .HIT.TR he "G et us a people to play with." · ga'eer- a-kee ta kay-i-ka nlu-k see:2.SG-INF:INT-NEG:BACK IMPS say-S.3:I NF-NEG people:C ON-M1 aten hlaqw-a> ta-n L PL fight-PL kay1' n1u' - k IMPS-EXPEC say hlaw-ang. nee aten people:CON-M1 with l .P L get-HvfP.HIT.TR D ? n't you see, they didn't say "people to fight with" they say "G et us people ' w1th" ? mila, asma asma hlaqwara-da ka-wa because what because war-DEM4 yaam-a as laqaa as REAS land-N:CON getting-M-BACK-NEG or other a-'ay 0.3:IM PS:O.F -BACK HAB-go :P RES hleemu-w- o-ka hatla> sawawiiti> ii n1a-r-o-ka . · asn1a d u uxo, mu-k REAS people: CON-M1 ta-n ruling:over-F-BACK-NE G because marriage IMPS-EXPE C , , duuxo-r hlaa> a-n- qo ga-r ta - s . . marnage: C ON-F want:PRES COP-EXPE C EMPH thmg:CO N-F IMPS- REAS kahi mu- k nee • - aten neet-a' say:3.SG.M :SBJV people:CON-M1 'th 1 PL p1ay-PL B ecause of wha_t ?, because they don't o to war to g: t l�nd or to rule over other peopl�; but because of marriage, that they w�nt to marrY Js t e reason that what they say ts "people to play with". kar bas1' aak0 Wl • 00' 1-fl xaysega n xo oro' -r we11 well father S.3-CONS EC say: 3 . SG . M : pAST he' aten t-a LPL O.l .PL-PERF neeto-r nee harwet �ncJr. a Iowa xo oro-r peop 1 e: CON-F ur �1e: 3 . SG . F COP very people:CO N-F big:F mo'm a aleehleer-a'-a-ka. playing:CON-F with 3.PL O.F can:2-PL-I N F-NEG . you cannot Well, the leader said: "The tribe that surround us is a very big nat IOn, . play with them." kaf well IM PS-C ONS EC say:PAST he 0gi waay, hhaymu dasi xay lakiit 6o> ta-r i kon wait :IMP well wak . Hhaymu girl o .3 : D EP.S .3:0. F have :3.SG .M:S BJV one a daughter" . The y said: "Wai t a minu te, Hhay mu has dasi- da nee mu- k-da-da 6h ka-n a :PAS T by people-M l-DE M4-D EM4 girl-DEM 4 0.3:IMPS :O.F -PAS T seizeka-ri huuw t leem ay, bara PS:O .F-C ONS EC bring :PAS T IN DE P.CO N.M in: CON initia tion 0in.3:IM ti-da . tleema-r-' hlaa 'a bara b ar a INDE P.F-D EM4 S .POS rea-F-3.PL in: CON bush in:CO N initia tion:a ght to the bush to their brou was she That girl was caught by those peop le in initia tion, init iat ion area 00 gim mah h-ee k t a-ri oo' hare-ren aten hlee mee ro. dasi -r-i daxt a girl-F-DEM l now IMPS -CON SEC say:PAST now lick-I MP.T R wife- l .PL. POS S l .P L all wife of all of us." They said: "Well, it is your problem now, this girl is the ah aako ah ar ucho ngo gwa- r1 father aliger gurh amu ut . be:angry:3.SG.M:PAST The leader became angry, very angry. i-ri i-ri Iowa 0 .3:0. M-CO NSEC see:3 .SG.M :PAS T S.3-C ONS EC very dasi- r-'ee ' muu -k-i oo' - l .SG.P OSS 8. 3-CO NSE C say:3 .SG.M :PAS T people-M l-DE Ml girl-F hay6 h. ka 0.3:IMPS :O.F: PER F take: PAST He said: "The se people have taken my girl." kar tlay basi i-ri amo-r xooro-da-da. people-DEM4-DEM4 well well S.3-CONSEC leave:3.SG.M place:CON-F He went to that nation wawut mo xooro-da nee in os ta-ri axwees . i-ri S S.3-CO NSEC king:CON people-D EM4 and 3.SG IMPS-CONSEC talk:PRE nee ado- r-i a daaqay-'e e' oo' and l DEM er-Fsay:3 .SG.M :PAS T boys- l .SG.P OSS COP mann ti. ta duux 6-r hlaa' S INDE P.F:D EMl Il\!IPS marriage:C ON-F want :PRE said: "My boys are such and He her. toget d To the king of that natio n and they talke so; they want marriage. 347 346 aten aangw ad6-r l .P L before a ta-r manner:CON-F DEP. S.l/2 -INST R marry-HAB- DUR- 1 ti uu . , , nee ti. COP IND EP.F:D EMl and INDEP.F:DEMl The way we used to marry is such ." kar hoom a-da i-ri o' xay well enemy-D EM4 8.3-C ONS EC say:3 .SG.M :PAS T well ado -sin g manner-D EM2 q6on . be:all :right : 3 . S G . F The enemy said: "Well, that i s all right ." gim- ya gan aten nee ino 'in bar-a well- BRE AK he ga-r ta l .PL and 3.PL geexaw-aan nee t6-r p eera oo thing: CO N- F D EP.S . l /2 leave-l .PL:S BJV COP few:p y eople INDE P.CO N.M too. hlee mee dasu -da- da niina oo bara in:va in also girls-DEM 4-DE M4 smal l:M IND EP.C ON.M in:C ON aya land kwa-r i faak-i-ka ala 0.3: IMP S : O.M -CON SEC finish-S .3:IN F-NE G but. Thus if we go and play with them, only a few people will rema in. too few for the small number of girls in the land . kar kuun g kangw oo>-eek well 2.S G .M news Tell them to prepare. mi-t u-wa ti amohhe>ees-iye> aten ni hlah han gw- i har dah -aan . day- D EM4 LPL HIT arrive- l .PL Let us not j ump upon them by surprise. When this moon is period as well and when the next moon goes to the middle finished and its moonless of the sky, that day will arrive." we kar aako i-ri waa tl well fathe r S .3-CO NSE C return:home:3.S G.M :PAS T Well, the leader went home. 0.3-0.F-CONSEC gather:3.SG.M:PAST cry :3 .SG .M:PAST people all. nagan nee laqwlo-r-o hhaw atee nee cameena-r-In-ee well boys-F-BACK and -BACK women-F-3.PL.POSS and !11en i- w a S oo' hardah i-ri 3- BACK arrive 8.3-CONSEC say:3.SG.M:PAST When he had arrived in the land he called . .He gather.ed all the people: men and their women and the children. vVell, when he arnved he sa1d: 16wa ur ka la ko om n1• , ga-r tl aw se kwa-qu awu-'ee' oo b'1g: F get:up :IMP bull- l .SG.POSS INDEP.M-DEM � :C � N INDEP.CON.M geera n1-wa leehh-are' t siretsi'e mo black:and:white bring-IMP.HIT.PL:TR front DEP.S. l .SG-BACK ilawats-an-a. talk-DU R- INF "I have something big today. Go and get me my bull, that black and w h'1te one, b efore I talk to you." awu-da 1-r1 · PRO H-DE P.S. l /2:0 .M-B ACK jump :by:surprise< DUR >-l .PL moon-DE Ml b < i > r-a faak n e e coon ar-6 s CON D<S .3>-IN F finis h and dark :peri od-3 .SG. POS S kwa-qu IND EP.M-DE M3:C ON alu bar tlaca ngw doo ri nga ay, behin d C OND midd le:CO N sky 0.3:D EP.S .3:0. F:PE RF go:3. SG.M balo-d a burumbuur, xooro hleemeero g-a-ri ku-ri leehh. bull-DEM4 0 .3:IMPS:O.M-.CON SEC bring:PAST They br::mght that bull. say-IMP :TR REC make:ready-3.PL:SBJV hara cak <m> it-aan. i-na ay- k-o, arrive:3.SG.M:PAST in:CON land-Ml-BACK 8.3-PAST thing:CON-F DEP.S.l .SG have: l .SG.SBJV today 0 ..3:IMPS:O.F very CON D-S. l /2 playing:C ON- F a bara hardah duux-aax-iim-aan • ' 0 gaas-aak. o' S.3-C ONSEC , say: 3 . SG . M : PAST kill-IMP.PL.TR He said: "Kill it." ku-ri gaas. 0.3:IMPS:O.M-CONSEC kill:PAST They killed it. 1-rl · · o' o' daq-aak. 8.3-CONSEC say:3.SG.M:PAST skin-IMP.PL .TR He said: "Skin it." ku-ri daaq. 0.3:IMPS : O.M-CONSEC skin: PAST They skinned it. i-ri ' 00 , gim kahar-t-6s kiki>-aak 8.3-CONSEC say:3.SG.M:PAST well skin-Fl-3.SG.POSS pin-IMP.PL.TR am6-r ' saga nee amo-r ya'a place:C ON-F head and place: CON - F legs kiki'-ara' . pin-IMP(NEG ) .PL:TR · tlacan g-6s mu middle-3.SG.POSS PROH:O.M 349 348 He said: "Pin its skin down at the head and at the legs. Don't pin it in the mid dle. ku-wa hhe'ees kiki>a-r-o i-ri oo' gimse mu-k-da xoohla hleemeero o o INDEP.CON.M people-Ml-DEM4 all o oha-r-o aleehlaw g-a instruments seizing-F-BACK 0.3-0.F can:M barta paratl-iye', mu-k-da-da oo well 8 .3-CONSEC separate-3.PL :PAST people-Ml-DEM4-DEM4 IND EP.C ON.M xoohla o oha-r-o g-a aleehlaw o o instruments seizing-F-BACK 0.3-0.F can:M aleehlaw gwa-ri g-a hlaqwara IND EP.C ON.M war bay. 0 .3-0 . F can:M 0 .3:0.M-CONSEC call:3.SG.M:PAST Well, they separated the people who can carry weapons, who can fight and he them: gimse qwalas-are' well gawa told awu-'ee>-kwi ar ad< ar-ar> ahh-aak. faak-is-e' laari. oo' ga-r-'ee' sit:2-PL:PAST thing-F-l .S G.POSS HIT say:l .SG today He said: "Well, you sit down I'll tell you something today." xayse gan ku unga'-sing-a' awa oo' 1-r1 he S .3-CONSEC say:3.SG.M:PAST he n gi o oha-r-o xoohla 2.PL-DEM2-PL aleehlaw-a' a ins truments seizing-F-BA CK 0.3.:HIT:O.F can-PL kwi>-ee awu-'ee' kah ar-ta ta INDEP.CON.N gawa COP top:CON warhh-e' hide-Fl :CON bull-l .SG.POSS INDEP.DEM l-BACK DEP.S.l/2 pass:2-PL:SBJV kicima maga' . COP turn how:many He said: "You here who are able to carry weapons and have passed over the hide of this bull of mine, how many times was it?" kicima lahhoo'. oo' six IMPS-CONSEC say:PAST turn They said: "Six' times." i-ri neet-a> o'-a' ta gimse iwit-e' oo' mu-k-da-da nee kuunga' S.3-CONSEC say:3.SG.M:PAST people-Ml-DEM4-DEM4 with 2.PL pass-IMP.PL.TR tread:upon<DUR-HAB>-IMP.PL.TR "Well, come and pass and tread upon this skin of my bull. bar-a oo' ta-ri skin-Fl- l .S G .POSS-INDEP.F:DEMl bull-l .SG.POSS-INDEP,M:DEMl INSTR warahh-aak i- ri a daandu come-IMP.HIT.PL top:CON back:CON kahar-te-'ee'-ti as i-ri well six-BA CK adarahu-da. n as ut n1 pass-3.SG.M:SBJV When they finislied pinning it, he said: "All the people who can carry weapons sh ould pass to one side." kar i-ri well IMPS-PA ST pass<DU R> :PAST turn S.3-CONSEC say:3.SG.M:PAST well wak-i S.3 side:CON one-DIR warahh-i. kicima lahh oo'- ee kar war<ar> aahh ta-na br eak:3.SG.F REAS stepping:u pon-DEM4 They passed six times until it broke because of stepping upon it. 0.3:IMPS: O.M-BACK finish:PAST pinning-F-BACK S.3-CONSEC say:3.S G.M:PAST well ka r wak. waraahh-i ino>in t a-n kicima wak leeli IMPS-EXPE C pass-3.SG.M :SBJV turn play-PL 3.PL xay daxta nee kilo->in . mu-k ado-r-i one only neeto COND-S. l /2 finish-CAUS:2- PL:PAST DEP.S. l /2 say:2-PL:SBJV one If you are finished you will say "one" . just-3.PL.P OSS he t a-ri can:2-PL:INT-INF He said: "Those people to play with, they passed it only one time. Now, can you play with people of this kind?" kic-a> ay di-r ki DEP.S.l /2-CONSEC return:2-PL:S BJV DIR place:CON-F 0 .3:DEP.S.l/2 :0.N tsat-a' ar ya'a. cut:2-PL:SBJV INSTR feet You will do it again until you cut it with your feet. ax daqani ta well then awu->ee' warhh-e' gwa a tsat-a> ar ya'a. OO' with people:CON -Ml manner-F-D EM l playing aako daxta aten ga-r-qa IMPS-PAST say:PAST father:VOC now daandu kahar-ta k i cima maga> bull- l .S G.POSS INDEP.M-l .SG .POSS COP turn ka-wa ta-na D EP.S . l /2 pass:2-PL:PAST top:CON back:CON skin-Fl :CON kwi->ee> aleehleer-a'-a. now how:many 0.3:DEP.S . l /2-BACK cut:2-PL:SBJV INSTR feet Well, how many times will it be that you pas over the skin of my bull until you cut it with your feet?" ala yahas-aan daaqay-sing oo but ask- l .PL:SBJV boys-DEM2 tleema'-i. ngi l .PL thing-F -DEM3 0.3:HIT :O.F aya-s ing INDEP.CON.M land-D EM2 initiate:INT -S.3:INF They said: "Father, let us ask you something : These boys of this undergone initiation?" kwa 0.3 :IMP S : O.M have they 351 350 ahla>ay aya->in-ee i-ri S .3-CONSEC say:3.SG .M:PAST no Well, they went home and said: "Thanks a lot." tleema s.a land-3.PL.POSS-BACK initiation kahh kareera ku-ri absent:3.SG.F He said: "No, there is no initiation in their country." mu-k-sing kwa gimse xo ohla well alcuuhl-ln-i. mil-hee people-Ml-DEM2 0.3:IMPS:O.M circumcise-DUR:INT-S .3:INF "Are these people circumcised?" ahla>ay mu-k-sing kwa oo> i-ri alcuhl-in-i-ka. muruu ta taahh-i a hee wak mu-k lahhoo>-ee a ga-r mila. mu-k-sing diicaat-i ka-ri oo> dasi-r-6s kic-:fs xaygan gim naas mu-k nee aten well thanks people:CON-M l with l .P L IMPS-CONSEC say:PAST he neet-a' hleer n gwa gim dasi-r-6k playing-P L 0 .3 :DEP.S. l /2:0.M:PERF get:2.SG well girl-F-2.SG.POSS u COP thing:CON-F what people-Ml-DEM2 ta-wa aako-d a ta- ri mila. di-r thing:C ON-F IMPS beat-3.SG.M:SBJV COP what place:CON-F people:C ON-l\11 1 six-BACK lE�ehh . girl:CON-F father-DEM4 0 .3:IMPS:O.F-CONSEC return-CAUS:PAST They returned home and they spread out. His girl, the girl of the leader was returned. IMPS-CONSEC say:PAST things:CON dirt-DEM2-BACK man:CON one ga-r waatl dasf- r hlaha-sing-ee. nee and spears-BACK and IMPS-BACK return:home:PAST IMPS-BACK spread-S.3:INF girl-F-3.SG.POSS eh-eh-eh-eh. 6o> mahee:ri nee lawalu-wo nee gambodu ki-na ta-wa S.3-C ONSEC say:3.SG.M:PAST no "No, these people are not circumcised, no no no." ta-ri kwahuut-are. instruments forge-IMP :HIT:PL:TR arrows what-BACK and shields 0.3:IMPS:O.N-PAST bring:PAST " Forge the weapons for us." Arrows, spears, shields and whatnot were brought. people-Ml-DEM2 0.3:IMPS:O.M circumcise-D UR:3.SG.M-S.3:INF-N EG no bay. smiths 0.3:IMPS:O.M-CONSEC call:PAST They called the smiths. han6os O.M finish- l .PL C ONCES-0.3:IMPS:O.N many:N people:CON-Ml IMP S here They said: "Thank you that you, got us people to play with. Here is your girl." initiate-S.3:INF-NEG people:CON-Ml IMP S well well faak-aan , t <i > m-ki tleema>-i-ka yaariit. mu-k mu-k ta kar ta a ga-s:fn g alcuhl-in-i-ka tsihay hlaha-rt-o circumcise-DUR:3.SG.M-S.3:INF-NEG thing-DEM2 COP dirt-Fl-BACK They said: "This is dirt. One man will capture what? What are they with six people. We will finish these people even if they are many. People who are not initiated, not circumcised, that is only dirt." kar aako i-ri basi gimse ti 6o> well father S .3-CONSEC say:3.SG.M:PAST well well amohhe>es-e> hlahhangw-i b<i>r-a faak nee alu bar tlacangw doori ngwa INDEP.M-DEM3:CON after COND middle:CON sky ay tindi hardah ti 0.3:HIT:O.M:PERF amohhe>es-e>. go:3.SG.M:PAST IMPS:HIT arrive:PRES REC prepare:2-PL:SBJV Well, father said: "Prepare yourselves, if this moon is finished and the next one goes to the middle of the sky they will arrive, prepare yourselves ." kar ta-ri waatl, ta-ri oo> gim well IMPS-CONSEC return :home:PAST IMPS-CONSEC say:PAST well na>amamiis. thanks i-;wa · qayts iit dasi naxes a father S.3-BACK inspect:3.SG.M:PAST girl ·ah nagay ta-ri pregnant ah well ta oo' well ala ad6-r COP IMPS-CONSEC say:PAST but manner:CON-F laq-aan. DEP.S. l /2 do- l .PL:SBJV Well, when the leader saw that the girl was pregnant, they said: "What shall we do?" kar REC prepare:2-PL:SBJV month-DEM l COND <S.3>-INF finish:3.SG.M:PAST and ku-qu naxes aako qoo ma-r hlaqwara-da ngi-wa well period:CON-F war-DEM4 hlaqw-aq-un. ta-na hlaqw-aq-un ta-na xeer 0.3:HIT:O.F-BACK come:3.SG.F IMP S-PAST fight-HAB-DUR:PAST IMPS-PAST fight-HAB-DUR:PAST hooma-r-da mak tsuu'-i ka-r enemy-F-DEM4 0.3:IMPS:O.F-INSTR just 3.PL ki kill:INT-S .3:INF but because niina naxes ki ino>in ki-wa 0.3:IMPS:O.N-BACK small well oh-in ki ala asma baliit yaamu 0.3:IMPS :O.N win:PRES land oh-fn . 0.3:IMPS:O.N seize-DUR:PRES 0.3:IMPS:O.N seize-DUR:PRES The period of war came, they fought and fought. The enemy, how they were killed! But because the others are small in number, they are beaten and the land is taken. 353 352 kar aako i-ri bara uu' oo' ay-k-o A qwalas-are' oo' Maangwatay xayse gan dasi-r-'ee' S.3-CONSEC say:3.SG.M:PAST he hhet-in mu-k-i yaariit ka ku baal daqani alu-wo aten a lawale-r xo oro-r-qa'. behind-BACK l .PL COP slaves:CON-F people-F-DEM3 a�d he said: "Well, my daughter is spoiled; these men will be defeated and then we will be the slaves of that nation. qwalas-are> a guw-aan cii-kw-i ale. kar di-r-i tlay cii-kw-i ale. IMP S-DIR-EXP EC place-F-DEMl leave:3.SG.M north-Ml-DIR RESPRO Come, let us escape to the north" , and they left in this direction, for the north. laya g-a-ri ale R RES PRO well IMP S :HIT -PA ST leave :PAS T nort h-M l-DI Well , they left for the nort h. laat i Iowa iraqw hlaqwara ga mu-k-d u 0.3: 0.F very beho ld people-M l-DEM:M :CO N Iraq w war kar xuu ', hoo ma- da o' i-ri hara-faak kwa tsu '-a' -in , di-r->in-ee haniis cii-k w-i tlay S .3-C ONS EC say:3 .SG. F know:3 .SG. M:P RES well enemy-D EM4 how to fight " , said the enemy. "Tho se peop le, the Iraqw, know very well come-IMP.HIT.PL S.l/2 run-l .PL north-Ml-DIR RESPRO well ti-n C OP S . l /2 see:2.S G reason-F-3 .SG.POSS now basi tind i-na spoiled-DUR:3.SG.M people-Ml-DEMl 0.3:IMPS:O.M defeat:PRES then a gidaba-r-6s aan many ems" . "You see "maangwatay" now means " many pro bl girl-F- l .SG.POSS 0.3:IMP S :O .F he 0 rn a' angwatay ham i a S .3-CONSEC say:3.SG .M:PAST come-IMP.HIT.PL Well, the leader made a call throughout the country i-ri hlahhamaye . M aangwatay reason-F-3 .SG.P OSS COP problems . The meaning of Maangwatay 1s " problems)) well father S .3-CONSEC cry:3.SG.M:PAST in:CON land-Ml-BACK i-ri a rna'angwat ay gida ba-r-6s sign 0 .3-0.F-CONDEC give:3.SG.M:PAST place-F-3.PL.POSS-BACK ly-fin ish:PAST kill-H AB- DUR :PAS T 0 .3:IMP S:O. M:P ERF near ed." finish ly near were "Our boys have been killed a lot , they 8 .3- C ONSEC say:3.SG.M:PAST morning:CON-F black-BACK' then . ta-ri oo' COP leaving 2.PL all all He gave a sign to them, he said: "Early in the morning everybody leaves, all of you." aya- ren ga-r 1-r1 6o, hleemeero a matlatlee-r boo'-ee daqani ay laari ga-r baa-bay ka-s tsatse'i-r hhaymu asma laya a-na ar haniis laati leaving ha-bay wives-3 .PL. POS S CON D<O .M> give- l .PLthem their wives?" Isn't it bett er if we stop this war, if we give qooma-r tsatse'i-r nagaygan i-na well ha-bay t a-ri hhaymu. tlay yaamu-da-da ki-n S.3-PAST leave:3.SG..M land-DEM4-DEM4 0.3:IMPS:O.N-EXPEC ma'angwata¥. HAB-call:PRES Maangwatay Well, they left that place called Maangwatay 6o> a t i-sin g tsin i' . bett er IMP S-CO NSE C say:P AST IND EP.F-DEM2 COP They said: "Thi s is better. COP-EXPEC-EMPH thing:CON-F 0.3:IMPS:O.F-REAS HAB-call:3.SG.M star:CON-F Hhaymu �hat is why . until toda� it is called the star of Hhaymu, because Hhaymu gave it as sign at the time of leavmg; that is why it is called the star of Hhaymu. han is-a an. b < u > re tlaw aay- >in ka-s ga-r maw-aan . D-O .F leave- l.PL bette r-BA CK: INT -NEG:B ACK war- F-DE Ml CON COP sign O .F-PAST give:3.SG.M:PAST INDEP.CON.F period:CON-F tleemu a-n-qo mihi . a hlaqwara-r-i bar- a tsin i-he e-ke e 0.3:IMPS:O.F-REAS HAB-call:3.SG.M star:CON-F Hhaymu because behold a girls-DEM3:M :CO N duu xuu t gu . arried . COP wha t . land- l .PL. POS S thin g:C ON- F 0.3: 0.M be:m will they be marned. They said : "Now , those girls of our country to whom tsatsa'i-da COP-EXPEC-EMPH DIR today thing:CON-F star-D EM4 ala daxta dasu-qu IMP S-CO NSE C say:PAST well but now tlee�y. , kuunga' hleemeero. a-n-qo kar a ga-r ti-s kar basi .wayda kw-ay too faak-aan kah h. absent:3 .SG .F thin g:CO N-F REC -RE AS in:vain finis h-l .PL S.3 There is no reason to dest roy ourselves ." fiirin, AST well well peace 0.3: IMP S:O. M-C ONS EC2 ask:P They asked for peace. 355 354 oo> ta- ri ti dabe ino 'in geera-wo 3.PL leehh-aan IMP S-CONSEC say:PAST REC hands bring- l .PL They said: "Let us shake hands. daxa asma dasu aya-ren gu duu xu ut because girlas:CO N land-l .PL.POS S thing:CO N-F 0.3:0.M be:marrie d mila. aten ta now a tsuuc-ac-ind-e>. COP what l .PL O . l .PL:PERF kill-HAB-DUR:2-PL:PAST because the girls of our land, to whom will they be married? You will kill us." nagaygan ta-ri kar ya'an. alu-wo ta-wa dacari mur uu kar ta-ri oo' laarf now circumcise- DUR-IMP.PL .TR but 0.3:IMPS:O.M-BACK seize:PAST now PROH-O .F-BACK hear-l .PL:SBJV They said: "Now we give you our girls but from today them but let us not hear of circumcisio n of boys. oh, b < i > ri yahamis daxta barisee-r xaysegan kuunga> cuuru-hun g COND<S.3 > ask:3.SG.F well ku-sin g aya-da-da elders:CON-F land-DEM4-D EM4 ya di-r 2.PL ku-wa power-2.PL .POSS hleer-e' INDEP.M-D EM2 BREAK place:CON -F 0.3:IMPS :O.M-BAC K get:2-PL:PAST When they were s itting together afterwards and had got their wives, the elders of that nation asked: "This power of yours, where did you get it?" ado-r-i-h ee , kar ta-ri oo> aten ni axas-aan . m-a-wa bar naxes alcutl6-r COND well if you garma a-ga O .F-PERF circumcision:CON-F boy faak-aan nu daaqay crcumcision: CON-F well after-BACK IMPS-BACK sit:PAST wives-3.PL.POSS ku-wa hla'-a' COND<O.M> want:2-P L lakin i alcut l6-r al cutl-i m-aak Q.2.PL finish- l .PL because 2.PL want circumcise axas-an, hleemeero all hear-'l . PL b<a> r-a kuunga' alu-wo asma ngu girls-l . PL.POSS 0 .3:HIT :O .M dasu b<u>r but time:C ON-F today girls give- l .P L tlawaay->in nee qwahla,ariima gimse daxta dasu-ren h anis-aan ala iimi-r iwiit , a-n s ecret because BREAK things:CON witchcraft and magic cuuro-in di-r dahh-i. i lull care a force-3.PL et COP come:fr�m-3.SG.M:SBJV . N F place: ecr S.3 CO s get the1. r With them at first religious things were secret, because w1tchcraft and magic force from secrecy. well I:NIPS-CONSEC say:PAST well IMPS-CONSEC agree:PRES well And they agreed. diin i ga-r ya l u u 'are asma ga-r ad6 -r front-BACK manner:CON-F thing:CON-F religion after-BACK COND<S.l /2>·PERF nee alcutlo-r -hung doog-ind-e> • circumcision-F-2 .PL. POSS manner-F -D EMl-BAC K well IMPS-CO NSEC say:PAST l .PL HIT increase-D UR : 2 - P L : PAST by say-l .PL-INF land- l .PL.POSS- BACK thing:CON -F front INDEP.F -DEM2-B ACK after l .PL O . l .PL fi.msh.:2-PL If we hear about the circumcisio n of a boy, we w1ll k1ll you all because you increased again with this circumcis ion of yours, you 'll k'll " aya-rn-ee oo>- an-a qoo ma-r ga-r bir-ti geera a hlaqwara nee hleemee aten ta period:CON-F war alcutl-in . COP initiation intsahhatmiis ufundi>iima-r period:CON-F COND-IMP S:O.l .PL teach:PRES qooma-r tleema>i and also techniques:CON-F l .PL IMPS:O.l .PL:PERF circumcise-D UR: PAS T S o they said, we told them: "In our land, the first thing is initiation, the time when we are taught the techniques of warfare, and also the fact that we are circumcised." ino>in alcutlo 3.PL ga-r ka-wa axaas, ta-wa circumcision 0.3:IMPS:O.F-BACK hear:PAST D EP.BE-BACK ta xuu'-i-ka. thing:CON-F IMPS know-S.3:INF-NEG When they heard about circumcision, they didn't know it. ala ti-sing-ee � fa -a' . aten ti WI · time:CO N-F day-DEM4-DEM4 people-D EM4 well me'er , daaqay ga-r1 boys xooro-da balo-da-da karnagan iimi1-r · 1 us. alcutl6-r dasu ku-wa . 0 .3:0.F-C ONSEC leave:3.S G.F g1rls 0.3:IPM S:O.M-B ACK alcutl-atl-in . circumcise- HAB-DUR :PAST From that day onwards those people stopped circumcision of boys, g1rls were cised. . an bara ga'aW mu- k-1, a wahe he asma l .SG COND:S . l /2 watch:l .SG peop 1e- M- DEM l COP Hehe wahehe daharu- 'in a kwi-sing. Hehe character-3.P L COP INDEP.M-DEM2 . that. I think that these people are the Hehe, because the Hehe are hke because 357 356 basi laati amo-r-da ta ha-bay ma'angwatay laati well behold place-F-DE M4 IMPS HAB-call:P RES Maangwatay a iringa. behold mu-k-i ni-ri daq6o di-r :xuu'-ii-ka amo-r-i gwa-g6ow well people- Ml-DEM l HIT-CON SEC place-F-DE Ml HAB-run:3 .SG.M:PAST barisee nee aamam>iy -o nee na<iiy-o ay bara-qu old:men and old:women-BACK and children-B ACK to in-DEM3: M:CO N xooro . daq6o a know-S.3:INF-NEG COP boys:M:CON nation Where that girl got him was with the boys of the nation, the father .IS not known, It. IS. the entire nation. daxta na'oo xooro ad6-r now Kondoa Irangi These people ran to this place, old men, women, and children to Kondoa Irangi. kill<DUR-HAB>-3.SG.M:SBJV How can one kill the child of a nation? dasi-r hhaymu ku-wa laqwaal , child:M:CON girl:CON-F HHaymu 0.3:IMPS:O.M-BACK give:birth:PAST naxes a garma. well COP boy When the child of the daughter of Hhaymu was born it was a boy. ga-da a ga'eer-a-kee daroway a xwanhl6o hara-fiitsa. Iraqw-F-BACK child:M:C O N illegitimate COP dirt:M:CON nearly-sweeping Don't you know that in Iraqw la� d an illegitimate child is like dirt to be swept away. lakini in6s but ta-wa na'oo dasi-r hhaymu 3.SG D EP.BE-BACK child:M:CON girl:CON-F Hhaymu kahamusm6 aya nee qwahlarmo hlaama arusamo. spokesman :CON land and medicine:man also prophet but he was the child of the daughter of Hhaymu, spokesman of the nation, medicine man and also prophet. ka-wa kahi ta qiitl-ka ti o o>aa- r- o 0 .3:IMPS:O .F say:PRES IMPS praise-NE G INDEP.F: DEMl saying-F-B ACK nee hleemee ak and also nacay-da-da ale ka-wa ur-ee more RESPRO 0.3:IMPS:O.F-BACK big-BACK oo xooro. boy-DEM4-DEM4 INDEP.CON.M nation as they said, they didn't dare to say these words and what is even more important is that the boy is a boy of the nation. ku-r child:M:CON nation manner:CON-F 0.3:IMPS:O.M-INSTR gaa< m-im> is-i. kar na'ay-d a-da alu-wo a doog-aag-in . well child�D EM4-D EM4 after-BACK S.3:PERF increase-HAB-DUR:3.SG.M That child had a lot of offspring. tlahhay-w6s bara 1rqwa-r-o thing-D EM4 O.F watch:2.SG-INF:INT-NEG:BACK in na'oo ku xo oro, hee-w6s kondoa iran gi. na'oo a p lace:C ON-F girl-D EM4 0.3:DEP.S.3:0.M-BACK get:3.SG.F:SBJV C OP place:C ON-F boys:M:CON nation man-3.SG.POSS 0.3:IMPS:O.M COP Iringa The place called Maangwatay must be Iringa. kar hleer ngu-wa dasi-da di-r dimbe gu-r1 tsaat . clan-3.SG.POS 0.3:0.M-CONSEC different cut:3.SG.M:PAST and he started his own clan. doog-ag-in , a doog-ag-in. S.3:PERF increase-HAB-DUR:3.SG.M increase-HAB-DUR:3.SG.M They became very numerous. alo tindi-wa hardah a di-r-ka gitin after IMPS :HIT-BACK arrive:PAST COP place-F-INDEF.F Giting na'ay-da tlahh6o qooma-da-dee oo period-DEM4-DEM4:BACK clan:M:CON child-DEM4 INDEP.CON.M dasi-r hhaymu a tlahh6o Iowa ur-en . girl:C ON-F Hhaymu COP clan:M:C ? N very . . big-PL . When they arrived afterwards at a certam place G1tmg, at that t1me, the clan of the . son of the daughter of Hhaymu was very big. ciimun daxta naxes diinku>uma ka-ri now ale. well cooperation RES PRO Well, they started co-operation again. ta ti-s kay ah aten ga-r IMPS say ah l .PL thing:CON-F O.l .PL-REAS bal-al-it-i male 0 .3:IMPS:O.F-CONSEC start:PAST again ya win-HAB-Ml DDLE-3.SG.M:SBJV BREAK They say: "Why were we beaten? 359 358 aangw ni-wa iimi-r time:CON-F before ciikwa tlaw..:aan bar-a-n leave- l.PL COND-S. l/2-EXPE C HIT-BACK north bal-al-im-aan, This is the beginn ing of the Gorowa people , daxta iimi-r now mi-s-ti nacay-wi ku-wa laqwaal bal-iit . aten l. PL WHAT-REAS-IMPS:O.l .PL win-MIDDLE:PAST since this child was born, why have we been defeated? ga-r hee tlaakw nga heema. a huuw 0.3:DEP.S.3:0.3:PERF bring:3.SG.M:PA ST COP who Who brought this bad thing?" kara in>in ta-ri waka-wak-ir di-r-1-wa ale. well 3.PL IMPS-CONSEC HAB-hate-3.PL place-F-DEMl-ABL RESPRO They were nagging at each other here. kar naxes ta ay-e> tlay . gawa tloo ma-r kwara clan-DEM4 8.3-CONSEC leave:3.SG.M top:CON mountain:CON-F Kwara galapo. a-n COP-EXPEC Galapo That clan went to Mount K wara in Galapo. ki-ri bay go rowa. gidaba-r-os 0.3:IMPS : O.N-CONSEC call:PAST Gorowa gorowa, goromo, doromo. daroway. meaning-F-3.SG.POSS illegimate Gorowa Gorowa-man illegimate They were called Gorowa which means illegimate: "Gorowa, goromo, doromo." a-n-qo ay laari bara iraqwa-r-o a ga-r COP-EXPEC-EMPH DIR today in:CON Iraqw-F-BACK COP thing:CON-F gorwa ki-s ba-baw-aan nac6o dasi, Gorowa 0 .3:IMPS:O.N-REAS HAB-call-l .PL child:M:CON girl gidaba-r-os na<oo baaba wahl. meaning-F-3.SG.POSS child:M:CON father without This is why until today in Iraqw land we call the Gorowa "children of a girl" , meaning children without a father. gimay a-n well ciimu>ungw irqwa-r xo or6-r gorwa. COP-EXPEC beginning:CON people:CON-F Gorowa d6o tangwa ay now, alu-wo dacaw. after-BACK D IR Iraqw:CO N-F east The Iraqw left again to the now deserted place Kalay, afterwards to Mount Now and afterwards to Eastern Iraqw. gim a-n alqad6-r ki-kic-aan a iraqw ar ciimU'UU'ln amo-r well COP-EXPEC history:CO N-F Iraqw INSTR begin:3.SG.M place:C ON-F ni-wa basa, di-r ciiya, ay a dahh-aan lll HIT come:from- l .PL:SBJV COP north DIR south place:CON-F HIT-BACK basa. HAB- return-l .PL:SB JV COP south 1s. the This is the history of the Iraqw people , how they started , where we come from north, then to the south, we returned to the south. a-n ti>ita- r ak6o doo-r en na COP-EXPEC story:C ON-F father :CON house: M- LPL.P OSS HIT:P ERF alkiciit. narrate:3 .SG .M:PAST It is the story that our father told us. well well REC:PERF go:3-PL:PAST and they separated tlahhay-da 1-r1 tlo oma-r ay Kalay after-BA CK DIR mountain:CON- F Now time:C ON-F child-DEMl 0.3:IMPS:O.M-BACK give:birth:PAST man:CON thing:CON-F bad:F well ay Iraqw 8.3-PAST HAB-leave:3.SG.M DIR ruins:N:CON house:M:CON kalay alu-wo win-HAB-DUR- l .PL Since long ago when we came from the north, we have been winning, tlaa-tleer nagay iraqw i-na 361 References Bradfield, Maitland. 1977. It in Iraqw: An analysis of the object-selector series of the Iraqw verb. African Languages/Langues africaines 3:1-44. Corbett, G.G. and R.J. Hayward. 1987. Gender and number in Bayso. Lingua 73: 1-28. Elderkin, E. Derek. 1 988. Person and number markers in Iraqw verbs . Afrikanistische Arbeitspapiere 14:79-96. enberg, Joseph H. 1966. The languages of Africa. Bloomington: Indiana University. Gre ward, R.J. 1 977. Middle voice verb forms in Eastern Cushitic. Transactions of the Hay Philological Society 1975: 203-24. Hayward, R.J. 1981 . Nominal suffixes in Dirayta (Gidole) . Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 44: 126-41 . Heine, Bernd. 1982. African noun class systems. In Apprehension: Das sprachliche Erfassen von Gegenstiinden. I Bereich und Ordnung der Phiinomene, ed. H. Seiler and C. Lehmann, pp. 189-21 6. Tiibingen: Gunter Narr. Hetzron, R. 1 980. The limits of Cushitic. Sprache und Geschichte in Afrika 2:7-1 25. Kiessling, Roland. 1 989. Die Rolle der Selektoren im Iraqw. Afrika und Ubersee 72:273-98. Maghway, Josephat B. 1 989. Iraqw Vocabulary. Afrikanistische Arbeitspapiere 18:911 18. [Nordbustad, Fr0ydis.] 1973. Historia fupi ya lugha ya Kiiraqw. Mbulu: Christian Literature Centre. ["A short history of the Iraqw language" , about orthography] Nordbustad, Fr0ydis. 1988. Iraqw grammar: An analytical study of the Iraqw language. ( Language and Dialect Studies in East Africa, 8.) Berlin: Dietrich Reimer. Owens, Jonathan. 1 985. A Grammar of the Harar Oromo ( Northeastern Ethiopia), including a Text and a Glossary.) (Cushitic Language Studies, 4.) Hamburg: Helmut Buske. Qorro, Martha P.S . 1 982. Tense and aspect of the English and Iraqw verb. M.A. thesis, Univ. of Wales, Bangor. Ransom, Evelyn N. 1986. Complementation: Its meaning and forms. (Typological Studies in Language, 10.) Amsterdam: John Benjamins. Sasse, Hans-Jiirgen. 1974. Notes on the structure of Galab. Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 37:407-38. Stroomer, Harry. 1 988. A comparative study of three Southern Oromo dialects in Kenya (phonology, morphology and vocabulary). (Cushitic Language S tudies, 6.) Hamburg: Helmut Buske. Whiteley, W.H. 1 958. A sort description of item categories in Iraqw (with material on Gorowa, Alagwa and Burunge). (East African Linguistic Studies , 3.) Kampala: East African Institute of Social Research, Makerere College. · 363 Samen vat tin g. D it proefschrift is een synchrone beschrijving van het Iraqw. De gegevens staan in dit werk cent raal en niet de theorie. Het Iraqw is een Zuid-Koesjitische taal die gesproken wordt door ongeveer een half rniljoen mensen in Tanzania. Over deze taal is betrekkelijk weinig gepubliceerd. De gegevens die aan dit werk ten grondslag liggen zijn verzameld door middel van eigen veldwerk. Hoofdstuk een geeft informatie over de geografische en socio-lingu"istische situatie van de taal en bespreekt de onderzoeksgeschiedenis en de classificatie. Ook vindt U er bibliografische informatie over het Iraqw. De inventaris van klanken, de lettergreepstruktuur en de klankregels worden behandeld in hoofdstuk twee. Het Iraqw kent onder andere verschillende keelklanken, laterale klanken en ejektieven. (Hoge) toon heeft beperkte positionele mogelijkheden binnen het woord en heeft meer een grammatikale dan een lexikale funktie. De vormleer wordt behandeld in de hoofdstukken drie voor de naamwoorden, vier voor de werkwoorden en vijf voor de andere woordklassen. Het naamwoord kent drie ges­ lachten en een rijk systeem van meervoudsvorming. In de derde persoon richt het werkwoord zich naar het geslacht en niet naar het getal van het onderwerp. Centraal in de grammatika van het Iraqw staat een element dat eerder "selector" of " indikator" genoemd is. In hoofdstuk 4. 1 . laat ik zien dat dit in feite verschillende werkwoorden "zijn" en daarmee versmolten voornaamwoorden zijn. De achtervoegsels voor werkwo­ ordsafleiding hebben een strikte volgorde; ook versteende en schijnbare achtervoegsels moeten hieraan voldoen, waardoor tussenvoegsels ontstaan. In hoofdstuk zes beschrijf ik de struktuur van de naamwoordgroep. De hoofdstukken zeven, acht en negen omvatten de rest van de syntaxis. In hoofdstuk ?even behandel ik de enkelvoudige zin, in hoofdstuk acht bijzinnen en in hoofdstuk negen vraagzinnen. Vraagzinnen bevatten vaak een bijzin. Hoofdstuk tien behandelt de samengestelde zin. Als voorbeeldmateriaal zijn nog enkele teksten toegevoegd in hoofdstuk elf, te weten twee verhalen, een beschrijving van een gewone dag in de Iraqw samenleving, en een versie van de geschiedenis van het Iraqw volk. Curriculum vitae Martinus Petrus Gerardus Maria Mous werd geboren in Willemstad, Curac;ao op 30 november 1 955. In 1974 behaalde hij het einddiploma gymnasium-B aan de Newman­ Ypelaer scholengemeenschap te Breda. Daarna studeerde hij wiskunde, algemene taal­ wetenschap en Afrikaanse taalkunde te Leiden. In 1983 behaalde hij het doctoraalex­ amen wiskunde met als bijvakken creolistiek en algemene taalwetenschap en in 1 984 het doctoraalexamen Afrikaanse taalkunde met als bijvakken creolistiek en algemene taalwetenschap. Van 1983 to 1 985 was hij werkzaam als docent wiskunde en van 1 985 tot 1987 als wetenschappelijk assistent en computer-assistent in dienst van de Rijk­ suniversiteit te Leiden en verbonden aan de vakgroep Afrikaanse Taalkunde. Van 1987 tot 1990 was hij in dienst van WOTRO jNWO. Hij verrichtte driemaal veldwerk in Tanzania. 

A GRAMMAR OF IRAQW proefschrift ter verkrijging van de graad van Doctor aan de Rijksuniversiteit te Leiden, op gezag van de Rector Magnificus Dr. L. Leertouwer, hoogleraar in de faculteit der godgeleerdheid, volgens besluit van het college van dekanen te verdedigen op woensdag 1 april1992 te klokke 16.15 uur _door Martinus Petrus Gerardus Maria Mous geboren op Cura<_;ao in 1955 V Contents Promotiecommissie Promotor: prof. dr. F.H.H. Kortlandt Referent: prof. dr. B. Heine Overige leden: dr. W.F.H. Adelaar prof. dr. Th.C. Schadeberg prof. dr. W.A.L. Stokhof Acknowledgements ix Abbreviations xi List of affixes xiii Maps xv 1. Introduction 1 1.1. The Iraqw people 1 1.2. The Iraqw language 3 1.2.1. Classification 3 1.2.2. The status of Iraqw today 4 1.2.3. Former studies on Iraqw 4 1.2.4. Publications in Iraqw 5 1.2.5. Collection of data 5 1.3. Bibliographies 5 1.3.1. Southern Cushitic linguistic bibliography 5 1.3.2. Publications in the Iraqw language 9 1.3.3. Iraqw cultural and historical bibliography 11 2. Phonology 15 2.1. Phoneme inventory 15 2.1.1. The consonants 15 2.1.2. The vowels 19 2.1.3. Tone 21 2.1.4. Stress 23 2.1.5. Intonation 24 2.2. Syllable types 24 2.3. Syllable sequence restrictions and related rules 26 2.4. Reduplication 31 2.5. Other phonological rules 33 2.5.1. Vowel coalescence and glide formation 33 2.5.2. Simplification of consonant clusters 35 2.5.3. Vowel assimilation 36 2.5.4. Word-final reduction 37 2.6. Order of rules 39 3. Nominal morphology 41 3.1. Gender of nouns 41 3.1.1. Predictability by form 41 3.1.2. Predictability by meaning 44 3.2. Number of nouns 44 3.2.1. The category of number 44 3.2.2. The derivational nature of number 44 3.2.3. Number and gender 46 3.2.4. Overview of suffixes 46 3.2.4.1. The collective suffixes 47 3.2.4.2. Plural suffixes 49 3.2.4.3. Singulative suffixes 63 Vll Vl 3.2.5. Patterns of derivation 69 3.3. Derived nouns 74 3.4. Other noun suffixes 82 3.4.1. The demonstrative suffixes 90 3.4.2. The possessive suffixes 92 3.4.3. The indefinite suffixes 93 3.4.4. The construct case suffix 94 3.4.5. The adverbial case suffixes 102 3.4.5.1. The directive case suffix 103 3.4.5.2. The ablative case suffix 104 3.4.5.3. The instrumental case suffix 106 3.4.5.4. The reason case suffix 107 3.4.6. The background case suffix 107 3.4. 7. The vocative case 111 3.5. Pronouns 112 3.5.1. Personal pronouns 112 3.5.2. Independent forms of noun suffixes 114 3.5.3. The resumptive pronoun ale 117 3.6. Numerals 117 3.7. Proper nouns 119 3.8. Question words 120 4. The verb 123 4.1. The verbs 'to.,be' 123 4.1.1. The verbs 'to be' with a nominal complement 124 4.1.2. The verbs 'to be' with a verbal or an adjectival complement 125 4.1.3. The use of the dependend verb 'to be' 132 4.1.4. The hither 134 4.1.5. The impersonal 'to be' 136 4.1.6. The reflexive and reciprocal 139 4.1. 7. Additional affixes: Order and possible combinations 140 4.1.8. The tense and aspect markers: The perfect -(g)a 141 4.1.9. The expectational aspect -n 144 4.1.10. The imperfective past -na 145 4.1.11. The consecutive -ri 146 4.1.12. The consecutive -ay 146 4.1.13 The background aspect -wa 147 4.1.14. The mood prefixes:The conditional bar and the concessive tarn 147 4.1.15. The prohibitive and questioning mood prefixes m- 150 4.1.16. The case clitics 152 4.2. Verbal inflection 155 4.2.1. Introduction 155 4.2.2. The paradigms 156 4.2.3. Person, gender and number marking 159 4.2.4. The tense and mood markers 161 4.2.5. Irregular verbs 163 4.2.6. Imperatives 164 4.2.7. Participles 165 4.2.8. The infinitive suffixes 167 4.3. Verbal derivation 170 4.3.1. Introduction 170 4.3.2. The causative suffix -s 17 4 4.3.3. The middle voice suffix -t 175 4.3.4. The durative suffix -m 178 4.3.5. Reduplication for habitual 180 4.3.6. Reduplication with long aa 183 4.3.7. The durative infix <ar> 185 4.3.8. The inchoative suffix -uw 186 4. 3.9. The factitive verbalizer -ees 188 4.3.10. The factitive verbalizer -uus 189 4.3.11. The verbalizer -uut 190 4.3.12. Combinations of derivations and the relation between the different progressive derivations 190 4.4. Compound verbs 195 4.4.1. The Adverb- Verb compounds 196 4.4.2. The Case clitic- Verb compounds 198 4.4.3. The Noun- Verb compounds 200 5. Other word classes 203 5.1. Adjectives 203 5.2. Verbal adverbs 210 5.3. Sentential adverbs 216 5.4. Expressions of. time 223 5.5. Prepositions 226 5.6. Ideophones 227 6. The noun phrase 229 6.1. Word order within the noun phrase 229 6.2. Gender agreement within the noun phrase 233 6.3. Gender agreement with the noun phrase 234 7. Basic sentence structure 235 7.1. Non-verbal sentences 235 7.1.1. Copular sentences 236 7.1.2. Locative 'to be' 237 7.1.3. Temporal nominal sentences 237 7.1.4. Impersonal subject 237 7.2. Verbal sentences: The core of the sentence 238 7.2.1. Subject 240 7.2.2. Object 242 7.2.3. Adverbial case 244 7.2.4. Adverbs 246 7.2.5. The linked noun 247 7.3. Adjuncts 249 7.3.1. External subject 250 IX Vlll Acknowledgements 7.3.2. External object 250 7.3.3. Split object 256 7.3.4. Bare noun internal object 257 7.3.5. External adverbial case noun phrase and external verbal adverb: The resumptive pronoun ale 259 7.3.6. Sentential adverb 261 7.3.7. Prepositional phrase 261 7.4. The syntactic function of the background suffix 263 7.5. Sentences with verbal nouns 265 7.6. Imperative sentences 272 7.7. Topic 273 7.8. Sentence-final position 275 8. Relative clauses 277 8.1. Participles 277 8.2. Relative clauses 280 8.3. The head noun 281 9. Questions 283 9.1. Question words as a complement of the copula 283 9.2. Question words as modifiers 286 9.3. Question words as adjuncts 286 9.4. Questions with the questioning prefix on 'to be' 287 9.5. Yes/no questions and leading questions 287 9.6. Echo questions 288 10. Complex sentences 289 10.1. Complementizers and clause introducers 293 11. Texts 299 11.1. sareeca nee Gees6 Duqa The buffalo and Geso Duqa 299 11.2. kwacangw nee hhooki The Hare and the Pigeon 324 11.3. deel6r wakee About one day 331 11.4. History and origin of the Iraqw 337 References 361 Samenvatting 363 Curriculum vitae 363 I am indebted to WOTRO (the Netherlands Foundation for the Advancement of Tropical Research) for a three year grant (W39-113) that enabled me to work on this thesis and do field work in Tanzania. I am grateful to the Baraza la Taifa la Utafiti wa Kisayansi (Tanzania National Scientific Research Council) for awarding me a research permit, and to Professor Mkude and Professor Batibo of the University of Dares Salaam for their support and encouragement. To Martha and Patrick Qorro for the keen interest that they showed in my work. Special gratitude is due to my main informant Bless Hilu who was always willing to make available to me his precious time, and whose reflective and conscientious answers to my questions were the major factor in my understanding of the structure of Iraqw. I wish to thank John N. Qamlali for his work as a language informant and for the stimulating enthusiasm that he showed. I am grateful to John Dafay for his help in transcribing Iraqw stories, and to Maria Sanka and Hhawu Tarmo for narrating these stories to me. To Jerry Kirway and Joan Mrutu I am obliged for their assistance in checking some of my material at a later stage in the Netherlands and to Cosmos M. Muryo for checking all the lexical material with me. 1 I wish to thank the Neema family in K wermusl for making their house a home for me, and in p·articular Ephraim B. Neema. Furthermore I wish to thank all the people of Kwermusl and of Mbulu district who made my stay there very pleasant: Basili Aweti, Father Paul D. Darma, Paul Murphy, Teun en Marijke van Dijk, Father Damasi, and many others. · My thanks are due to Carla Butz for drawing the maps, to Frodis Nordbustad for allowing me to read the manuscript of her grammar; to Hans-Jiirgen Sasse for his valuable comments' on various aspects of Iraqw grammar; to Peter Ladefoged for sharing with me his perception of the Iraqw sounds; to Roland Kiessling for valuable discussion and for providing me with material collected by Berger; to Ole-Bjorn Rekdal for bringing to my attention the somewhat less accessible literature on Iraqw culture. I would like to thank all the other people who have helped me at various stages of my work on this dissertation. Xl Abbreviations 1 2 1/2 3 4 ABL BACK c CAUS CONCES COND CONSEC CONSEC2 CON COP DEM DEP DIR DUR EXPEC F Fl .. FACT FEM HAB HAB2 HIT IMP IMPS INCHOA INDEF INDEP INF INSTR INT M Ml MASC MIDDLE N NEG NEUT 0 OBJ PAST first person, first deixis (for demonstratives) second person, second deixis (for demonstratives) first or second person third person, third deixis (for demonstratives) fourth deixis (for demonstratives) ablative background consonant causative concessive conditional consecutive second consecutive construct case copula demonstrative dependent directive durative expectational feminine subgroup of feminine nouns factitive feminine habitual second habitual hither imperative impersonal subject inchoative indefinite independent infinitive instrumental interrogative masculine subgroup of masculine nouns masculine middle voice neuter; homorganic nasal negative neuter object object past xm Xll PERF PL POSS PRES RDP REAS REC RES PRO s SBJV SG TR V voc <> () into one adj. Da fern. id. intr. lit. m as c. n.pr. pers. sb. sth. Sw tr. perfect plural possessive present reduplication reason reciprocal resumptive pronoun subject subjunctive singular transitive vowel vocative infix boundary affix boundary optional separates abbreviations that are part of a single morpheme separates abbreviations of different morphemes fused adjective Datooga feminine idem intransitive literally masculine nomen proprium (name) personalis somebody something Swahili transitive List of grammatical morphemes. The noun number suffixes are not included. Between brackets is indicated in which paragraph the morpheme is introduced. 8.1/2 (4.1.1.), O.F (3.5.1.), 0.2.F (3.5.1.), PERF (4.1.8.), INF (4.2.8.), N (3.4.) PL (4.2.3.), N (4.2.7.) IMP.O.PL (4.2.6.) -aak RES PRO (3.5.3.) ale l.PL (4.2.3.) -a an IMP.HIT.SG (4.2.6.) -ang INSTR (3.4.5.3.), INDEP.CON.F (3.5.2.) ar IMP(NEG) (4.2.6.) -aar DUR (4.3.7.) <ar> NEG.IMP.PL (4.2.6.) -ara> IMP.HIT.PL (4.2.6.) -are> REAS (5.5.) as INDEP.CON.N (3.5.2.) awa CONSEC2 (4.1.12) -ay COND (4.1.14) barDEM4 (3.4.1.) -d a> BACK (3.4.6.) -ee PL:PAST (4.2.4.), IMP.PL (4.2.6.) -e, l.SG.POSS (3.4.2.) ->ee> 1.SG.POSS (3.4.2.) ->een IMP.O.SG (4.2.6.) -eek FACT:l.SG, FACT:3.SG.M (4.3.9.) -ees 0.3 (4.1.2.) gPERF (4.1.8.) -(g)a BACK (3.4.6.) -hee 2.PL.POSS (3.4.2.) -hung DIR (3.4.5.1. ), 8.3 (4.1.1. ), O.N (3.5.1. ), O.l.SG (3.5.1. ), -1 INF:PAST (4.2.8.), S.3:INF (4.2.8.) DEMl (3.4.1.) -f DUR:l.SG (4.3.4.) -iim DUR:2.SG, DUR:3.SG.F (4.2.2.) -iin DUR:3.SG.M (4.2.2.) -In ->in 3.PL.POSS (3.4.2.) -Ir 3.PL (4.2.3.) -iya> 3.PL (4.2.3.) INDEF.F (3.4.3.), DEMl:N (3.4.1.) -ka -ka NEG (4.2.8.) -kaariya' INDEF.N (3.4.3.) -ko INDEF.M (3.4.3.), INDEP.M/N (3.5.2.) -ku M1 (3.4.), INDEP.M/N (3.5.2.) -m DUR (4.3.4.) mPROH (4.1.15), WHAT (4.1.15) a XV XIV -n -na n(d)i n(d)u -o 00 -6k -6s -qa> -r -ren -ri -s -sa -sing -t -ta ta tam-ti -u -uus -uut -uw -wa RDP high tone EXPEC (4.1.9.) PAST (4.1.10.) PL (4.1.2. ), HIT (4.1.2. ), DEP.S.l.SG (4.1.2.) 0.2.PL (3.5.1.) BACK (3.4.6.) INDEP.CON.M (3.5.2.) 2.SG.POSS (3.4.2.) 3.SG.POSS (3.4.2.) DEM3 (3.4.1.) F (3.4.) 1.PL.POSS (3.4.2.) CONSEC (4.1.11.) CAUS (4.3.2.) REAS (3.4.5.4.) DEM2 (3.4.1.) MIDDLE (4.3.3.), 2.SG (4.2.3.), 3.SG.F (4.2.3.) F1 (3.4.) DEP.BE (4.1.1.), DEP.S.1/2 (4.1.2.), IMPS (4.1.5.) CONCES (4.1.14.) O.l.PL (3.5.1.) O.M (3.5.1.), 0.2.SG.M (3.5.1.), M (3.4.) VERBALIZER (4.3.10.) VERBALIZER (4.3.11.) INCHOA:l.SG (4.3.8.) ABL (3.4.5.2.) HAB (4.3.5. ), HAB2 (4.3.6.) CON (3.4.4.), PAST (4.2.3.), 0 (4.2.6.), VOC (3.4.7.) to Serengetl MAASAI ,.. ......-------... ,,, , \ ___ .....,;:' Mbulumtft.lu 1 NYIRAMBA MAASAI MAASAI ·------- border of lraqw area to Slnglda 35' 36' MAP OF /RAOW SPEAKING AREA 1 XVl 1. Introduction. 1.1. The Iraqw people. The Iraqw live in Arusha region in Tanzania, on the high plateau between Lake Manyara and Lake Eyasi. This covers Mbulu district, and parts of Hanang and Babati districts, that is, they are located between 3°25' and 4°30' south latitude, and 35° and 36° west longitude. 36" To the north, the limits of the Iraqw area approximately coincide with Mbulumbulu, Kambi ya simba, and the Ngorongoro conservation area, to the east, with the Yaeda Valley and the border of Iramba district (Singida region), to the west, with the escarpment of the Rift Valley. The southern border runs more or less along the Basotu Khatesh line. See the map of Iraqw speaking area. IAAQW(SCJ MAASAI(EN} ｂｕａｎｇｅｾ＠ /KWADZA ｾ＠ (SC) toHandenl (se) GOGOlB} Manyonl to Dodoma ? MAP OF LANGUAGES RELATED TO IRAQW The administrative and economic centre of the Iraqw area is the town of Mbulu (Imboru in Iraqw). Indeed sometimes the Iraqw are referred to as Wambulu, a term which can give rise to confusion since some German scholars used Wambulu to refer to the Datooga who lived in the area close to Mbulu town in the early days of colonialisation. I estimate the number of Iraqw people to be 517,000. I arrive at this estimation from the following considerations. In 1967 one third of the population of Arusha region was Iraqw. This was the last census that registered tribal affiliation. According to the 1988 census, the population of Arusha is 1,351,675. We cannot simply take one third of this number and attribute it to the Iraqw because the population growth among the Iraqw is higher than the region average. The average household in Mbuhi district (predominantly Iraqw) is 6.2, as opposed to 5.4 for the region according to the 19S8 census. Thus we have to multiply one-third of the Arusha population with the factor 6.2/5.4, giving approximately 517,000. According to their oral history, the Iraqw come from a place called Macangwatay, which is said to be somewhere in the area around Kondoa. The Iraqw lost a battle against the Datooga and moved from Macangwatay to Irqwa dacaw (East Iraqw), . which is the area of the divisions Muray and Kainam, southeast of Mbulu. This area is generally considered to be the homeland of all Iraqw people. From Irqwa dacaw the Iraqw spread over their current area of distribution. Some older men relate that long ago, before Macangwatay, the Iraqw came from the north. At present there are two languages related to Iraqw, namely Burunge and Alagwa, spoken in the area around Kondoa. See the map of languages related to Iraqw. The Iraqw are farmers. They grow maize ( cayto>o ), beans (loosi), wheat ( angano ), sorghum (mangware), millet (bambare), finger millet (basoro), pumpkin (caami), sweet potato (kasiis ), Irish potato (kasiir Ulaya), and banana (arwi). With the exception of sorghum, millet and finger millet, all these crops are innovations. In addition to land cultivation, most Iraqw keep some cows, goats, sheep, and donkeys, ·and more recently also pigs and chickens. Livestock is kept inside the house at night, and their manure is carefully collected to be used as a fertilizer. Cows are culturally the most important stock and are generally given names. There are several systems of cattle loans prevailing in the Iraqw society. See Fosbrooke 1955. 3 2 The neighbours of the Iraqw are the Datooga, the WaNyiramba, the Hadza, the Maas the WaMbugwe and the Gorowa. To the south, the Iraqw neighbour with the Datoog a Southern Nilotic people. There is more contact between the Iraqw and the Dato than with any other of the neighbouring groups. The Datooga, who are cattle noma are also known as the Barabaig, the name for their most important subtribe, or Mang'ati, which is how they are referred to by the Maasai, and which is also the t for them in Swahili. The Iraqw refer to the Datooga as Tara or Tara Oori. There is quite a lot of intermarriage and cultural assimilation between the Iraqw the Datooga, since the Iraqw are still spreading southwards. In areas of immedia contact the Iraqw have some knowledge of the Datooga language, and the Datoo know some Iraqw. The contact between the two groups is also based on the fact tha the Iraqw sell maize to the Datooga, from whom they buy various iron instruments. Contacts with their eastern neighbours, the WaMbugwe, a Bantu agriculturalist people or Manda dacaw 'East Manda' as they are referred to by the Iraqw, are confined the Iraqw buying pots and baskets from them. Further southeast, near the town of Babati, the Iraqw neighbour with the G likewise a Southern Cushitic group, also called Gorowa or Gorwa by the Iraqw Since these live around Mount Fiome, they are sometimes referred to as the WaFiome. The Gorowa language is mutually intelligible with Iraqw, although both the Gorow and the Iraqw consider themselves to be different peoples. Extensive contacts between these two groups is found in and around the town of Babati. To the southwest, the .Iraqw border with the WaNyiramba, a Bantu people, refeq-ed • to by the Iraqw as Manda cuuwa 'West Manda'. Relations with the Wanyiram are friendly but not very intensive, perhaps also because this border area is sparsely populated. To the west, the Iraqw border with the Hadza, a hunter-gatherer people who represent a fourth language family in the area. The Hadza are referred to by the Iraqw as Hagitee. There is little contact between these two groups apart from the Iraqw obtaining honey from the Hadza in exchange for tobacco. To the north, the neighbours of the Iraqw are the Maasai, Eastern Nilotic nomadic people called Duwanqeed by the Iraqw. There is no direct contact with the Maasai nowadays, partly because traditionally the Maasai are considered enemies. As was seen in their contacts with the Datooga, the Iraqw practice exogamy. Furthermore, marriage has to be between people that are not related within four generations, hence they must marry outside the clan. There are specialists that can be consulted ｾｨ･ｲ＠ is any doubt as to whether such conditions of marriage can be fulfilled. Marriage 1s arranged by the father of the groom. The bride wealth is negotiable, although the accepted standard is a bull, a ram and a male goat. Another way to marry is for a man to elope with a girl, after which the normal procedures are adhered to. A special kind of marriage is one where its purpose is solely that of procreating a male descendent. Although polygamy is possible, it is rare. After marriage, sons usually settle close to their father's house, though settlement elsewhere in Iraqw land is quite common. Iraqw clans, which apart from marriage negotiations are of no great importance, are patrilineal. Clan history and genealogy is common knowledge and the Iraqw know each other's clans. A clan is not settled in one area but rather is scattered. The clan never serves as a political unit, nor are there clan meetings. Traditionally elders of a certain area, who may be of different clan affiliation, meet to discuss and solve problems that arise in the community, such as land issues, and punishment is dealt out according to a fixed system. A spokesman, kahamusmo, is often appointed to deal with land issues, or to negotiate with the medicine man, qwahlarmo. Medicine men are from certain clans only, for example, the Manda clan, and in the past, some have acquired great respect and power. All medicine men must prove their abilities. Besides being consulted about illnesses, or land problems, or for general advice, some medicine men are also rainmakers and prophets. A central concept in traditional Iraqw society is the concept of purity. One can become ritually unclean due to several factors, among others because of menstruation, an unusual birth, or a cut in the body. Unclean people are to be avoided, which is called meeta (or metimani in local Swahili). Consequently there are several rituals to cleanse people, houses, land or an area. The traditional Iraqw god is the sun god loo'a, who created all things and is omnipresent. No sacrifices are made to loo)a, but only prayers are addressed to the god, whose force or power can be evoked by an oath or a curse, both referred to as cuuhla. A variety of evil forces, termed netlangw, are said to reside in water and on mountain tops, and sacrifices are made to ,counteratt these forces. , Spirits of deceased family members, gi>i, must be attended to, for example by leaving out meat which they can eat when they return to the living in the body of a hyena. . There is both male and female circumcision in Iraqw society, and in former times there was, for girls, a period of seclusion called marmo. This is no longer the case. 1.2. The Iraqw language. 1.2.1. Classification. Iraqw is a Cushitic language, which is a branch of the Afro-Asiatic language family. This classification was first claimed by Reinisch on the basis of material collected by Baumann (1894). Reinisch classified Gorowa, Iraqw, Alagwa and Burunge as belonging to the Hamitic group. Later, in 1906, Meinhof classified Burunge and Ma'a as Hamitic and among others on the basis of lexical correspondences, showed that these language were related to Somali. Tucker and Bryan (1957, 1966), on the other hand, ignoring the arguments for their inclusion in Afro-Asiatic by earlier authors, claimed that Iraqw, Gorowa, Burunge, and Alagwa were unclassified, and postulated an isolated language group, the Iraqw group. Whiteley also took this position. Greenberg (1963) classified the four languages as Southern Cushitic, one of the branches of Cushitic, of the Afrof\siatic family, and this classification is now no longer challenged. The Southern Cushitic languages consist of Iraqw, Gorowa (or Fiome), Alagwa (or Asi), Burunge, Kw'adza (or Ng'omvia), Aasax (or Aramanik), Ma'a (or Mbugu) and .Dahalo (or Sanye). Ehret (1980) showed that these languages form a unit, and he 5 4 arrived at the following subclassification: Rift: West Rift: East Rift: Gorowa and Iraqw Alagwa and Burunge Kw'adza and Aasax Ma'a Dahalo Of these, K w'adza and Aasax are extinct or nearly extinct. The classification of Ma' as a Cushitic language is disputed for theoretical reasons, namely because Ma'a is a mixed language with Bantu morphology and Cushitic roots. Likewise, the inclusion of Dahalo in Southern Cushitic is disputed, and some scholars believe that it may be Eastern Cushi tic. The position of Southern Cushitic within the Cushitic family is unclear. Greenberg (1963) classifies it as one of the parallel groups of Cushitic, a classification which Ehret (1980) took at point value as being a valid one. However, Hetzron (1980) argues, on morphological grounds, for an inclusion of Southern Cushitic in Eastern Cushitic. in the marking of tone, vowel length, glottal stop and 'ayn. In 1988, Nordbustad published the most comprehensive Iraqw grammar to date. There she presented her material which was acurate, in a well-organized way, although it falls short on analysis. Articles on various aspects of the Iraqw language have been published by Bradfield (1977), Dalgish (1978), Maghway (1983, 1989), Elderkin (1988) and Kiessling (1989, 1990). Qorro (1982), Kiessling (1988), and Pflug (1989) have written their M.A. theses on Iraqw. 1.2.4. Publications in Iraqw. There are a few publications in Iraqw itself, see the bibliography. Most of these publications are religious works. Between 1920 and 1926, the Catholic mission published several religious books, their main work being aymar slafing ar mungu nee xoororos which contains parts of the Old and New Testament. From 1957 to date the Lutheran mission has contributed to Iraqw literacy and in 1977 they published the New Testament, Yajabt6r hho ', in Iraqw. In the late colonial period, there was a local official newspaper called IRGOBAWE also with contributions in Iraqw (see Maghway, 1989), although I myself have never seen a copy of it. In 1978, Nordbustad published some Iraqw oral literature. In addition, Wada (1973) published a collection of Iraqw stories in Iraqw and Swahili. 1.2.2. The status of Iraqw today. 1.2.5. Collection of data. There is no dialect variation of any significance within the Iraqw area, which is probably due to the high mobility of the Iraqw within their own territory. Iraqw is used for verbal communication only. Reading and writing, education and all administrative matters are carried out in Swahili. Hence, for more modern concepts Swahili loans are used. The .Lutheran Church makes use of Iraqw, whereas the Catholic Church which formerly used Iraqw, now uses Swahili. Despite these factors, there is no indication that the language is threatened or will disappear. 1.2.3. Former studies on Iraqw. Study on the Iraqw language began at the end of the last century with the publication of a word list and first notes on the language by Baumann (1894), in an account of his expedition to the area. Six years later in 1900, Seidel published some notes, that is, a short text and some words, on Gorowa, based on material collected by two German colonial officers, Kannenberg and Glauning. In 1911, Struck published a table of phonemes using material collected by Jaeger. In 1913-14, Dempwolff produced a list of 279 words. The first grammar of Iraqw was written by two Dutch White Fathers, Schregel and Verhoeven, (Verhoeven 1926), who had worked on the language for several years. Unfortunately the 231 page manuscript was never published, and hence was never used by others. I had access to a copy of the manuscript. Likewise, Berger, a German linguist, worked on Iraqw, and although he collected a lot of material, he only published a very short article on it (Berger, 1938). At present, Berger's material is being prepared for publication by Roland Kiessling in Hamburg. Leatherman and Guthrie also had material on the language, that was used by Tucker and Bryan for a synopsis (Tucker and Bryan, 1966). Whiteley published his first findings on Iraqw in 1953, and later in a revised and enlarged version in 1958, which for years has remained the main source of _information on Iraqw. The anthropologist Wada published a more substantial word list of Iraqw in 1973, and followed this in 1976 with a huge collection of stories, in Iraqw and Swahili. Unfortu.nately, however, his work is not very reliable My fieldwork was carried out during three periods: June-October 1987, June and July 1988, and January-August 1989. I conducted most of the research in Kwermusl, in Irqwa dacaw, the central Iraqw area, where I stayed with the family of Efraim Neema. My main informants were Bless Hilu, the headmaster of K wermusl primary school, and John Qamlali from Gehandu, near Mbulu. I elicited sentences from the latter two using English and Swahili as intermediate languages. John Dafay from Haylotto helped me to transcribe the stories that I collected from Hhawu Tarmo and Maria Sanka in Haylotto. In 1990, I worked with Jerry Kirway and Joan Mrutu, while they were in The Hague for a course of study. In July 1991, I spent two weeks in Mbulu to clarify some problematic points in my data. Apart from some 1800 elicited sentences, I have 21 stories, 3 poetic contests (girayda), 7 versions of a poetic prayer (hlufay), 34 songs (da>angw), riddles (sinik), and 6 non-literary texts such as histories of the Iraqw (alqado ), as well as interviews. 1.3. Bibliographies. 1.3.1. Southern Cushitic linguistic bibliography Anonymus. n.d. lraqw wordlist. Dar es Salaam: Dept. of Foreign Languages and Linguistics. Anonymus. n.d. Burunge wordlist. (ms.) Dares Salaam: Dept. of Foreign Languages and Linguistics. Anonymus. n.d. Alagwa wordlist. (ms.) Dares Salaam: Dept. of Foreign Languages and Linguistics. Berger, Paul. 1938. Die siidlichsten Hamitensprachen Ostafrikas: Uberblick iiber 1934-36 in das die vorlaufigen Ergebnisse meiner linguistischen ｆｯｲｳ｣ｨｵｮｧｾｩ･＠ abflusslose Gebiet Ostafrikas: II Die Iraku-Gruppe. Forschungen und Fort- 7 6 schritte 14/34:392-93. Besha, Mfumbwa Ruth. 1974. A socio-linguistic description of Kimaa and its poin of contact with Kishambala. Dar-es-Salaam: M.A.-thesis. Bradfield, Maitland. 1977. It in Iraqw: An analysis of the object-selector series of Iraqw verb. African Languages/Langues africaines 3:1-44. Brenzinger, Matthias. 1987. Die sprachliche und kulturelle Stellung der Mbugu (Ma 'a) Magisterarbeit, Univ. zu Koln. 186 pp. Copland, B.D. 1933-34. A note on the origin of the Mbugu with a text. Zeitschrift fii Eingeborenen-Sprachen 24:241-245. Dalgish, Gerard M. 1978. Inaccessibility and demotional nominal marking in Iraqw. Studies in African Linguistics 9:285-99. Dammann, Ernst. 1949-50. Einige Notizen i.iber die Sprache der Sanye (Kenya). Zeitschrift fiir Eingeborenen-Sprachen 35:227-34. (Dahalo) Dempwolff, Otto. 1913-14. Beitrage zur Kenntnis der Sprachen in Deutsch-Ostafrika, 10: Worter der Sprache von Iraku. Zeitschrift fiir Kolonialsprachen 7:309-14. Dolgopolsky, A.B. 1972. 0 proisxozdenii licnyx okoncanij glagolov v vostocnosidamskix i irakvskix jazykax. African a IX (Trudy Instituta etnografii, 100. ):103-12. (On the origin of the verbal inflection in the Eastern Sidamo and Iraqw languages] Ehret, Christopher. 1980. The historical reconstruction of Southern Cushitic phonology and vocabulary. (Kolner Beitrage zur Afrikanistik, 5.) Berlin: Diet rich Reimer. Ehret, Christopher. 1980. Historical inference from transformations in culture vocabularies. Sprache und Geschichte in Afrika 2:189-218. [on calender terms in S.Cushitic] Ehret, Christopher. n.d. Kw'adza (Ngomvia) wordlist. (ms.) Ehret, Christopher, and Derek Nurse. 1981. The Taita Cushites. Sprache und Geschichte in Afrika 3:125-68. Ehret, Christopher, E.D. Elderkin, D. Nurse 1989. Dahalo lexis and its sources. Afrikanistische Arbeitspapiere 18:5-49. Elderkin, E. Derek 1972. The verb in Dahalo. (Research Seminar Paper, 34.) Nairobi: Institute of African Studies, Univ. of Nairobi. (mimeogr.) Elderkin, E. Derek. 1973. Dahalo wordlist. Nairobi: Institute of African studies, Univ. of Nairobi. [incorporated in Ehret, Elderkin, and Nurse 1989] Elderkin, E. Derek. 1974. The phonology of the syllable and the morphology of the word in Dahalo. Nairobi: M.A. thesis, Univ. of Nairobi. Elderkin, E. Derek. 1976. Southern Cushitic. In The Non-Semitic Languages of Ethiopia, ed. by M.L. Bender, pp. 278-97. East Lansing: African Studies Center, Michigan State University. Elderkin, E. Derek. 1988. Person and number markers in Iraqw verbs. Afrikanistische Arbeitspapiere 14:79-96. Elderkin, E. Derek. 1988. A note on ? as a plural marker in Iraqw nouns. In Cushitic - Omotic: Papers from the international Symposium on Cushitic and Omotic Languages, Cologne, January 6-9, 1986, ed. by M. Bechhaus-Gerst and F. Serzisko, pp. 491-500. Hamburg: Helmut Buske. Farler. [1885.] A collection of words from the Wa-Mbugu, a tribe of cattle breeders living to the north of Usambara in the plains. In A. Downes Shaw A pocket vocabulary of the Ki-Swahili, Ki-Nyika, Ki-Taita, and Ki-Kamba languages also A brief vocabulary of the Kibwyo dialect 1 collected by Archdeacon Farler., pp.198204. London: Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge. · Harold C · 1969 · Asa and Aramanik: Cushitic hunters in Masai-Land. EthF 1emmg, nology 8:1-36. . . . Fleming, Harold C. 1983. review of Chr. Ehret. 1980. The histoncal.reconstructwn of Southern Cushitic phonology and vocabulary. Journal of Afrzcan Languages . and Linguistics 5:93-97. Giligan, Gary. 1990. Book notice of F. Nordbustad. 1988. Iraqw grammar: An analytical study of the Iraqw language. Language 66:422-23. . .. Goodman, Morris. 1971. The strange case of Mbugu. In Hymes, Dell (ed.) ｐｺ､ｧｮｾﾭ tion and creolization of languages: Proceedings of a conference held at the Unzversity of the West lndies 1 Mona, Jamaica, April 1968., ed. by D. Hymes, pp. 243-54. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Green, E. C. 1963. The Wambugu of Usambara. Tanganyika Notes and Records 61:17589. Green, E. C. n.d. Wordlist: English-Ma 'a and Ma 'a- English. (ms.) 41 pp. . Green way, P.J. 194 7. A veterinary glossary. East African Agricultural Journal, apnl 194 7 [terms in Burunge, Gorowa, Iraqw] Heepe, M. 1929. Hamitica I: Fiome- Texte. Mitteilungen des Seminars fiir Orientalische Sprachen 32:158-202. Hetzron Robert, and Endre P. Talos. 1982. Christopher Ehret's The Historical Re｣ｾｮｳｴｲｵｩｯ＠ of Southern Cushitic Phonology and Vocabulary: A review article. Sprache und Geschichte in Afrika 4:239-50. Kiessling, Roland. 1988. Die Selektor-Kategorie im Iraqw: ihre Funktion bei der ｾ･ｲﾭ ｳｯｾ｡ｬｭｲｫｩ･ｵｮｧ＠ im Satz. Hamburg: Universitat Hamburg (Magister Arbe1t). 47 pp. Kiessling, Roland. 1989. Die Rolle der Selektoren im Iraqw. Afrika und Ubersee 72:273-98. Iraqw grammar: An analytKiessling, Roland. 1989. review of F. Nordbustad. ＱＹＮｾＸ＠ ical study of the Iraqw language. Afrika und Ubersee 72:125-6. Kiessling, Roland. 1990. Preverbal position as a cradle of grammatical innovation in Iraqw. Afrikanistische Arbeitspapiere 21:67-86. Lanham, L.W. 1960. review of W.H. Whiteley. 1958. A short description of item categories in Iraqw. African Studies 19:246-49. Leatherman, K. 1950. Notes on the structure of the Nlbulu/lraqw language. (ms.) Legere, Karsten. 1986. review of Chr. Ehret. 1980. The historical reconstruction of Southern Cushitic phonology and vocabulary. Orientalische Literaturzeitung 81/6:610- 11. . .. Legere, Karsten. 1988. Bantu and Southern Cushitic. The impact of K1swahil1 on Iraqw. Zeitschrift fiir Phonetik 1 Sprachwissenschaft und Kommunikationsforschung 41:640-64 7. Maghway, Josephat B. 1983. Iraqw Vocabulary. Work in Progress 16:69-79. Edinburgh: Dept. of Linguistics, Edinburgh Univ. Maghway, Josephat B. 1989. Iraqw Vocabulary. Afrikanistische Arbeitspapiere 18:91118. Maghway, Josephat B. 1989. A vocabulary of lraqw. Occasional Paper of the Department of Foreign Languages and Linguistics, University of Dar es Salaam. [also 9 8 published in Afrikanistische Arbeitspapiere 18 as "Iraqw Vocabulary"] Maguire, R.A.J. 1928. Il-Torobo. Journal of African Studies 27. [on Aasax or Ar manik] Meinhof, Carl. 1906. Linguistische Studien in Ostafrika, X: Mbugu. Mitteilungen Seminars fur Orientalische Sprachen 9/3:294-323. Meinhof, Carl. 1906. Linguistische Studien in Ostafrika, XI: Mbulunge. Mitteilunge des Seminars fur Orientalische Sprachen 9/3:324-33. [on Burunge] Merker, M. 1904. Die Masai: Ethnografische Monographie eines ostafrikanische Semitenvolkes. Berlin: Dietrich Reimer. 421 pp. [pp. 221-259 about Aasax or Aramanik] (Nordbustad, Fr0ydis.] 1973. Historia fupi ya lugha ya Kiiraqw. Mbulu: Christian Literature Centre. ('A short history of the Iraqw language', about orthography] Nordbustad, Fr0ydis. 1983. Iraqw for beginners: A pedagogical grammar of the Ira language, vol. 1 and 2. Mbulu: Evangelical Lutheran Church. Nordbustad, Fr0ydis. 1988. Iraqw grammar: An analytical study of the Iraqw language. (Language and Dialect Studies in East Africa, 8.) Berlin: Dietrich Reimer. Nurse, Derek. 1986. Reconstruction of Dahalo history through evidence from loanwords. Sprache und Geschichte in Afrika 7:267-305. Nurse, Derek. 1988. Extinct Southern Cushitic communities in East Africa. In Cushitic - Omotic: Papers from the international Symposium on Cushitic and Omotic Languages, Cologne, January 6-9, 1986, ed. by M. Bechhaus-Gerst and F. Serzisko, pp. 93-104. Pflug, Felicitas. 1989. Die pronominale Funktion des Selektors in der lraqw-Sprache. Magister Vergleichende Sprachwissenschaft, Eberhard-Karls-Universitat Tiibingen. 134 pp. . Podolsky, Baruch. 1978. Bibliographia Cushitica. Israel Oriental Studies 8:144-58. [Oromo and Southern Cushitic] Qorro, Martha P.S. 1982. Tense and aspect of the English and Iraqw verb. M.A. thesis, Univ. of Wales, Bangor. (Schregel, W.] n.d. Langue kimbulu: remarques preliminaires. ms. 16 pp. [in the Archives of the White Fathers, Rome.] Seidel, A. 1900. Die Sprache von Ufiomi in Deutsch-Ostafrika. Zeitschrift fiir afrikanische und oceanische Sprachen 5:165-75. Storch. 1895. Sitten, Gebrauche, und Rechtspflege bei den Bewohnern Usambaras und Pares. Mittheilungen von Forschungsreisenden und Gelehrten aus den Deutschen Schutzgebieten 8:310-31. (including Mbugu] Struck, Bernhard. 1911. Uber die Sprachen der Tatoga und Irakuleute. In Das Hochland der Riesenkrater und die umliegenden Hochliinder Deutsch-Ostafrikas, by Fritz Jaeger. (Mitteilungen aus den Deutschen Schutzgebieten, Erganzungs. · heft 4.) Berlin: Ernst Siegfried Mittler und Sohn. Swynnerton, G.H. 1946. Vernacular names for some of the better known mammals of Central Province. Tanganyika Notes and Records 21:21-38. (Gorowa, Burunge] Ten Raa, Eric. 1969. Sanye and Sandawe: A common substratum? African Linguistic Review 8:148-55. Ten Raa, Eric. 1986. The acquisition of cattle by hunter-gatherers: A traumatic experience in cultural change. Sprache und Geschichte in Afrika 7/2:361-7 4. [table with cattle terms in, among others, Iraqw, Burunge] Thomason, Sarah G. 1983. Genetic relationships and the case of Ma'a (Mbugu). Studies in African Linguistics 14:19.5-231. in typological comparison. Tucker, Archibald N. 1967. Fringe Cushitic: An ･ｾｰｲｩｭｮ＠ Bulletin of the School of Oriental and Afrzcan Studzes 30:655-80. H. Ａｵ＿ｧｲ｡ｩｾｨｹ＠ Tucker, Archibald N. 1969. Sanye and Boni. In H.-J. Greschat ｡ｮｾ＠ (eds.) Wort und Religion J( alima na dini: Studien zur Afrzkanzstzk, Mzsswnswissenschajt, Religionswissenschaft Ernst Dammann zum 65. Geburtstag, pp. 66-81. Stuttgart: Evangelischer Missionsverlag. Tucker 1 Archibald N., and Margaret A. Bryan. 1957. Linguistic survey of the Northern Bantu borderland, 4: Languages of the Eastern section, Great Lake to Indian Ocean. London: International African Institute. [Iraqw, Ma'a, Dahalo] Tucker, Archibald N., and Margaret A. Bryan. 1966. Linguistic ｡ｮｾｬｹｳ･Ｚ＠ The nonBantu languages of North-Eastern Africa. London: Oxford Umvers1ty Press for the International African Institute. Tucker, Archibald N., and Margaret A. Bryan. 1974. The "Mbugu" anomaly. Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 37:188-207. Tucker, Archibald N., Margaret Bryan, and James Woodburn. 1977. The East African Click Languages: A Phonetic Comparison. In Zur Sprachgeschichte und Ethnohistorie in Afrika, neue Beitriige afrikanistischer Forschungen, ed. by W. Mohlig, F. Rottland, B. Heine, pp. 300-323. Berlin: Dietrich Rei mer. [Verhoeven, Pierre.] (1926.] Grammaire Iraqw. 231 pp. [typewritten manuscript in the archives of the Archdiocese of Tabora.] Wada, Shohei. 1973. Iraqw basic vocabulary with Swahili equivalents. Tokyo: Institute for the Study of Languages and Cultures of Asia and Africa. Whiteley, W.H. 1953. Studies in Iraqw. (East African Lipguisti_c Studies, 1.) Ka.mpala: The East African Institute of Social Research, Makerere College. Whiteley, W.H. 1958. A sort description of item categories in Iraqw (with material on Gorowa, Alagwa and Burunge). (East African Linguistic Studies, 3.) Kampala: East African Institute of Social Research, Makerere College. Whiteley, W.H. 1960. The verbal radical in Iraqw. African Language Studies 1:79-95. Whiteley, W.H. 1960. Linguistic Hybrids. African Studies 19:95-97. (on Ma'a] Winter, Jiirgen C. 1979. Language shift among the Aasax, a hunter-gatherer tribe in Tanzania: A historical and sociolinguistic case-study. Sprache und Geschichte in Afrika 1:175-204. Zaborski, Andrzej. 1984. review of Chr. Ehret. 1980. The historical reconstruction of Southern Cushitic phonology and vocabulary. Afrika und Ubersee 67:142-44. 1.3.2. Publications in the Iraqw Language Anonymus. 1920. Katekismu katolika kang Iraqw Katekismu nina. Tabora: White Fathers Mission. 24 pp. [Small catachism in Iraqw .] Anonymus. 1922. Katekismu katolika - kang Iraqw - Katekismu sakramenta. Tabora: White Father's Mission. 32 pp. [in Archives of the White Fathers in Rome.] Anonymus. 1926. Kitabu Kristiyani. Mbulu: White Fathers Mission. 203 pp. [book with prayers] Anonymus. 1926. Alqador dini ar bara kangh nina. Mbulu: White Fathers' Mission. 138 pp. [in Archives of White Fathers, Rome] Anonymus. 1957. John. London: British and Foreign Bible Society. 63 pp. 10 Anonymus. 1970. Mark. Nairobi. 68 pp. Anonymus. 1972. Qwanay ne sleemu [Lost and found: Luke 15} Iringa. 4 pp. Anonymus. [1973.] Katekisimo ne intsahhasar kirishaanay ad6r Dr. Martin Luth ngira intsahhatimis. Mbulu: Evangelical Lutheran Church. ['Catechism Christian teachings by Luther'] Anonymus. 197 4. Yacabtor hho ador kara goo in ne Luka. Iringa: The Bible Soci of Tanzania. ['The New Testament as written by Luke']) Anonymus. 1977. Iia qaasaak. London: Scripture Gift Mission. ['Listen', some from the Bible] Anonymus. 1977. Yajabt6r hho ': Kitaabuu alqadaa jaben awa aakooren Yesu Kristo Dodoma: The Bible Society of Tanzania. [The New Testament in Iraqw.] Anonymus. n.d. Kangw yaiimar kila (Vera Religio) Katekismu nina. Alkiitu takat · (De narratione Saara) (ms.) 122 pp. (in the archives of the Archdiocese Tabora] Anonymus. n.d. Esopo: ldigu ta goin ne Esopo ne idigu hatla sleme. Dongobesh: Iraqw Lutheran Church. [21 Aesop fables in Iraqw] Nordbustad, Fr0ydis. 1969. Yosefu iidigu slafing6s. [Joseph: the story of his life.] Dodoma: Kanisa la Kiinjili la Kilutheri Tanzania. 31 pp. Nordbustad, Fr0ydis. 1972. Lach: Tiitar Ookwa/angw nee Hhaawu. Hadithi ya Sungura na Fisi. (Iraqw Folklore Series, 2.) Mbulu: Christian Literature Centre. Nordbustad, Fr0ydis. 1978. Iimujuungw yaamaa lraqw. Mwanzo wa nchi ya Wairaqw. (Iraqw Folklore Series, 1.) Mbulu: Christian Literature Centre. ['The beginning of the Iraqw country'] Nordbustad, Fr0ydis. 1978. Tiitdr lraqw. Hadithi za Wairaqw. (Iraqw Folklore Series, 3.) Mbulu: Christian Literature Centre. Noidbustad, Fr0ydis. 1978. Sinik; geerankay. (Iraqw Folklore Series, 4.) Mbulu: Christian Literature Centre. [269 Iraqw riddles, without translations] Nordbustad, Fr0ydis. 1978. Muk uren mi aain. (Iraqw Folklore Series, 5,) Mbulu: Christian Literature Centre. ['What do old people say?', Iraqw text, no translation] Nordbustad·, Fr0ydis. 1978. Simbooya. Hadithi ya Simbooya. (Iraqw Folklore Series, 6.) Mbulu: Christian Literature Centre. Nordbustad, Fr0ydis. 1985. Lach: Tiitdr Ookwajangw nee Hhaawu. Hadithi ya Sungura na Fisi. An lraqw folktale. (Iraqw Reader, 1.) Mbulu: Evangelical Lutheran Church. [=Iraqw folklore series 2, with language notes] Nordbustad, Fr0ydis. 1985. lidiguu Yesu: 18 Bible stories. (Iraqw Reader, 2.) Mbulu: Evangelical Lutheran Church. [first printed as New Readers Selections Series A and B) Schregel, W. n.d. Yesu Kristu tlatsaamayer Yesu-Kristu. (ms.) 143 pp. [handwritten manuscipt copied by Wenceslas Margwet, first part in the Archives of the Archdiocese of Tabora] (Verhoeven, Pierre.] 1926. Alqador dini ar bara kangh nina. Mbulu: White Fathers' Mission. [Some Bible stories in Iraqw .] [Verhoeven, Pierre.] [1926.] aymar slafing ar mungu ne xororos. [Rome]: Socialite de St Pierre Claver. [stories from the Old and New Testament] Wada, Shohei. 1976. Hadithi za mapokeo ya Wairaqw (Iraqw folktales in Tanzania). (African Languages and Ethnography, 5.) Tokyo: Institute for the Study of 11 Languages and Cultures of Asia and Africa. translation] [46 Iraqw stories with Swahili 1.3.3. Iraqw cultural and historical bibliography Abel. 1907. Expedition nach Iraku. Deutsche [( olonialzeitung, Organ der deutschen Kolonialgesellschaft 24/2:16. ｒｾｩ･＠ und Forschungen Baumann, Oscar. 1894. Durch Massailand zu: ｎｩｬｱｵ･ｾＺ＠ der Massai-Expedition des deutschen Antzsklaverez-Comzte zn den Jahren 18911893. Berlin: Dietrich Reimer. Baumann, Oscar. 1894. Die kartographischen Ergebnisse der ｾ｡ｳｩＭｅｸｰ･､ｴｯｮ＠ des deutschen Antisklaverei-Comites. Dr. A. Petermanns Mzttezlungen aus Justus Perthes Geographischer Anstalt. Erganzungsband XXIV heft Ill. Bura, Mark W.T. 1974. The Wairaqw concepts of causation, diagnosis and treatment of disease. The Dar es Salaam Medical Journal6/1:55-61. Ehret, Christopher. 1974. Ethiopians and East Africans: The problem of contacts. Nairobi: East African Publishing House. Fosbrooke, H.A. 1954. The defensive measures of certain tribes in North-Eastern Tanganyika part II: Iraqw Housing as Affected by Inter-Tribal Raiding. Tanganyika Notes and Records 36:50-57. Fosbrooke, H.A. (1955.] The Nlbulu highlands: Problems of people, land and cattle. (ms.) Fouquer, Roger. 1955. Irakou (Histoire d'un peuple et d'une mission). Editions la Savane. ｆｾｫｵｩＬ＠ Katsuyoshi. 1969. -.The Subsistence Economy of the Agrico-Pastoral Iraqw. Kyoto University African Studies 4:41-76. Fukui, Katsuyoshi. 1970. Migration and Settlement of the Iraqw in Hanang Area: Ecological observations on an agrico-pastoral tribe. Kyoto University African Studies 5:101-24. Fukui, Katsuyoshi. 1970. Alcoholic Drinks of the Iraqw: Brewing methods and social functions. Kyoto University African Studies 5:125-48. Grondin, Eloi. 1988. Four Massai women among the lraqw. Tabora: White Fathers. 92 pp. (history of the Catholic mission among the Iraqw] Hauge, Hans-Egil. 1971. Loa, Sun-Deity of the Iraqw People. Temenos 7:50-57. Hauge, Hans-Egil. 1981. lraqw Religion and Folklore. Fjellhamar (Norway): World Folklore Society. [29 Iraqw folktales in English with introduction on the culture.] Huntingford, G.W.B. 1953. The Southern Nilo-Hamites. (Ethnographic Survey of Africa, East Central Africa, part 8.) London: International African Institute. (III. Unclassified peoples: The Iraqw Cluster, pp.127-131.) Jaeger, Fritz. 1911. Das Hochland der Riesenkrater und die umliegenden Hochliinder Deutsch-Ostafrikas, (Mitteilungen aus den deutschen Schutzgebieten, Erganzungsheft 4.) Berlin: Ernst Siegfried Mittler und Sohn. Johnson, C.B. 1966. Some aspects of Iraqw religion. Tanzania Notes and Records 65:53-.56. Kamera, W.D. 1976. Tales of Wairaqw of Tanzania. Dar es Salaam: East African Literature Bureau. (Translated into Swahili as "Hadithi za Wairaqw wa Tanzania.") 13 12 Karnera, W.D. 1978. Hadithi za Wairaqw wa Tanzania. Dares Salaam: East Afri Literature Bureau. Karnera, W.D. 1983. Marrno and Haragasi: Iraqw Folk Theatricals. African Monographs 4:107-18. Karnera, W.D. 1986. Loo Arnrnohhuurna: An Iraqw Reconciliation Rite. Anthro 81:137-49. Kannenberg. 1900. Reise durch die harnitischen Sprachgebiete urn Kondoa. theilungen von Forschungsreisenden und Gelehrten aus den Deutschen Schu bieten 13:144-72. Kohl-Larsen, Ludwig. 1958. Der Hase mit den Schuhen: Tiergeschichten der I Kassel: Erich Roth Verlag. Kohl- Larsen, Ludwig. 1963. Das K iirbisungeheuer und die A m a 'irmi. Kassel: Roth Verlag. Kohl-Larsen, Ludwig. 1964. Schwarzer Eulenspiegel. Kassel: Erich Roth Verlag. Lees, E.C.L. 1936. A Note on the Warnbulu. Tanganyika Notes and Records 2:106-7. Luschan, F. v. 1898. Beitrage zur Ethnographie des abflusslosen Gebiets von Deu Ost-Afrika. In C. Waldernar Werther Die mittleren Hochlander des nordlich Deutsch-Ost-Afrika, pp. 323-386. Berlin: Herrnann Paetel. (V Die Leute Iraku pp. 365-368.) Maghway, Josephat B. [n.d.] Fasihi simulizi, Wa-Iraqw: Ngoma ya harusi ya kimi Dares Salaam: Idara ya Kiswahili, Univ. of Dares Salaam. [unpublished pap 19 pp.] Matriya, Ibrahirnu B. 1981. Ibada ya asili katika jamii ya kirawe kuhusianisha na kikristo K.K.K. T Sinodi j;a Mbulu. Makurnira (Tanzania): Chuo cha ｔｮ･＼ＩｬｏｉＡ｡ｾ＠ cha Kilutheri. [unpublished paper, 28 pp.] · Meek, C.L 1953. Stock reduction in the Mbulu highlands, Tanganyika. Journal African Administration 5:158-66. Mosses, Elikana, Odilia Basso, Gerna Carnily, Joseph Nicodernus Geni Onisaeli, · Yese, Florence Mungureza. [1987.] The Jraqw history. (History project Dongobesh Secondary School under supervision of William Naman.) Neurnann, Oskar. 1895. Bericht iiber seine Reisen in Ost- und Central-Afrika. Verhandlungen der Gesellschaft fur Erdkunde zu Berlin 22:270-295, + map. ｎｧＧ｡ｩ､ｾＬ＠ Jo?n. 1975. The concept of taboo "meta" among the Iraqw peoples and 1ts hmdrances to Christianity. Makimira (Tanzania): Chuo cha Theologia Kilutheri. [unpublished paper, 27 pp.] Ramadhani, Mzee Hemedi. [1955.] Mapokeo ya Historia ya Iraqw (Mbulu kati ya miaka 1700 ｮｾ＠ 1900). [Dar es Salaam: East African Literary Bureau.] 38 pp. folio typescnpt. Sturdy, D. 1936. Agricultural Notes: Mbulu. Tanganyika Notes and Records 1:52-56. Ten Raa, Eric. 1986. The Alagwa: A northern intrusion in a Tanzanian Khoi-San cultu,re .as testified through Sandawe oral tradition. In Contemporary studies on Rhozsan 2, ed. by R. Vossen and K. Keuthnan, pp. 271-99. Thornton, Robert J. 1.980. Space, time, and culture among the Iraqw of Tanzania. New York: Academic Press. 275 pp. Thornton, Robert J. 1982. Modelling of spatial relations in a boundary-marking ritual of the Iraqw of Tanzania. Man, The Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute 17:528-45. Tomrnasoli, Massimo. 1986. Migrazione, Colonizzazione e Innovazione Tecnologica tra gli Iraqw: Il caso di Mbulurnbulu, Tanzania. Africa (Roma) 41/2:243-69. Wada, Shohei. 1969. Local Groups of the Iraqw: Their structure and functions. Kyoto University African Studies 3:109-32. Wada, Shohei. 1969. Territorial Expansion of the Iraqw: Land Tenure and the Locality Group. Kyoto University African Studies 4:115-32. Wada, Shohei. 1971. Marriage Ceremonies and Customs among the Iraqw of Tanzania. J(yoto University African Studies 6: 31-52. Wada, Shohei. 1975. Political History of Mbulu District: Power struggles and territorial groupings of medicine men. Kyoto University African Studies 9:45-68. Wada, Shohei. 1978. Slufay: Notes on an Iraqw Ritual Prayer. Senri Ethnological Studies 1:37-53. Wada, Shohei. 1980. Two Iraqw Marriage Rituals. Senri Ethnological Studies 6:79-91. Wada, Shohei. 1984. Female Initiation Rites of the Iraqw and the Gorowa. Senri Ethnological Studies 15:187-96. Werther, C. Waldemar. 1898. Die Mittleren Hochliinder des nordlichen DeutschOst-Afrika, Wissenschaftliche Ergebnisse der Irangi-Expedition 1896-1897 nebst kurzer Reisebeschreibung. Berlin: Hermann Paetel. White Fathers. n.d. Iraqw customs and diary. Diary translated from the French and Iraqw into English by Eloi Grondin with help from Fr. Wenceslas. [at the Archives of the Archdiocese Tabor a.] Winter, Edward H. 1962. Livestock Markets Among the Iraqw of Northern Tanganyika. In Markets in Africa, ed. P.Bohannan and G.Dalton (eds.), pp. 457-468. Evanston. Winter, Edward H. 1964. The Slaughter of a.Bull: A Study of Cosmology and Ritual. In Process and pattern in culture ed. Robert A. Manners, pp. 101-111. Chicago: Aldine. Winter, Edward H. 1966. Territorial Groupings and Religion among the Iraqw. In Anthropological Approaches to the Study of Religion, ed. M. Banton, pp. 15517 4. London: Tavistock. Winter, Edward H. 1968. Some aspects of political organization and land tenure among the Iraqw. Kyoto University African Studies 2:1-29. Winter, Edward H. and Lambert Molyneaux. 1963. Population Patterns and Problems Among the Iraqw. Ethnology 2:490-505. Yoneya.ma, Toshinao. 1969. The Life and Society of the Iraqw: Introductory remarks. Kyoto University African Studies 4:78-114. Yoneyama, Toshinao. 1970. Some Basic Notions among the Iraqw of Northern Tanzania. Kyoto University African Studies 5:81-100. 15 2. Phonology. 2.1. The phoneme inventory. 2.1.1. The consonants. The consonant phonemes are displayed in the following chart. A description of the phonetic realisation of the consonants follows. "Glottalised"' is used as a cover term to include all consonants produced with a glottal stop or with laryngealization, i.e. the ejective affricates ts, tl and q, the pharyngeal fricative c which is produced with creaky voice and the glottal stop. The fricatives are all voiceless, except for c. The approximants are central approximants. The labial consonants are in column (1 ). The alveolar consonants are in (2). The lateral consonants are in a column, (3), for ease of presentation. The palatal consonants, column ( 4), in brackets are rare and occur mainly in borrowed words. The velar and uvular consonants, column (5), have labialised counterparts, column (6). Pharyngeal consonants are in column (7) and glottals in column (8). voiced stop vcless stop glottalised fricative nasal liquid approximant (1) (2) b d p t ts s n f m (3) (4) (j) (eh) tl hl (5) g k q (sh) (ny) X ng (6) (7) (8) hh h gw kw qw xw ngw r y w I use the following spelling conventions: j for I.P.A. IJ), y for I.P.A. ｕ｝ｾ＠ ) for [?], c for [<i]. The labialised consonants are writ ten with a digraph having w as a second element. I use the following digraphs instead of some phonetic symbols: hh for [h] hl for [+] ts for [ts,] tl for [t+)] ng for [IJ] and [ug] ( allophones) ny for [.J1] eh for (e] sh for [!] The use of digraphs could give rise to interpretation problems with consonant sequences. Two adjacent consonants must be if!terpreted as a digraph whenever possible. To a.void ambiguity, I insert a dot between two consonants when necessary, e.g. to distinguish sh.h from s.hh. hhis.hhins 'striped with different colours' tsuhh.lala 'mongoose' The sound written as n when occuring before k and x, is in fact homorganic with the 16 17 following velar consonant. Similarly n is palatal before j, and uvular before q. T is alveolar in other environments, such as before the pharyngeal and glottal conson ', hh, h, '· Then is not homorganic with the following velar if the intermediate is deleted, for example before the negative suffix ka. waysham6 'wildebeest' n is a voiced apico-alveolar nasal. nee 'and, with', naanu 'side dish', firiin 'she asks' These spelling conventions are meant to facilitate the reading of this work They inspired by the present day Iraqw spelling; see Nordbustad (1988). The Iraqw has been adopted by the local Lutheran and Catholic Churches; see Nordbustad (19 I have made a few modifications for the international linguistic public, namely the of hl where the official spelling uses sl; c for j; and > for '. uLHCIIIfllolB r is a voiced apico-alveolar trill. The consonant r does not occur word-initially. >aara 'goats', migir 'collection of firewood' The phonetic values of the consonants and their allophones are described below by one. For each consonant examples are given with the consonant word-medial, and word-final position if they occur in all positions. 1 is a voiced apico-alveolar lateral approximant. b is a voiced bilabial stop. tl is an ejective apico-alveolar affricate with a lateral release. tl is preglottalised in word final position. laari 'today', >ila 'eyes', baal 'to defeat' baha 'hyena', baaba 'father', yacab 'she sends' tlaa'ano 'stone', hatla> 'other', hamaatl 'to wash' p is a voiceless bilabial stop. hl is a voiceless apico-alveolar lateral fricative. piindo 'door', hhape 'earth', qiip 'be closed' hlaa' 'to want', >ahla 'fire', doohl 'to cultivate' f is a voiceless labio-dental slit fricative. y is a voiced centro-palatal approximant. faca 'porridge', hhafa 'mats', daaf.,'return home' yahaas 'to ask', >aya 'land', caay 'to eat' m is a voiced bilabial nasal. g is a voiced dorso-velar stop. ll1UU 'people', maamay 'maternal uncle', firiim 'ask' gaa 'thing', 'aga 'cannibals', doog 'to increase' d is a voiced apico-alveolar stop. k is a voiceless velar stop. daaqay 'boys', >adoo 'manner', >alqaad 'to give last instructions' koonki 'chicken', dakaat 'eight', faak 'to be finished' t is a voiceless apico-alveolar stop. tarn 'three', >atu 'brain', lakiit 'to wait' ts is an ejective lamino-alveolar grooved affricate. It is sometimes pronounced as ejective !amino-alveolar fricative. q is a voiceless dorso-uvular affricate. The amount of friction varies according to the position in the word and between individuals. It is greatest in word-final position and in syllable-initial position. The friction is absent if a stop follows, for example in daqtamo 'frost'. It is optionally pronounced as an ejective stop word-initially. qaymo 'field', daqani 'afterwards', daaq 'to skin an animal' tsar 'two', xatsa 'vaJJey', hhuunts 'to wash clothes' x is a voiceless dorso-velar slit fricative. s is a voiceless front-alveolar grooved fricative. It has a lamino-postalveolar alloph aft& y, written as sh. sirwi 'water pot', basa 'south', na'an1is 'dish of maize and beans' 'ayshiga 'paternal aunt' dayshan1o 'snake' xoohla 'instruments', daxa 'now', >aax 'to be satiated' ng is a voiced velar nasal, [IJ]. Intervocalically within a word, [IJ] is followed by an oral voiced velar stop, [IJg]. Word-initially [IJ] can only occur in object pronouns; see 4.1.2. Word-finally, [IJ] is rare as well. Neither verbs nor nouns end in [IJ]. 19 18 ngi feminine or neuter object pronoun, kunga, 'you (plural)', kiing 'you ( inine)' w is a labialised dorso-velar approximant. . 1 ttal fricative. In final position ' it is realised as a whispered continuation of htsago the preceding vowel. hikwa 'cattle', eehaar 'follow', dah 'enter' wak 'one', >iwiit 'to sit', tlaw 'to get up' The consonants in the "palatal" column are rare. They occur mainly in loanwords. The velar and uvular consonants have labialised counterparts. If an unrounded follows the labialised consonant, it is pronounced as a sequence of the labialised nant and a glide w. Word-finally, a labialised consonant is followed by a short ｷｨｩＢＧｌｾﾷＪ＠ u, except in the case of ngw. kw is a voiceless labialised dorso-velar stop. kwatiit 'to touch', lakwanti 'basket', tlaakw 'bad' ·· iced palatal affricate. It occurs in loan words from Swahili such as kijiji 'village', . . . d · , 'k' d jeshi 'army', and in one word wh1ch 1s not recogmsed as a loan wor , moqonJo m of fruit'. J 1s a vo eh is a voiceless palatal affricate. It occurs in Swahili loan words, and in the name of the hero of a famous folktale, Lach. ichaabu 'jiggers' from Swahili chawa 'louse' chumba 'room' from Swahili chumba 'room' gw is a voiced labialised dorso-velar stop. It does not occur word-finally. ｧｷ｡ｬｴｾ･＠ 'nine', gwagwa>aam 'to die (of many)' qw is a voiceless labialised dorso-uvular stop. qwalaac 'be happy', hlaqwa 'body', tlaaqw 'to throw' xw is a voiceless labialised velar slit fricative. xwante 'liquid porridge', tsaxwa 'danger', tlaaxw 'to buy' ngw is a voiced labialised dorso-velar nasal. Intervocalically within the word, the vel nasal is followed by the labialised oral velar stop. In word-initial position ngw, ng, can only occur in object pronouns. ngw is frequently found in nouns in wordposition. Verbs do not end in ngw. ngwa masculine object pronoun, mangware> 'sorghum', dangw 'elephant' c is a pharyngeal constriction (not a stop) produced with creaky voice. cameeni 'woman', baaci 'mud', tuuc 'to uproot' hh is a voiceless pharyngeal fricative. hhape 'soil', bohha 'burden', kaahh 'to be absent' , is a glottal stop. ' will not be written in this work word-initially. Every word must begin with a consonant. When this word-initial consonant is (,], it will not be written; an orthographocally word-initial vowel therefore represents [,] plus that vowel. In non-word-initial position [,] will be written. al 'together', ti,iit 'to go out', buu, 'to harvest' sh is a voiceless lamino-postalveolar grooved fricative. It occurs in Swahili and Datooga loan words. sh also occurs as an allophone of s after y; see above. shilingi 'shilling' from Swahili shilingi bilishi 'a spade' from Swahili beleshi mashoot or mayshoot 'big leather bag' from Datooga mashooda ny is a ｾ･ｮｴｲｯＭｰ｡ｬ＠ tified as loan words. nasal and occurs in four words only. These words are not iden- nyaqut 'colobus monkey' nyargan 'parrot' keenyeewa 'syphilis' qany 'colour for cows, a mixture of black and white'. 2.1.2. The vowels. There are five vowels and a length contrast, i, e, a, o, u and ii, ee, aa, oo, uu. Long vowels are written by doubling the vowel symbol. The vowels have approximately the quality represented by the phonetic symbols [i e a o u]. dii 'place' hee 'man' gaa 'thing' doo 'house of' muu 'people' diwi 'salt' de'e 'liver' daqa 'crowd, flock' dohho Ｇｰｵｮｩｳｨｾ･ｴ＠ dugno 'thumb' 21 20 The following examples show the long/short opposition in words that are similar in syllabic structure: disyllabic words with vowel length opposition in the first syllable. duuxo 'wedding' duxa 'valley' qooli 'calabash for stones' qoro 'dust' baaba 'father' basa 'south' heek 'he fetches water' hek 'she fetches water' diitsa 'finger' ditsa> 'fingers' In some cases I noted variation between high and mid vowels. xiirangw or xeerangw 'scorpion' di>aay or de>aay 'fat' lehhiit or lihhiit 'to court', derived from leehh 'to fetch' quumi or qoomi, pl: quumay or qoomaay 'calabash with a handle' There is a limited functional role of length in the mid vowels. A short vowel in word-initial closed syllable of a lexical root is never a mid vowel. The ･ｾ｣ｰｴｩｯｮｳ＠ are in a CVN syllable, such as dongoot 'a kind of dance', or in the second person conjugation of the ｶ･ｾ｢Ｌ＠ e.g. <et 'you fell'. And a short mid vowel in an initial closed syllable is also possible if this syllable has become closed due to the syllable reduction rule applying in verbal derivation. Occasionally I heard ay where ee is the more usual pronounciation. axweesaan or axwaysaan 'we are talking' gireeda or girayda 'a kind of poem' The vowel o is realised as a close mid central rounded vowel in the immediate environment of the pharyngeal consonants c and hh. hhohhoo> 'nice' coohli 'insult' A long vowel is sometimes in variation with a vowel plus a glottal stop and an identical long or short vowel, as for example in gweedo, or gwe>edo 'backside', daam or da>aam 'to wait', i buuti or i bu'uuti 'it is enough'. 2.1.3. Tone. There is a low and a high tone. The high tone is indicated with an acute accent on the vowel, and in syllables with a long vowel is written on the first vowel symboL Low tone is indicated by the absence of an acute accent on the vowel symbol(s) of the syllable. Tone has a low functional load in the lexicon. In verbs, tone has a function in the conjugation system but not to distinguish lexical items. Adverbs can have a low or a high tone on the final syllable. The overall majority of nouns are low throughout. Some tone on the final syllable. This is lexically determined. nouns, about 200, have a ｨｩｧｾ＠ If a number suffix is attached to a noun with a final hig4 tone, the high tone becomes low. naanu 'side dish', pl: naaneemo sol>-oot 'to fall down', from soloo> 'to be relaxed' In nouns, if the second syllable is closed, a mid vowel is short if the syllable is word-final and long if followed by another syllable in the same word. See 2.3. for details. tawer, sg.: taweermo 'wild dog' pareq, sg. pareeqmo 'kind of bird' tsatsec, sg.: tsatseeci 'star' The sequences of vowel followed by a glide, ay, aw, are pronounced as diphthongs. Verbs can end in ay or aw. In general, verbs do not end in a vowel. Hence ay and aw are analysed as vowel-glide sequences, rather than diphthongs. tlay 'he leaves' tlaw 'I leave' The diphthong ay becomes ee in stressed closed syllables. ceet 'to go down', causative: caytiis 'to drop' It is possible to derive a name from an ordinary noun by adding a high tone to the last syllable; see 3. 7. This accounts for the tonal minimal pairs in the lexicon that are mentioned by Whiteley (1958) and Nordbustad (1988:19). They involve insect names based on a noun. Otherwise there are no tonal minimal pairs in the lexicon. hlooro 'foam' hloor6 'grasshopper which produces foam' konkomo 'cock' konkom6 'kind of insect that eats beans (like a chicken)' Tone is important in grammar. Nominal suffixes that render a noun specific, such as the demonstrative, possessive, and a construct case suffix, have a high tone, but the specific indefinite suffix has a low tone. Personal pronouns and the numbers one to nine have a high tone on the final syllable. On the verb, tone indicates tense and mood; see 4.2.4. In adjectives, tone indicates gender; see 5.1. In general, the high tone only occurs on the last syllable, but nouns with a high tone on the final syllable of the stem can have a sequence of two high syllables if a high tone 23 22 'I have won' suffix follows. The last two syllables of a word can also be high due to the presence two adjacent high tone suffixes. maamay->ee> uncle-l.SG .POSS 'my uncle' gari intsahhatmis a ti or ti ga-r i intsahhatmis a COP INDEP.F:DEMl thing:CON-F BE.S.3 teach:3.SG.F 'What it teaches is this.' danu-w-i honey-M-DEMl 'this honey' hikwa-w6k-sing cattle-2.SG.POSS-DEM2 'these cattle of yours' ino'in-a-da' they-PL-DEM4 'those ones there' Tone spreading: A high tone can spread to the next syllable in fast (connected) speech: ad6r hlee kar tsahh or ad6r hlee kar tsahh. ad6r hlee ka-r tsahh how cow 0.3:DEP.S.l/2:0.F-INSTR recognise:2.SG:SBJV 'How you recognise a cow, ... ' 2.1.4. Stress. The penultimate syllable of a noun is high in the vocative. daaqay 'Boys!' konk6mo 'Cock!' (in stories) Another circumstance in which the penultimate syllable is pronounced high is in exag geration, in order to make cleai that the followi,ng syllable is low. lee1eehh 'he ｳ･｡ｲ｣ｨｾＬ＠ kwaga cayiin or ku a-ga cay-iin 2.SG.M BE.S.l/2-PERF eat-DUR:2.SG 'You have eaten' In addition to tone and vowel length, there is non-contrastive predictable word stress. In the following examples, stress is indicated by underlining the vowel. Stress must be recognised as phonetically different from vowel length, because there are oppositions such as: b_!!sa 'south' baasa 'bushbuck' or h_!!'asa not leeleehh 'I search' The only case in which there may be more than one change of pitch in a single is when the penultimate syllable of a trisyllabic (or longer) word is high. The background and the infinitive suffixes render preceding high tones low. ino'in-ee-ka they- BG ND- NEG 'not them' qo oma-r-qa>-ee period-F-DEM3-BGND 'at that period' ceet-aan-aa-ka go:down-l.PL-INF.: NEG 'We don't descend.' Tone shift: A high tone shifts to the following syllable if a verb 'to be' is cliticised to a ·preceding (pro )noun ending in a high tone; see 4.1. anaga baaliim or an a-ga baal-iim l.SG BE.S.l/2-PERF win-DUR:l.SG Stress is phonetically distinct from tone, because high tone and stress can be on different syllables. hlooroo 'foam' hloor6 'grasshopper' It is possible to have stress on a low-toned short vowel. _!!WU 'bull' In nouns, stress is predictable on the basis of the syllable structure and the tone. Stress is on the penultimate syllable if this syllable contains a long vowel. If the penultimate syllable has a short vowel, stress is on the last syllable if this syllable has a high tone and otherwise on the first syllable. Since stress is predictable, it is not ·indicated in this book. ba>eeso 'bushbucks' mugyl 'collarbone' hloor6 'grasshopper' W_!!witmo 'king' 25 24 · 2.1.5. Intonation. The pitch level gradually lowers towards the end of the sentence. Yes/no questions have a special intonation. This intonation contour consists extra rise in tone and a fall on the penultimate syllable of the predicate. Usually is also the penultimate syllable of the sentence. The question intonation is notated " on the vowel and is glossed with INT for interrogative. See also 9.5. kuung a irqwatu-w-o 2.SG.M COP Iraqw:INT-M-BGND 'Are you an Iraqw person?' hamtllind-a bara tlaw-t-i a S.l/2 bathe:2.SG:INT-INF in:CON lake-Fl-DEMl 'Do you bathe in this big lake?' ur-wa big-ABL If a sentence consists of two clauses, there is a rise in tone at the end of the first '-'HlLuot:<.J?li If the first clause ends in a high tone, this tone is slightly higher than a high sentence-finally, for example hhe>ees in the first sentence of the following. If the clause ends in a low tone, the preceding syllable is slightly raised, for example ,....,.."......'"''"/fill in the second sentence. kwahha-t-o ng1-wa hhe>ees, throwing-Fl-BGND 0.3:DEP.S.3:0.F-BGND finish:3.SG.M:PAST du>uma ngi-na luuc bara qaymo leopard 0.3:DEP.S.3:0.F-PAST hide:3.SG.M:PAST in:CON field 'When the throwing was finished, the leopard hid them (the trees) in the field.' du>uma ngi-na luuc bara qaymo, leopard 0.3:DEP.S.3:0.F-PAST hide:3.SG.M:PAST in:CON field in6s kwahha-t-o ngi-wa hhe>ees. 3.SG throwing-Fl-BGND 0.3:DEP.S.3:0.F-BGND finish:3.SG.M:PAST 'The leopard hid them (the trees) in the field when the throwing was finished.' 2.2. Syllable types Possible syllables are CV, CVV, CVC, CVVC, CVNC, CVVNC. N stands for homorganic nasal. All syllables start with a consonant. There are no syllables with empty onsets. words from Swahili that are vowel- initial in Swahili are assigned an initial consonant, or c, for example caansuus 'start' from Swahili anza, >askaarmo 'soldier' from S askari. The syllable onset is one consonant or a velar or uvular consonant followed w, for example hi-kwa 'cattle'. The syllable peak is a short or long vowel. ea-ben 'new' ad-koom 'complete' syllable coda is either empty, or consists of.one consonant, or a rounded consonant or ana Sal-obstruent sequence with a homorganic nasal. A rounded consonant only occurs W ord-finally. In CwV sequences the w is a glide and part of the onset. Nasalobstruent sequences can occur in the syllable coda. hiinhl 'to breathe' hhuunts 'to wash clothes' xiints 'to scratch out' faanqw 'seven' Th homorganic nasal-obstruent clusters occur for all obstruents. The nasal is not e · qan hh'' homorganic in clusters with a pharyngeal or glottal obstruent, as m 1 eg.g ' , pan'uuma 'state of being an orphan'. There is no example of an nxw cluster, wh1ch is considered to be an accidental gap. gumbaba> 'kidney' taampa 'blind being' famfee>amo 'butterfly' daanda 'back' tlinta 'corridor' hhuunts 'to wash clothes' kunseeli 'earthquake' kintlacay 'shrike' hiinhl 'to breathe' gangeeci 'hoop' mankari 'lightning' xanxay 'dry period, desert' mangware> 'sorghum' diinkwa 'together' kitsinqaay 'snail' faanqw 'seven' (1) Vowel lengthening before NC clusters and ngw: Vowels are often lengthened before an NC cluster, and also before ngw but not before m, n, or ng. ganhlar or gaanhlar (adv.) 'fast' daangw or dangw 'elephant' tarn 'three' aten 'we' aning 'I', but kiing 'you (singular, feminine)' However, there is a vowel length opposition possible before a NC cluster. The second person subject forms of the verbs with an NC cluster in the coda have a short vowel, the first and third person singular subject forms of those verbs have a long vowel. Thus, both syllables, CVVNC and CVNC, are possible. 27 26 a hiinhl 'I breathe' a hinhl 'you breathe' Apart from these restrictions on possible word forms, there are other sequence restrictions that are valid for (polysyllabic) roots only and not for derived stems or words. a hhuunts 'I wash' a hhunts 'you wash' initial syllable of a polysyllabic root is CV, or CVC, seldom CVV, and never CVVC, CVNC, or CVVNC. Due to vowel lengthening before an NC cluster; see (1) above, long vowels in the initial syllable can occur, as in ca(a)mpa 'tower'. A complete list of exceptions of polysyllabic roots with a long vowel in the initial syllable follows below. Note that most of them have a high tone on the following syllable and have a mid vowel in the first syllable. Some of these words are Datooga loans ending in eet. a xiints 'I scrape' a xints 'you scrape' The nasal-obstruent sequences are heterosyllabic between vowels. Reduplication sh that the obstruent is in the onset of the second syllable. Take for example reduplicat of the onset of the second syllable in tumbiim 'swim' which gives tumbabiim 's habitually', nangaa' 'try to go' resulting in nangagaa', or in nouns like gumba 'kidney'. naanagi 'worm' koo'an 'five' dee'ar 'root' pooham 'baboon' meeweet 'grain store' (loan from Datooga) siileet 'cow acquired as payment for a debt' (loan from Datooga) 2.3. Syllable sequence restrictions and related rules. Monosyllabic words cannot consist of a CV only. The vowel must be long. hee (m) 'man' hlee (f) 'cow' nee (prep) 'and, with' muu (ml) 'people' gaa (f) 'thing' laa (f) 'today' dii (f) 'place' There is vowel length opposition word-finally. For example: ti>ta 'kind of tree' ti>taa 'story' Word-final long vowels in polysyllabic words are shorter than long vowels in positions and also shorter than word- final long vowels in monosyllabic words, but are longer than a short vowel. Polysyllabic words of which the word-final t, k, or s deleted; see 2.5.4., end in a long vowel with a high tone. Nouns in construct case may also end in a long vowel with high tone; see 3.4.4. lakii or lakiit 'Wait!' daq6o doo-ren boys:CON house-our 'boys of our house' Words ending in h have a short vowel in the fi11al ;yllable. The words ending in h are all verbs. Some of them have a long vowel in the first person plural subject form; 4.2.2. oh 'I take', oohaan 'we take'. This restriction holds only for polysyllabic roots, since such initial syllables do occur when suffixes follow. meehh-mo 'tick' with a singulative suffix -mo tsii>-mo 'chick' with a singulative suffix -mo The length of the vowel in the second syllable of a noun correlates with stress .. If the vowel in the second syllable is epenthetic, the stress is on the first syllable. If the second syllable contains a long vowel or a high tone, this syllable is stressed. In verbs, vowel length of the final (mostly second) syllable is dictated by inflection. ｾｭｳｩ＠ ｾｸＨ＠ ｭｾｮｫ｡ｲｩ＠ 'night' a)ri 'phlegm' 'lightning' baqar 'kind of tree' ba>ar 'bee' mahhat 'shadow' yaq,Mmba 'bull, big male animal' isaangi 'plate' (2) A short vowel in a word-final closed syllable with a high tone corresponds to a long vowel if a syllable follows. ba>ar, sg.: ba>aar-mo 'bee' diwil, sg.: diwiil-mo 'insect, hornet' tawer, sg.: taweer:mo 'wild dog' pareq, sg. pareeq-mo 'kind of bird' tsatse', sg.: tsatsee'-i 'star' 29 28 Instead of the long vowel we can have a vowel plus a homorganic nasal of a heterosylla nasal-consonant cluster, e.g. waqat, sg: waqant-i 'intestine'. (3) Vowel epenthesis: . An epenthetic vowel is preferred between any of the followmg consonants namely, q, hh, tl, m, n, ng and m. Futhermore it occurs between m and a following t, k, g, or ng, and before a syllable with a high tone. An epenthetic vowel is optional between ot CC clusters, for example xr in ax(a)ri 'phlegm'. The epenthetic vowel is a very short a or schwa. There is some variation among speakers in the use of an epenthetic Maghway (1989) has no epenthetic vowels in the following examples. The epenthetic vowel assimilates to neighbouring vowels depending on the consonant between them, see 2.5.3. hhutl-mo -+ hhutlamo 'string of bark' muhind-mo -+ muhindamo 'Indian' daang-mo -+ daangamo 'one of a twin' tahhahhan-mo -+ tahhahhan(a)mo 'safari ant' tsii>-( a)mo 'chick' meehh-(a)mo 'tick' bayn-(a)mo 'pig' konk-(a)mo 'cock' There are restrictions on vowel sequences in polysyllabic roots. Either the first vowel is high or low, not mid, and the second vowel is an epenthetic vowel, or alternatively a low or mid vowel, but not a high vowel. Or all the vowels are identical. See Owens (1985:17) for similar restrictions in Oromo. The first vowel can be mid in those (few) roots with a long vowel in their initial syllable (see above). diq( a)ma 'fence for dgg(u)no 'thumb' ｾｸＨ｡Ｉｲｩ＠ 'phlegm' ｣｡ｴｬ･ｾ＠ diyaac 'to spread' cufaahh 'to blow' umaali 'hedgehog' waqaa> 'to scorn, despise' hamaatl 'to bathe' gibees-mo 'upper and front part of the upper leg' kunseeli 'earthquake' afeeni 'courtyard' arees 'to take away with force' ateet 'to call' bintloq-oot 'to flop over with the whole body' basooro 'pearl millet' wa'OO' 'to be surprised' tlarooq 'to pour out' diwil 'hornet' binkic-iit 'to spread aside' hefee' 'be negligent' xorootl 'to snore' kongoo> 'be folded, be a mess' suruuk 'to push forward' kutsuuhh 'to pinch' quttir 'bracelet for marriage' If all the vowels are identical, there is a high tone on the last syllable of the noun. If the noun is affixed by the collective suffix -ay, this high tone is realised on the suffix. quruntl-ay 'gourd for water' cunkum-ay 'smallpox' yukum-ay 'lid of corn store' dorow-ay 'child of unmarried mother' Almost all the polysyllabic verb roots that have a mid vowel in the second syllable have an a as the first vowel. There is only one example with an i, bintloq-oot 'to flop over with the whole body'. Nearly all polysyllabic verb roots with identical vowels end in a velar, pharyngeal or glottal consonant, with the exception of xorootl 'to snore'. The vowel e is rare among the polysyllabic verb roots. There is only one example, hefee> 'be negligent'. The restrictions on vowel cooccurrence are valid for roots only, not for stems· with frozen suffixes or prefixes or reduplications. harkonki 'owl' from har- and konki 'chicken' hathho>o 'sister's daughter' from hat- 'daughter of' and hho>o 'sister' There are exceptions to these vowel cooccurrence restrictions. For some nouns, the second vowel is not ee, oo or aa: bariis 'first born' (The word may be related to barsi 'blessing'.) uryee 'thigh' sandukw 'box' (a loan from Swahili) Roots are generally not longer than two or three syllables, that is maximally two if they end in a consonant, and three if they end in a vowel. Longer roots contain a reduplicated syllable, or r. masasakw 'ants' gurungura 'knee' 'ankwaraats 'to turn over' qumburuu' 'to dive' Some loan words from Swahili are partly adapted to this pattern. Swahili words have 31 30 penultimate stress. This is carried over into Iraqw and therefore the ｰ･ｮｵｬＮﾷｾｯＬ Ｑ ･ｾＬｬＱ＠ syllable, or the second syllable of a polysyllabic root, has to be long, and has to be oo or aa. Vowels can be deleted to reduce the number of syllables to three. At secon position a consonant cluster is allowed. For example matfaali 'bricks' from S matofali; musmaari 'nail' from Swahili msumari with metathesis of u and s beca lraqw does not allow syllabic nasals; siptaali 'hospital' from Swahili hospitali, urh.o...ＭＧＢ｜ｾｩＡｊ［＠ the initial syllable is dropped to reduce the number of syllables and to have the s on the second syllable, harsaasi 'bullet' from Swahili risasi, where a syllable is ad word-initially because Iraqw does not allow r word-initially. The restrictions above are only valid for roots, the following syllable sequence restriction and rule operates at the word level. (4) The syllable reduction rule: A short vowel is deleted if there is a syllable with a short vowel preceding it and a syllable with a short vowel following it. The rule creates a heavy syllable, CVe. The rule is exemplified with the -en plural suffix with adjectives. daqa-ma -+ daqma 'at what time' hhara-ta-sing -+ hhartasing 'this stick (f1)' qara-ku-da> -+ qarkuda> 'that poison (ml)' lawala-u -+ lawlu 'spears' Not only the vowels of stems but also those of suffixes can be deleted. eehar-in-e' -+ eeharne' 'they followed' The long vowel of the infinitive suffix that precedes the negative suffix is deleted if the preceding syllable contains a short vowel. The rule is blocked if the first syllable contains a long vowel. doohl-aa-ka 'I don't dig' no syllable contraction. dohl-aa-ka -+ dohlka 'she does not dig' syllable contraction. Geminates can occur as a result of the syllable reduction rule. This is the only source for geminate consonants. tsata-ta -+ tsatta 'cutting' in construct case tuntuk-a-ka -+ tuntukka 'she does not cover' 2.4. Reduplication. .uvuu.,,l!i!i The syllabic structure of the suffix is irrelevant'. The rule applies not only in CVeVe-V structures, such as the examples above, but also in eVCV-CV struCtures. The latter configuration arises for example from suffixation of the interrogative particle -ma, t gender agreement markers -ta and -ku, and in CVCVC-V structures as in certain plural suffixes. dohl-aa-ka -+ dohlka 'she does not dig' dohl-ii-ka -+ dohlka 'she did not dig' And if a monosyllabic stem with a long stem vowel, such as muu 'people', is followed by suffixes with short vowels, the short vowel of the medial syllable is deleted and the long stem vowel is shortened in the closed syllable, e.g. muu-ku-ko-+ mukko 'certain people'. Reduplication in noun stems is of two types. Reduplicating the initial eve of the stem, or reduplicating the second consonant of the stem. Reduplication in verb stems entails reduplicating the initial, medial, or final stem consonant with a as an epenthetic vowel. Reduplication also occurs in monosyllabic verb stems. gawid-en -+ gawden 'difficult, PL' narakw-en -+ narkwen 'poor, PL' The rule only applies if a suffix is added. The medial syllable in monomorphemic stems, such as mugugunay 'bed bugs', is not reduced. However, if the first syllable contains a long vowel and ends in r, deletion of the following short vowel occurs optionally, e.g. buura 'beer', with plural suffix -du gives buuradu 'beer parties' or, optionally, buurdu. In reduplication of the initial eve of the stem, the vowel in the reduplicated syllable is shortened because it is in a closed non-final syllable. Not only is the vowel shortened but also the homorganic nasal is suppressed. The mid vowel ee is raised to i. hhirhheeri> 'tears' qanqani 'mushroom' kitkiinti 'small bush' girgirm6 'Croton polytrichus' camcamo 'testicle' hhamhhamo 'eyebrow, eyelash, eyelid' kwinkwiric 'partridge' dindirmo 'small hill' qarqaar 'to be bitter' marmaar 'to wring' kumkumiit 'to continue every day' In some words the prefixal reduplication CVC is followed by an epenthetic vowel that may undergo assimilation. In other words again, the epenthetic vowel is followed by a homorganic nasal. hayahaym6o 'cough' hhalahhali 'sixth finger' xwaanxwaa 'bridge of the nose' gurungura 'knee' pu>uumpu>i 'circle' 33 32 xwaraanxwaar 'to stir habitually' huwahuuw 'to bring habitually' hhaamahhaam 'to chase away habitually' hhawahhaaw 'to waste time habitually' The second type of reduplication in noun stems entails reduplicating the second consonant, e.g. haweewee> 'hippopotamus'. The reduplication is rightwards as be concluded from gumbaba> 'kidney'. The right most part of the nasal-conson cluster in the second position is reduplicated. The extra vowel is identical to the of the neighbouring stressed sylable. giririk 'tipworm' darara>amo 'spleen' mororoq 'smooth' muhl unhl ur 'leuna bean' mugugunay 'bed bugs' muguguhha> 'left-overs after frying meat' Other phonological rules. Vowel coalescence and glide formation. In general, the first of two vowels is deleted, but ou results in o, ayu in o. The following table shows the results for vowel coalescence. An empty box indicates that I do not have examples. Vowel coalescence e V2 Vl e e e a 0 In verbs, reduplication occurs as a productive morphological process for habitual pect; see 4.3.5. It involves reduplication of the root-initial consonant, of the consonant, or of the root-final consonant. The reduplication operates on the root, on the stem. Prefixes and suffixes are disregarded even if they are frozen. In the lowing examples, the reduplicated verb forms in the second column are the habit aspect foTms, except for the forms .where a ｮ･ｾｬｹ＠ developed meaning is indicated. HABITUAL: eo coos hhehhe>ees gogoow leeleehh caacaay BASE: coos 'to excrete' hhe>ees 'to finish' goow 'to flee' leehh 'to carry' caay 'to eat' paahl 'to push aside, pass' cakuut 'to jump' loqoos 'to touch with finger' papaahl cacakuut loloqoos 'to point' aleem 'to be less' qaseem 'to laugh' malaahh 'to loosen (of a cough)' qwalaac 'to be happy' tumbiim 'to splash in water' aleeleem qaseeseem malalaahh qwalalaac tumbabiim ur-aw 'to become big' booc-aw 'to become black' tsa>-uw 'to become cool' tsac-aam 'to climb' uraraw boocacaw tsa>a>uw tsacacaam nangagaa' ya'a'aam laqaqaam pungahhamamuut nangaa> 'to try to go' ya'-aam 'to agree' laq-aam 'to show' pungahham-uut 'to be mad' u ay e ay a a a a a a a 0 u 0 u u u 0 0 ay 0 0 u 0 Vowel coalescence occurs if gender linkers consisting of a vowel ( u for masculine, a for are attached to nouns ending in a vowel. neuter in certain ｣｡ｳｾＩ＠ hiima-u-ren --+ hiimuren 'our rope' kitaabu-u-ren --+ kitaaburen 'our book' ma>ay-a --+ ma'a 'water of ... ' dugno-u-da> --+ dugnoda> 'that finger' dugno-u->ee> --+ dugno>ee> 'my thumb' daaqay-u tsar --+ daaqoo tsar 'two boys' Other instances of vowel coalescence are vowel-initial noun suffixes after gender linkers ending in a vowel or after vowel-final noun stems and no link er. hhara-ta-i --+ hharti 'this stick' kuru-ku-o --+ kurko 'in the year' tsatay-i --+ tsatay 'to the knife' yaamu-i --+ yaami 'to the ground' Vowel coalescence also occurs when number suffixes with an initial vowel are suffixed to a noun stem ending in a vowel. , loohi-u --+ lohu 'paths' yaa>e-u --+ ya>u 'river' akweesi-o --+ akweeso 'fire stone' ahla-o --+ ahlo 'fires' daangi-eemo . --+ daangeemo 'twins' 35 34 hhayloti caandur hhayloto i 'a and ur Haylotto S.3 be:good:3.SG.F 'Haylotto is good' lama-eemo -+ lameemo 'lies' naanu-eemo -+ naaneemo 'side dishes' hoomo-a -+ hooma 'strangers' Another example of vowel coalescence is when vowel-initial clitics are cliticised to preceding word in fast speech. Any high tone is realised on the remaining vowel. Glide formation: Between a velar consonant and an unrounded vowel, a u becomes aw. aaku guus-aan aako u guus-aan old:man O.M chase:away-l.PL 'We make the old man run.' ku-a -+ kwa masculine object pronoun with past tense mu-ku-i -+ mukwi 'these people' ko-'ee' -+ kwe'ee' 'mine' (INDEP:M/N- l.SG.POSS) ku-i -+ kwi 'this one' (INDEP:M/N-DEMl) daaqo gu us-aan daaqay u gu us-aan boys:VOC O.M chase:away-l.PL 'Boys, we make him run.' 2.5.2. Simplification of consonant clusters. (7) hlama axws-a hlami a axws-a really S.l/2 speak:2.SG:INT-INF 'You dare to speak?' gadyeet-du -+ gadyeedu 'tasks' gambot-du -+ gambodu 'shields' eehar-t -+ eehat 'follow-2.SG'. Neegiit-r Iraqw -+ Neegir lraqw 'Neegit of Iraqw' hhasamar-sing -+ hhasamasing 'these problems' hhasamar-da> -+ hhasamada> 'those problems' hhasamar-ren -+ hhasamaren 'our problems' kasiis-r-i -+ kasfiri 'these potatoes' dira hootaan diri a hootaan here S.l/2 live-l.PL 'We live here' wana masongomo wane a masongomo maybe COP European 'Maybe it is a European.' This rule does not apply if an ｩｮｴ･ｾｭ､｡＠ vowel is deleted by the syllable reduction rule (4). For example hhara-ta-i 'this stick' is simplified to hharti, which does not undergo a deletion of r, similarly safurdu 'pots' (see above), itna or it(a)na 'louse', and bar-(a)ni -+ birni COND-HIT 'if'. sufuriya kongo> kongo' sufuriya a pot S.3:PERF break:3.SG.F 'The pot is in pieces.' A nasal consonant is not deleted before an alveolar consonant, as is evident from the possibility of the combinations nd and nt. tlinta 'corridor' daanda 'back' diri laqwaal diri i laqwaal here S.3 be:born:3.SG.M 'He was born here.' (8) The glottal consonants h and glottal stop is deleted after r. garma-qa' bari too hefee> garma-qa' bare too hefee' boy-DEM3 SURPRISE S.3 just negligent:3.SG.M 'That boy is negligent.' ' isi tlakoo tlax-taw-a hlaa> isa i tlakoo tlax-taw-a yesterday S.3 bag:CON buying-Fl-ABL 'Yesterday he wanted to buy a bag.' The first of two oral alveolar consonants is deleted. hlaa' want:3.SG.M > are deleted before an oral consonant and the ' loh-t -+ lot 'you move'. kwa>l-o>o -+ kwalo>o 'widow'; plural kwa>eeli duunga'-ka -+ duungaka 'this nose' -da>-da> -+ -dada> double demonstrative suffix gura'-u-wa -+ guruwa 'from the stomach' mura'-u-i -+ muruwi 'these things' r is optionally deleted before w: 37 36 amo-r-wa ( ｾＩ＠ ufaahh-iim ｾ＠ ufahhaam 'blow DUR' kutsuuhh-iim ｾ＠ kutsuhhuum 'pinch DUR' wa>alah-iim ｾ＠ wa>alahaam 'exchange DUR' duux-iim ｾ＠ duxuum 'take out, marry DUR' tuntuuk-iim ｾ＠ tuntukuum 'cover DUR' hluuq-iim ｾ＠ hluquum 'kill a big animal or man DUR' amowa 'from the place' (10) No two labial elements can follow each other: After a consonant, the glide w the labialisation of a velar consonant are deleted before another labial element, i.e. labial consonant or a rounded vowel. sidwi-o ｾ＠ sidwo ｾ＠ sido 'pots', sg. sirwi The labialisation of a consonant is deleted if a rounded vowel or a labial follow. are two exceptions. In kwa>-ii-m 'to refuse totally' the epenthetic ii does not assimilate. In solo>-ii-t ｾ＠ sol>oot 'to fall down', the ii assimilates to the mid vowel. vV •. h,U'"""' The rule also applies to the epenthetic vowels in consonant clusters in noun stems of the type CVCC. hlaqwa-o ｾ＠ hlaqwo ｾ＠ hlaqo 'bodies' bee<angw-u-ok ｾ＠ bee<angw-ok ｾ＠ bee<angok 'your sheep' bee<angw-u-ko ｾ＠ bee<angu-ko ｾ＠ bee<anko 'a certain sheep' masasakw, sg.: masasakmo 'ants' The glide w is deleted before a word-final labialised consonant: dawa-ku ＠ｾ dawkw ＠ｾ dakw 'hand of' saga-ku ｾ＠ sawgw ｾ＠ sagw or sakw 'head of' The glide w is also deleted between a rounded vowel and a consonant, guruu ｾ＠ guruuwdu ｾ＠ guruudu 'pigs', but not after a unrounded vowel. cAwku, a name, is 2ossible. bic(i)ni 'wedge' du>(u)ma 'leopard' yuk(u)may 'lid of corn store' guhh(u)lay 'club, stick' (13) The epenthetic vowel a assimilates to the next vowel if the intermediate consonant is a glottal stop. cawtu-a>i (ll) ｾ＠ cawti>i 'monkeys' (14) In verbal derivation, the labialisation of a consonant spreads to the follow:ing . inserted vowel ii, and the consonant _becomes .unrounded.daaxw-iim deeqw-iim The rounded vowel u is deleted after a labialized consonant if a front vowel follows: bee<angw-u-1 ｾ＠ ｾ＠ ｾ＠ daaxuum 'make an incision' deequum 'shave' bee<angwi 'this sheep' The glide y is deleted between i and a consonant. (15) Occasional morphological nasality dissimilation: An n becomes r before the m of a suffix. safuriya-du ＠ｾ safuriydu ｾ＠ safuridu ｾ＠ safurdu 'pots' uriye-du ｾ＠ uriydu ｾ＠ uridu ｾ＠ urdu 'thighs' ciiya-ku-i ｾ＠ ciikwi 'to the north' han-m-iis ( ｾＩ＠ it( a)n-mo ｾ＠ dindin-mo ｾ＠ harmiis 'to be giving', from haniis 'to give' itirmo 'louse', plural: itna dindirmo 'a small hill' (containing reduplication of din) 2.5.3. Vowel assimilation. (16) Epenthetic vowels can undergo assimilation. Progressive assimilation occurs velar, uvular, pharyngeal, or glottal consonants; regressive assimilation occurs the glottal stop. Morphologically determined assimilation occurs in the verbs 'to and in the gender markers ku and ta. This can be shown from reduplication of the first CVC of the stem. The nasal element of a nasal-obstruent cluster is suppressed in the reduplication; see 2.4. (12) The epenthetic vowels a and ii assimilate to the preceding a, i, or u if intermediate consonant is velar, uvular, pharyngeal, or glottal. the verbal derivation. buu>-iim ｾ＠ bu>uum 'harvest, pay DUR' tuu<-iim ｾ＠ tucuum 'uproot DUR' buuhh-iim ｾ＠ buhhuum 'be angry DUR' t and d become r before c. car< ant-a 'red flowers' 'or'ond-i 'a climber plant' Word-final reduction. The voiceless consonants s, t, k are optionally deleted word-finally after long mostly with high tone. 39 38 oriy6o for oriy6ok 'people' lakii for lakiit 'wait!' axmii for axmiis 'I or s /he listened' xaawee for xaaweek 'come!' (18) The voiced stops are optionally devoiced word-finally. The alveolar stop obligatorily devoiced, except in alqaad 'to give last instructions' tseeg or tseek 'bind, close' tliig or tliik 'be late' yacab or yacap 'you send' eehat 'you follow', cf. eehada 'do you follow?' (19) The nd becomes n word-finally, word-initially and after a consonant. gendariyaan, sg.: gendariyaandi 'baobab tree' saqaan, sg.: saqaandamo, pl.: saqaandama' 'earring' muriyaan 'a kind of tree', with the demonstrative suffix: muriyaanduwi firiin, firiind-a) 'you ask, you (PL) ask' The rule also operates after a consonant, and word-initially. The hither marker is if it is suffixed to the conditional adverb bar with an epenthetic vowel as in bir· but ni after a consonant; thus without the epenthetic vowel: birni. Likewise second person plural object pronoun ndu after the concessive adverb tarn: tu or tumnu. The following rule is morphophonological and has exceptions: (20) Lenition of voiced stop to continuant: b to w, d to r intervocalically or finally, but not at a stem boundary. The rule operates with the number suffixes u, o, eemo, ee, and with the derivations. Note also the back formation in ichaabu 'jiggers' from Swahili cha 'lice' plus the plural suffix -u. fara (fl) I fadu (n) 'bone' (bara ) I badu (n) 'sides' tsaawu I tsabu 'axe' sirwi (f) I sido (n) 'pot' hhara (fl) I hhado (n) 'stick' gara (fl) I gado (n) 'forest' tlawi (fl) I tlabeemo (n) 'lake, sea' dawa (m1) I dabee (f) 'hand, arm' qwad: qwaar 'to lose', qwad-iim 'lose-DUR' migid: migiir 'to collect firewood', migd-iit 'collect firewood-MIDDLE lab: laaw 'go to cultivate', lab-iim 'go to cultivate-DUR' But in verbal derivation the rule has lexical properties. For some verbs because of the stem boundary whereas for others the rule is not blocked at the stem boundary (or the stem boundary is not recognised as such), and for yet others two forms exist, with and without the application of the rule. This shows that the lenition cases are relics of a historical change rather than a productive phonological huuw 'bring', hub 'bring-2.SG', huuw-iit 'be bringing' gweer 'open', gweer-iit 'be open', gweed-iit 'be opening s.th.' Historically also g changed to y or zero, as can be seen in the suppletive plural deena, dageeno 'girl after initiation', and in caay 'to eat', cag 'you eat'. Order of rules. In every juxtaposition of morphemes, the phonological rules apply. The rules may give the wrong results if they are applied only once to the maximum string of morphemes. For example, the word mutundu in mutundu haniis m-ta-ndu haniis-H WHAT-IMPS-0.2.PL give-PAST 'What were you (PL) given?' consists of the string [m-[ta-ndu]] in which the vowel a first has to assimilate to the following u before the epenthetic vowel in the first, syllable assimilates to the following vowel. Applied simultaneously to the maximum string of morphemes the assimilation rules would give the incorrect result matundu. The vowel before the negative suffix -ka is lengthened. This rule applies after the syllable reduction rule, which deletes the short vowel of a syllable between two syllables with short vowels. A long vowel is not deleted in this environment. firin-a-ka ｾ＠ firiim-a-ka ｾ＠ firinka 'he doesn't ask' firiimaaka 'I don't ask' The vowel assimilation in mood prefixes on the verb 'to be' applies before the deletion of the triggering vowel due to vowel coalescence with the perfect tense suffix -a; see 4.1.14. timka is [[tam-ki]-a] [[CONCES-0.3:IMPS:N]-PERF] 'even if they were ... '. 41 3. Nominal morphology 3.1. Gender of nouns Iraqw nouns have gender distinction. According to the agreement on the verb, nouns can be divided into three groups .. The group that shows the same agreement as the third person masculine singular subject is called masculine, (m), (1); the group that shows the same agreement as a third person feminine singular subject is called feminine, (2); the group that shows the same agreement as a third person plural subject is called neuter, (n), (3). Note that gender agreement is irrespective of number. The masculine noun of ( 1) is plural in number but has a third person singular masculine ending on the verb. The feminine noun in (2) is plural in number and has a third person singular feminine ending on the verb. The noun in (3) is singular in number, but is neuter in gender, because of the third person plural ending on the verb. (1) daaqay i giilin. giilin boys 8.3 fight:3.SG.M 8.3 fight:3.SG.M 'The boys are fighting; He is fighting' (2) hhayse i harweeriiriin. harweeriiriin. tails 8.3 make:circles:3.SG.F 8.3 make:circles:3.SG.F 'The tails are making circles; She is making circles' (3) hhayso i harweeriirina,. harweeriirina,. tail 8.3 make:circles:3.PL 8.3 make:circles:3.PL 'The tail is making circles; They are making circles' The feminine words have a subgroup, which is indicated with (fl ); the masculine words have a subgroup, which is indicated with (m1 ). These subgroups are defined by a different form of the gender linker preceding noun suffixes; see 3.4. 3.1.1. Predictability by form The gender of a noun is overt to a large extent if the noun contains a number suffix. Homophonous plural suffixes can have different genders, such as the plural suffixes -o (f) and -o ( n). Nouns with one of the following suffixes are masculine: -ay, -angw, -mo. Nouns with one of the following suffixes are feminine: -aawe, -i, -ani, -a, -o, -o>o, -ano. Neuter nouns are those with one of the following suffixes: -'i, -eeri, -du, -ma>, -o, <ee>-o, -a>. The gender of nouns that do not contain a number suffix is not predictable. Compare ti>itaa 'story', which is feminine with ti>ita 'kind of tree', which is masculine. ｓｯｭｾ＠ tendencies in gender allocation on the basis of phonological shape of the noun without a number suffix can be discerned. Most nouns end in a vowel. Nouns ending in u tend to be masculine. Nouns ending in other vowels tend to be feminine. Loan words from Swahili follow this pattern. 43 42 mura' (m) xawa' (m) things fresh manure kalaamu (m) 'pen' kitaabu (m) 'book' koopo (f) 'cup' koleeyo (f) chumba (f) 'pincers' 'room' chupa (f) 'bottle' da<aw (m) east shuule (f) mikaate (f) 'school' 'bread' gid'aw (m) manakw (m) vulture baati (f) 'corrugated iron sheet' sanakw (m) cow (black and white or red) gaseeti (f) 'newspaper' ending in a labial or labialised consonant, e.g. w or kw, are masculine. Note that nouns ending in u are also masculine and that u is an agreement element for nouns, see 3.4 and 4.1.2. Solanum nignum plant Nouns ending in ar, al or as are masculine. There are numerous exceptions. Approximately 53 nouns ending in a are quite a number of nouns ending in o are masculine, and there are other coun ples. aya (m) 'village, land, country, state' aako (m) 'grandfather' qoro (m) 'dust' dll:gno (m) fuqno (m) 'thumb' xa'ano (m) sihhino (m) 'tree' 'nail' 'tooth' garmo (m) gwa<amo (m) 'kind of tree' 'kind of tree' hoomo (m) 'stranger' kurmo (m) tlanmo (m) 'kind of tree' uhumo (m) 'pillar' <asmo (m) yaamu (n) 'flat-roofed house' 'earth, world, below' hee (m) 'person' age (m) buhaare (n) 'dry season (June-October)' 'rainy season, kind of insect' dimbe (n) 'side' 'hoe' Also for nouns ending in a consonant and without a number suffix, some tenaerlCit:l!i,J;\11 gender allocation can be observed. Nouns ending in a glottal stop are masculine. do' (m) house gura' (m) belly hhiya' (m) brother, cousin qwala' (m) JOY asal (m) garden, small vegetable plot ba'ar (m) dee<ar (m) fly noo'as (m) ombas (m) cow (short legged and feeble) kind of grass waqas (m) logs in roof tsamas (m) giraffe root For other nouns, ending in is, gender is not predictable. na<amfs (in) dish of beans and maize barfis (m) first-born kasfis (f) sweet potatoe Nouns ending in 6ot or eet are feminine. These nouns are probably of Datooga origin. bomb6ot (f) beer left over from drinking daam6ot (f) dong6ot (f) beard, moustache kind of dance gaamboot (f) shield geey6ot (f) mayshoot (f) kind of disease leather bag (on donkey) saaroot (f) leather bag (to take honey) digeet (f) cow bought with a donkey eemeet (f) gadyeet (f) people in general work, task giyeet (f) famine iringeet (f) crime, sin meeweet (f) sarmeet (f) grain store kind of dance 45 44 bariis (m) 'first-born (PL)'; singular: bariismo (m) 'first-born (SG)' simeet (f) well, artificial drinking place A plural base form can also take another derived plural form. 3.1.2. Predictability by meaning The gender of a noun cannot be determined on the basis of its meaning. There examples where the gender of the noun is different from the sex of the referent. barise (f) catlaray (m) old men, leaders tsuu(n)qaa (n), (PL) 'saliva, blessing': tsunqareeri (f), (PL) 'saliva at different places' A singular base form can take another derived singular form. old cows awe (f) dasu (m) hayda (f) bulls girls tlaway (m) isangw (m) nac( a)ni (f) WIVeS tsuunkay (m), (SG) 'dung': tsuunki (f), (SG) 'one piece of dung'; Or there is only one form. bull tluway (m), (SG or PL) 'rain' nipple, breast For other nouns, there is no base form, that is, all forms contain number suffixes. penis aaruso>o (f) 'prophetess', aarusmo (m) 'prophet', aaruse (f) 'prophets (male or female)', derived from the verb ar 'see'. Moreover, words with a similar meaning can have different genders: seepay (m) gourd oona (f) gourd Sex does play a role in agentives. The masculine singulative suffix -usmo is used male agents and the feminine singulative suffix -uso>o is used for female agents. alee<isusmo (m) 'male helper', aleecuso>o (f) 'female helper' ardusmo (m) 'prophet', arduso>o (f) 1prophetess' A single noun stem can take several number suffixes, plural or singulative suffixes, or both. dici SG 'fat' dicaay (m), PL 'many pieces of fat' dicito>o (f), SG 'a small piece of fat'. xwanhlay (m), SG or PL 'dust, rubbish' xwanhlawe (f), PL xwanhli (f), SG 'one piece of dust' xwanhlito>o (f), SG 'a smaller piece of dust' 3.2. Number of nouns 3.2.1. The category of number Number is a relevant category in the agreement of adjectives. Verbs agree only in with the subject, not in number; see 3.1. Adjectives show agreement in number the head noun. The adjective has a singular and a plural form. Adjectival a2:1reemen1 on a semantic basis. Every noun has to fit in one of the categories of number: or pluraL Some nouns can be in either, but with a difference in meaning. come back to this in the discussion of the collective suffixes (3.2.4.1.). The sentences show that the adjective agrees in number with the head noun. gitso (f), SG 'grass' gitsiingw (m), PL 'grasses' gitsiimi (f), SG 'one plant of grass' gitsito>o (f), SG 'a small piece of grass' .LVLLvvvl.LIJ!Iil!E hhaysaa tleer 'a long tail'; hhayser tlet 'long tails' garmo6 ur 'a big boy'; daaq6o uren 'big boys' 3.2.2. The derivational nature of number Number in lraqw is of a derivational nature. There are many different numbers vVe have found fourteen different suffixes to form a plural. The plural can be deri from a singular base form of the noun, i.e. the stem without a number suffix, or singular can be derived from a plural base form. buura (f) 'beer'; plural: buur(a)du (n) 'various beer parties' ｾ＠ derived singular can have its own derived plural. The plural suffix replaces the smgular suffix. A sequence of productive number suffixes does not occur. saqaan (m), PL 'earrings': saqaanmo (m), SG 'one particular pair of earrings', plural: saqandama> or saqanma> (n), PL 'several pairs of earrings', saqanday (m) 'pair of earrings' !he choice of which plural suffix to use for a certain noun is lexically determined. That IS to say, it is not predictable on the basis of form or meaning of the noun. This does not mean that the distribution of plural suffixes is random. To some extent the choice of the plural suffix can be related to the gender of the singular and to the suffix of the 47 46 plural suffixes with a masculine base noun singular. 3.2.3. Number and gender Each number suffix has its own gender: (m), (f), or (n). e aawe ma' >i Gender is nearly always different between singular and plural. This is a common feat of Cushitic languages; it is often called polarity of gender. It should be noted that Iraqw the difference in gender for singular and plural is not polar. Feminine in singular does not regularly correspond to masculine in the plural. Both singular plural may be feminine. In the examples, singular and plur.al are separated by I . arwi (f) I arwo banana (f) All number suffixes with neuter gender are plural. There are no masculine among the plural suffixes, but the collective suffixes are masculine. Note that t are nouns of neuter gender with singular reference, for example hhayso 'tail', masculine nouns with plural reference, daaqay 'boys'. de>ema (n) tseeca (n) time outside amsi (n) I amsi>i (n) xweera (n) I xweerdu (n) duunga' (n) I dungawe (f) gitsa<a> (n) I gitseece (f) midnight night nose forehead, face, luck I gwe>eede (f) hhayso (n) I hhayse (f) bihhii' (n) I bihhe (f) dohho(n) I dohhodu(n) tail side punishment, fine gweedo (n) buttock The gender of the base form is a factor in the choice of the plural suffix. Mas and feminine base forms take plural suffixes from different sets. This is not true singulative suffixes. 3.2.4. Overview of suffixes An overview of the number suffixes is presented in the following. The first column the form of the suffix and the second column gives the gender of the suffix. D' allomorphs of a single number suffix are conditioned by the syllable structure of noun stem, triconsonantal roots take the allomorph with the infix <ee>, e.g. 'boundary', plural: dig<ee>m-i. er stands for a reduplication of the stem-final sonant, e.g. bal-angw 'corn', singular: balaali 'cob of grain', with the singula suffix -aaCri (4) Table of number suffixes collective suffixes: a ay angw eeri or <ee>-i FEM FEM NEUT NEUT NEUT plural suffixes with a feminine base noun a 0 du u a' iya' 0 eemo or <ee>-o FEM FEM NEUT NEUT NEUT NEUT NEUT NEUT singulative suffixes mo ito>o O'O ani aaCri MASC FEM FEM FEM FEM FEM Several suffixes occur (also) as fused elements in other suffixes. -e in -aawe, -eeri, -eemo -a' in iya' -'i in -eeri -u in -du -i in -ani, -aaCri -o'o in -ito>o -o in -eemo Some suffixes overlap with deverbal suffixes; see 3.3. -a (f) -o (f) When suffixes are attached to the base form, the final vowel of the stem is nearly always deleted, either by the vowel coalescence rule (5) in 2.5.1, or by the syllable reduction rule (4) in 2.3. Most suffixes end in a vowel. Those that end in a consonant end in a glottal stop, in a glide, y, or in ngw. MASC MASC 3,.2.4.1. The collective suffixes 49 48 Words with the suffixes -ay or -angw can be singular or plural, or even both. reason for this double nature is the collective character of the suffixes -ay and -an There are a number of words in -ay and -angw that can take adjectives with singular or plural agreement with a difference in meaning. The meaning with a · adjective is collective; the meaning with a plural adjective is plurality of the entities while the adjective modifies the separate entities. (5) Collectives with singular and plural adjectives. notay not6o notoo notoo 'paper money' niina 'a few notes' niinakw 'five-shilling notes', as opposed to uren 'one- hundred shilling notes' tlaawaay 'wives', cf. hare 'wife' tlaawoo ur 'many wives' tlaawoo uren 'senior wives' balang ur (a large harvest'' balang uren 'a harvest of big grains, maize'' as compared with: balang ninakw 'a harvest of small grains'. intsangw (m) I intsaawe (f) dahhangw (m) I dahheeri (n) jackal gourd (in general) quruntli (f) I quruntlay (m) mugugunmo (m) I mugugunay (m) se>eemi (f) I se>eengw (m) gourd (for water) bed bug hair, fur Nouns with these suffixes often have no other number form. munday (m) chaff tlatla'angw (m) midday (12-13 o'clock) The suffix -aay is attested by the following list of derived nouns in -aay. boocaay 'blackness, crowd' baafay 'drizzle' axweesanaay 'conversation' hlufaay 'kind of poem' tluwaay 'rain' alhhe>eesaay 'end' diimaay 'old age' uraay 'size' boo' (adj) 'black' baaf 'to spit, drizzle' axwees 'to talk' hluufiim 'to praise' tluuw 'to rain' alhhe>ees 'to accomplish' diim 'to become old' ur (adj) 'big' The meaning of the suffix -ay is collective in, for example, The high tone in ay is part of the lexical entry and has to be realised on the final syllable, cf. waqa_t (m) 'intestines', waqantay· (m) 'a collection of intestines': The corresponding- singular or plural forms do not have a high tone, but, for nouns with a high tone in the singular, the plural form ->i is preceded by an epenthetic vowel that assimilates to the following vowel resulting in -i>i . hooray 'beard' daray 'mane' dicay 'fat' diway 'salt' teeray 'cloud of dust' tsuunkay 'dung' baafay 'drizzle' boo'aay 'blackness, crowd of people' buusay 'soft cattle dung' batlay 'group of working children' tsaaray 'bundle of grass' guhhulay (m) maamay (m) I maami>i (n) (n) stick with a knob, club maternal uncle Nouns with the suffix -angw (m) are singular in general. A plural interpretation is possible, with the adjective referring to separate entities of the sum. If there is another plural form, it is formed by suffixation of -eeri or -aawe. There are two plurals for elbow, gongoxay and gongoxma>. The first one is used when referring to the pair of elbows of one person. gongoxay dinkwa-r-i tseeg-eek elbows together-F-DIR close-IMP.SG.O 'Draw the elbows together!' Because these suffixes can be either singular or plural, some of them are paired nouns containing plural suffixes, while others are paired with nouns with singular fixes. dasay (m) I dasi>i (n) see>ay (m) I see>aawe (f) I guhhuli>i slope dog diirangw (m) I diireeri (n) fuqrangw (m) I fuqreeri (n) komtangw (m) I komtaawe (f) xeerangw (m) I xeeraawe (f) lion intelligence, soul ankle bangle scorpiOn There is a similar suffix -iingw for nouns derived from verbs with a durative suffix -iim, see 3.3. 3.2.4.2. Plural suffixes In general, the plural suffixes have no other meaning than plurality. Some of the plural nouns are based on a noun that already has a plural meaning. In these cases there is 51 50 difference in meaning between the various plural forms with the same noun st plural form such as tsunqareeri of a noun which is already plural, tsuuqa ' means 'saliva at different places'. hhamhham>i means all the eyebrows and of one person; hhamhhamo is singular, 'eyebrow, eyelash, eyelid' and u ..... u............... .u:u. is the general plural. hoom>i 'groups of enemies' is the plural of hooma ' which is already plural. tsarhham>i 'foreheads' is the plural of tsarhhaadu, plural too and refers to the two sides of a forehead with a regressing hairline. For cases with more than one plural form for the same lexical stem there is no cliff in meaning, xadeemo or xado (n) 'bushes, places of worship'. The following plural suffixes, numbered from 1 to 6, are restricted to lexemes wit masculine base form in the singular. 1. The suffix -e (f). afa (ml) I afe (f) awu (m) I awe (f) danu (m) I dane (f) fura (m) I fure (f) gufa (m) I gufe (f) gunuca (m) I gunuce (f) gura' (m) I gur>e (f) kanu (m) I kane (f) kuma· (m) I kume (f) saga (ml) I sage (f) tsiiru (m) I tsiire (f) ufa (m) I ufe (f) uma (m) I ume (f) musa (m) I muse (f) muna (m) I mune (f) tluca (m) I tluce (f) duxa (m) I duxe (f) yaqamba (m) I yaqambe (f) daqwaay (m) I daqwaye (f) mouth, opening, edge bull honey, nom. pers. toothbrush firebrand navel belly, interior tendon thousand head hundred heap of dung name pestle, mortar stick heart upper arm steep, small valley male animal donkey This suffix -e is part of the plural suffix -us-e for agentive nouns, which have a ｳｭＺＡ＿［ｕｊｾｧ＠ in -us-mo (m) or -us-o>o (f). This is a productive deverbal derivation. It is also of -it-e for the plural of human beings with a singular in -it-mo (m) or -it-o>o ( cabkuso'o (f) 1 cabkuse (f) aleecisusmo (m) I aleecisuse (f) alcutlusmo (m) I alcutluse (f) daacalusmo (m) I daacaluse (f) woman without offspring, barren tree helper CirCUmCISer witch daqrusmo (m) I daqruse (f) de'e'amusmo (m) I de>e>amuuse (f) diiftusmo (m) I diiftuse (f) doohlusmo (m) I doohluse (f) firusmo (m) I firuse (f) fisusmo (m) I fisuse (f) xabusmo (m) I xabuse (f) cattle-skinner herdsman quarrelsome person cultivator, farmer beggar thief sender for marriage aalitmo (m) I aalite (f) batlitamo (m) I batlite (f) hagitmo (m) I hagite (f) camatlito>o (f) I camatlite (f) heir working boy Tindiga or Hadza virgin, young girl There are six nouns for which the singular is not masculine but neuter. afeetlo (n) I afeetle (f) bihhi> (n) I bihhe (f) dacawa (n) I deceewe (f) gweedo (n) I gwe>ede (f) hhayso (n) I hhayse (f) yaamu (n) I yaame (f) loin side chest buttock tail, penis earth, world, space below There are three .plural words ending in -e that are not feminin.e but neuter. tlacano 'is a singulative derived from tlaa'e, out the other two are unexplained exceptions. tlaacano (f) I tlaace (n) hhawata (m) I hhawate (n) hhiya' (m), hho>o (f) I hha>e (n) smaller stone husband, male brother, sister 2. The suffix -'e (f). There are a few words with a plural in -'e. bohongw (m) I boh>e (f) gamangw (m) I gam>e (f) umangw (m) I um>e (f) hole end of something abscess 3. The suffix -aawe (f) The suffix can be most clearly recognized in poham I pohamaawe 'baboon'. considerable number of words with this suffix are animals. hila> (m) I bil>aawe (f) fila (m) I filaawe (f) geetu (m) I geetaawe (f) cliff, ravine aardvark side of hill A 52 gurta (m) I gurtaawe (f) gwaanda (m) I gwaandaawe (f) hiimta (m) I hiimtaawe (f) kuumba (m) I kuumbaawe (f) paynu (m) I paynaawe (f) poham (m) I pohamaawe (f) puuru (m) I puuraawe (f) xoombo (m) I xoombaawe (f) hlarhhama (m) I hlarhhamaawe (f) 53 male goat ram, wave in water necklace or bracelet husband of sister baldness baboon flour old man or animal madman There is one noun for which the singular form is neuter. duunga' (n) I dungaawe (f) nose 4. The suffix -ma' (n) aayo (f) I am'i (n) koolo (f) I kol>i (n) aama (f) I aam>i (n) 6. The suffix -eeri (n). suffix is neuter and the singular is masculine. curu (m) I cureeri (n) hhampa (m) I hhampeeri (n) ti>ita (m) I ti>iteeri (n) cuntla (m) I cuntleeri (n) hhamangw (m) I hhameeri (n) hlaara (m) I hlaareeri (n) gurungura (m) I gurungureeri (n) carmo (m) I 'areeri (n) The suffix can be seen in: nyaqot (m) I nyaqootma> (n) saqaan (m) I saqaanma' (n) tla'ambu (m) I tlacambuma' (n) Colobus monkey earring trunk There are two words, loans from Datooga, with a singular that is not masculine feminine: mayshoot (f) I mayshootma' (n) or mayshoodu (n) shaaroot (f) I sharootma' (n) or sharoodu (n) leather bag (on donkey) leather bag There is one word which has a variant -eema' for -m a'. isangw (m) I iseema' (n) or isaama' nipple, breast (n) strength, force wing Ficus thoningii cheek leather strip armpit knee lump (of tobacco, porridge), calf (of leg) An allomorph of this suffix consists of an infix <ee> preceding the stem final consonant and -i following the stem final consonant. The allomorph is used if the base form contains three root consonants and the last consonant of the noun stem is a continuant (m,n,l,r). An exception is 'armo 'lump, calf of leg' above. ､ｩｧｾ｡＠ (m) I digeemi (n) du>uma (m) I du>eemi (n) fuq(u)no (m) I fuqeeni (n) garmo (m) I gareemi (n) hhutlmo (m) I hhutleemi (n) kurmo (m) I kureemi (n) uh(u)mo (m) I uheemi (n) xaarmo (m) I xaareemi (n) boundary, border leopard nail (finger or toe) kind of tree small belt hoe column, pillar in the house horn, tusk, cob of maize For four words the singular is feminine. The root for 'widow' is kwa>l. The glottal stop is deleted in the singular because it is followed by a consonant, kwa>l-o>o -+ kwalo'o, but the glottal stop appears in the plural form: kwa'<ee>l-i. 5. The suffix -'i (n). The epenthetic vowel preceding the suffix >i assimilates to i. 'awtu (m) 1 'awti>i (n) 'aymu (m) 1 'aymi'i (n) baaba (m) I baabi>i (n) daram (m) I darami>i (n) mugul (m) I mugli>i (n) kalaamu (m) I kalami>i (n) mother heel grandmother, old woman monkey word, utterance father cask, barrel (Sw) · collar bone pen (Sw) Three words have a singular that is not masculine but feminine: diq(a)ma (f) I diqeemi (n) durmi (f) I dureemi (n) kwalo>o (f) I kwa>eeli (n) wakri (f) I wakeeri (n) fence for cattle stomach widow chin following plural suffixes, numbered from 7 to 14, are restricted to lexemes with a feminine base form in the singular. 7. The suffix -du (n). This suffix is commonly used for loanwords. 55 54 angamiiya (f) I gaamiydu (n) bak6ora (f) I bakooradu (n) chumba (f) I chumbadu (n) deebe (f) I deebadu (n) afay (f) I afaydu (n) cayma (f) 1 caymadu (n) bunqa (f) I bunqadu (n) deeqwa (f) I deeqwadu (n) eeka (f) I eekadu (n) gacale (f) I gacaledu (n) gali (f) I galidu (n) gidaaba (f) I gidabadu (n) gixsa (f) I gixsad u (n) hhayuma (f) I hhayumadu (n) koopo (f) I kopodu (n) lo>o (f) I lo>odu (n) ma'aye (f) I ma'aydu (n) makaasi (f) I makaasd u (n) malo (f) I malodu (n) meesa (f) ,I mees(a)du (n) maslaaba (f) I maslabadu (n) cooco (f) I coocoodu (n) camel (Sw) walking stick with handle (Sw) room (Sw) tin can (Sw) side eating muddy place in valley razor acre (Sw) bow Turraea mombassana sense, reason (Da) village (archaic) temporary return to parents cup (Sw) cock's comb medicine of purification panga (f) I pangadu (n) qatsoca (f) I qatsocadu (n) qooma (f) I qoomadu (n) shuule (f) I shuul(a)du (n) siptaali (f) I siptaaldu (n) ti,ita (f) I ti>itadu (n) tlanka (f) I tlankadu (n) tsaxra (f) I tsaxradu (n) tsiinqa (f) I tsinqadu (n) tsirxa (f) I tsirxadu (n) xuumpa (f) I xumpadu (n) xwanxwa (f) I xwanxwadu (n) scissors (Sw) small girls table (Sw) cross (Sw) excrement sword (Sw) crotch period school (Sw) hospital (Sw) tale bridge arrow for bleeding cattle small stream, spring gap, small window cold, throat affliction bridge of the nose kafya (f) I kafyadu (n) tsahhame (f) I tsahhamadu (n) kwahlee1na (f) I kwahleemadu (n) hat (Sw) chaff case, affair, consult For one word the singular is neuter and not feminine: xweera (n) I xweer(a)du (n) night is an epenthetic a in harimadu 'discipline' from hariim 'to be due, proper' and in some loan words. koleyo (f) I koleyad u (n) gaari (f) I gaar(a)du (n) pincers (Sw) car (Sw) If the noun ends in t, the t is deleted before the -du; see (7) in 2.5.2. meeweet (f) I meeweed u (n) iringeet (f) I iringeedu (n) gadyeet (f) I gadyeedu (n) mayshoot (f) I mayshoodu (n) gaamb6ot (f) I gaamboodu (n) geew6ot (f) I geewoodu (n) simeet (f) I simeedu (n) grain store (outside) crime, sin work, task leather bag shield kind of disease (Da) well, small canal beside well If the last stem consonant is r or y, the stem final vowel can optionally be deleted. mihaayo (f) I mihay(o)du (n) xooro (f) I xoor( o )du (n) kitaara (f) I kitar(a)du (n) tseere (f) I tseer(e)du (n) buura (f) I buur(a)du (n) xweera (n) I xweer(a)du (n) uriya (f) I urdu (n) gaari (f) I gaar(a)du (n) safuriya (f) I safaaridu (n) hara)aya (f) I hara>ay(a)du (n) attempt to convince tribe, nation bed blood beer night thigh car (Sw) pan (Sw) advice 8. The suffix -u (n). The syllable preceding the suffix -u is reduced. Long vowels become short. Diphthongs become monophthongs in some of the cases, but not in maytsi (f) I maytsu (n) 'cat'. Syllables with a nasal consonant in the coda lose the nasal, but not always. If -u follows the vowel o, the result is u, contrary to the vowel coalescence rule (5) in 2.5.1. baala (f) I balu (n) loohi (f) llohu (n) tlaaca (f) I tlacu (n) tuu'a (f) I tu>u (n) yaa'e (f) I ya'u (n) maama (f) I mamu (n) day path, way rock, big.stone corpse nver fruit of a tree 57 56 maana (f) I manu (n) waahla (f) I wahlu (n) qaymo (f) I qamu (n) taampa (f) I tapu (n) tliinta (f) I tlitu (n) baa>a (f) I ba>u (n) baaci (f) I bacu (n) hheehha (f) I hhehhu (n) iina (f) I inu (n) doofa (f) I dofu (n) boohha (f) I bohhu (n) deeli (f) I delu (n) gooso (f) I gosu (n) kwaahha (f) I kwahhu (n) saanka (f) I sanku (n) oona (f) I onu (n) fooxa (f) I foxu (n) gweehha (f) I gwehhu (n) doohho (f) I dohhu (n) baha (f) I bahu (n) de>e (f) I de>u (n) hhape (f) I hhapu (n) impe (f) I impu (n) koci (f) I kocu (n) laya (f) llayu (n) lo>o (f) llo>u (n) tango (f) I tangu (n) tlapa (f) I tlapu (n) xadi (f) I xadu (n) campa (f) I 'ampu (n) canta (f) I cantu (n) man transformed into a hyena python sebea field blind person or animal corridor pit (square) mud throat, wind-pipe debt rhinoceros burden field left unattended for a while gap of incisor teeth board to clean cow dung frame above the door gourd, big calabash for beer hole, window place of new farm fine hyena liver earth, ground plate Ｈｷｯ､･ｮＩｾ＠ back wall iron to mark a cow, law curse, strong wish deserted place of house small valley, drift udder of a cow watch tower grave, tomb For one word the singular is derived by the suffix -mo which is a masculine s baynamo (m) I baynu (n) t rn· se alu (n) axwesu (n) yaamu (n) I dasu (m) karama (f) I karmu (n) lawala (f) llawlu (n) There are words ending in u (n) which are of singular reference. There is no number form, so it is not possible to see whether u is the same suffix or part castrated being spear, lance A last stem consonant r corresponds to d before the suffix u; and w corresponds to b before the suffix, according to the lenition rule (20) in 2.5.4. tsawoo (f) I tsabu (n) kahari (f) I kadu (n) fara (fl) I fadu (n) (bara ) I badu (n) (the singular only occurs as bar a 'at, in' in locative expressions; see 3.4.4.) axe skin, foreskin bone side 9. The suffix -a) (n). There are some plurals in -a' that have the ｳ｡ｭｾ＠ syllable. ii>a (f) I i>a> (n) yaa>e (f) I ya>a> (n) diitsa (f) I ditsa> (n) maama (f) I mama' or mamu (n) ila (f) I ila> (n) property of reducing the first 'stem ear leg finger fruit eye Other number suffixes do not have this shortening effect, for example ->i: xaa>i 'horns' 10. The suffix -iya' (n). The suffi x IS . I'd entica · 1 to the third · person plural suffix in the verbal conjugation· see 4.2.2. The singular is (f1). There are only two examples. ' wild pig girl, daughter behind, reverse evening, night (7-10 p.m.) earth, world, below short vowel in a syllable between two light syllables is deleted according to the reduction rule; see (4) in 2.3. For example: kura (fl) I kuriya' (n) tsici (f1) I tsiciya> (n) There are words ending in u in the plural where the gender is masculine, not The singular is derived. dasi (f) We will assume the latter. rectum shin lL The suffix -o (n). may suffix is used with a singular that is (f) and especially (f1) and ends in i or a. It that the i and a are singular suffixes which are replaced by o in the plural. 58 akweesi (f) I akweeso (n) ahla (f) I ahlo (n) caawi (f) I caawo (n) faca (f) I faco (n) laqwa (f) llaqo (n) sirwi (f) ·1 si do ( n) fala (fl) I falo (n) hayi (fl) I hayo (n) iisa (fl) I iso (n) qafi (fl) I qafo (n) hlaqwa (fl) I hlaqo (n) hlufi (fl) I hlufo (n) hluma (fl) I hlumo (n) xatsa (fl) I xatso (n) hlaca (fl) I hlaco (n) hhara (fl) I hhado (n) gara (fl) I gado (n) tleesani (fl) I tleesano (n) tsuma (fl) I tsumo (n) 59 cooking stone fire zorilla porridge of maize needle, pin earthen water pot hide, prepared skin feather neck, hump of cow bark, chip body lip hedge around the house valley bush, wilderness herdstick, walking stick forest roads for cattle dirt One word has a masculine singulative based on a ｮ･ｵｴｾｲ＠ I catlo catlamo (m) (n) stem in o. molar The last consonant r corresponds to d in front of the suffix -o, according to the l rule ( 20) in 2.5.4. sirwi (f) I sido (n) hhara (f) I hhado (n) gara (f) I gado (n) pot stick forest 12. The suffix -eemo or <ee>-o (n). lama (fl) I lameemo (n) daangi (f) I daangeemo (n) kanki (f) I kankeemo (n) tlawi (fl) I tlabeemo (n) lie, falseness twin corner, end of sth. lake, sea The allomorph -ee-o (n) consists of -ee- which precedes the last consonant of the s and -0" which follows it. The allomorph is used if the singular stem contains t consonants, but the infix <ee> does not break up homorganic NC clusters. 'aysani (n) 'antani (fl) 'ayseeno (n) I 'anteeno (n) 1 lie, slander ant hill barsi (f) I bareeso (n) ga'awi (f) I ga'eewo (n) halmi (f) I haleemo (n) mahhati (f) I mahheeto (n) mapari (f) I mapeero (n) na'ani (f) I na'eeno (n) qatni (f) I qateeno (n) qawri (f) I qaweero (n) tlacafi (f) I tlaceefo (n) tlahhasa (f) I tlahheeso (n) tsitsini (f) I tsitseeno (n) qawtani (f) I qawteeno (n) wakri (f) I wakeero (n) grass, luck calabash for making sour milk branch of a tree shadow ditch penis bed baby ( 1-3 months) kitchen pool of rain top, point grazing land chin Also if the singular contains more than three stem consonants: darqafi (f) I darqeefo (n) scale According to the lenition rule (20) in 2.5.4, a b is not lenited to w before the suffix <ee>-o since this constitutes a morpheme boundary, e.g. tlawi I tlabeemo 'lake, sea' . • The palr deena (f) I dageeno (n) 'young woman' is an exception. The plural is · suppletive. Historically the root contained a g. Alagwa and Burunge still have g in the stem in the singular. There are numerous exceptions with a masculine base form. naanu (m) I naaneemo (n) hlanu (m) I hlaneemo (n) daanda (m) I daandeemo (n) aya (m) I ayeemo (n) gayu (m) I gayeemo (n) 'aaru (m) I careemo (n) atu (m) I ateemo (n) kiintu (m) I kiinteemo (n) xaday (m) I xadeemo (n) or xado (n) subsidiary dish python back, top village, land other side breakfast, leftovers brain bush bush, place of worship ba>asa (m) I ba>eeso (n) darma (m) I dareemo (n) hhafta (m) I hhafeeto (n) bushbuck wilderness, grove mat ｾ＠ na'ahl (m) 1 na'eehlo (n) mar>af-mo (m) I mar>eefo (n) tsacat-mo (m) I tsa'eeto (n) gums of the teeth, palate relative calf (male or female) 60 mugul (m) l mugeelo (n) 61 collar bone 13. The suffix -o (f). Plurals in -o of feminine gender constitute a pair with a feminine singular, (f) or in -i. Note that the neuter plural suffix o has feminine singulars in i or a. The -o can be recognised in tsufo 'kind of tree (PL)' which is based on the the stem 'to sweat, to give out water' and in tleesano of which the singular tleesani ' cattle' is derived from the verb tlees 'to herd in the afternoon'; see 3.3. The cayto>o 'maize' probably developed from the singulative 'ayto>o of the noun 'flowers'. cayti>i (f) l 'ayto>o (f) arwi (f) I arwo (f) basori (f) I basoro (f) bayri (f) l bayro (f) ga'awi (f) l ga'awo (f) geewi (f) l geewo (f) gil>i (f) l gil'o (f) gugi (f) I gugo (f) hayri (f) I hayro (f) hibambi (f) l hibambo (f) haywi (f) I haywo (f) loci (f) l lo<o (f) mankari (f) I mankaro (f) mar>i (f) I mar>o (f) neewi (f) I neewo (f) gani (f) I gano (f) sakari (f) I sakaro (f) tacewi (f) I ta'ewo (f) tleesani (f) l tleesano (f) tsal>i (f) I tsal>o (f) tsirci (f) I tsir<o (f) tsufi (f) I tsufo (f) xa>awi (f) I xa>awo (f) ya>ati (f) I ya>ato (f) axari (f1) I axaro (f) malhhari (fl) I malhharo (f) taqwani (fl) I taqwano (f) maize banana pearl millet flower of maize plant calabash for sour milk hair of cow's tail charcoal windpipe liana spider branch of tree, of maize leaf lightning cave thread clitoris guinea fowl Ficus spec. roads for cattle deep place bird kind of thorn tree charcoal shoe, footprint phlegm pus wooden hoe 14. The suffix -a (f). Plura,ls in -a (f) pair with a singular that is also feminine, (f) or (fl), and end or a singular with the suffix -mo (m). The fact that -a and -i are suffixes can be seen from the words 'awaaki (f) l 'awaaka (f) 'white sorghum' that is derived from cawaak (adj) 'white' and hhis.hhinsi (f) I hhis.hhinsa (f) 'Chenopodium schraderanum tree' derived from hhis.hhins 'violet'. There is also the example senti I senta 'cent', a loan from Swahili senti, where the final i in the singular is reinterpreted as a singular suffix senta is a backformation with plural meaning, which has its parallel in chupa 'bottles', singular: chup-ito>o, also a loan from Swahili chupa 'bottle'. afeeni (f) I afeena (f) chekcheki (f) I chekcheka (f) cameeni (f) I 'ameena (f) mahheeli (f) I mahheela (f) ufani (f) I ufana (f) cawaaki (f) I 'awaaka (f) curfi (f) I 'urfa (f) alcawtani (f) I alcawtana (f) ama'intsa>i (f) I ama'intsa'a (f) ahlahhi (f) I ahlahha (f) babaci (f) I babaca (f) baykwati (f) I baykwata (f) bubuti (£) I bubuta (f) daktani (f) I daktaria (f) hhanhli (f) I hhanhla (f) hharci (f) I hhar'a (f) hhis.hhinsi (f) I hhis.hhinsa (f) hhooki (f) I hhooka (f) ilali (f) I ilala (f) cilsi (f) I cilsa (f) kiik>i (f) I kiik>a (f) koonki (f) I koonka (f) kutumbi (f) I kutumba (f) makimbici (f) I makimbica (f) manongi (f) I manonga (f) matoyi (f) I matoya (f) mee>ali (f) I mee>ala (f) muquhli (f) I muquhla (f) nici (f) I nica (f) or'ondi (f) I or'onda (f) poqi (f) I poqa (f) pungani (f) I pungana (f) courtyard sieve woman Myrsine africana Lippia javanica white sorghum lizard white hair caterpillar kind of plant with poisonous sap cockroach milk gourd water buck .fool maize stalk Rauvolfia kafra Chenopodium schraderanum pigeon, dove post of bed small type of acacia tree peg hen type of insect black mamba grass for cattle leaf Croton microstage iron, metal Coieus aquatis Cucumis aculeatus red or yellow bishop bird kind .of plant 63 62 qanhhi (f) I qanhha (f) qayna'i (f) I qayna'a (f) qinti (f) I qinta (f) qulci (f) I qul<a (f) cilwi (f) I <ilwa (f) samti (f) I samta (f) sargi (f) I sarga (f) senti (f) I sent a (f) hlanhli (f) I hlanhla (f) tlaqati (f) I tlaqata (f) tlawanqi (f) I tlawanqa (f) tsitsihhi (f) I tsitsihha (f) umaali (f) I umaala (f) fiitsi (f) I fiitsa (f) manaqi (f) I manaqa (f) hluuhhi (f) I hluuhha (f) wahhani (f) I wahhana (f) harkonki (f) I harkonka (f) tiqri (f) I tiqra (f) dimori (f) I dim ora (f) tingi (f) I tingp (f) kinti (f) l·kinta (f) caantsi (f) I <aantsa (f) <ar<anti (f) I <arcanta (f) tsiloli (f) I tsilola (f) amaxupi (fl) I amaxupa (f) nanagi (f1) I nanaga (f) tlurumbuci (fl) I tlurumbu<a (f) egg civet cat unripe millet dark part of the house big leopard porcupme Grant's gazelle cent palm gazelle white fat in cow stomach gravel sand hedgehog kind of tree unnpe maize kind of tree white fat owl kind of bird bush shrike lump of earth piece of soil with grass fig tree maize head kind of grass frog worm greens in water Singular in -mo (m). seehhamo (m) I seehha (f) xoohlomo (m) I xoohla (f) kwasiiyamo (m) I kwasiiya (f) meehhmo (m) I meehha (f) pa<almo (m) I pa<ala (f) hhafmo (m) I hhafa (f) kaangarmo (m) I kaangara (f) ki'a'amo (m) I ki>a>a (f) ineermo (m) I ineera (f) tsetse fly instrument flea tick stick for bed layer in flat roof pole monitor lizard mosquito is one exceptional form, hoomo (m) I hooma (f) 'stranger, enemy, full moon', plural hoom>i (n) 'races', where the singular ends in mo, but the m is retained in the plura(l Ｉ｡ｾ ､＠ ｭｾｳｴ＠ therefore be part of the stem. Another irregular case is itirmo 1 itna f ouse . Ｑ last two plural suffixes, -a (f) and -o, are special in two respects. First, their singulars all end in -i or -mo which are independently established singulative suffixes. these suffixes are the only feminine plural suffixes that pair with a feminine singular. Singulative suffixes singular suffixes are the following: Singulative suffixes. -mo, -us-mo, -itmo -o'o, -us-o>o, -ito'o -i -aaCri MASC FEM FEM FEM Most of these singular suffixes signify more than just singularity. The suffixes -usmo (m) and -uso>o (f) are used for agents. The suffix -ito>o means 'part of something'. The suffix -mo is used for one specimen of a living creature, or one element of a set. The suffix -i is just for singular. Nouns with a singulative suffix are often specific. saqanmo 'one paricular pair of ,earrings' gongoxmo 'one particular elbow' The gender of the basic number form does not play a role in the choice of the singular reference suffix. 1. The suffix -mo (m). The suffix can be preceded by an epenthetic vowel a. This suffix singles out one element from a collection. One member of a set of people, one member of a species of animals, especially insects, one member of a set of body parts. People: The words for 'Indian' and 'Arab' are loan words from Swahili. In the plural they contain the Swahili plural noun class prefix wa-, which is dropped in the singular, or replaced by the Swahili singular noun class prefix mu-. The words maanimo (m) I maanda (m) 'Iramba, Bantu' and masomo (m) I masomba (f) 'male adolescent' are irregular. arabamo (m) I wa'arabu (m) muhindmo (m) I wahindi (f) agamo (m) I aga (m) askaarmo (m) I askaari (f) Arab Indian cannibal soldier 65 64 bariismo (m) I bariis (m) gormo (m) I gorowa (n) masongomo (m) I masong (m) hlooharmo (m) I hloohar (m) tarmo (m) I tara (f) wawutmo (m) I wawita (m) duwanqeetmo (m) I duwanqeet (f) first-born Gorowa, Fiome European, white man people of mixed origin Datooga, Barabaig king Maasai Animals: baynamo (m) I baynu (n) ki>a>amo (m) I ki>a>a (f) nyarganmo (m) I nyargan (m) pareqamo (m) I pareq (m) taweramo (m) I tawer (m) tsuhhlala>mo (m) I tsuhhlala (m) hhampararamo (m) I hhamparara' wild pig big lizard (brown-necked) parrot kind of bird wild dog mongoose bat (m) kwinkwiri>amo (m) I kwinkwiri> partridge (m) Insects: butterfly cawtamo (m) I cawtama (f) fly, any stinging insect ba>aarmo (m) I ba>ar (m) insect, hornet dewalmo (m) I diwil (m) jigger, jigger eggs ichabumo (m) I ichaabu (m) locust ingigmo (m) I ingigi (f) mosquito ineermo (m) I ineera (f) louse itirmo (m) I itina (n) caterpillar karkarmo (m) I karkari (fl) ant masasakmo (m) I masasakw (m) cattle tick meehhamo (m) I meehha (f) tsetse fly seehhamo (m) I seehha (f) big wasp hluwaxamo (m) I hluwax (m) kind of insect xiingarmo (m) I xiingar (m) flea kwasiiyamo (m) I kwasiiya (f) tick-like parasite xonparufmo (m) I xondaruf (m) tahhaahhamo (m) I tahhaahhana safari ant (f) Body parts: funqarmo (m) I funqar (m) ankle joint baqarmo (m) I baqar (m) decarmo (m) I deecar (m) cifitmo (m) I cifit (m) mahlarmo (m) I mahlar (m) kind of tree root kind of tree Vangueria rotundata Trees: Loan words: kermo (m) I keero (m) matfalmo (m) I matfali (f) mikatamo (m) I mikaate (f) musmarmo (m) I musmari (f) sandukmo (m) I sandukw (m) shilingamo (m) I shilingi (f) miringamo (m) I miringe (f) tile (Sw) brick (Sw) bread (Sw) nail (Sw) box (Sw) money (Sw) beehive, tray (Rangi) Others: asalmo (m) I asal (m) giyaymo (m) I giyayayeet (m) hhafmo (m) I hhafa (f) hhahhaymo (!fi) I hhahhay (m) kaangarmo (m) I kaangara (f) laqaymo (m) llaqaya> (n) magwalmo (m) 1 magw al (m) migirmo (m) I migir (m) pacalmo (m) I pacala (f) quturmo (m) I qutur (m) hlahamo (m) I hlaha (f) tsingarmo (m) I tsinga (m) xoohlomo (m) I xoohla (f) part of the field salt for chewing tobacco layers in roof torrent, waterfall pole for shutting cattle enclosure thorn small pole firewood, fuel sticks to make a bed with bracelet for marriage dirt, worthless thing small sharp stones utensil, tool Some words seem to contain the suffix -mo while this cannot be shown because they have no other number form. daqtamo (m) ilmo (m) pacasmo (m) puureemo (m) tsaqutmo (m) frost maize grain, drop protection rite charms, offerings July, cold period suffix -usmo is only used for male humans, with -uso>o as female counterpart and -use for plural. The suffixes -usmo, -uso>o and -use are used to make agentive 67 66 nouns from verbs. The -us- part may be related to the causative suffix -s and the agentivity aspect of the meaning. ardusmo (m) I arduse (f) aarusmo (m) I aaruse (f) ahlusmo (m) I ahluse (f) aa'usmo (m) I aa>use (f) daqrusmo (m) I daqruse (f) diiftusmo (m) I diiftuse (f) firusmo (m) I firuse (f) fisusmo (m) I fisuse (f) fuqrusmo (m) I fuqruse (f) ga>usmo (m) I ga>use (f) hhawusmo (m) I hhawuse (f) iringusmo (m) I iringuse (f) ciisusmo (m) 1 ciisuse (f) kahamusmo (m) I kahamuse (f) lamusmo (m) I lam use (f) ohomusmo (m) I ohomuse (f) qahusmo (m) I qahuse (f) tiqtusmo (m) I tiqtuse (f) tlahhusmo (m) I tlahhuse (f) tlakusmo (m) I tlakuse (f) tlacusmo (m) I t}acuse (f) prophet prophet revenger traveller cattle-skinner quarrelsome person beggar thief clever person people of a village mce man smner helper spokesman of the community liar tax collector greedy person patient troublemaker smner diviner lazy person tlee'usmo (m) I tlee'use (f) potter tlee>usmo (m) I tlee>use (f) sick man waharusmo (m) I waharuse (f) sender for marriage xabusmo (m) I xabuse (f) adulterer, cas an ova hli)imusmo (m) I hli>imuse (f) overseer, chief ga'awusmo (m) I gacawuse (f) glutton hheehhusmo (m) I hheehhuse (f) circumciser alcutlusmo (m) I alcutluse (f) liar 'aysenusumo (m) 1 'aysenuse (f) wizard (negative) daacalusmo (m) I daa'aluse (f) herdsman de>e>amusmo (m) I de)e>amuse (f) helper aleecisusmo (m) I alee'isuse (f) intsahhatusmo (m) I intsahhatuse teacher (f) The suffix -itmo (m) is also used only for male human beings, with -ito>o (f) for female counterpart and -iite for the plural. The suffix -ito>o has a much wider as a partitive suffix. aalitmo (m) I aaliite (f) hagitmo (m) I hagiite (f) batlitamo (m) I batliite (f) doohlutmo (m) I doohliite (f) camatlito>o (f) I 'amatliite (f) heir Tindiga or Hadza working boy cultivator, farmer virgin, young girl 2. The suffix -o>o (f) suffix -o>o occurs mostly in the combinations -uso>o and -ito>o. In two nouns it occurs as just -o>o. In hatlito>o (f) I hatlit (m) 'sweet potatoe plant' this is due to the fact that the stem already ends in -it, and the addition of the partitive -ito>o would yield in a repetition of -it. In kwalo>o (f) I kwa>eeli (n) 'widow', the stem is kwa>l, the plural is formed by <ee>-i, and the singular, which is only used for females, is formed by -o>o. All agent nouns have a female counterpart in -uso'o. In addition there are a number of nouns for which only the female forms exist. cabkuso>o (f) 1 cabkuse (f) maruso>o (f) I maru >use (f) kendoso>o (f) I kenduse (f) barren woman or tree woman who has lost a baby uninitiated woman 3. The suffix -ito>o (f). The suffix -ito>o has a partitive meaning. Singulative suffixes similar to -it are widespread in Cushitic: In Dirayta -itt (m) is a singulative suffix (Hayward 1981 :133); in Bayso -ti or -titi is a si;ngulative suffix (Corbett and Hayward 1987:16); in Dasanech -(i)ti (f) is a singulative suffix (Sasse 1974:414); Elmolo has -te (f) singulative suffix (Heine 1982:202); Oromo has -itti (f) singulative suffix (Stroomer 1987:83). 'ayto>o (f) I cayo (f) bambarito>o (f) I barnbare (f) boregito>o (f) I boreg (m) buubito>o (f) I buubu (m) buharito>o (f) I buhare (n) buhhito>o (f) I buhhi (f) chupito>o (f) I chupa (f) dacarito>o (f) I dacara (f) daamito>o (f) I daamoot (f) dororito>o (f) I dororo (m) fisito>o (f) 1 fisah (m) gutlito>o (f) I guthi (m) flower bullrush millet beans (red and black) chicken pox rainy season, insect kind of tree bottle ashes beard or moustache greens on water kind of tree edible plant 69 68 I qanhha egg I hhahlo (f) hulandito>o (f) I hulandu (m) hurondito'o (f) I huronda (m) ilwato>o (f) I ilwa (n) kasiito>o (f) I kasiis (f) langito'o (f) I langalanga (f) shavings, problems qanhhi (f) men's meeting place samti (f) porcupine sediment in beer umaali hedgehog lapito>o (f) llapiya (f) money I loosi (f) macandito>o (f) I macandu (m) macarito>o (f) I ma'ara (f) mangwarito>o (f) I mangware (f) neegito>o (f) I neegi (f) sasagito>o (f) I sasagi (f) si >ito>o (f) I sii 'O (f) sugdito>o (f) I sugday (m) suwito>o (f) I suwa (f) tsito (f) I tsitito>o (f) tsuuqato>o (f) I tsuuqa (n) xamuhlito>o (f) I xamuhla (f) bambarito>o (f) I bambare (m) barwito>o (f) I barwa (f) ceetlito>o (f) I ceetl6 (m) makito>o (f) I makay (n) beans hhahlito>o (f) loosito>o (f) milk sweet potatoes sorghum (kafir type) sorghum, red millet I samta (f) (f) I umaala (f) are two words with an m preceding the singulative -i that does not occur in the plural, a collective in ngw. We posit that the m is part of the stem and merged with the suffix ngw. se>eemi (f) 'hair', singular from se'eengw (m) tsirimi (f) 'wing of seed', singular from tsiriingw (m) fruits of low plant legume stalk 5. The suffix -aaCri (f) is a singulative of collectives" thin grass, thread kwahlaahli (f) 'bead', singular of kwahlu (n) balaali (f) 'cob of grain', singular of balangw (m) waraari (f) 'seed' from warangw (m) Acalypha grantii Castor oil plant greens, vegetables splinter spark saliva, blessing Exceptional cases: The ending ani (f) was recognised in the following two words for which there is no other number form and no other related word; both denote diseases" There is a verb to noun derivational suffix -ani; see 3.3. leftover from frying meat yellow bishop bird ga cat ani (f1) ｬ･ｴｾｲ＠ sumani (f) weaver-bird animal taqwani (fl) For some nouns the singular is formed by a suffix -i (f) or (fl ). This can be reco from the following nouns with suffixless form for the plural. I ombas I hhangal tsatseeci (f) I tsatseec measles I taqwano (f) wooden hoe The suffix -ano, which is identical to a verb to noun derivational suffix, see 3.3., can be re.cognised in tlaacano (f) I tlaace (n) 'stone'. Maybe also in xa>ano (m) 'tree', pl: xaa'I (n), but the word is masculine and not feminine. kind of grass (m) hhangali (f) , fever And ani also occurs in: 4. The suffix -i (f) or (fl). ombasi (f) (f) (m) (m) plant with pink flowers 3.2.5" Patterns of derivation star Nouns for which the singular is derived by a collective suffix, such as -ay or -angw, show the following pattern in the derived plural: There are many nouns ending in i in the singular that are (f) or (fl) for which it strange that the singular is derived and that the plural is more basic. These have plurals in -a (f) or -o (f); see above. It is arbitrary to analyse this i as p the stem or as a suffix. -ay -+ ->i -ay-+ -awe -angw -+ -awe -angw -+ -eeri gugi (f) I gugo (f) taqwani (fl) I taqwano (f) windpipe wooden ｨｯ･ｾ＠ I gacawo (f) afeeni (f) I afeena (f) cameeni (f) I cameena calabash 'for sour milk -ay courtyard My dictionary file contains 28 items with -ay (m) for singular and a corresponding form with the suffix -'i (n) for plural. gacawi (f) (f) woman -+ -'i 71 70 I guhhuli>i guhhubiy (m) I gus>i (n) hutlay (m) I hutl>i (n) maamay (m) I maami>i diarrhoea gusay (m) -ay ---+ big earthen pot maternal uncle (n) I kukumaawe (f) I kuraawe (f) sikay (m) I sikaawe (f) tsihay (m) I tsihaawe (f) xwaanhlay (m) I xwanhlaawe ---+ sparrow, messenger pregnancy (f) malevolent water spirit with one of the collective suffixes often have a singulative also derived by one the singular suffixes. rubbish, dust .ay -+ -i . I daray (m) tsunki (f) I tsunkay (m) bu>i (f) I bu>ay (m) kukumi (f) I kukumay (m) parhhami (f,fl) I parhhamay elephant ankle bangle perfume scorpion ..ay-+ -mo -eer1 . . mane dari (f) I daawe (f) komtangw (m) I komtaawe (f) mooyangw (m) I mooyaawe (f) xeerangw (m) I xeeraawe (f) dung fires tick sling (m) piece of wood (SG) Some nouns in -ay, mainly denoting living beings, have a singular in -mo. cahlangw (m) 1 dahhangw (m) I dahheeri lion intelligence, soul (n) I gam'e I· iseema' (n) (f) orphan crippled man or animal catlarmo (m) hare deelmo (m) I deelay (m) ki>a>amo (m) I ki>a>a>ay (m) lamb, kid of goat macarmo (m) I macaray (m) I gwarenday (m) mugugunmo (m) I mugugunay (m) fuqurmo (m) I fuquray (m) musmarmo (m) I musmaray (m) sakwenamo (m) I sakwenay (m) kind of bird gwarendmo (m) young donkey arrow ten opening, hole, window space of incisor teeth crown tongue, quarrel moon, month wax, tar room for cattle There are five nouns with the collective suffix -angw that have a plural form from -eeri or -awe. gamnangw (m) unmarried gir,l with a child smith rat (n) I matlaceeri doromo (m) gourd (in general) (n) I direeri (n) fuqrangw (m) I fuqreeri (n) garangw (m) I gareeri (n) kwa<angw (m) I kwaceeri (n) mahangw (m) I maheeri (n) mibangw (m) I mibeeri (n) pacangw (m) I paceeri (n) siixangw (m) I siixeeri (n) hlamangw (m) I hlameeri (n) tsufrangw (m) I tsufreeri (n) hlahhangw (m) I hlahheeri ( n) boohhayangw (m) I boohhayeeri matlacangw (m) I do row ay (m) · kareermo (m) I kareeray (m) panmo (m) I panay (m) taqormo (m) I taqoray (m) Euphorbia crotonoides cahleeri (n) dirangw (m) isangw (m) (SG) majority of nouns in -ay are plural and have correspondmg smgular forms which in i. That this is the regular pattern can be concluded from the fact that several loans ending in i take their plural form in -ay, e.g. baati 'corrugated iron burungeti 'blanket', filimbi 'flute', gaseeti 'newspaper', kibereti 'match', koti Ｇｾｯ｡ｴＬ＠ shaati 'shirt'. For a number of nouns the singular form contains a singulative suffix - i (f)· -aawe · dangw (m) ---+ sling hawk, African kite kuray (m) -angw boys (18-20) abscess -aawe kukumay (m) -angw murangw (m) I murmay (m) umangw (m) I um>i (n) netlangw (m) I neetlaame (f) club (stick) (n) end of something nipple, breast -ay -+ 1 catlaray (m) old cow lizard bed bug burr nail Warburgia ugandensis -ito>o I dantlay (m) tsanqito>o (f) I tsanqay (m) maamahhito>o (f) I maamahhay dantlito>o (f) kind of vegetable milk kind of plant, sourness (m) are five words with the collective suffix -angw that form their singular in -i (f), 72 73 -aCri (f), -mo (m). These are singulative suffixes. bee<i (f) I bee<angw (m) hhatsini (f) I hhatsiingw (m) (hhatsin-i, hhatsin-ngw ) warari (f) I warangw (m) kwasimo (m) I kwasiyangw (m) sheep (singular is female) bundle of millet aluutmo (m) I aluute (f) dahaaymo (m) I dahaaye (f) daaqarmo (m) I daaqare (f) kwalandamo (m) I kwalande (f) Iawalmo (m) llawaale (f) mulqmo (m) I mulqe (f) qwahlarmo (m) I qwahlare (f) seed insect, jigger Nouns that have a derived singular in -mo very often have a derived plural in or -e for people. -mo--+ -ma' Animals: dama>amo (m) I dama>ama' (n) wayshimo (m) I wayshama> (n) gwande<amo (m) I gwandecama> (n) maytsitamo (m) I maytsitama' (n) tsirtsiimo (m) I tsirtsiima> (n) hartebeest wildebeest cat (male) mongoose male calf Body parts: 'am'amo (m) 1 'am'ama> (n) antlamo (m) I antlama' (n) hindamo (m) I hindama' (n) irindamo (m) I irindama> "(n) pa'amo (m) I pacama> (n) tlaqarmo (m) I tlaqarma> (n) watlarmo (m) I watlarma> (n) gibeesamo (m) I gibeesma> (n) gwehhamo (m) I gweehhama> (n) darara>amo (m) I darara>ama> (n) testicle molar tooth canine. tooth muscle side of back of neck cheek, side of face small of the back upper front part of leg rib spleen Others: girgirmo (m) I girgirma> (n) dindirmo (m) I dindirma' (n) hheeramo (m) I hheerama> (n) magwalmo (m) I magwalma> (n) qadismo (m) I qadisma> (n) warqamo (m) I warqama> (n) gongo>an1o (m) I gongo>ama' (n) gehhantmo (m) I gehhantma> (n) qware'amo (m) I qware'ama> (n) hlangetamo (m) I hlangetama> (n) Croton polytrichus hill (small) what is still owed unprepared stick walking-stick piece of cloth ridge, small hill shadow, picture calabash for beer gonorrhoea last- born child guest, stranger rich person divorced or loose woman slave friend medicine man Others: dayshimo (m) I dayshe (f) miringamo (m) I miringe (f) tsehhiitmo (m) I tsehhiite (f) gwa'amo (m) I gwacame (f) duqusamo (m) I duquse (f) tlamboo'amo (m) I tlamboo'ame (f) dayshimo (m) I dayshe (f) gwa<amo (m) I gwacame (f) snake beehive, cattle tray hammer kind of tree block, obstruction September snake kind of tree One derivation favours another, but there are riouns that do not follow the pattern sketched above. For example, the following nouns with a derived singular in -mo take other plurals. hhamhhamo (m) I hhamhham>i (n) hherhheermo (m) I hherhheer>i (n) xahlahla>amo (m) I xahlahla>i (n) pi<isamo (m) I piciseeri (n) kutl(u)'amo (m) I kutl(u)'eeri (n) 'armo (m) I 'areeri (n) qantlamo (m) I qantla>eeri (n) kutl(u)'amo (m) I kutl(u)'eedu (n) mar>afmo (m) I mar>eefo (n) tsa<atmo (m) I tsa'eeto (n) konkomo (m) I konkamawe (f) tsii>amo (m) I tsii>o (f) 'armo (m) I 'ar>e (f) eyebrow, eyelid, eyelash tears Lantana camara highest pole of door hip lump of sth. molar hip relative calf cock baby-chicken calf (of leg) Sometimes the choice of the plural suffix seems to be by analogy to another singularplural pair that is similar in meaning. For example, 75 74 kiintu (m) I kiinteemo (n) xaday (m) I xadeemo (n) darma (m) I dareemo (n) bush bush, place of worship wilderness, grove 3.3. Derived nouns In this section we discuss nouns derived from verbs or adjectives. Agent nouns derived from verbs by the suffixes -usmo for the male agent, -uso>o for the agent, and use for the plural of agents. These suffixes have already been dis above; see 3.2.4.3. There are several ways to form nouns that denote the action of the verb. Several can be derived from a single verb. iwiita (f), iwit (m), iwto (f) 'sitting' all from iwiit 'to sit' Which nominalistaion is to be used with which verb is a lexical question. faaro (f) 'counting' from faar 'to count' ara (fl) 'watching' from aar 'to see' Some of the nominalisations have a specialised meaning. yacabto 'message' from yacaab 'to send' hlahhamo 'hammer' from hlaahh 'to beat' doogito Ｇｳ･｣ｲｾｴ＠ meeting between boy and girl' from doog 'to meet' Verbal nouns are not inflected for tense. Verbal nouns are nouns because they gender. hirita-r dawa ka hhoo> sewing:CON-F hand 0.3:IMPS:O.F nice:F 'Sewing by hand is good.' futlit ku tlaakw di-r-i-hee whistling 0.3:IMPS:O.M bad:M place-F-DEMl-BACK 'Whistling is bad here.' Another nominal quality of verbal nouns is the fact that they can be subject or of a sentence. giiwa ngi-wa xeer-a mase being:dark 0.3:HIT:O.F-BACK come:3.SG.F-INF:PAST must i-ga daf O.N-PERF return:2.SG 'Before the darkness has come, you should have returned the cattle.' fuutlo a aleehlaw-a-ka whistling O.F can:l.SG-INF-NEG 'I cannot whistle.' noun can be the complement of a copula. ga-r-sing a si>ima thing-F-DEM2 COP refusing 'It has to be refused.' following suffixes are used to nominalise verbs: Table of nominalising suffixes. -a -iima -o -ito -amu -eemu -iingw -m aye -1 -iti -ar1 -ani -tani -ano vowel reduction of the stem -it -eema FEM FEM FEM FEM MASC MASC MASC FEM FEM FEM FEM FEM FEM FEM MASC MASC NEUTER (from adjectives) With some verbs, several nominalisation suffixes can be used, in most cases without a dear difference in meaning. In a few cases I discerned small differences in meaning between the various nominalisation suffixes. For example, hungu<uma 'recovering, holiday' highlights the process of recovery, whereas hungu cum 'recovery' highlights the result; hlakata 'hunting' refers to a particular hunting party, while hlakat 'hunting is more general. For example, one cannot say hlakata ka gawid 'hunting is difficult', which must be hlakat ku gawid, though both forms can be the object of the auxiliary 'to go', anaga hlakatar aw or anaga hlaktu aw 'I went hunting'. Derivations in -a tend to be one single action whereas derivations in -o are more general. fiisa 'one theft' faara 'a specific count' fuutla 'whistling (once) fiiso 'stealing' faaro 'counting' fu u tlo 'whistling (more)' fuutlit 'whistling (in general)' Differences in, meaning can be due to verbal derivational suffixes. The verb harqoom 'to be up to measure, be equal' has the derived noun harqooma 'being about, around', as in 77 76 ni-wa hardah a harqooma-r loo'a-r HIT-BACK arrive:3.SG.M:PAST COP around:CON-F lahhoo' SIX 'When he arrived, it was around twelve o'clock.' counted from sunrise in East- Africa.) (Note that the But the verb has a second derived noun, containing the middle voice suffix 4.3.3. ), harqoomti 'being equal', which has a static meaning, as in dama-da-da> a harqoomti-r dama-r mara calf-DEM4-DEM4 COP equal:CON-F calf:CON-F Mara 'That calf is equal to the calf of Mara. (Mara is a name for a stray cow found on the road)' 1. The suffixes -a (f), and -ima (f) The suffix -a is the most productive suffix for deriving nouns from verbs. can be used with almost any verb. ii>ara (f) 'trying' doohla (f) 'cultivating' kwatiita (f) 'touching' from ii>ar 'to try' from doohl 'to cultivate' from kwatiit 'to touch' The gender of the verbal nouns in -a is (f) or (fl). The verqal noun is (f1) for ending in aw. Verbs ending in aw. have another nominalisation in -eemu; see b xawa (fl) 'coming' inhlawa (f1) 'remembering' from xaw 'to come' from inhlaw 'to remember' Other verbal nouns in -a that are (fl) are: kwahha (f1) 'throwing' tsata (fl) 'cutting' baaliima (f1) 'winning' ara (fl) 'watching' lakiita (fl) 'waiting' waha (fl) 'drinking' from from from from from from kwaahh 'to throw' tsaat 'to cut' baal 'to win' ar 'to see' lakiit 'to wait' wah 'to drink' The verbal noun gwa>ara (f) 'death, dying' from the verb gwaa> 'die' has an in diate, unproductive suffix -ar; see 5.1. For some verbs the nominalisation in -a is not possible; instead other nominalisa have to be used. not yacaba but yacabit, yacahto 'sending, message' not goo>a but goo>i (f) or goo>iingw (m) 'writing' For other verbs the nominalisation in -a co-exists with another nominalisation. tsa'ama 'passing, rank' dooga 'increasing' si>iima 'refusing' iwiita 'sitting' hameesa 'heating up' hamaatla 'taking a bath' tsacamto 'climbing' doogito 'meeting, secret meeting' si>iito 'refusing' iwto 'sitting', iwit 'sitting' hamso 'heating up' hamtlo 'taking a bath' suffix is also used to form a noun from an adjective, e.g. boo'a (f) 'blackness' from booc 'black' For some verbs, the nominalisation suffix -a can be preceded by the durative suffix -im 4.3.4), giving -ima. The intermediate step of the durative verb in -im does not exist, but the nominalisation in -ima does. ki<ima (f) 'time, turn' sii>ima (f) 'refusing' from kiic 'to return' from sii> 'to refuse, deny' Verbs with a durative verbal derivational suffix -iim can take the nominalisation suffix -a. Thus both these two groups of verbal nouns end in ima. The vowel i is in the last two examples assimilated to the preceding vowel; see rule (12) in 2.5.3. waawiti>iima (f) 'rule' cayma (f) 'meal' ciimu<uuma (f) 'begin' hungucuuma (f) 'recovery, holiday' ·from from from from waawiti>iim 'to rule' 'ayiim 'to be eating' ciimu cu urn 'to begin' hungu'uum 'to recover' The suffix -iima (f) is also used to derive abstract nouns from other nouns. from daqaarmo (m) 'rich person' from qwahlarmo (m) 'medicine man' from wak 'one' wakleeli>iima (f) 'unity' from kwinkwiri>amo (m) 'parkwinkwiir>iima (f) 'shortness' tridge' 'being like a from hlahlangay (m) 'chamehlahlanga'iima (f) leon' chameleon' daqari>iima (f) 'prosperity' qwahlariima (f) 'magic power' 2. The suffixes -o (f), and -ito (f) The suffix -o is not as widespread as -a. For a number of verbs, it is the only or most common way to derive a noun. 79 78 alcutlo or alcuutlo (f) 'circumcision' aaro (f) 'ruminating' faaro (f) 'counting' alwa'o (f) 'flood' xumso (f) 'watching' hhawo (f) 'negligence' from alcuutl 'to circumcise' from aaruus 'to ruminate' from faar 'to count' from al 'together' and waa> vomit' from xuumiis 'to watch' from hhaaw 'to neglect' There is also a verb to noun derivation in -ito (f). This suffix consists of -iit, middle voice verbal derivation plus the nominalisation suffix -o (f), but the in stage, verb with middle voice suffix -iit (see 4.3.3.) does not always exist. The i assimilates to the preceding vowel if the intermediate consonant is velar or according to the assimilation rule (12) described in 2.5.3. The vowel i is deleted it preceding syllable contains a short vowel, according to the syllable reduction described in 2.3. doogito (f) 'secret meeting' gwaabito (f) 'fasting' harmagahhato (f) 'looking after' tsa'amto (f) 'climbing' umto (f) 'being fostered' yacabto (f) 'message' from from from from from from doog 'to meet' gwaaw 'to fast' harmagaahh 'to look after' tsa'aam 'to climb' umiim 'to foster' ya'aaw 'to send' The ending -ito is not- to be confused with the background suffix aJtet a verbal in -a with fl-gender. · tlaca kwahha-t-o ka tlaakw stones throwing-F1-BACK 0.3:IMPS:O.F bad:F 'Throwing stones is bad.' na'ay umto-r-o ku hhoo> child fostering-F-BACK 0.3:IMPS:O.M nice:M 'Looking after a child is good.' nacay umto ga ay child fostering 0.3:0.F:PAST go:3.SG.M:PAST 'The child was about to be looked after.' 3. The suffix -amo (f). In a number of nominalisations, the suffix is -amo (f): leehhamo (f) 'bringing' gweeramo (f) 'opening' tleehhamo (f) 'act' from leehh 'to bring' from gweer 'to open' from tleehh 'to do, make' 4. The suffix -ano (f). The suffix is used to derive nouns from verbs. I have only two examples. hi)itano (f) 'journey' sihhtano (f) 'standing' from hi>iit 'travel' from sihhiit 'stand' 5. Shortening of the final vowel (m). The verb stem itself with a short vowel in the last syllable can be used as a masculine verbal noun. qwalac (m) 'joy' ganac (m) 'straight' hungu'um (m) 'rest' from qwalaac 'be happy' from ganaac 'be straight' from hungu'uum 'to rest' The form hhekw (m) 'fetching water' from hheek 'to fetch water' suggests that the historical origin of this nominalisation is -u, and that the vowel has become whispered and lost. This nominalisation is the most productive one for verbs with a middle voice suffix, thus verbal nouns ending in it. alkicit (m) 'explanation' futlit (m) 'whistling' hirit (m) 'sewing' cifit (m) 'sneezing' leehhit (m) Ｇ｣ｯｵｲｴｩｾｧ＠ hlakat (m) 'hunting' eeharahat (m) 'following' from from from from alkiciit 'to narrate' fuutl 'to whistle' hiriit 'to sew' cifiit. 'to sneeze' ｾ＠ from leehhiit 'to go· courting' from hlakaat 'to hunt' from eehar 'to follow' 6. The suffix -amu (m) Verb to noun derivation in -amu (m) is used for the result of the action. gan>amu (m) 'truth' hardahamu (m) 'arrival' hatsmu (m) 'fullness' hlaahhamu (m) 'hitting' tleehhamu (m) 'act' from from from from from ganaa> 'be straight' hardah 'to arrive' haats 'to be full' hlaahh 'to hit, beat' tleehh 'to do' 7. The suffix -eemu (m) Verb to noun derivation in -eemu (m) is" used for verbs ending in aw. The fact that verbs in aw have the vowel ee in the derivational suffix has its parallel in the causative suffix which is -ees for verbs in aw and -iis for others. The suffix -eemu is not used for verbs in -uw / -aw, that are derived from adjectives. These adjectives take the suffix -eema (n); see suffix 12 further down. 81 80 middle voice verb does not exist. aleehleemu (m) 'ability' beemu (m) 'telling' deemu (m) 'existence' haratleemu (m) 'attacking' inhleemu (m) 'remembering' from from from from from aleehlaw 'to be able' haw 'to tell, answer' claw 'to exist' haratlaw 'to attack' inhlaw 'to remember' keemu (m) 'going' hleemu (m) 'getting' tleemu (m) 'getting up' xeemu (m) 'coming' gurtleemu (m) 'mercy' from from from from from kaw 'to go' hlaw 'to get, obtain' tlaw 'to wake up, go' xaw 'to come' gurtlaw 'to show mercy' goo'i (f) 'writing' xumsi (f) 'watching' insareehhi (f) 'distrust' harqomti (f) 'equality' giwti (f) 'darkness' gu'uute (f) 'sleep' xu'uti (f) 'knowledge' hla>ati (f) 'love' from from from from from from from from goo> 'to write' xu umiis 'to watch' insareehh 'to distrust' harqoom 'to be equal' giiw 'to be dark' guu' 'to sleep' xuu' 'to know' hlaa' 'to love' The last example hla>ati 'love' has a variant hla>ari (f) 'love'. This form could be a fusion of a former derivational suffix -ar; see 5.1. and the nominalisation suffix -i. 80 The suffix -ingw (m) This suffix is the most productive nominalisation suffix for verbs with a durative -iim. The -ingw replaces the suffix -iim, which forms an indivisible part of -i The suffix resembles the collective suffix -angw; see 3.2.4.1. ciimucungw (m) 'begin' umingw (m) 'taking care' wahangw (m) 'drinking' huringw (m) 'cooking' hootangw (m) 'place to live' gacangw (m) 'watching' gurbucungw (m) 'continuous warning' from ciimu cu urn 'to begin' from umiim 'to take care child' from wahaam 'to be drinking' from huriim 'to cook' from hoot 'to live, stay' from ga'aw 'to watch' from gurbuuc 'to warn' The suffix is feminine, but some derived nouns take the gender linker -ta, (fl ); see 3.4. The nouns tleesani 'road', and hi>itani take plurals in -o (f) or in -ano (f). The noun qatni 'bed' takes the broken plural suffix <ee>-o, as if the consonant of the suffix is part of the stem, cf. 3.2.4.2. axweesani (fl) 'word' qatni (f) 'bed' hi>itani (f) 'journey' wahhani (f) 'white fat' tleesani (f) 'big road for cows' ti>itani (fl) 'disease of stomach' 9. The suffix -amaye (f) The suffix is used to form nominalisations that express a state. gwacatamaye (f) 'light' hlaqamaye (f) 'tiredness' harhlaqamaye (f) 'fatigue' qwalcamaye (f) 'joy' hlahha>amaye (f) 'su:fferings' gan'amaye (f) 'truth, fact' 11. The suffixes -ani (f), and -tani (f) from from from from from from gwacaat 'be light' hlaqaat 'be tired' harhlaqaat 'be tired' qwalaa c 'be happy' hlahhaa> 'to suffer' ganaa' 'be straight' In some instances, -amaye appears as a noun plural suffix. konkomo (m) 'cock', pl: konkama' (n), or konkomaaye (f) gurhamaye (f) 'long state of sorrow', compare gurhaami 'sorrow' from axwees 'to talk' from qaat 'to lie down' from hi,iit 'to travel' from wahhar 'to become fat' from tlees 'to herd in the afternoon' from ti,iit 'to come out' The suffix -tani (f) is a fusion of the middle voice suffix -t and the nominalisation suffix -ani, but the intermediate derivation of the middle voice verb does not exist. The noun qawtani 'grazing land' takes the broken plural suffix <ee>-o, like qatni above. qawtani (f) 'grazing land' daktani (f) 'fool' tluwtani (f) 'leaking, raining' from qaw 'to graze' from dak-uus 'to fail' from tluuw 'to leak, rain' Some nouns are derived from verbs or adjectives but not by any of the abovementioned suffixes, e.g. hlahlacaru (m) 'badness' from hlahlacaar (adj) 'bad' 10. The suffixes -i (f), and -ti (f). 12. The suffix -eema (n). The suffix -i is used to nominalise a small number of nouns. The gender is The suffix -i, too, can cooccur with the middle voice suffix, -t, while the in This suffix derives abstract nouns from adjectives. 83 82 da cateema (n) 'redness' gawdeema (n) 'hardness' from dacaat 'red' from gawid 'hard' tlakweema (n) 'badness' hhoo>eema (n) 'beauty' saaweema (n) 'distance' from tlaakw 'bad' cawaakeema (n) 'whiteness' from cawaak 'white' catlaareema (n) 'fatness' cabeema (n) 'novelty' from catlaar 'fat' from caben 'new' geehho>eema (n) 'clearness' from geehhoo' 'clear' from tleer 'long' from hheer 'insufficient' tleereema (n) 'length' hheereema (n) 'insufficiency' from hhoo' 'nice' from saaw 'far' ququmareema (n) 'shortness' from ququmar 'short' tsutsufeema (n) 'cruelty' yangareema (n) 'amount' hhoohhoo>eema (n) 'beauty' from tsutuf 'cruel' from yaariir 'many' from hhoohhoo> 'beautiful' sircaateema (n) purpleness' from siircaat 'purple' niinakweema (n) 'smallness' hhantsarere>eema (n) 'fineness' from niina 'small' from hhantsarere' 'fine' In cabeema 'novelty' the vowel e in caben is deleted due to the syllable red rule (4) in 2.3. and n is deleted in front of the nasal m. The noun niina 'whiteness' is based on the irregular plural form of the adjective, niinakw. Not all adjective to noun derivation is with this suffix because we have bo 'darkness' and boocaay (m) 'crowd' form booc 'black', uraay (m) 'size' from ur This suffix is also used to derive a noun from a verb, at least for one example. gwacate'eema (n) 'light' gwacaat 'to shine' 3.4. Other noun suffixes A noun can be modified by a demonstrative, possessive, or indefinite suffix. demonstrative suffixes distinguish four degrees of proximity. The possessive distinguish person and number, but not gender, of the possessor. Indefinite s differ according to the gender of the noun. (8) Modifying noun suffixes. Demonstrative: -i or -ka DEMl -sing DEM2 -qa' DEM3 -da' DEM4 Possessive: -'ee' l.SG.POSS -6k 2.SG.POSS -os 3.SG.POSS -ren -hung -'in l.PL.POSS 2.PL.POSS 3.PL.POSS Indefinite: -ko INDEF.M -ka INDEF.F -kariya' INDEF.N Nouns that are modified by another noun, an adjective or a relative clause are in the construct case. Noun phrases can be followed by adverbial case clitics. These clitics can be suffixed to the noun. The adverbial case clitics include: direction towards (directive case) and away from the noun (ablative); relations such as instrumental and reason. Noun phrases that are to be taken as a unit are in the background case. Case clitics can follow demonstrative, possessive, and indefinite suffixes. The vocative case consists of a high tone on the penultimate syllable. The case suffixes do not form a regular case system because subject and object are not distinguished in case. High tone -i -wa -ar -sa -o or -hee CON (construct) D IR (direction towards) ABL (ablative, direction away from) INSTR (instrumental) REASON BACK (background) At first sight, one may be tempted to analyse the high tone as a separate morpheme indicating definiteness or individuality. The definite suffixes, i.e. the demonstrative and possessive suffixes, have a high tone, as does the construct case suffix. Personal pronouns all have a final high tone. Making the last syllable of a noun high is a device to derive names from nouns; see 3. 7. But it is impossible to analyse high tone as a separate marker because it does not have a single meaning. The high tone does not indicate definiteness because indefinite nouns that are modified by an adjective are in construct case and thus high. The high tone does not indicate specificity because the indefinite specific suffix has a low tone. The high tone does not indicate that the noun is modified, for the same reason. The fact that demonstratives and possessives all have a final high tone is probably due to paradigmatic levelling. Or maybe these high tone suffixes originate from constructions with the noun in the construct case and a demonstrative or possessive pronoun as modifier. But in that case one would expect a high tone on the indefinite suffixes, too. Demonstrative, possessive and indefinite suffixes have corresponding independent pronouns. The pronouns consist of ku if referring to masculine and neuter words and ta if referring to ferpinine words, followed by the suffix in question; see 3.5.2. These . pronouns are used if the noun is already mentioned or when adding a demonstrative to a noun that already has a possessive suffix. noun suffixes are in most cases preceded by a linker which agrees in gender with, 85 84 the noun. The gender linker for neuter nouns is -a for nouns in the construct but otherwise neuter nouns have no gender linker. Thus the order of modifying suffixes is: POSS DEM [Noun root - number sfx] - L - INDEF - CASE And the gender linkers are: (9) Gender linkers M M1 F F1 -u -ku -r -ta N - or -a On the basis of agreement in the linker one can distinguish five gender classes. I to treat (m1) and (fl) as subclasses of (m) and (f) for the following reasons. agreement in other parts of the grammar distinguishes only three classes, wit distinction between (m) and (m1), or between (f) and (fl). This is the case with independent nominal modifiers, and in the verbal system. Secondly, number have inherent gender, but none of them is (m1) or (fl). Thirdly, the form linker for (m1) is identical to the form of the agreement with (m) and (m1) independent demonstrative and possessive pronouns, and the same holds for (fl). The subclasses of ( m1) Q.nd (f1) nouns represent earlier stages of a historical opment, ku > w and ta > r, possibly after developing from independent suffixes. In Alagwa k and tare used as gender linkers for one demonstrative suffix, wand r for another. The (m1) and (fl) nouns ｨ｡ｶｾ＠ resisted this historical develop Alagwa: Iraqw: MASC N-k-i N-w-aqy N-w-f (N-kw-1 FEM N-t-i N-r-aqu N-r-f N-t-f) DEM.1 DEM.2 DEM.1 DEM.l for M1 and F1 There are no semantic or phonological characteristics to distinguish between (m) (m1) nouns, or between (f) and (fl) nouns, as can be seen in the following tables, and (11 ). Some words are (f) or (fl ), which is indicated by (fl f). The following are exhaustive lists of (m1) nouns, (10), and (fl) nouns, (11). (10) Words of m1 gender: afa (m1) I afe (f) has a (ml) I baseeso (n) dawa (ml) I dabe (f) ciiya (m1) kuru (m1) I kureeri (f) muu (m1) qara (m1) saga (m1) I sage (f) mouth, opening, edge south, left arm, law north, right year people poison head Words of f1 gender: a. Ending in i and singular: al'awtani (fl) I alcawtana (f) amaxupi (fl) I amaxupa (f) cantani (fl f) I 'antayno (n) axari (f1) I axaro (f) axweesani (f1) cayseeni (f1) I cayseenu ( n) baldane (fl) baratsufi (fl) I baratsufay (m) bara (fl) I barudu (n) buri (fl) daa'awi (f1) daqi (fl) daraqi (fl) dari (fl) I daray (m) de)eemi (f1) dici (fl) I dicay (m) diwi (fl) I diway (m) feehharni (fl) I feehhamay (m) gacalani (fl) ha'i (fl) I ha'idu (n) hami (fl) hayi (fl) I hayo (n) hi,itani (fl) I hi,itano (f) ku 'i (f1) I ku 'iya (n) kutli (fl) I kutlay (n) malhhari (f1) I malhhalo (f) migi (fl) mtunduri (fl) I mtunduru (m) naanagi (f1 f) I nanaga (f) parhhami (f1 f) I parhhamay (m) puci (fl) qafi (fl) I qafo (n) qanqani (fl) I qanqanay (m) qari (fl) qomi (fl) I qoomay (m) saxi (fl) hlufi (fl) I hlufo (n) white hair frog ant hill phlegm word, utterance lie, slander three days from now trap for birds side maize in a group relation through mother time coolness mane meadow fat, oil salt crack fever vegetable growth now, present feather JOurney time of menstruation water spring pus braveness kind of tree, bird worm, insect in maize piece of (fire )wood anthrax bark mushroom (edible) generation, age mate gourd minor rainy season lip 87 86 hluuhi (fl) taaqwani (fl f) I taaqwano (f) ti>itani (fl) tlaqi (fl) tlawi (fl) I tlabeemo (n) tlurumbuci (fl f) I tlurumbuca (f) tsakumi (f1) I tsakumay (m) tsaarami (fl f) I tsarama (n) tsee<i (f1) I tseeciya (n) cumi (fl) I 'umay (m) tleesani (fl) I tleesano (n) al>axweesani (fl f) I al>axweesanay rum ancient wooden hoe stomach disease half lake, sea grass near the river spoon reed shin hump of cattle big roads for cows (m) promise b. Ending in a and singular: daqa (fl) I daqoray (m) daxa(fl) fala (fl) I falo (n) fara (fl) I fadu (n) gara (fl) I gado (n) hhara (fl) I hhado (n) ila (fl) I ila' (n) iisa (fl) I iiso (n) kura (fl) I kuriya (n) lama (f1) I lameemo (n) hlaca (fl) I hlaaco (n) hlaqwa (f1) I hlaqo (n) I hlumo (n) I tsumo (n) hluma (fl) tsuma (fl) xatsa (fl) I xatso (n) darqafa (f1) I darqeefo (n) flock, herd, group now hide, prepared skin bone forest stick eye neck, hump of cow arse, wind lie, falseness bush, wilderness body hedge around house dirt valley scale c. Plural words: karkarmo (m) I karkari (fl) tsawawi (f) I tsawa (f1) caterpillar grass for making mats Morphophonological exceptions. There is a subset of masculine nouns that are morphophonological exceptions in they have a different outcome of the vowel coalescence rule (5) in 2.5.1., namely second vowel, the masculine linker u is deleted and not the first vowel. ending in ee , hee 'man' and agee 'dry season', a number of masculine nouns ending in a, like garma 'boy', names for male persons ending in a, such as Buura. Names a linker, e.g. Efra>im-u-sing 'this Efraim'. There is, however, some variation, for example dumbay>ee' 'my play stick' can also heard as dumboo>ee', with the regular outcome of the vowel coalescence rule (5), in 2.5.1. The second vowel, the masculine linker -u, is deleted after a vowel and after ay if a consonant follows, tsatay-u-da> ---+ tsatayda> 'that knife'. The linker -u becomes w between two vowels (and between ay and a vowel), e.g. tsatay-u-i ---+ tsataywi 'this knife'; garma-u-i ---+ garmawi 'to the boy'. Table of mor·phonological exceptions with nominal suffixes. tsatay 'knife' hee 'man' garma 'boy' Buura (a name) Demonstratives: tsataywi tsataysing tsatayqa' tsatayda> heewi heesing heeqa' heeda> garmawi garmasing garmaqa> garmada> Buurawi Buurasing Buuraqa> Buurada> hee>ee> heew6k heew6s Buura>ee> Buuraw6k Buuraw6s Buuraren . . Buurahung Buura>in Buurako Possessives: tsatay'ee> tsatayw6k tsatayw6s tsatayren tsatayhung tsatay>in heehung hee>in garma>ee> garmaw6k garmaw6s .garmaren garmahung garma>in Indefinite: tsatayko heeko garmako Adverbial cases: tsatay tsatowa tsatar tsatosa tsataywo hee>i heewa heer heesa heewo garmawi garmawa garmar garmawosa garmawo ｨ･ｾｲｮ＠ Buurawa Buurawosa Buurawo DIR ABL INSTR REASON BACK Word-finally and before a consonant ay-u results in o, tsatosa 'because of a knife'. The masculine nouns in ay end in oo for the construct case, tsat6o do oh ling 'the knife of your house'. However, hee 'man' is hee in the construct case, only a high tone and no gender link er. For the exceptional masculine nouns ending in a there is some variation between 6o and u: garm6o or garmu 'boy of', taat6o 'forefather of', but naanu 'big boy of', filu 'aardvark of', hhiyu 'brother of', hhuumpu 'lung of'. origin of oo in these masculine words in a could be the masculine construct case pronoun oo. I cannot explain the exceptional behaviour of these few masculine nouns in a. One All nouns with the number suffix -ay belong to this group, as well as masculine 89 88 possibility is that these words originally ended in a glottal stop. Nouns ending in masculine. There is a set of masculine nouns ending in a, that might have lost the glottal stop. With the glottal stop the vowel of the gender linker, u would be according to the syllable reduction rule, (4) in 2.3. As a relict, the u is still which must now be stated as an exception to the vowel coalescence rule (5) in However, for those six masculine words that end in a and are ｭ｣ｾｲｰｮｯｊＺ＾ｦｩ＼Ｉｃｬ＠ exceptions there is no evidence that they once ended in a glottal stop. with their cognates in Alagwa. Iraqw hhiya' (m) 'brother' garma (m) 'boy' taata (m) 'grandfather' hhumpa (m) 'lung' fila (m) 'aardvark' hee (m) 'person' naana (m) 'biggest boy among a group of small boys' Alagwa hhiiya (m) 'friend' garmo (m) 'old man' taata (m) 'grandfather' hhumpa 'lung' filu (m) 'aardvark' heeru (m) 'person' Some of these words ending in a denote a male person. Maybe they can do withou masculine linker for this reason. garma (m): garmada> hhiya> (m): hhiyada> naana (m): naanada> taata (m): taatada> gitla> (m): gitlada> hhuumpa (m): hhuumpada> fila (m): filada> boy, son brother big among small boys forefather, head of the house man lung, plant near river aardvark But not every male person falls into this category, as can be seen from: baaba (m): baabuda' hhawata (m): hhawatuda> father husband, male Other morphophonological exceptions: The feminine gender marker -r and the instrumental suffix -r require an epent vowel a after a consonant, e.g. hasam-r-1 -+ hasamari 'these problems'. And if r is preceded by an epenthetic vowel a, r is not deleted before an alveolar cons as it should be according to rule (7) in 2.5.2. hasamarsing 'these problems' hasamarsa 'because of problems' A glide w is inserted before the demonstrative suffix -i following a rounded vowel. is not the regular outcome of the vowel coalescence rule (5) in 2.5.1., ui -+ i. hiima-u-i -+ hiimuwi 'this rope' (m) awu-u-i -+ awuwi 'this bull (m)' tsaxwel-u-i -+ tsaxweluwi 'this trap' (m) kadu-i -+ kaduwi 'these skins' (n) But no glide is inserted before the directional suffix -i in the same context. yaamu-i -+ yaami 'to the ground' yaamu-i-+ yaamuwi 'this ground' A glide w is also inserted after a vowel (and after ay ) and before all noun suffixes starting in a round vowel: the background suffix -o, the possessive suffixes -ok and -os. awu-u-o -+ awuwo 'bull (m), background case' xa>ano-u-o -+ xa>anowo 'tree (m), background case' xweera-o -+ xweerawo 'at night (n)' kol>i-o -+ kol>iwo 'heels (n), background case' hhafeeto-ok -+ hhafeetowok 'your mats (n)' hhafeeto-os -+ hhafeetowos 'his mats (n)' gi>i-ok -+ gi>iwok 'your ghost' hee-os -+ heewos 'his man' uray-os -+ uraywos 'his size' kuru-ku-o -+ kurko 'during the year' This does not hold for the pronouns. ku-ok -+ kok 'yours (m/n) ta-os -+ tos 'his/hers' (f) The vowels of the independent pronouns and of the (ml) and (fl) gender markers assimilate to the following vowel if the intermediate consonant is uvular, or glottal. dici-ta->in -+ diciti>in 'their fat (fl)' diwi-ta-hung -+ diwtuhung 'your salt (fl)' ti-qa> -+ taqa' INDEP.F:DEM3 'that one (f)' to-'ee' -+ te>ee' INDEP.F:l.SG.POSS 'mine (f)' ko-'ee' -+ kwe'ee> INDEP.M/N:l.SG.POSS 'mine (m) or (n)' The vowel of the (f1) gender marker ta assimilates optionally to the vowel of the following suffix if the intermediate consonant is s. Something similar can be observered in buharesa (-+) buharasa 'because of the rainy season'. hluftasing (-+) hluftising 'this lip' diwtasing (-+) diwtising 'this salt' The word-final nasal of noun suffixes such as -sing DEM2, -ren 'our' is deleted in fast speech and the truncated word fuses with the following word. 91 90 sagerhi fox for sagerhung i fox 'Your heads have a hole.' gwasiwa ale for gawasing wa ale 'from that' gasa mibi for gasing a mila 'What is that thing?' kor6 kila> for koren oo kihi> 'Just ours.' The word-final nasal deletion has its parallel in the short forms of the pronouns aning, at for aten, ku for kuung and ki for kiing, and in are for areeng 'here are'. 3.4.1. The demonstrative suffixes There are four demonstratives varying in distance to the speaker. Near the s i or ka, near the addressee, sing, near neither of them but still visible, qa>, away, da>. The demonstrative i has an allomorph ka for neuter nouns. (13) (14) Table of demonstratives. hiima (m) 'rope' hasam (f) 'problems' hiimuwi hasamari hiimusing hasamasing hiimuqa' hasamarqa' hiimuda> hasamada> gi>i (n) 'ghost' gi>ika gi>ising gi'iqa' gi>ida' Table of demonstratives: (m1) and (fl) nouns. kuru (m1) 'year' hhara (fl) 'stick' kurkwi hharti kurkusing hhartasing kurkuqa' hhartaqa' kurkuda> hhartada> The feminine linker -r is deleted before the alveolar consonants of the demonstrat suffixes -sing and -da> according to rule (7) in 2.5.2. The final stem vowel a masculine nouns assimilates to the neighbouring u of the linker and results in a · short vowel, hiimuqa, hiimuwi, rule (5) in 2.5.1. A stem final glottal stop is d a consonant follows, duunga>-ka ---+ duungaka 'this nose', rule (8) in 2.5.2. The the (fl) linker is deleted before the demonstrative i, hharti, rule (5) in 2.5.1. The stem vowels preceding the (m1) and (f1) linkers are deleted if the neighbouring s contain short vowels, kurkusing, hhartasing, rule (4) in 2.3. The masculine -u is deleted after ngw, e.g. dangw-u-da> ---+ dangwda> 'that elephant', dangw---+ dangwi 'this elephant', gura>-u-i---+ guru>-wi---+ guruwi 'this stomach', rule ( in 2.5.2. The demonstrative da> is used for referring to the past. hasama-da> aangw ti-ndi-wa tlay Hasama-DEM4 before IMPS-HIT-BACK leave:3.SG.M 'That Hasarna (place name) they had come from.' maray-da> bala> a caseemi houses-DEM4 day:that COP flat:roof:house 'Those houses of that period were flat roofed houses.' word bala> 'those days, the past' contains the word bal 'day' and a reduced form of the demonstrative -da>. demonstratives -da> and -qa' are often used for nouns that are mentioned earlier. qa' for present tense and da> for past tense. tuuc xa>i-da> ka xa>i i-na trees O.N-PAST uproot:3.SG.M:PAST trees-DEM4 0.3:IMPS:O.N:PERF kwaahh throw: PAST 'He uprooted trees ..... Those trees were thrown away.' gwara-r-qa' hhiya->ee' i-r gwaa>-i death-F-DEM3 brother-l.SG.POSS S.3-INSTR die:INT-INF:S.3 'Is that a death for my brother to die?' (after a sentence about the way he died.) The demonstrative da> is often used on a noun followed by a relative clause although other demonstratives can be used as well, or else the head noun is in construct case. aama nee daaqay-w6s ku-da> meet ta mother with boys-3.SG.POSS INDEP.M/N-DEM4 stay:M IMPS caacaamfn cry-DUR:3.SG.M 'Mother cried with her boys, with whom she remained.' hee-qa> laa ga gurbuu> a man-DEM3 today Q.3:0:2.SG.F:PERF inform:3.SG.M:PAST COP heema who 'The man who informed you today is who?' The demonstratives qa> and da> can be reduplicated, in which case the glottal stop of the first suffix is deleted. The reduplicated -dada> is used with nouns that have been mentioned previously and that are either invisible or in the past. The invisible referent can be close in proximity, for example the girl's brother who is hidden in a box next to her is refered to as hhiyaw6s kudada> 'that brother of hers'. mu-k-qa-qa> i-na daqari>iit people-M1-DEM3-DEM3 S.3-PAST become:rich:3.SG.M:PAST 'Those people have become rich.' mu-k-da-da> yaamu g1 sawawiti>i>iim ino>in a 3.PL COP people-DEM4-DEM4 land 0.3:0.N rule:M 'They are the people who rule over the land.' 93 92 3.4.2. The possessive suffixes The noun kila> (m) 'just, very' followed by a possessive pronoun translates as a reflexive pronoun. The possessive sufixes distinguish person and number, not gender. The suffixes (18) (15) Table of -'ee' -ok -6s (16) Examples with the possessive suffixes. guru>ee' hasamar'ee' hasamarok guruwok hasamaros guruwos hasamaren mururen hasamarhung muruhung muru>in hasamar>in gura> (m) 'stomach' hasam (f) 'dilemma' mura> (m) 'things' (17) possessive suffixes. LSG -ren l.PL 2.SG -hung 2.PL 3.SG -'in 3.PL hhafeeto>ee' hhafeetowok hhafeetowos hhafeetoren hhafeetohung hhafeeto>in hhafeeto (n) 'mats' Examples with possessive suffixes: (m1) and (fl) nouns. afkwe>ee' hharte>ee' afkok hhartok hhartos afkos mukren hhartaren mukhung .hhartahung muk>in hharti>in hhara (fl) 'stick' afa (m1) 'mouth' muu (m1) 'people' Table of 'self'. kilo'ee kilok kilos kiloren or kiloten kilohung kilo> in 'myself' 'yourself' 'herself, himself' 'ourselves' 'yourselves' 'themselves' The form kilos 'her/himself' is derived from kila> 'very, just' in a regular way: kila>u-os ---+ kilu>-wos ---+ kiluos ---+ kilos The other forms are slightly irregular in that they have o as a linker instead of u, probably by analogy with the third person singular form. The most commonly used form for the first person plural is kiloren, but kiloten is also used every now and then. Maybe kiloten is the archaic form because -ten is used for -ren 'our' in some formal texts. kilos can also mean 'only'. Compare tan guu> kilos 'They are only sleeping' to tan kilo>in guu> 'They are sleeping alone'. In the meaning 'only', either kilos or kilo>in is used to refer to neuter nouns. In the following sentence kilos can be replaced by kilo>in 'only'. fu >unay kilos ga-r ta cag a only thing:CON-F ｄｅｐＮｓＱＯｾ＠ eat:2.SG COP ineat 'What you eat is only meat.' 3.4.3. The indefinite suffixes The feminine linker -r is deleted if followed by ren 'our', rule (7) in 2.5.2. The indefinite suffixes indicate that the noun is indefinite but specific. It is not (yet) identified. The suffixes can be translated with 'a certain'. The first person singular possessive suffix >ee> has an allomorph -'een if another initial suffix follows. (19) The indefinite suffixes. di-r->een-ee place- F-1. SG. POSS- BACK 'at my place' ko ka kaariya> di-r-'een-i place- F-I.SG .POSS-DIR 'to me' dawa-ku->een-ar hand-M1-1.SG.POSS-INSTR 'with my hand' The plural possessive is used for possession by the family. aaku>in 'his father', lit. 'their father' dooren 'my house', lit. 'our house' MASC MASC1 FEM FEM1 NEUT hiimuko mukko hasamarka hhartaka hhafeetokaariya> 'a rope' 'some people' 'one or other dilemma' 'a stick' 'some mats' The form of the suffix after neuter nouns seems to consist of a feminine stem ka followed by the gender linker r and the ending -iya> which is used for verbs with a neuter subject. The suffixes are often used in the opening paragraphs of a story, e.g. loo>a-r-ka wak-ee garma-ko hoot-at-in, day-F-INDEF one-BACK boy-INDEF S.3 live-HAB-3.SG.M 'On a day a certain boy lives, ... ' The suffixes are also used for introducing an important character or the clue of the 95 94 dakw ( +- dawa-ku) 'hand of' story. For stylistic purposes the name of the character or the clue is postponed, example in the story of Aama Ermii: loo>itleer ni-na ti>it makito>o-r-ka, next:day HIT-PAST come:out:3.SG.F animal-F-INDEF.F makito>o-r-i ka babay AamaErmii animal-F-DEMl 0.3:IMPS:O.F call:PAST AamaErmii 'The next day an animal came out, this animal was called AamaErmii.' The suffix is also used for an entity among the previously mentioned ones which is crucial. daaqay tarn tsaxwel gu-na qaas; ar boys three traps 0.3:0.M-PAST put; INDEP.CON.F garma-ko 1-na 6t gwarehh boy-INDEF.M S.3-PAST seize:3.SG.F gazelle 'Three boys placed traps; the trap of one of the boys caught a gazelle.' The indefinite suffix can mean 'another' if it used in opposition to a definite entity. kung m-a-s ti da>eemit; aten a 2.SG.M PROH-S.l/2-REAS INDEP.F:DEMl fear:2.SG LPL to-ka-sa da>eemiit-aan INDEP.F-INDEF.F-REAS fear-l.PL 'Why are you afraid of this one; we are afraid of a certain other one ( t about hyenas).' 3.4.4. The construct case suffix Nouns that are followed by a modifier are in the construct case. The construct suffix is not preceded by a gender linker but agrees in gender with the noun. The has a high tone. The segmental form of the suffix is similar to the gender linker, for the a for neuter nouns. (20) The construct case suffix and gender markers. MASC MASCl FEM FEMl NEUTER ku r ta (21) Examples of nouns in construct case. tsaxwel (m) 'trap' kuru (ml) 'year' waahla (f) 'python' dici (f1) 'fat' tsaxwehi dangw 'elephant trap' kurku cisa> 'last year' waahlar ur 'a big python' dicita cawak 'cream' gi>i (n) 'ghost' gi'a heeda> 'the ghost of that . man' If the (ml) gender marker ku follows a velar consonant word-finally, then the ku realised as a labialised velar consonant, kw. sagw ( f - saga-ku) 'head of' The modifier can be another noun, an adjective, a numeral, or a relative clause. hharta baabu>ee' 'the stick of my father' di<ita cawak 'white fat, cream' daaq6o tsar 'two boys' gar ni hlaa> 'the thing that I want' The noun is also in the construct case if it immediately precedes the verb; see 7.2.2. an-a hiimu uruux l.SG-S.l /2 rope: CON pull:l.SG 'I pull the rope.' The construct case suffix can follow a demonstrative suffix. mukdu ayaka 'those people of this land' harerir Matle 'this wife of Matle' hhaysoka see>aay 'this tail of the dog' Some nouns with the construct case suffix have a more general meaning than their corresponding bare nouns translatable by prepositions in English. This is especially true for the expression pf location. The most commonly used ones are: Noun+ CON dir 'to' am6r 'at' daandu 'on' ala 'behind' guruu 'inside' gamu 'under' bihhaa 'beside' tlaca(ng) 'between' yaama 'down' tseeca 'outside' qoomar 'at' afiqoomar 'until' d6o 'of (in names)' Noun di (f) 'place' amo (f) 'place' daanda (m) 'back' alu (n) 'space behind' gura' (m) 'stomach' gamnangw (m) 'trunk' bihhii> (n) 'side' tlacangw (m) 'middle' yaamu (n) 'earth' tseeca (n) 'outside' qooma 'period of time' afa 'mouth' and qooma 'time' do> (m) 'house' In personal names d6o 'house of' is used to indicate family affiliation, father or grandfather, e.g. Saygilo d6o Mageena 'Saygilo son of Mageena'. Some nouns of location lack the gender linker, they only have the high tone on the last syllable, for example afa 'at the edge of' instead of afku as in afku do> 'door, lit. mouth of house'. 97 96 gawa 'on' gawa (fl) 'top' geera 'before' afa 'at the edge of' bara 'in' geera (m) 'front' afa (ml) 'mouth' bara (fl) 'side' or baray (n) 'space below' da<r>t-a-ka gwa sakw-'een-e top:CON head:Ml-l.SG.POSS-BACK enter<DUR>:3.SG.F-INF-NEG s. 3 'It does not go into my brain.' locational noun daandu 'back of' is used to express the locational relationship between a smaller object and a larger surface. aa iwit gwa daandu meesa S.3:PERF sit:3.SG.F top:CON back:CON table There is also no linker in certain place names: Qwaam is Qwaam in construct case Daantsiim or Diintsimar isDantsiim in construct case Muray is Muray in construct case Dongobesh is Dongobesh in construct case 'She is sitting on the table.' aa iwit gwa kitangw S.3:PERF sit:3.SG.F top:CON chair 'She is sitting on the chair.' The construct case form of tlacangw 'middle' is sometimes reduced to tlaca. kahari i-ri tlaca feehhit skin S.3-CONSEC middle:CON get:torn.3.SG.F 'The skin got torn in the middle.' Some of these nouns are body parts, e.g. daanda 'back', gura> 'stomach', afa 'mou others are locative concepts. Nouns of general location, such as bara, dir, and amor, can.,be followed by nouns of locational position, e.g. bara daandu, ba:ni gawa, and ｢｡ｲｧｵＧ［ｾ＠ others. The ｴｨｲ･ｾ＠ general nouns of location:, bara, dir, and amor, cannot Futhermore, direction can be specified by the directive or ablative case suffixes, or the preposition ay 'to'. ｾｧ｡ｷ＠ guru ｾ､｡ｮｵ＠ Noun- DIR ABL BACK The locational noun daandu is sometimes used for 'behind', but normally alu is used for 'behind'. loo'a i daandu hunkay sun S.3 back:CON cloud 'The sun is behind the cloud.' aa alu-'ee) iwit S.3:PERF behind-l.SG.POSS sit:3.SG.F 'She is sitting behind me.' When used as nouns of location, these nouns have a more general meaning compared to when they are independent nouns. daandu is used for 'about', 'concerning' or 'on behalf of'. in6s yah<am>iis daandu uray-wos-e 3.SG S.3 ask<DUR>:3.SG.M back:CON seize-3.SG.POSS-BACK 'He is asking about his size.' ti>ita-r-i a daandu K wacangw nee Konkomo story-F-DEMl COP back:CON hare and cock 'This story is about the Hare and the Cock.' Only very few other combinations of these locative words are possible; examples gawa daandu 'on top of', gawa bara. kisingay i gwa bara horonday haratsooc snail S.3 tGp:CON in:CON sediment:CON squeeze:3.SG.M:PRES 'The snail is squeezing little things in the sediment of the beer.' The meaning of the verb is relevant. Some verbs require a locative complement. verbs are inherently ｾｩｲ･｣ｴｯｮ｡ｬＮ＠ aldakuut ar daandu do> i S.3 wonder:3.SG.M:PRES INSTR back:CON house nguwa tseeg 0.3:DEP.S.3:0.M-BACK close:3.SG.M:PAST 'He wonders whether he closed up the house.' in6s yac<ac>an daandu xeemu yesuwo 3.SG 8.3 agree<HAB>:3.SG.M back:CON coming:CON Jesus 'He believes in the coming of Jesus.' 99 98 in6s mu-k ateet-in daandu wawutmo.. 3.SG S.3 people:CON-Ml call-DUR:3.SG.M back:CON king-ABL ale RES PRO 'He calls the people on behalf of the king' bara is rarely used as an independent noun. bara is used for a location within aries, but with focus on within and not on the boundaries, typically used with ments such as land, forest, objects with an inside. an-a bara xar-ta kaw l.SG-S.l/2 in:CON forest-Fl:CON go:l.SG 'I go into the forest.' bara Tansaniya-r-o umuu hee-wo raysi in:CON Tanzania-F-BACK every:CON man-BACK president ngu-n ilawaac 0.3:DEP.S.3:0.M-EXPEC respect:3.SG.M:PRES 'Within Tanzania, everybody respects the President.' dasu xawa ngu-na ifiis bara girls manure 0.3:S.3.PL:O.M-PAST spread:3.SG.M:PAST in:CON qaymo field 'The girls spread the manure over the field.' cayto>o na ti>it bara hhapee-r-o ma1ze HIT:PERF come:out:3.SG.F in:CON soil-F-BACK 'The maize is coming out of the soil.' qaas bara tlakway-i ale put:IMP in:CON bag-DIR RESPRO 'Put it into the bag.' daqikaro dawe ti>imit bara gar-t-o sometimes elephants S.3 come:out:3.SG.F in:CON forest-Fl-BACK 'Sometimes elephants come out of the forest.' The meaning can be extended to a temporal concept, meaning 'during, within a cert time'. bara deel6-r wakee in:CON day:CON-F one-BACK 'during one day' bara tiqti-r-o in:CON illness-F-BACK 'during the illness' bara is not restricted to situations in place or time, for example ti>ita-r-i a bara kangw iraqw story-F-DEMl COP in:CON matter:CON Iraqw 'This story is in Iraqw.' · also used in comparisons to indicate the group among which the comparison bara, IS is rnade. dirangw a Iowa makit6-r tlakway hhe>ees bara lion COP very animal:CON-F badness finish:F in:CON makay hleemeero animals all 'The lion is the worst of all animals.' The meaning can be extended to express purpose with verbal nouns. dasi ngi-na yacab bara hheeku girl ＰＮＳＺｈｾｔｏｆＭｐａｓ＠ send:3.SG.F in:CON fetching:water 'She sent the girl to fetch water.' The noun of location bara can be modified by preceding prepositions: har bara afa 'up to the mouth' ay bar a darma 'into the forest' ar bara guru do> 'from the inside of the house'· bara can be followed by other nouns of location to specify the locative relation .. _The most frequent combinations are: bara guru 'inside' bara gawa 'on top of' bara daandu 'on' dir indicates a general location. Compare: aama bara do> grandmother S.3 in:CON house 'Grandmother is inside the house.' aama di-r do> grandmother S.3 place:CON-F house 'Grandmother is at home.' dir is often used with verbs that involve direction, such as 'give to', 'send to', 'ask sb. ', 'depart for', 'go to', 'arrive'. i hhar-ta han<m>iis di-r hhawata S.3 stick-Fl:CON give<DIR>:3.SG.M:PRES place:CON-F man 'He gives the stick to a man.' ngi-na yahaas di-r aning 0.3:HIT:O.F-PAST ask:3.SG.M:PAST place:CON-F l.SG 'He asked me something.' 101 100 in6s kasfr huuriin ay df-r harmat 3.SG S.3 potatoes:CON-F cook:3.SG.F to place:CON-F be:ripe:3.SG.F baha di-r doo tlaqati nga-na hyena place:CON-F house:CON gazelle 0.3:HIT:O.F-PAST 'Hyena went to the house of Gazelle.' 'She will cook the potatoes until they are ready.' hhay caga i-na hardat di-r clan cannibals S.3-PAST arrive:3.SG.F place:CON-F tlaw-ti-da-da' lake- F 1- DEM 4- DEM 4 'The cannibal clan arrived at that lake.' yaamu land ma'ay water 'He dug In the following sentence dir is obligatory because the verb requires a locative ment. na harakfic df-r hhare-r-os-i HIT:PERF return:3.SG.M:PAST place:CON-F wife-F-3.SG.POSS-DIR ale RES PRO 'He returned to his wife.' dfr is also used to mean 'among, with regard to, for' followed by a collective then requires the background suffix. hee n1 xuu> di-r man:CON DEP.S.l.SG know:l.SG:SBJV place:CON-F ｭｵＭｫｱ｡Ｇ･ｾ＠ . i kaahh people-M1-DEM3-BACK S.3 absent:3.SG.M:PRES 'There is nobody that I k:riow among those people.' kangw Iraqw a Iowa atbhhamiit matter:CON Iraqw S.3:PERF very be:easy:3.SG.M:PAST di-r irqwatu-w-o place:CON-F iraqw-M-BACK 'The Iraqw language is very easy for an Iraqw person.' doohla a ga-r kila> di-r doohlitee-r-o cultivating COP thing:CON-F just place:CON-F farmers-F-BACK 'Cultivating is the crucial thing for farmers.' dfr is very often used in combination with the preposition ay 'to' or with the co sponding directive case suffix -i. ta><a'>in ay di-r konkomo 1-na S.3-PAST run<HAB>:3.SG.M to place:F-CON cock 'He ran to the cock.' aning u-na df-r soko-r-i aw l.SG O.M-PAST place:CON-F market-F-DIR go:l.SG 'I met him at the market.' The combination ay dir can also mean 'until'. g-i-na doohl ay di-r afiqooma-r 0.3-0.N-PAST dig:3.SG.M:PAST to place:CON-F until:CON-F ti>inangw coming:out the land until water came out.' Apart from afiqoomar 'until, lit. mouth of period of', other nouns of location can modify the spatial relation, dir afa 'at the edge of' and dir gamu 'under'. an a qaat dfr afa loohi l.SG S.1/2 lie:l.SG place:CON-F mouth:CON path 'I will lie down at the edge of the path.' hanoos df-r gamu akweesi here place:CON-F under:CON cooking:stones 'There under the cooking stones.' di-r tla'ang iimii-r-o place:CON-F middle:CON people-F-BACK 'from the middle of the people' amor is very similar in use and meaning to dir. It is used with the ｳｾｭ･＠ kind of verbs. do>-fn amo-r hardah ta-ri IMPS-CONSEC arrive:PAST place:CON-F house-3.PL.POSS 'And they arrived at their house.' tsaxaar amo-r dasi gwa-r1 0.3:0.F-CONSEC throw:3.SG.M:PAST place:CON-F girl di-r dasi place:CON-F girl 'And he threw it to the girl.' OR ay to As a noun of location am or is less frequent than dfr. As an independent noun for 'place', amo is preferred to di. saaw hoot amo-r in6s 3.SG S.3 place:CON-F far:F live:3.SG.M:PRES 'He lives in a place far away.' Some of these locative nouns also occur in compound verbs; see 4.4. 103 102 3.4.5. The adverbial role case clitics 'Let me go to that place.' The directive, ablative, instrumental and reason case clitics occur in the posi mediately before the verb and are cliticised to the preceding noun if there is one noun is not necessarily the object of the case relation. In the following sentence · is put ｩ＿ｾｯ＠ the beer and not the other way around but the noun sumu 'poison' the pos1t10n before the verb so that the case suffix is cliticised to it. buura ' sentence-initial because the sequence in time is that you have the beer first a d put the poison into it. n ana dakw->een-ar d6ohl LSG:S.l/2 hand:Ml-l.SG.POSS-INSTR dig:l.SG 'I dig with my hand.' hiimuwisa dakw>eesa dir6gi dir'eewa buura a-n sumi qaas-aan beer O.F-EXPEC poison:DIR put-l.PL 'We put poison into the beer.' If there is no noun, the case clitic is suffixed to the preceding object pronoun. hikwa-ka 1-r tlawaan cattle-DEM1:N O.N-INSTR leave:l.PL 'We depart with these cows.' hiima-u-i-sa dawa-ku-'ee'-sa di-r-6k-i di-r-'ee>-wa 'because of this rope' 'because of my hand' 'to you (lit.: to your place)' 'from me (from my place)' The feminine indefinite suffix requires an extra gender linker, if followed by a case clitic. bara xats-ta-ka-r-wa qa-qeer S.3 in:CON valley-Fl-INDEF.F-F-ABL HAB-graze:3.SG.F 'It usually grazes in a certain valley.' Nouns with a directive, ablative, instrumental or reason case suffix can occur · position after the verb and must then be followed by a resumptive pronoun ale. 1-na dah bara bohong-i ale S.3-PAST enter:3.SG.M:PAST in:CON pit-DIR RESPRO 'He entered the pit.' The directive, instrumental; and reason clitics, but not the ablative clitic -have sponding prepositions. The prepositions consist of a (the copula?) plus the clitic. reason preposition lacks the final a of the reason clitic -sa, which brings it into with the other prepositions. ar 'by, with' (INSTR) as 'because' (REASON) ay 'to' (DIR) The adverbial role case clitics are attached to the noun phrase modified noun, or to the bare noun. Only if these case ｳｵｦｩｸ･ｾ＠ unmodified noun, does a gender linker precede. If the noun has possessive suffix, the case suffix can follow immediately without an a kicima-wok-sa gurhamut-a? S.1/2 return-2.SG.POSS-REAS regret:2.SG:INT-INF 'Do you regret your return?' to the suffix of are attached to a demonstrative extra gender Case clitics can follow personal pronouns without a gender linker, e.g. kuung-i 'to you' and: kuung-wa meetin S.3 2.SG.M-ABL remain-DUR:3.SG.M 'He avoids you.' Case clitics can also follow the independent pronouns. doohl in os kwe-'een-ar 3.SG S.3 IND_EP:M/N-l.SG.POSS-INSTR cultivate:3.SG.M:PRES 'He is digging with mine.' aten a to-ka-sa da>eemiit-aan l.PL S.1/2 INDEP.F-INDEF.F-REAS fear-l.PL 'We are afraid of a certain one.' an-a ti-da-wa meet-iim l.SG-S.1/2 INDEP.F-DEM4-ABL remain-DUR:l.SG 'I avoid that one.' If a case marker is suffixed to a bare noun, a gender linker precedes. g-a ad6-r hhoo>-ar tlehh 0.3-0.F manner:CON-F nice-INSTR do:3.SG.F 'She is doing it in a nice way.' 3.4.5.1. The directive case suffix na am6-r saaw wa kfic HIT:PERF place:CON-F far ABL return:3.SG.M:PAST 'He returned from far away.' The directive case suffix is -i. The suffix is preceded by a gender linker, for feminine nouns. There is no gender linker for neuter nouns, nor for masculine nouns, but there is a gender linker for (ml) nouns. ' ni amo-di aw DEP:S.l.SG place-DEM4:DIR go:l.SG:SBJV hiima (m) 'rope' basa (ml) 'south' hi-imi baskwi 105 104 waahla (f) 'python' hhara (fl) 'stick' lohu (n) 'roads' huu' gawa hhar-ta-wa ale tlakway i-na S.3-PAST fall:3.8G.M:PA8T top:CON stick-F1-ABL RE8PRO bag waahlari hharti lohi 'The bag fell from the stick.' As a consequence, the distinction between a masculine noun with a directive and a demonstrative suffix -i is not only tonal in most cases. bar a hiimi ale 'to the rope', cf. bar a hiimuwi ale 'to this rope' bara waqti ale 'into the intestines', cf. bani waqtuwi ale 'into these testines' awi 'to the bull', cf. awuwi 'this bull' tsatay 'to the knife', cf. tsataywi 'this knife' guri 'to the stomach', cf. guruwi 'this stomach' kar umuu hee-wo i-wa bara chumba-r-6s-i well every man-BACK 8.3-BACK in:CON room-F-3.8G.P08S-DIR watl-i, du>uma i bara chumba-r-6s-wa go:home-3.8G.M:8BJV leopard 8.3 in:CON room-F-3.8G.P088-ABL axmamis-ii-ke xweera-wo. hear-8.3:INF:INT-NEG:BACK night-BACK 'When every man returned to his room, didn't the leopard listen from his room in the night?' tlakway-i dahas-eek bara hhar-ti ale sack-DEM1 put-IMP.SG.O in:CON stick-F1:DIR RESPRO 'Put this sack on a stick.' ta-na wacangw-i dah IMPS-PAST pit-DIR enter:PAST 'They entered the pit.' Ｑ ｾｷ｡ｬｴ＠ ka-na dah g<am>iisu-w-o 0.3:IMPS:0.3 DIR enter:PAST killing<DUR>-M-BACK 'They started the killing.' 3.4.5.2. The ablative case suffix The ablative case suffix has the form -wa, and is preceded by a gender linker. The of the (m1) marker ku is deleted before wa, baskwa 'from the south', and the li -u is deleted after o, according to the vowel coalescence rule (5), 2.5.1., xa'ano_, xa>anowa 'from the tree'. tsatseec (m) 'stars' basa (m1) 'south' Arusha (f) n.pr.loci hhara (fl) 'stick' gi>i (n) 'ghost' tsatecuwa baskwa Arusharwa hhartawa gi>iwa The meaning of the suffix is movement away from the noun. ti><ii'>in iimi-r Kuta-r-wa Basili n-i-na Basili HIT-8.3-PA8T run<HAB>:3.8G.M point:CON-F Kuta-F-ABL ale RE8PRO 'Basili was running to me from Kuta.' The difference between -wa and -i is basically one between source and goal as can be seen from the following example. The directive is mostly used in situations that involve motion and can often be lated by 'to, on, into' (direction, spatial relation of a small object in relation surface, ingression). The suffix is frequent with verbs like aw 'to go', qaas 'to dah 'to enter'. With the verb dah 'to enter' the directive is also used if the verb has the ｭ･ｴ｡ｰｮｯ meaning of starting. ala hikwa-wa ale i ti>iit 8.3 go:out:3.8G.M:PRE8 behind:CON cattle-ABL RE8PRO 'He appears from behind the cattle.' The ablative is obligatory with certain verbs. The ablative is used with verbs such as meet 'to leave, to avoid'. do>-6g-wa meet-in 8.3 house-M-2.8G.P088-ABL remain-DUR:3.8G.M 'He avoids your house.' bas-ku-wa meet-in 8.3 south-M1-ABL remain-DUR:3.8G.M 'He avoids the south.' Sometimes the ablative can be extended in meaning. In the following sentence the ablative suffix is interchangeable with the instrumental suffix -ar: hikwaw6gar instead of hikwaw6gwa. ku bihhaa hikwa-w6g-wa 0.3:DEP.8.1/2:0.M side:N:CON cattle-2.8G.P088-ABL nunu-m-is suck-DUR-CAU8:2.8G.M 'You should let it (the child) suck on your cattle.' Very often the ablative suffix is used for general location. 107 106 bara xats-ta-ka-r-wa S.3 in:CON valley-F1-INDEF-F-ABL 'It usually grazes in a certain valley.' qa-qeer HAB-graze:3.SG.F anfng a bara qaymo-r-f-wa l.SG S.1/2 in:CON field-F-DEM1-ABL 'I don't dig in this field.' doohl-a-ka dig:l.SG-INF-NEG i dugno-r loloqoos S.3 thumb-INSTR point:3.SG.M:PRES 'He pushes with his thumb.' ana dab-ar fool-lit LSG-8.1/2 hands-INSTR dig-MIDDLE:l.SG 'I dig with my hands.' instrumental suffix is also used to indicate manner, comitative, or exchange. The ablative can also be used for reason. gi>i-wa da>eemiit S.3 ghost-ABL fear:3.SG.M:PRES 'He is afraid of ghosts.' ado-r . ki-r hlaw-aan manner:CON-F 0.3:IMPS:O.N-INSTR get-l.PL 'How do we get them?' asma tluway or tluway-wa ale because rain rain-ABL RESPRO 'because of the rain' hikwa-ka i-r tlaw-aan cattle-DEMl.N O.N-INSTR leave-l.PL 'We depart with these cows.' And the ablative can also be used for expressions of time. tlatla 'ang-wa laqan ka 0.3:IMPS:O.F afternoon-ABL show:PRES 'It is shown in the afternoon.' With verbal nouns the ablative is used with no specific Iocational meaning. b<u>r gaasa-r-wa 'hla> COND'<O.M> killing-F-ABL . want:2.SG 'If you want to kill it.' tluway fiiro-r-wa ale rain asking-F-ABL RESPRO 'in order to ask for rain' ka-r warahas 0.3:DEP.S.l/2:0.F-INSTR exchange:2.SG:SBJV 'You should change with her.' 3.4.5.4. The reason case suffix The form of the suffix is sa. It is preceded by a gender linker. The suffix sa indicates reason. tsatsecusa tsatseec (m) 'stars' hiima (m) 'rope' qara (rnl) 'poison' hiimusa qarkusa hasama (f) 'dilemma' hasamarsa da>awi (fl) 'family tie' da>awtasa gi>i (n) 'ghost' gi>isa 3.4.5.3. The instrumental case suffix The form suffix is r after vowels and ar after consonan t s. · d dofb the instrumental . IS prece e Y a gender lmker. The gender linker u assimilates to th d' resulting in one vowel o in duguno-u-r ｾ＠ dug(u)nor 'with the thurn:' prece mg hiima (m) 'rope' hiimur dawa (rn1) 'hand' kopo (f) 'cup' dakwar hhara (fl) 'stick' gi>i (n) 'ghost' The final stern vowel of neuter nouns can optionally assimilate to the a of sa, buharesa or buharasa 'because of the rainy season', gi>isa or gi>asa 'because of the ghosts'. 3.4.6. The background case suffix The form of the suffix is -o, preceded by a linker agreeing in gender with the noun. tsaxwel (m) 'trap' tsaxweluwo ｫｯｰｾ｡ｲ＠ kuru (ml) 'year' hhartar waahla (f) 'python' kurko waahlaro The. fery,tinine noun dabe 'har{ds' has no linker before the instrumental suffix ar ｳｵｬｴｩｾｧ＠ m dabe-ar ｾ＠ dabar. In tsatar 'with a knife', the diphthon a is red' to a m the final closed syllable. g y The suffix indicates that the noun is used as an instrument. hhara (fl) 'stick' gi>i (n) 'ghost' hharto gi>iwo The suffix has the allomorph -ee or -hee without a gender linker after nouns ending in a high tone; -hee after vowels and semivowels, -ee after consonants. The suffix has the effect of lowering the preceding high tones. 108 maamay (m) 'uncle·' da<aw (f) 'east' 109 maamayhee dacawee The background suffix can follow possessive or demonstrative suffixes. is -(h)ee since these suffixes end in a high tone. ba>armo i kaahh bara danu-w-i-hee bee S.3 be:absent:3.SG.M:PRES in:CON honey-M-DEM1-B 'There is no bee in this honey.' The background suffix can also follow adjectives and other nominal modifiers. suffix is attached to the noun phrase, not to the noun. The allomorph of the b suffix after modifiers is -(h)ee, also after adjectives with a low tone, i.e. if the of the head noun is feminine; see 5.1. In the following example da <aat has low because dasi is feminine. Therefore boo< in boo<-ee-ka-he must have a low well. The background suffix is still -(h)ee and not -o. dasi-r-i ka boo<-ee-ka-hee. ahla>ay girl-F-DEMl 0.3:IMPS:O.F black-BACK-NEG:INT-BACK no ka da<aat 0.3:IMPS:O.F red:F 'Isn't this girl black? No, she is light-skinned.' before the verb. Nouns with a background suffix cannot occur ｩｾｭ･､｡ｴｬｹ＠ tion of the suffix is to estabHsh a domain that is either backgrounded, nega questioned.· Or by establishing the noun phrase as a domain, the noun phrase is preted as being separate or complete. See also 7.4. In the following example, the addition of the suffix indicates that the roof in q is affected completely and not just part of it. hhasangw u qaas gawa daandu do' sand O.M put:3.SG.M:PRES top:CON back:M:CON house 'He puts sand on top of the roof.' hhasangw u qaas gawa daandu sand O.M put:3.SG.M:PRES top:CON back:M:CON do>-o house-BACK 'He makes the roof of sand.' If the suffix is used after an extraposed coordinated noun, it has the meaning of addition to'. Thus the extraposed noun phrase with the background suffix has to interpreted as a separate whole, different from the noun with which it is coordin The background suffix can only be used if the coordinated noun phrase is extra sentence-finally. kurmo nee kitangw i-n tlaaxw hoe and chair O.N-EMPH buy:l.SG 'I'll buy a hoe and a chair.' kurmo u-n tlaaxw nee kitang-o hoe O.M-EMPH buy:l.SG and chair:M-BACK 'I'll buy a hoe, and a chair in addition to it.' In the following sentence the background suffix is impossible because naanu means 'side-dish' and thus can only be eaten together with the potatoes. naanu u-na cay-aan nee kasiis vegetables O.M-PAST eat-l.PL and potatoes 'We ate vegetables and potatoes.' The suffix is obligatory after umu 'every' because the meaning of 'every' excludes comparable entities. umuu hee-wo <ayma g-a hlaa' umuu every man-BACK eating 0.3-0.F like:3.SG.M:PRES every deelo-r-o day-F-BACK 'Everybody wants to eat every day.' The background suffix is not used on the noun phrase with umu in a negative sentence or in a question implying negation. umuu fu>unay i daya>-a ala every meat S.3 be:present:3.PL:INT-INF but 'Is there any meat present? (implying: no)' The background suffix is part of the word for all, hleemee-r-o because 'all' is a whole, excluding other entities; the original base, hleemee, means 'also'. dirangw a 16wa makit6-r tlakway hhe)ees bara lion COP very animal:CON-F badness finish in:CON makay hleemee-r-o animals also- F- BACK 'The lion is the most dangerous animal of all.' The background suffix has to precede the negative suffix. The preceding is taken as the complement of negation. iraqw a doohlitee-r-o-ka Iraqw COP farmers-F-BACK-NEG 'Iraqw are not farmers.' garma-wo-ka a hee-wi man-DEM1 COP boy-BACK-NEG 'This man is not a boy,' ga-sing a ma>ay-wo-ka thing-DEM2 COP water-BACK-NEG 'This thing is not water.' 110 doohla-r ni doohl ar digging:CON-F DEP.S.l.SG dig:l.SG:SBJV INDEP.CON.F qaymo-r-i-hee-ka field- F- D EMl- BACK- NEG 'I don't dig in this field.' The background suffix is obligatory with yes/no question intonation. noun phrase is questioned. kog-ee do>-ow-i a house-M-DEMl COP INDEP.M:2.SG.POSS:INT-BACK 'Is this house yours?' For the negation and questioning of verbal phrases, other suffixes are used; see 4 The background suffix is sometimes interchangable with the ablative or the case suffix. kuung m-a hleer di-r-'ee-wa ale 2.SG.M PROH-O.F get:2.SG place-F-l.SG.POSS-ABL RESPRO or di-r-'een-ee place- F -1. SG .POSS-BACK 'What do you get .from me?' kurmo m-u haniis-a-ka di-r-6g-i hoe PROH-O.M give:l.SG-INF-NEG place-F-2.SG.POSS-DIR ale RESPRO place-F-2.SG.POSS-BACK 'I should not give you a hoe.' The background suffix can add an ablative meaning to locative expressions. The tive noun phrase bara qaymo 'inside the field' without any directional or ｶｵｾｮＭＬＮｌｖＧﾭ suffix is the goal of the verb ti)iit 'to come out'. A similar locative noun phrase the background suffix bara gart-o means 'out of the forest'. daqi-ka-r-o dawe ti><im>it time-INDEF-F-BACK elephants S.3 come:out<DUR>:3.SG.F gar-t-o forest-Fl-BACK 'Sometimes the elephants come out of the forest.' dawe ti><im>it bara qaymo elephants S.3 come:out<DUR>:3.SG.F in:CON field 'The elephants are coming out into the field.' These spatial relations can be made more explicit by the use of the directive ablative case clitics. The ablative case clitic is equivalent to the background suffix. 111 dawe ti><im>it bara daqi-ka-r-o time-INDEF-F-BACK elephants S.3 come:out<DUR>:3.SG.F in:CON gar-ta-wa ale forest-Fl-ABL RESPRO 'Sometimes the elephants go out of the forest.' dawe i bara qaymo-r-i ti><im>ft elephants S.3 in:CON field-F-DIR come:out<DUR>:3.SG.F 'The elephants go out into the field.' Vocative case Nouns h ave a high tone on the penultimate syllable when addressing a person. I will use VOC as its gloss. aako 'old man' aama 'old woman' aayi 'mother' baaba 'father' garma 'boy' daaqay 'boys' dasi 'girl' dasu 'girls' hlahhingay 'Mr. Chameleon' xaygan 'hey you' ｸ｡ｹｳｾ＠ gan 'hey ｾＰ＠ (pl)' Some other terms of address do not have a penultimate high tone. oriy6ok 'people (only used as term of address)' Sometimes a noun with a demonstrative suffix is used as a term of address. muki ( =mukwi) 'people' lit. 'these people' garmi 'you chap' from garmawi 'this boy' giltawi 'you man' lit. 'this man.' Some terms of endearment, which are also terms of address, do not have a high tone. nango 'my boy' hato> 'my girl' hathho>o 'niece' Some terms of address are a combination of nouns without the construct case suffix, like compounds. aako Gwaandu 'old rrian Gwaandu' aama Matle 'wife of Matle' hhay 'aga 'cannibal clan' 113 112 3.5. Pronouns 3.5.1. Personal pronouns The personal pronouns have full and short forms. The short forms are used · speech. The pronouns all have high tone. Gender is distinguished in the second singular only. The second person pronouns resemble each other. The second singular masculine pronoun and the feminine form differ only in the vowel; the culine form contains an u which is also the 2.SG.M object pronoun and the form contains ani, the 2.SG.F. object agreement pronoun. The 2.PL pronoun is on the 2.SG.M pronoun followed by the plural marker a'. There is no form kiin The 3.PL pronoun has the 3.SG pronoun in it, except for the final s, which is the person singular possessive marker -os, and the 3.PL.POSS suffix in, cf. marker in adjectives; see 5.1. (22) Full and short form personal (pro )nouns. l.SG aning an 2.SG.M kuung ku 2.SG.F kiing ki 3.SG inos is l.PL aten at 2.PL kuunga' 3.PL ino>in inin The only construction in which the short form is excluded is after a copula. form of the first person plural pronoun at cannot occur as an object. · garma-da> a aning boy-DEM4 COP l.SG 'That boy is me.', not: garmada> a an aten ti atet l.PL O.LPL call:2.SG 'You call us.', not: at ti atet However, the short form of the first person singular, an, can occur as an object ........r,nnnn,"\l! an-i-ga atet l.SG-O.l.SG-PERF call:2.SG 'You called me.' Personal pronouns usually refer to persons but they can refer to animals or things. relative or object of verbs. They can be modified by adjectives, numerals ｾｮ､＠ The pronouns can be followed by case suffixes, and by demonstrative suffixes. all these respects they are no different from nouns. They. cannot be followed .by In · or indefinite suffixes. Personal pronouns are a special group of nouns, hke possessive personal names. at-a doohliitee l.PL-S.l /2 farmers 'We are farmers.' garmada> a aning boy-DEM4 COP l.SG 'That boy is me.' is ka catlaar 3.SG 0.3:IMPS:O.F big:F 'She is big.' in6s an 1-na ateet-in 3.SG l.SG O.l.SG-PAST call-DUR:3.SG.M 'He was calling me.' catlaar aa mux-uut ins-u-qa> 3.SG-M-DEM3 big:M S.3:PERF beat-MIDDLE:3.SG.M:PAST 'He, that big one, has beaten it.' ani-sing ta <ara>>aan gawa picha-r-o 1.SG-DEM2 DEP.S.l/2 <HAB>see:2.SG top:CON picture-F-BACK kwi oo laari-hee-ka a COP INDEP.M:DEMl INDEP.CON.M today-BACK-NEG 'I there that you see on the picture, am not the one of today' The personal (pro )nouns followed by demonstratives have the following forms: (23) Personal (pro )nouns with l.SG.M aniwi l.SG.F aniri 2.SG.M 2.SG.F 3.SG.M in6suwi 3.SG.F in sari atenaka l.PL 2.PL ino'inaka 3.PL demonstrative anising anising kusing kising in6susing insasing atenasing kuungasing ino>inasing suffixes aniqa> anirqa> kuqa' kirqa' in6suqa' insarqa' atenaqa> kuungaqa' ino>inaqa' anida> anida' kuda, _ kid a, in6suda> insada> atenada' kuungada' ino>inada> hu-hu>-un is 3.SG S.3 HAB-fall-DUR:3.SG.M 'It Ｈｾｨ･＠ house) is falling down.' There are short forms ateeka for atenaka, ininaka for .i.no'inaka, and insuwi for in6suwi, etc. deelo gaas-ii-ka is 3.SG S.3 day kill-S.3:INF-NEG 'It won't take a long time.' If the personal (pro )noun is modified by a relative clause, it has to be followed by a demonstrative. In the past tense the demonstrative da> is used, in the present tense the demonstrative i for first person singular and ka the neuter form for first person The pronouns can be subject or complement of copula, subject of adjectival cot>Ulil•rl 114 115 plural, sing for second persons and i or qa> for third persons. ani-w-i goo>iim a-ga l.SG-M-DEMl write:M S.l/2-PERF 'I, who am writing, am tired.' hlaqaat tired:l.SG ani-da> goo>iim a-ga hlaqaat l.SG-DEM4 write:F S.l/2-PERF tired:l.SG 'I, who was writing, was tired that time.' ,, and tiqa'. taqa The possessive pronouns: qooma-da>-ee period-DEM4-BACK The personal (pro )nouns with a demonstrative suffix can be followed by a case sawadi inosusi haniseek sawadi inos-u-sing-i haniseek present 3.SG-M-DEM2-DIR give-IMP.SG.O 'Give him there a present.' The object pronouns that are discussed in 4.1. are different from nouns. They be modified by nominal suffixes, adjectives, relative clauses, etc. They cannot before or after the copula. They replace the object of the verb, if the referent object is understood. They are also used if the object precedes the verb phrase; 4.1.2. They are pronouns. kwe'ee' kok kos koren kohung ko>in te>ee' tok t6s toren tohung to>in (27 ) The indefinite pronouns: kooko tooka kokariya' MASC FEM NEUT . pronouns are b ase d on ko and to as are the possessive pronouns. The indefimte i . t. ea. d of the noun if the referent of the noun is u_hnderstood, Th se pronouns are use d ms if ｴｾ･＠ ｮｯｾ＠ is mentioned earlier in the sentence, or if the noun already as a noun u u suffix. i umuu deelo a ti-da>-ee-ka every day COP INDEP.F-DEM4-BACK-NEG 'Every day is different.' ti nu 3.5.2. Independent forms of noun suffixes Demonstrative, possessive, and indefinite suffixes have independent forms that replace the nouns that they refer to. I call these forms demonstrative, possessive, indefinite pronouns. The pronouns are formed by suffixing the noun suffixes to ku masculine and neuter nouns and to ta for feminine nouns. (25) The demonstrative pronouns: MASC FEM kwi ti kwising tising kuqa' taqa> ( tiqa') kuda' tida' FEM ko and to in the possessive pronouns, in analogy with the third person k, to's The o after the velar k results in rounding of the k bases are · e pronoun os or · fi possessiV 1 ｦｯｬｾｷｳ＠ kwe>ee>. The vowel before the glottal stop of the :st person if a front vowffie . .'1 t t 't kwe'ee' te>ee> but not to that of the third person possessive su ｾ＠ ｡ｳｬｾ＠ a es o I ' ' ' possessive, ko'ln, to>In. (24) Object pronouns LSG 2.SG.M 2.SG.F 3.SG.M 3.SG.F l.PL 2.PL 3.PL MASC /NEUTER NEUTER kuka kusing kuqa' kuda> The u of the masculine demonstrative pronoun becomes w between the velar conson k and the vowel of the demonstrative i, kwi. The vowel of ta is i in the demonstrati pronouns, in analogy with the demonstrative pronoun ti. With -qa> both forms exis hiim-uw-i a rope-M-DEMl COP 'This rope is mine.' kwe->ee> INDEP.M/N-l.SG.POSS dasi-r-qa' a tos girl-F-DEM3 COP INDEP.F:3.SG.POSS 'That girl is his.' hhafeeto-da> a ko-hung mats-DEM4 COP INDEP.M/N-2.PL.POSS 'Those mats are yours.' ar bara qaymo doohla-r-ok ta-qa' digging-F-2.SG.POSS INDEP.F-D EM3 INDEP.CON.F in:CON field aa buut-ii-ka S.3:PERF enough-S.3:INF-NEG. , 'That hoeing of yours in the field IS not enough. 117 116 hiim-u-'ee' koo-ko rope-M-l.SG.POSS INDEP.M/N-INDEF.M 'A certain rope of mine.' A noun with a construct case suffix can be replaced by an independent con t pronoun: s 00 MASC FEM NEUTER ar awa The form is, _like the prepositions, based on a followed by the construct case but the tone IS low. For the masculine form, a-u results in oo; the neuter for before the suffix a. m ｔｨｾ＠ construct ｣ｾｳ･＠ pronouns are used instead of the noun, if its referent is ,....,,. . ｾＭﾷＢＧ＠ or If the noun IS mentioned earlier in the sentence ' or if a noun wi'th possess1· ffi . . demons t ra t 1ve su x IS followed by . a modifier · The con st rue t case pronoun can rep 1ace the head noun of a relative clause, and in careful speech it construct case on the head noun. ngi-wa xu> 00 is 3.SG 0.3:DEP.S.3:0.F-BACK know:3.SG.F INDEP.CON.M garma-w6s boy-3.SG .POSS dasu-'ee' oo tsar girls-l.SG.POSS INDEP.CON.M two 'my two girls' waatlingw harahhifo-r-'ee' ar expectation-f-l.SG.POSS INDEP.CON.F returning:home 'My expectation to return home.' lahh6o gunye-da hlee tlax-t-o a aleehleer ar cow buying-Fl-BACK O.F can:2.SG INSTR bags-DEM4 six awa cayto>o INDEP.CON.N maize 'You can buy a cow with six bags of maize.' gurt-o-da oo baha kihh u-na male:goat-M-DEM4 INDEP.CON.M hyena byte:3.SG.F O.M-PAST g1'1-wa gaas spirits-ABL kill:l.SG 'I sacrifice the goat that was bitten by the hyena.' xooro ar aten ta harwet a l6wa people INDEP.CON.F l.PL O.l.PL:PERF encircle:3.SG.F COP very xoor6-r ur people:CON-F big 'The tribe that surrounds us is very big.' 'She thought it was the one '(cloth) of her son.' 3.5.3. The resumpfive pronoun ale 00 wak i de>eengw ay-ka INDEP.CON.M one S.3 herding:CON go-NEG 'One alone ( a boy) does not go herding.' The word ale is a resumptive pronoun. This word must follow verbal adverbs and nouns with directive, ablative, instrumental, or reason case if they appear after the verb, see 7.3.5. garm6 tsar boy:CON two oo INDEP.CON.M i-na oo>: aayi, an-a S.3-PAST say:3.SG.M:PAST mother:VOC tlacangw middle 'The second boy said: "Mother, me, the one in the middle." ' garma boy xaa>o charcoal a gaala oo ta beer COP which INDEP.CON.M DEP.S.l/2:PERF tell:2.SG:PAST tlaxw-ang buy:IMP:HIT:O 'Which boy did you ask to buy charcoal?' 'ayla axaasa-r-o i aleehlaw bihhaa amori song hearing-F-BACK O.N can:l.SG side:CON place-F-DEMl. awa qo>ee-r-o INDEP.CON.N walls-F-BACK 'I can hear the song next to here from behind the wall.' an-a-ga bara ya>ee->i cakuut ada ale l.SG-S.l/2-PERF in:CON river-DIR jump:l.SG fast RESPRO 'I quickly jumped into the river.' huu' gawa hhar-ta-wa ale tlakway i-na S.3-PAST fall:3.SG.M.PAST top:CON stick-Fl-ABL RESPRO bag 'The bag fell from the stick.' In verbal compounds such as aleeciis 'help' an element alee occurs, which might be related to the resumptive pronoun ale. The examples of such verbal compounds are too few to deduce any meaning for alee; see 4.4.3. 3.6. Numerals The following nouns are numerals: 118 (28) 119 Numerals wak (f) 'one' tsar (f) 'two' tarn (f) 'three' tsiyahh (f) 'four' koo>an (f) 'five' lahhoo' (f) 'six' faanqw (f) 'seven' dakaat (f) 'eight' gwaleel (f) 'nine' rnibangw (m) I mibeeri (f) 'ten' tsiiru (m) I tsiire (f) 'hundred' kurna (m) I kume (f) 'thousand' All numerals under t:n are feminine and have a high tone. The numerals for 10 and 1000 are masculme and have low tone. They form the basis for hi her n ' and therefore have plural forms. g ｨｾ＠ｔ base ｾｦ＠ ｴｾ･＠ numeral system is teno Higher numbers are made by multi deCimal umts (Le. ｴｨｯｾｳ｡ｮ､Ｌ＠ hundred, or ten) going from the bigger unit to the ?nes ｡ｮｾＬＮ＠ finally, addmg one of the lower numbers. Multiplication is Pv,....... ＢＧＬＮｾ＠ JUXtaposition of the amount after the unit with no construct case on th 't ｏｮｬｾ＠ the final addition of the lower number is expressed with nee. ｍｵｬｴｾｰ＠ one ts not expressed for tens, but it is for hundreds and thous an d s. rnibangw nee wak 'eleven' kurne tsar tsiru wak mibeeri tsar nee faanqw '2127' Numbers are special nouns. They can be followed by nominal suffixes such as background case sufix, or a possessive suffix: They can be the subject of an ad' ｣ｾｰｵｬ｡＠ ..The ｢｡｣ｾｧｲｯｵｮ＿＠ suffix is -ee with yes/no questioning and negation, but wtth an mtermed1ate a m the other instances. rnuru-sing a faanqw-ee things:M-DEM2 COP seven:INT-BACK 'Those things are seven?' aten tarn-a-wo a hardahaan l.PL three-PL-BACK 8.1/2 arrive-l.PL 'We three have arrived.' tsar-'ee' a ti two-l.SG.POSS COP INDEP.F:DEM1 'My two are these (in a game).' faanqw ka hhoo' seven 0.3:IMPS:O.F nice:F 'Seven is good.' ｲｐｩｬｴ［ｊＮｌｾｃ＠ numeral modifies an understood referent, the independent construct pronoun to it is obligatory: awa tsar gi k6on INDEP.CON.N two 0.3:0.N have:3.SG.F 'She has two (children).' Numerals follow the noun they modify. Numerals never precede the noun. The precednoun can be suffixed by a construct case suffix, as is required for nouns modified other nouns. But for numerals, this construct case suffix on the preceding noun is not obligatory, as can be seen in the sequence for '2127' above and in: lahhhoo' ku-da' lahhoo' or: kudu INDEP.M/N-DEM4:CON SIX INDEP:M/N-DEM4 SIX 'those six' daqoo tsar or: daqaay tsar boys two boys:CON two 'two boys' The question words gaala 'which' and maga 'how many' are like numerals. They follow the noun they modify without a construct case on the head noun; see 3.8. kurrno gaala 'which hoe (m)?' tiqti gaala 'which illness (f)?' muu rnaga 'how many people (m1)?' :rr:tlik maga 'people of which (how many-th) turn?' Ordinal numeration is expressed by using the singular form of the noun followed by the number. For 'first' geera 'front' is used. bal geera 'the first day' rnuk tarn 'three men' hee tarn 'the third man' tloorn>i tarn 'three mountains' tloornar tarn 'the third mountain' 3. 7. Proper nouns Proper nouns are another special set of nouns. They can be modified by demonstrative suffixes, indefinite and case suffixes, but not by possessive suffixes. Names are masculine or feminine in gender according to whether they refer to a male or a female person. If proper nouns are modified by a relative clause, they take a demonstrative suffix, like personal (pro )nouns. or Buura-w-i in6s samtiri ateetin Buura-M-DIR 3.SG S.3 Samti-F-DIR call-DUR:3.SG.M 'He calls Samti' or: 'Buura' Paskal-o-ko na hardah. Paskal-M-INDEF.M HIT:PERF arrive:3.SG.M:PAST 120 121 'Somebody called Pascal has arrived.' diima ta hoot a place:CON-F DEP.S.l/2 live:2.SG:SBJV COP where ､ｾｲ＠ Paskal-u ur Paskal-M:CON big:M 'The bigger Pascal.' or Efra'im-u-sing goo>iim aa xahliit Efraim-M-DEM2 write:M S.3:PERF silent:3.SG.M:PAST 'Efraim, who is writing is quiet.' Names can be based on other nouns. They are identical to the noun or differ . tone on the final syllable. ' noun by a h1gh hhooki (f) 'dove' boo< (adj) 'black' qwari (f) 'hunger' buura (f) 'beer' tluway (m) 'rain' Hhooki n.pr.pers.masc./fem. Boocf n.pr.pers.fem. Qwarf n.pr.pers.masc. Buura n.pr.pers.masc. Tluway n.pr.pers.masc./fem. 3.8. Question words The question words are nouns; most of them are formed by the addition of a suffix or -la to a noun. The element ma can also be recognised in barema or bare> an indicating surprise. The base for xayla 'when' could be xay an interjection ｦｾｲ＠ s For mila 'what?' the base is unclear, and maga 'how many?' is monomorphemic. question words end in a high tone. (29) Question words and their base diima 'where?' aama 'where?' heema 'who?' adooma 'how?' idooma 'how?' daqma 'at what time?' xayla 'when?' mila 'what?' gaala 'which?' dii (f) 'place' aamo (f) 'place' hee (m) 'man' adoo (f) 'manner' idoo (f) 'manner' daqa (fl) 'moment' gaa (f) 'thing' maga' 'how many?' Adooma, aydooma and idooma 'how?' are variants of the same word. words diima 'where?' and aama 'where?' are equivalents. The question words are used as a complement of the copula. A head noun rel to ｴｨｾ＠ question word with a relative clause precedes the ·copula. The copula and questiOn word can be left out and the head noun plus relative clause alone is a ques The two question words gaala and maga' can modify nouns. See chapter 9 on construction of questions. di-r ta hoot place:CON-F DEP.S.l/2 live:2.SG:SBJV 'Where do you live?' Because the question words can be the complement of a copula, and because they have a nominal base, I consider them special nouns. The question words maga and gaala can follow nouns, but they are nouns and not adjectives because they do not differ in gender and number as adjectives do and they follow the copula a, not ku, ka, ki as adjectives do. The question words gaala and mila can take the background suffix, like other nouns. di-r-og-i haniis tarn kurmo m-u-wa PROH-O.M-BACK place-F-2.SG.POSS-DIR give:l.SG CONCES hoe ado-r gaala-hee manner:CON-F which-BACK 'I am not to give you the hoe in whatever circumstances.' maheeri nee lawulo-w-o nee mil(a)-hee ki-na arrows and spear-M-BACK and what-BACK 0.3:IMPS:O.N-PAST tleehh make:PAST 'Arrows, spears and all other things ｾ･ｲ＠ made.' 123 4. The verb There are two types of verb, namely the verbs 'to be' and other verbs. The verbs 'to be' are discussed in paragraph 4.1. Further, paragraph 4.2. deals with inflection of main verbs, paragraph 4.3. with derivation, and paragraph 4.4. with verbal compounds. The verbs 'to be' The verbs 'to be' are central in the grammar of Iraqw. First of all because nearly every sentence contains a verb 'to be', whether the complement is nominal (1) or verbal (2). tlee'use a Manda potters COP Bantu 'Potters are Bantu.' (2) aning a goo)-iim l.SG BE write-DUR:l.SG 'I am writing.' Secondly because so much can be expressed in the verb 'to be' through a rich system of affixes. The literal translation of the following sentence is 'Why did they give something to you?', implying that they should not have done so. mustunday haniis m-s-ta-ndu-a-i haniis WHAT-REAS-IMPS-:0.2.PL-PERF-DIR give:PAST 'Why were you (plural) favoured?' 'Why' is expressed by the reason case clitic s- and by the questioning prefix m-. The past tense is expressed by the suffix -a. The impersonal subject 'they' is indicated by ta. 'To' is indicated by the directive case clitic -i; 'you' is indicated by the object pronoun -ndu. The table of possible affixes to the verbs 'to be' is given below. The stem is indicated by BE. (3) Table of affixes. MOOD-BE bar tarn m bar tarn m m -ASPECT -CASE r n s na ay r1 wa (g)a EXPECtational CONDitional n imperfective PAST CONCESsive na PROHibitive (g)a PERFect CONSECutive questioning ri CONSECutive2 ay (WHAT) BACKground wa r s INSTRumental REASon DIRective 124 125 The order of these affixes and their cooccurrence restrictions are discussed in 4. Copula and Subject l/ 2 3 The verb 'to be' is often cliticised to the preceding word, especially if the p word is a reduced pronoun, see 3.5.1., but it is also cliticised to other words speech. The verb 'to be' carries neither stress, nor high tone, but if it is at the preceding reduced pronoun, the high tone of the pronoun shifts to the verb see 2.1.3. ' bara-da ta-r dasi-r ｧｾｲ＠ . thing:CON-F in-DEM4:CON DEP.BE-INS:R. g1rl:CON-F do>-in, in>in ka xuu'-I house-3 . PL ·POSS 3.PL 0.3:IMPS:O.F know:INT-S.3:INF . h ?' 'That the thing inside there is the girl of the1r house, do they know t at· 4.1.1. The verbs 'to be' with a nominal complement iraqw a doohlite Iraqw COP farmers 'Iraqw are farmers.' 2 The verbs 'to be' with a verbal or an adjectival complement 4.1.. The verbs 'to be' can have a verbal complement, i.e., a complement ｣ｯｮｴ｡ｩｾｧ＠ a verb. The last word in these sentences is a verb and not a noun because the word mflects for subject and tense. in6s aa caay 3.SG S.3:PERF eat:3.SG.M:PAST 'He has eaten.' The locative verb 'to be' is used if the complement is a locative expression. in6s i bara qaymo s/he S.3 in field 'S /he is in the field.' gawa xa>ano-wa 1nos fall:3.SG.F 3.SG 8.3 top:CON tree-ABL 'She falls from the tree.' The dependent verb 'to be' is used in subordinated clauses, for which the t already established in the main clause. See also 4.1.3. an ta-wa nacay, I D EP.BE-BACK child 'When I was a child, ... ' ta-na hardah, ta-ay dl-r af-ku IMPS-PAST arnve DEP.BE-CONSEC2 place:CON-F tlawi lake 'They arrived and they reached the edge of a lake.' bar-ta dl-r do'-o-ka, COND-DEP.BE place:CON-F house-BACK-NEG 'If they are not at home, ... ' The locative verb 'to be' distinguishes between first or second person, and third p The form is a for first and second person subjects, and i for third person subjects. copula and the dependent 'to be' do not vary according to subject. In table (4) forms are followed by their glosses. complements Dependent ta DEP.BE ta DEP.BE depen den t verb 'to be' can be suffixed by the affixes in scheme (3). gitla-d( a>) u-na aahhiit man-DEM4 O.M-PAST hate:l.SG 'I hate that man.' The verbs 'to be' are used with both nominal and verbal complements. nal complements three different types can be distinguished: copulative, locati dependent. The copula, a, is used if the sentence is an equation. 'to be' with nominal Copula Locative a COP a S.1/2 a COP i S.3 ta. dohl DEP.S.1/2 dig:2.SG:SBJV 'You should dig.' In subordinated clauses and with the subjunctive verb, the depen_dent 'to be' i,s ｵｾ･＠ (see also 4.1.3. ), otherwise the independent 'to be' is used. ｾｨ＠ mdependent to e is identical to the locative 'to be'. The dependent 'to be' is ｳｩｭｬｾｲ＠ to the dependent copula. With a verbal complement the dependent 'to be' ｨｾｳ＠ subJ,ect agreement. The form for the third person is i, as it is for the independent to be · The form for the first person singular is ni, which is the hither marker; see 4.1.4. (5) Independent and dependent 'to Independent (loc) PL SG S.l/2 1 a S.l/2 a a 2 a S.l/2 S.l/2 S.3 S.3 3 be' Dependent SG ni DEP.S.1 ta DEP.S.l/2 S.3 PL ta ta DEP.S.l/2 DEP.S.l/2 S.3 The third person plural subject has a prefix ni- .(PL) in the past tenses. The form is ndi if the nasal iS' not word-initial, see rule (19) m 2.5.4. daa'-iya'; ni-na daa>-iye' ino>in · 3 .PL PL:S.3-PAST sing-3.PL:PAST 3.PL S.3 smg'They ｾｩｮｧ［＠ they were singing.' 127 126 Object pronouns for first and second persons SG PL 1 ti 2.MASC u nu 2.FEM 1 with an impersonal subject: ti ti 1 2.MASC tu tundu 2.FEM ti ni-ri hu >-iye' PL:S.3-CONSEC fall-3.PL:PAST 'And it fell.' The verb 'to be' is replaced by the hither marker ni (HIT) to express that the is in the direction of or for the benefit of the speaker; see 4.1.4. The form is the for all subjects. in6s n1 xa-xeer di-r doo-ren-ee 3.SG HIT HAB-come:3.SG.F place:CON-F house-l.PL.POSS-BACK 'She comes to our house.' In sentences where the subject is unspecified or not important, Iraqw uses an · sonal subject marker ta, e.g. ta doohl 'one cultivates'. If the referent of the object of the verb is understood, it is represented by an o pronoun. If the object is at the beginning of the sentence, this object is followed an object pronoun. The object pronouns agree in person, gender and number with referent of the object; see 3.5.1. hlaa> u O.M like:l.SG 'I like him.' kahawa u wah-aam coffee(M) O.M drink-DUR:l.SG 'Coffee, I drink.' kurmo an-u kwatiit-a-ka hoe(M) l.SG-O.M touch:l.SG-INF-NEG 'A hoe, I won't touch it.' There is a distinction between first and second person object pronouns and third p object pronouns. The latter can be preceded by the prefixes, g-, or ngi-. The ngi- is a fusion of the prefix g- and the hither ni-. After the hither marker, the o pronoun for feminine objects is i instead of a. The prefix g- is used with the t person object pronoun, but in main clauses in the indicative only if the subject third person as well. If g- is prefixed to ta first or secend person dependent 'to be' impersonal 'to be', the result is an initial consonant k. The object pronouns for first or second person can only be preceded by the ｮｰＴ･ｲｳＱｯ｡Ｎｦｾｬ＠ subject marker ta-, (IMPS). The hither ni has corresponding object pronouns for third person. The hither marker is not used with first or second person objects. li. (7) Object pronouns for third persons MASC FEM NEUT Independent: a u S.1/2 gi ga gu S.3 Subject relative clause: gl ga gu S.1/2 gi ga gu S.3.SG ng1 ng1 ngu S.3.PL Dependent: ng1 ng1 ngu S.l.SG ki ku ka S.1/2 ngi ng1 ngu S.3 Hither: ngi ngi ngu S.1/2/3, Impersonal subject: ki ka S.IMPS ku IMPS in object relative clause: S.IMPS tu ta ti If subject and object are identical, the reciprocal ti (REC) is used, whether the subject is first, second or third person; see 4.1.6. ti alti>ina> nacii children REC run:3.PL 'The children run after each other.' The impersonal subject marker ta can be prefixed to the hither marker ni. (8) Object pronouns with the hither for impersonal subjects ti-ndi IMPS-HIT ku-ngu 0.3:IMPS:O.M-0.3:HIT:O.M ki-ngi 0.3:IMPS:O.F-0.3:HIT.O.F ki-ngi 0.3:IMPS:O.N-0.3:HIT.O.N The forms discussed above are all the forms that BE in table (3) can take. The forms in the tables (4-8) can take various pre- and suffixes with subsequent changes, w)lich will be discussed in paragraphs 4.1.8- 4.1.16. The forms in the tables (6-8) above can themselves be analysed in smaller units. 129 128 The impersonal object pronouns for a first or second person object all begin with there is no object, the impersonal subject form is ta. We may assume that the is in fact the impersonal subject form ta. The vowel a is deleted before another according to the vowel coalescence rule (5) of 2.5.1. The first person plural form a contraction of ta-ti. The second person plural pronoun is underlyingly ndu. sequence nd becomes n word-initially, cf. (19) in 2.5.4. The vowel of ta assimilation to the following vowel in tundu. Thus ta-ndu results in tundu. The ｩｾｰ･ｲｳｯｮ｡Ａ＠ object pronouns for third person objects also begin in t if they used m a relative clause to refer to the head noun. These forms also consist of impersonal ta followed by the object pronouns with deletion of the a because of coalescence, rule (5) in 2.5.1. Other third person object pronouns with an impersonal subject start with k-. sumi.ng that these forms also contain the impersonal subject marker ta, the inif reqmres some explanation. Since there is a third person object marker g- which be recognised in other forms, see below, I will assume that this k is a result of assimilation and consonant cluster simplification rule gt ｾ＠ k which operates in object pronoun system. Thus ku is g-ta-u 0.3-IMPS-O.M. The object pronouns a for feminine objects, u for masculine objects, and i for neuter objects. The same forms ku, ka, ki are used for the third person object pronouns of dependent series when the subject is first person plural or second person · or plural. Exactly for these subjects the form of the dependent 'to be' is also homophonous with the impersonal subject marker; see table 5. These forms also of g-ta-u, g-ta-a, and g-ta-i. Thus the Jormula of the third person object p of the dependent series is g- dependent 'to be'-object pronoun. With ｾ＠ first subject this gives g-ni-u resulting in ngu 0.3:DEP.S.l.SG:O.M g-ni-i resulting in ngi 0.3:DEP.S.l.SG:O.F g-ni-i resulting in ngi 0.3:DEP.S.l.SG:O.N There is another assimilation and consonant cluster simplification rule gn -+ ng. feminine object pronoun is i instead of a after ngi. A similar analysis is valid for hither pronouns. The element ni is the hither marker which is homophonous with first person singular dependent 'to be' and which has the same mc)rpnopnoniDlo,_e:Ic behaviour. The third person object pronouns with participles begin in ng for third person pl subjects and in g for other subjects. The forms with ng contain the plural marker which is also used as a prefix for the third person plural forms of 'to be' in the tense; see above. The third person object pronouns of dependent 'to be' with a third person subj singular or plural also begin in ng. I have analysed the third person object pron of the dependent series as containing a prefix g-. Therefore the ng in these obj pronouns for third person subjects contains an extra nasal element, n(i), which fu with the velar. This nasal element distinguishes the independent from the depen of the object pronouns for third person subjects. In glosses I have represented asal element as indicating third person and dependent, DEP.S.3. Without object nuns the independent and dependent verbs 'to be' are not distinguishable, i.e. in prono ' .. both series the form IS 1. As a result, in the ｩｮ､･ｰｾｴ＠ that subject and object IS as ｾ･ｬ＠ as in ｴｨｾ＠ a third person, ｾ･ｰｮ､ｴ＠ IS series object pronouns, the mdiCated. g-u 0.3-0.M object pronoun for masculine object and third person subject in indicative mood. ngu 0.3:DEP.S.3:0:M object pronoun for masculine object and third person subject in subjunctive mood. A form ni- is used for - the first person singular of the dependent 'to be' (DEP.S.LSG) - the hither marker (HIT) - third person plural subject and past tense (PL) - third person plural subject and a third person object if the verb is a participle (subject relative) (PL) - third person subject, singular or plural, and third person object in the dependent 'to be' (DEP.S.3) I assume that the first person singular dependent marker ni and the hither marker ni .have a common origin, and that the (third person) plural marker. has been generalised to a third person marker in the dependent series. The plural marker ni may originally have been only n. Occasionally nga is used instead of ngi for feminine objects with plural subject in the past tense. It was reported as being 'old-fashioned'. The use of i for feminine objects is presumably to be attributed to the influence of the ni prefix. It is not the result of vowel coalescence because the regular result of ia is a and not i. nga-na di-r-os-i oo'-ir quutlema-wo PL:0.3:0.F-PAST place-F-3.SG.POSS-DIR say-3.PL leaving-BACK 'They told him to leave.' After the conditional mood prefix bar- and the concessive conditional tarn-, third person object pronouns with a third person subject have a velar nasal as do the corresponding pronouns of the dependent series. Otherwise the independent series is used. The n(i) is marks the third person. The third person object pronouns with the consecutive tenses -ri and -ay, which require the dependent 'to be', lack the nasal element with a third person singular subject which the dependent series otherwise requires. The combinations of aspect and mood markers, the independent or dependent 'to be' and the initial consonant for third person object pronouns with a third person subject are summarised in the following table. 131 130 List of all the base forms of BE and their glosses. (9) Aspect and mood markers, 'to be', and third person subject and object marker -na PAST INDEP g-n EXPEC INDEP g-ri CONSEC DEP g-ay CONSEC2 DEP g-wa BACK DEP ngbar- COND INDEP ngtam- CONCES INDEP ng- COP, S.1/2, O.F S.3, O.l.SG, 0.2.SG.F, O.N, O.F u 0.2.SG.M, O.M HIT, DEP.S.l.SG, PL ni nu ta ti The ｩｭｾ･ｲｳｯｮｬ＠ ｳｵｾｪ･｣ｴＮ＠ form of the hither marker (8) shows that the underlying of ｾｨ･＠ hither 1.s nd1 which becomes ni word-initially, rule (19) in 2.5.4., but nd1 after the Impersonal subject marker ta, thus for example, ta-ndi becomes because of vowel assimilation. The ni- plural marker, too, is underlyingly ndi. pare: tu gu ga gi ku ka ki ngu m-i oo>-ina> WHAT-S.3 say-DUR:3.PL 'What are they saying?' minda oo>ine) m-ndi-i-a WHAT-PL-S.3-PERF say-DUR:3.PL:PAST 'What were they saying?' ngi The prefix .g- is only ｢ｾｴ＠ not always used if there is a third person object p The prefix IS called a third person object marker and is glossed with 0.3. It is the object is a third person object and if one of the following conditions is met: tundu ti-ndi ku-ngu ki-ngi ki-ngi - the subject is also third person in the independent 'to be' - the verb 'to be' is of the dependent type - a hither marker ni is present - the verb is a participle (subject relative) However, the prefix g- is neither used in object relative clauses with an n'ｮｰｾ･ｲｳ subject, nor with a first or second person subject in the independent 'to be'. a Ｔ ｯｮＸｊｬｾ［＠ In the independent paradigms, the object pronoun replaces the verb 'to be' whereas the dependent series the object pronoun is suffixed to the verb 'to be'. Forms such ngu 0.3:DEP.S.l.SG:O.M consist of g-ni-u: the prefix g-, the dependent 'to be' the first person singular ni and the masculine object pronoun u. The forms in tables (4-8) are the units to which the affixes of table 3 can be ad In the rest of this book they will not be split up into smaller units as has been d fusion processes most of the forms have several meanings. In above . Due to ｴｨｾ＠ • followmg table I give the surface forms and their glosses. 0.2.PL DEP.BE, DEP.S.1/2, IMPS, IMPS:O.F REC, O.l.PL, . IMPS:O.LPL, IMPS:O.l.SG, IMPS:0.2.SG.F, IMPS:O.N IMPS:0.2.SG.M, IMPS:O.M 0.3:0.M 0.3:0.F 0.3:0.N 0.3:IMPS:O.M, 0.3:DEP.S.1/2:0.M 0.3:IMPS:O.F, 0.3:DEP.S.1/2:0.F 0.3:IMPS:O.N, 0.3:DEP.S.l/2:0.N PL:0.3:0.M, 0.3:DEP.S.l.SG:O.M, 0.3:DEP.S.3:0.M, 0.3:HIT:O.M PL:0.3:0.F, 0.3:DEP.S.l.SG:O.F, 0.3:DEP.S.3:0.F, 0.3:HIT:O.F, PL:0.3:0.N, 0.3:DEP.S.l.SG:O.N, 0.3:DEP.S.3:0.N, 0.3:HIT:O.N . IMPS:0.2.PL IMPS-HIT 0.3:IMPS:O.M-0.3:HIT:O.M 0.3:IMPS:O.F-0.3:HIT.O.F 0.3:IMPS:O.N-0.3:HIT .O.N In this analysis of the verbs 'to be', or selector as it is often termed, I have, of course, made use of previous studies on the subject. I will now briefly discuss what I have taken from previous works and explain where and why I disagree with them. Whiteley was the first to publish an account of the selector system. One of the points in which I do not follow him is his dichotomy of the verbs. In Whiteley (1958), he proposed that the form of the subject selector is dependent on the verb. He divided the verbs into two classes A and B, roughly equivalent to intransitive and transitive. For example: A: i waraahh 'He passes.' B: ga tleehh 'He does.' However, he failed to notice that the selector of his class B verbs contains an object pronoun and that one and the same verb has the form of a selector for class A verbs if the object is between the selector and the verb. 132 133 Bradfield (1977) has a more complete set of paradigms compared to Whiteley (1 especially for the selectors with object agreement. He continues to use Whi A/B dichotomy although he attributes the meaning 'something is acted upon' element g- and relates it to ga 'thing'. His analysis of the selector is a game, consists of combining letters in five fixed positions. The letters are either markers or meaningless. Some letters are stronger than others and these rules rather idiosyncratic. For him, the selector has no stem. Qorro (1982) observed, among other things, that ta IMPS subjects. IS afo-r naa voice:CON-F DEP.S.l.SG:PERF 'I haven't heard a voice.' axaas kahh hear:l.SG S.3 be:absent:3.SG.F ga-r ta 'ag a thing:CON-F DEP.S.l/2 eat:2.SG:SBJV COP 'What are you eating?' mila what The dependent 'to be' is not used in a subject relative clause. restricted to ku unga-da> yaamu 1-ga sawawiti>iind-e> 2.PL-DEM4 land(N) O.N-PERF rule:2-PL:PAST 'You who ruled the country ... ' Nordbustad (1988) does away with the A/B dichotomy in verbs and shows that form of the selector for a given verb depends on the position of the object (or on fact of whether there is an object understood or not); thus the choice of the is not a property of the verb. Futhermore, she gives a more or less complete set the surface forms of the selectors including their affixes. To my knowledge, these all correct. The dependent 'to be' is used after a sentence initial question word. Kiessling (1989) shows that the selectors in passive sentences contain ta which is phologically identical to the impersonal marker, which he calls multiple third He came to this generalisation by recognising the rule that the initial k in these sive' selectors is the result of prefixing g- to ta. Likewise, he has initial ng as the of n-g. I agree with this analysis. The dependent 'to be' with fused object pronouns are used to connect a post-verbal numeral expression to the object. 4.1.3. The use of the dependent verb 'to be' The dependent forms of 'to be' are used in head clauses for wishes, plans, and tions. The verb is in the subjunctive mood. 0 n1 qaat loo>a-r koo'an DEP.S.l.SG lie:down:l.SG:SBJV sun:CON-F five 'I'll go to bed at 11 o.'clock.' tlaway u koom. wives(M) O.M have:l.SG 'I have wives. Two.' Tsar two tlaway ngu koom-. tsar. wives(M) 0.3:DEP.S.l:O.M have:l.SG two 'I have two wives.' The sentences with an independent 'to be' are only possible if there is a pause between the verb and the numeral, that is if they are two sentences. A sentence such as dasi ngiwa kon girl 0.3:DEP.S.3:0.F have:3.SG.M 'He has a daughter ... ' aten ta da>-aan l.PL DEP.S.l/2 sing-l.PL:SBJV 'We will sing (tomorrow).' hee m-i-wa hlees man PROH-O.l.SG-BACK wake:3.SG.M 'Nobody should wake me.' The dependent forms are used in subordinate clauses, many of which have the ground aspect. The dependent 'to be' is used in relative clauses with the head object, and in questions that are object relative clauses. garn1a u-na ya'aaw imboru barwadu boy(M) O.M-PAST send:l.SG Mbulu letters oh-i catch-3.SG.M:SBJV 'I sent a boy to Mbulu to collect letters for me.' daqama ta watl what:time DEP.S.l/2 go:home:2.SG:SBJV 'At what time do you go home?' ngi-wa 0.3:HIT:O.N-BA is incomplete. The dependent 'to be' is obligatory in order to relate the numeral to the object preceding the pronoun. If the independent 'to be' is used, the numeral requires an ablative case suffix as in tsiyahh wa ale 'four ABL RESPRO' below. The dependent 'to be' is used not the hither marker because for second person subjects the form is kV and not ngV. The dependent and hither 'to be' are only different with second person subjects. Hhaymu dasi ga Hhaymu girl 0.3:0.F 'Hhaymu has a girl. One.' kon. Wak. have:3.SG.M One Hhaymu dasi ngi kon wak. Hhaymu girl 0.3:DEP.S.3:0.F have:3.SG.M:SBJV one 'Hhaymu has only one single daughter.' 135 134 ngi-na hhe'ees 0.3:DEP.S.3:0.F-PAST finish:3.SG.M tsiyahh basi ni-wa four bus hardat, in6s HIT-BACK arrive:3.SG.F 3.SG nga-ri-rar not: ga-na hhe'ees 0.3:0.F-PAST finish:3.SG.M tsiyahh four hither marker can be used to emphasise the first person. 'He finished four of them (uheemi (f) 'pillars').' ga-na hhe>ees tsiyahh wa 0.3:0.F-PAST finish:3.SG.M four ABL ale baaba ga aten ni-wa doohl-aan-aa-ka RESPRO father 0.3:0.F want:3.SG.M 'Father doesn't want us to dig.' l.PL dig-l.PL-NOM-NEG baaba ga hlaa' aten ta-wa father want:3.SG.M l.PL 'He finished four of them (uheemi (f) 'pillars').' k6on tsar nacii ki children 0.3:DEP.S.l/2:0.N have:2.SG two 'You have two children.' (not: ngi 0.3:HIT:O.N) For the impersonal ta, the reciprocal ti, and the hither marker ni there is no d · · dependent and independent forms. Both can be used in ｳｵｰ･ｲｯ､ｩｮ｡ｾ＠ subordmate clauses. ｢･ｴｷｾ＠ Certain aspect suffixes and mood prefixes require the use of the dependent 'to b ' have already. seen that the background aspect requires the dependent 'to be'. Lie . the consecutive tense suffixes -ri and -ay take the dependent 'to be'. The hither marker ni is used to indicate that the action is towards the spe k £ benefit of th: speaker,. or with the involvement of the speaker. The hith:r er, or often used w.1th ｾ･ｲ｢ｳ＠ hke hardah 'arrive', xaw 'come', kiic 'return'. But the hi equally possible m contexts where there is no movement involved and th £ I ere ore th e t erm 'h'th 1 er ' rat h er than 'ventive'. ni xax' - eer d'1-r doo-ren-ee 3.SG HIT HAB-come:3.SG.F place:CON-F 'She comes to our house.' in6s 3.SG xa-xeer ' S.3 d'1-r house-l.PL.POSS-BACK 0.3:0.F HAB-come:3.SG.F place:CON-F house-DEM4 'She comes to that house.' In the following examples, the sentence with the hither assumes the presenc f speaker. e o basi 1-wa hardat, bus arrive:3.SG.F 3.SG S.3-BACK in6s ga-ri-rar 0.3:0.F-CONSEC-INSTR DEP.S.l/2-BACK A further function of ni can be to relate the sentence to 'here'. In the following sentence with the hither marker, the person eating is either present or visible. naa 16wa ale cay-<aay-iin HIT:S.3:PERF HAB:eat-DUR:3.SG.F very 'She was eating a lot.' cayc-aay-.iin S.3-PAST HAB:eat-DUR:3.SG.F 'She was eating a lot.' RESPRO l6wa ale very RESPRO Apart from the deictic function regarding the speaker, the hither ni can also have a temporal deictic function relating to 'now'. In the past tense, the hither indicates that the action has continued up to now or that the action or event is related to the one which will follow. in6s qaymo ngaa 3.SG field d6ohl 0.3:HIT:O.F:PERF cultivate:3.SG.M:PAST nee hami and now hlaqaat S.3:PERF be:tired:3.SG.M:PAST 'He has cultivated the field and now he is tired.' In the non-past tense the hither marker ni indicates near future relating the action to the present. aten a da>-aan l.PL S.l /2 sing-l.PL 'We are singing' tlay aten leave:3.SG.M l.PL HIT sing-l.PL 'We are going to sing.' 'When the bus arrived, he went with it' HIT-BACK dig-l.PL-NOM-NEG 'Father doesn't want us to dig.' aa doo-da> hlaa' doohl-aan-aa-ka . ina 4.1.4. The hither in6s tlay 0.3:HIT:O.F:PAST -CONSEC-INSTR leave:3.SG.M 'When the bus arrived here, he went with it' ni da>-aan 137 136 is irrelevant and therefore translates as a passive in English. aning a doohl l.SG S.1/2 dig:l.SG 'I am hoeing.' aning ni doohl l.SG HIT dig:l.SG 'I am going to hoe now.' ta-na haniis tsat>i IMPS-PAST give:3.SG.M:PAST knives 'They gave knives.' or 'Knives were given' The subject must be human. It may not be an animal. makay-qa' i ya'e-r warahh-ir animals-DEM3 S.3 river:CON-F pass-3.PL 'Those animals cross the river.' Not: makayqa' ta ya'er warahh ino>in i doohl-ir 3.PL S.3 dig-3.PL 'They are hoeing.' ino'in ni doohl-ir 3.PL HIT dig-3.PL 'They are starting to hoe.' The hither is also used to indicate an extra complement, which then is dative. otherwise indicated, the dative complement is the first ｰ･ｾｳｯｮＮ＠ faca-r-da na ani hanis tsu' porridge-F-DEM4 HIT:PAST l.SG:DIR give:2.SG S.3 'The porridge that you gave me is nice.' With the impersonal ta there is no subject agreement on the verb. The verb is in its base form, only inflected for tense, that is low tone for present tense and high tone for past tense. These are the forms used with the third person singular masculine subject. In fact the impersonal ta indicates that there is no subject, and that there is no subject agreement on the verb. Therefore the impersonal ta is used whenever the sentence is object or patient oriented. This is in sentences that translate as passives and in sentences with an adjective as complement. The impersonal ta is followed by the object pronoun and preceded by the third person object prefix g- if the patient-noun precedes the impersonal subject marker, giving .ku, ka and ki for ｲ｟ｮ｡ｳ｣ｵｬｩｾ･Ｌ＠ ｦｾｭｩｮ･＠ and neuter patients. These forms are also used If the complement Is an adJective. in6s tsatseec ngu-n laq-aq-an 3.SG stars(M) 0.3:HIT:O.M-EXPEC show-HAB-DUR:3.SG.M 'He shows me (us) the stars.' tsat>i ki-na haniis knives 0.3:IMPS:O.N-PAST give:3.SG.M:PAST 'Knives were given.' Ｎ､｡ｾｮｧｷ＠ ino>in ki hhoo' they 0.3:IMPS:0.3.PL mce 'They are nice.' song(M) ngu-na di-r-og-i oo' 0.3:HIT:O.M-PAST place-F-2.SG.POSS-DIR 'He sang a song for you.' da>angw ngu-na di-r-os-i 6> song(M) 0.3:HIT:O.M-PAST place-F-3.SG.POSS-DIR sing:2.SG.M 'You sang a song for him.' In relative clauses where the head noun functions as an object, there are no object pronouns; see 8.2. However, if the subject of the relative clause is impersonal, then object pronouns are used. These object pronouns are fused with the impersonal ta, but there is no third person object prefix g-. da>angw gu-na oo> song 0.3:0.M-PAST sing:3.SG.M:PAST 'He sang a song.' aning kurmo ngu tlaaxw LSG hoe(M) DEP.S.l.SG:O.M buy:l.SG 'I'll buy him a hoe'. caay ti too meetin an ni fu>una DEP:l.SG eat:SBJV:l.SG meat:CON IMPS:O.N just leave:3.SG.M I 'The meat that is left over, I'll eat it.' There is no distinction between independent and dependent impersonal forms. ta for impersonal subjects can be used as a locative 'to be', but not as a copula. ino>in ta do> they IMPS house 'They are at home' aning kurmo u thiaxw l.SG hoe(M) O.M buy:l.SG 'I'll ouy a hoe'. ino>in a daqa they COP crowd 'They form a crowd.' 4.1.5. The impersonal 'to be' The impersonal subject marker ta indicates that the subject is human but not ｳｯ･｣Ｚｬｩｾ＠ and is similar to English "one", or German "man". This construction is used if not: 139 138 ta daqa inos IMPS crowd 3.SG and The agent can be expressed in a phrase with the preposition nee 'with, by, and'. ti tlaahh nee fiisuuse IMPS:O.l.SG/2.SG.F /l.PL beat:3.SG.M 'I/you(fem)/we are beaten by thieves.' by thieves The personal pronoun that can combine with the impersonal ta is the third plural pronoun ino>in. matlatlee-r-o ino>in ta hikwa leehh morning-F-BACK 3.PL IMPS cattle:CON look:for:3.SG.M 'In the morning they are looking for the cattle.' The impersonal ta can be used for situations where the actor is known and has been mentioned. The actor must be plural and must be acting as a group. For the cannibal clan, hhay caga, in the story about Geso Duqa (see 11.1) is ｲＮ｡ｴｾﾷＬｬ＾＠ by ta. ta-na oo>: ham ado-r IMPS-PAST say:3.SG.M:PAST now ki-r manner:CON-F hlaw-aan 0.3:DEP.S.1/2:0.N-INSTR get-LPL 'They said: 'Now how do we get them?" The difference between the third person plural form and the impersonal subject is the latter is seen as a collective subject as opposed to the third person plural. daaqay nee dasu i neet-ir boys and girls S.3 play-3.PL 'The boys and the girls are playing.' daaqay nee dasu ta The actors in a sentence can be introduced as a topic, and then occur sentence-ini This topic is always plural, not singular. There is no agreement on the verb. verb is in the third person singular masculine form even if the actors are grammatically. ta-n boy-M-3.SG.POSS siyo ku oh fish catch:PRES 0.3:IMPS:O.M 'He catches fish with his son.' Basili nee Efra>im ta Kuta kay Basili Kuta:CON go:3.SG.M and Efraim IMPS 'Basili and Efraim go to Kuta (together).' 4.1.6. The reflexive and reciprocal For reciprocal objects, ti is used irrespective of the subject. an nee hhiya->ee> ti-n oh-aan l.SG and REC-EXPEC catch-l.PL brother-l.SG.POSS 'I meet my brother.' di-r ti dog-e' place:CON-F REC meet:2-PL:PAST 'Where did you meet?' nacii ti al-ti>ina' children REC together-run:3.PL 'The children run after each other.' The reciprocal meaning of ti inyludes re:fiexive objects. kuung ti gwab 2.SG.M REC fast:2.SG 'You should fast.' inos ti tsareree' 3.SG REC hang:3.SG.M 'He will hang himself.' neet boys and girls IMPS play:3.SG.M 'The boys and the girls are playing together.' 'ameena nee garma-w-os nahhaat women(F) IMPS-EXPEC hide:PRES 'The women hide themselves.' The actors in the topic can be coordinated nouns. The action is done together the second noun with the coordinating preposition nee cannot follow the verb, as possible in sentences without ta IMPS. See 3.4.6. The reflexive meaning is strengthened by the addition of the noun kila 'exact, just, very' with the appropriate possessive suffix between the reciprocal/reflexive pronoun ti and the verb; see 5.2. ti-n a kil-'ee' tsaat REC-PAST just-l.SG.POSS cut:l.SG 'I cut myself' ti-n a kil-6k tsat REC-PAST just-2.SG.POSS cut:2.SG 'You cut yourself.' The reciprocal pronoun ti excludes the possibility of having another object pronoun in the sentence. In the following sentence sawadi can only appear after the reciprocal , pronoun as an oblique object. 140 141 in6s ti-na sawadi-r-i han <m> is kil-6s 3.SG REC-PAST present-F-DIR give<DUR>:3.SG.F self-3.SG.P ale RES PRO 'She gave herself a present.' Some verbs require the reciprocal object, for example the verb doog 'to come opposite directions, to meet'. loo>itleer nee baha ti-na doog-iye> next:day with hyena REC-PAST meet-3.PL:PAST 'The next day he (the hare) met the hyena.' 4.1.7. Additional affixes: Order and possible combinations In table (3) in 4.1. all the possible affixes to the verbs 'to be' were given. In par 4.1.2. I introduced what can fall under the heading 'to be', represented by BE in scheme. In paragraphs 4.1.3.-4.1.6., these basic forms of 'to be' were further elab on. In paragraphs 4.1. 7.-4.1.16. I will discuss the various affixes. Before pro will discuss which combinations of affixes and verbs 'to be' in table (3) are pos and what their order is. (3) Table of affixes. MOOD-BE bar tarn m bar tarn m m -ASPECT -CASE n r na s ay rl wa (g)a CONDitional n EXP EC tational CONCESsive na imperfective PAST PROHibitive (g)a PERFect questioning ri CONSECutive (WHAT) ay CONSECutive2 wa BACKground r s INSTRumental REASon DIRective The table itself already indicates that everything that is in one column is mut exclusive. Thus it is impossible to combine several mood prefixes within one form, several aspect affixes. In one exceptional case, a combination of case clitics is possi namely, the combination of s REASON and -i DIR in the questioning mood. mustunday haniis m-s-ta-ndu-a-i haniis WHAT-REAS-IMPS-0.2.PL-PERF-DIR give:PAST 'Why did they• give (sth.) to you? (they should not have)' Which combinations of aspect and mood markers and the independent or depen 'to be' are possibfe has already been mentioned in 4.1.3., but to recall I will repeat table here. Combinations of apsect and mood markers and 'to be' -na PAST IND EP -n EXPEC INDEP -rt CONSEC DEP CONSEC2 DEP -ay -wa BACK DEP bar- COND INDEP tarn- CONCES INDEP WHAT /PROH only certain possibilities. mrohibitive mood prefix and the questioning mood prefix cannot cooccur with a · p rec1pro cal pronoun ' nor with a hither object pronoun. The prohibitive mood cannot . bine with any aspect other than present tense (no suffix) for second person subjects ＨｾＺＬ＠ negative imperatives), and with background aspect for first and third person subjects. Mood prefixes do not combine with the consecutive aspects -ri and Ｍ｡ｾ＠ .. The ｣ｯｭ｢ｩｾ｡ﾭ tions bar- and -wa, m- and -na were not attested. It is not easy to ehc1t ｦｯｲｾｳ＠ wh1ch mbine many different affixes since the appropiate context has to be established. It ｾＺｰｯｳｩ｢ｬ･＠ that certain combinations which I consider excluded here will indeed prove to be possible after all. Case clitics are preverbal markers and are attached to the preceding word. Only if there is no noun between 'to be' and the verb will they be suffixed to BE. Often the object nmm phrase is between the two. If the ob.ject is not a full noun (phrase), it is represented by an object pronoun. Thus the case suffixes are normally suffixe? .to object pronouns. In object relative clauses, which have no object pronouns, case chtlcs can be suffixed to BE without an object pronoun. Since the case clitics are independent of the verb 'to be', they can combine with everything. What is excluded, however, are sequences that have a different function as an aspect marker. Hence the directive case suffix i cannot combine with the perfect tense suffix -a, because it would clash with the consecutive aspect suffix -ay; and the ablative case clitic wa cannot be suffixed to 'to be' because this in turn would clash with the background aspect marker -wa. The ｡｢ｬｴｩｾ･＠ case suffix wa is, however, possible with an object pronoun preceded by the questioning mood prefix m-. Remember that the combination of the homophonous prohibitive prefix m- and -wa is very common. The order of the affixes and the verbs BE is as in table (3). There are two exceptions to this. First, the reason suffix -s can occur between the questioning mood prefix m- and the verb 'to be' provided that the verb 'to be' begins in a consonant, as in rnustunday above. Second, the order of the perfect marker -(g)a and the instrumental and reason case clitic shows some variation. These differences in order are related to the phonological shape of the word 'to be'. The perfect marker consists of a vowel and can therefore come after case clitics which consist of a consonant. 4.1.8. The aspect markers: The perfect -(g)a The perfect aspect suffix is -ga if it is suffixed to a stem that' consists of a vowel only, and is -a if it is suffixed to a stem consisting of at least a consonant plus vowel. . 143 142 The third person subject forms are aa despite the fact that the verb 'to be' third person subject is only a vowel, i, where one would expect iga. This may result of a historical process, g is deleted between i and a, that operated in p (see 2.5 .4.), although synchronically the sequence iga does occur. There is between -ga and -a with no difference in meaning if the perfect is suffixed to an pronoun that starts with a consonant after the conditional bar-. bartiga: = birta: cf. taa: barnuga: = burna: cf. naa: 0 bar-ti-ga COND-O.l.PL-PERF bar-ti-a COND-O.l.PL-PERF ti-a O.l.PL-PERF bar-nu-ga COND-0.2.PL-PERF bar-nu-a COND-0.2.PL-PERF nu-a 0.2.PL-PERF The first of two adjacent vowels assimilates to the second, see vowel coalescence (5) in 2.5.1. nu-a -+ naa or na 0.2.PL-PERF ti-a -+ taa or ta O.l.PL-PERF gi-a -+ gaa or ga 0.3:0.N-PERF ngi-a -+ ngaa or nga 0.3:PL:O.N-PERF The final vowels are long or short. Not only with the perfect suffix has such been noted. ganaa is gana 0.3:0;F-PAST ngiwaa is ngiwa 'DEP.S.3:0.M The velar consonant g is optionally labialised if the preceding vowel is u, i.e., ｳ･｣ＺｯｮｾＷＱ＠ or third person masculine object pronouns. u-ga (-+) ugwa 0.2.SG.M-PERF The forms with the perfect can be constructed by suffixing ga or a to the base in tables (4-8). Because of the phonological rules that operate, mainly the coalescence rule (5) in 2.5.1., I will give the results in the following tables. (12) Independent and Independent SG PL 1 aga aga 2 aga aga 3 aa naa dependent 'to be' with perfect tense Dependent SG PL na ta ta ta aa naa Object pronouns for first and second person with perfect tense SG PL 1 iga ta 2.MASC ugwa na 2.FEM iga with an impersonal subject: 1 ta ta 2.MASC ta tunda 2.FEM ta Object pronouns for third persons with perfect tense MASC FEM NEUT Independent: iga S.l /2 ugwa aga ga S.3 gwa ga Subject relative clause: ga S.l/2 gwa ga ga S.3.SG gwa ga nga S.3.PL ngwa nga Dependent: nga S.1.SG ngwa nga ka S.l/2 kwa ka nga ngwa nga S.3 Hither: S.l/2/3 ngwa nga nga Impersonal subject: kwa ka ka S.IMPS IMPS in object relative clause: twa ta ta S.IMPS The perfect of the reciprocal is ta. The perfect form of the hither is na. The perfect tense of the dependent verb 'to be' is used in relative clauses. ga-r 1nos kw-a beer ka thing:CON-F 3.SG 0.3:DEP.S.l/2:0.M-PERF tell:2.SG IMPS:O.F hhoo> nice:F 'What you told him is nice.' The result of vowel coalescence after suffixation of -a is neutralisation. For example: 144 ta IMPS DEP.S.1/2 = ta-a IMPS-PERF DEP.S.l/2-PERF = ti-a O.l.PL-PERF REC-PERF IMPS:O.l.SG-PERF IMPS:0.2.SG.F-PERF IMPS:0.1.PL-PERF The meaning of the suffix -(g)a is general past tense. ga huurin-ka faca porridge(F) 0.3:0.F:PERF cook:3.SG.M-NEG 'He didn't cook porridge.' u-ga aand-i hhiiya->ee> brother-l.SG.POSS O.M-PERF see:2.SG:INT-INF:PAST 'Did you meet my brother?' With inchoative verbs the suffix is used for a present state and therefore it is perfect. an a-ga hlaqaat l.SG S.l/2-PERF get:tired:l.SG 'I am tired.' 145 'The solution is that we go to his bed at night.' ado-r ta laq a-qo manner:CON-F DEP.S.l/2 do:2.SG:SBJV COP-EMPH i-n gaas 0.2.SG.F-EXPEC kill:l.SG 'What you do, it is that I'll kill you.' exceptational is often used in a sentence after the condition with bar, in accordance with the meaning of automatic result. cagmo-ren b<i>r-qo di-r-qa>, hikwa cannibal-l.PL.POSS COND<S.3>-EMPH place-F-DEM3 cattle in hayoh-aan. O.N-EXPEC take-l.PL 'If our cannibal is there, let us take the cattle.' The expectational is frequently used with the verb hlaa> 'to want, wish, like' and with the verb for 'to say', oo>. fu>unay g-i-n hlaa>. meat 0.3-0.N-EXPEC like:3.SG.M 'Meat is what it wants.' i-n oo)-i: aha, S.3-EXPEC say-3.SG.M:SBJV aha 'He says: 'Aha, ... ' '. 4.1.9. The expectational tense -n The form of the expectational tense suffix is -n. It can be suffixed to the forms tables (4-8) without any subsequent changes. The meaning of the suffix serves to express expectation or obligation, to express the action is an automatic result or that there can be no doubt. In the example -n indicates that the boy is responsible for buying the hoe. garma kurmo gu-n tlaaxw boy hoe(M) 0.3:0.M-EXPEC buy 'The boy is to buy a hoe.' The expectational suffix is frequently used for habitual actions or situations. kar dasi i-n cak<m-am>it well girl S.3-EXPEC run<DUR-HAB>:3.SG.F 'The girl usually runs.' The expectational suffix is frequent in verb phrases that are the complement of a co These too are exertive statements. a-qo u-n qat-i aw-aan xweera-wo COP-EMPH O.M-EXPEC bed-CON:DIR go-l.PL night-BACK The meaning of the suffix -n is not always clear . The expectational seems to be favoured if the object is sentence-initial. Occasionaly the expectational suffix expresses duration. tsatseec gu-n gacay stars(M) 0.3:0.M-EXPEC watch:3.SG.M 'He is watching the stars.' tsatseec gu gacay stars(M) 0.3:0.M watch:3.SG.M 'He sees the stars.' 4.1.10. The past continuous -na The difference between the suffixes -(g)a and -na is one of emphasis on the duration of the action in the past which is entailed by the suffix -na. kitabu-w-f u-na soomuus-i book-M-DEMl O.M-PAST read:INT-INF:PAST 'Did you read this book? (One can see from the book that it has been read.)' However, -na is not always so strongly durational. It is also very often used for single events. For this reason, I gloss it with PAST, as opposed to PERF for -(g)a. 146 147 ga-na tuuc 0.3:0.F-PAST take:out:3.SG.M 'He took it out' gu-na 0.3:0.M-PAST 'He missed it' The background aspect -wa tense marker -wa is used to indicate that a certain action constitutes the backcl to the action of the verb in the main clause, that is, it occurs at the same time groun · occurre db efore t h e f the action of the verb in the following or preceding clause, or 1t ｾ｣ｴｩｯｮ＠ of the main verb. The suffix is used with the dependent verb 'to be'. dakuus miss:3.SG.M This suffix may have originated from a sequence of the expectational aspect s and the perfect suffix -a. 4.1.11. The consecutive -ri This tense is never used in a first sentence, but very frequently to continue stories the time has been set, or it is used in a sentence following one with the b aspect marker -wa. It is used for subsequent actions. tla<ano u-na ta-taahh; ngu-ri stone(M) O.M-PAST HAB-take:l.SG 0.3:DEP.S.l.SG:O.M-CONSEC dayshimo-r tsaxaar; i-ri gwaa> snake-INSTR hit:l.SG S.3-CONSEC die:3.SG.M 'I took a stone and hit the snake with it and it died.' 4.1.12. The consecutive -ay The distinction between Ｍｲｾ＠ and -ay is difficult. It would not seem to be an · textual ordering because after -na both orders -ri ... -ay and -ay ... -ri are Neither is it a distinction between a durative action and a point-event. Nor anything to do with consequence. Both can be used as a consecutive with future reference. I'll simply gloss them as CONSEC for -ri and CONSEC2 for -ay. ala gadye-r->ee, ngi-wa hhe>ees after. work-F-l.SG.POSS 0.3:DEP.S.l.SG:O.F-BACK finish:l.SG ni-ri tlaw DEP.S.l.SG-CONSEC leave:l.SG 'After finishing my work, I left.' S.3 hhe>ees tucu-t-o ngi-wa xa>i trees(N) uprooting-F1-BACK 0.3:DEP.S.3:0.N-BACK finish:3.SG.M i-na waatl. 8.3-PAST return:home:3.SG.M 'When he finished uprooting the trees, he went home.' This suffix is also used in clauses that are introduced by qoomar 'when'. a xu'-a qooma-r daaqay hikwa S.1/2 know:2.SG:INT-INF time:CON-F boys cattle ngi-wa daarf-af-in. 0.3:DEP.S.3:0.N-BACK return:home-HAB-DUR:3.SG.M 'Do you know when the boys usually bring the cattle home?' This tense suffix is also used for indirect commands and with the prohibitive; see also 4.1.15. ni-wa doohl DEP.S.l.SG-BACK cultivate:l.SG:SBJV 'Father wants me to cultivate' aten we nay tlaw DEP.S.l:SG:CONSEC2 leave:l.SG mi-ti-wa muux PROH-O.l.PL-BACK beat:3.SG.M 'He is not to beat us.' dirangw gay (gi-ri) faak lion 0.3:0.N:CONSEC2 0.3:0.N-CONSEC finish:3.SG.M:PAST hikwa cows 'And the lion finished the cows.' dirangw gay (gi-ri) faak lion 0.3:0.N:CONSEC2 0.3:0.N-CONSEC finish:3.SG.M 'And the lion will finish the cows.' cisa, in6s yesterday 3.SG 'When I arrived yesterday, he was writing two letters.' baaba g-a hlaa> father 0.3-0.F want:3.SG.M or an l.SG aning ni-wa hardah l.SG DEP.S.l.SG-BACK arrive:l.SG barwad-a tsar go'in letters-N:CON two write:3.SG.M cows 4.1.14 The mood prefixes: The conditional bar and the concessive tarn There are four mood prefixes: The conditional bar-, the concessive tarn-, the questioning m-, and the prohibitive m-. The questioning m- and the prohibitive m- will be discussed in 4.1.15. The conditional bar 'if' indicates that the clause is a condition. The concessive tarn 'even if' indicates that the clause is a concessive condition. kasiis potatoes bar cag, COND:O.F eat:2.SG m-a-r tlutlu,uum-aar PROH-O.F-INSTR chew-IMP.NEG 'If you eat potatoes, don't chew them.' 148 149 aten tam-ta-wa gilaaliim-aan, ta we CONCES-DEP.S.1/2-BACK fight:HAB:DUR-l.PL DEP.S.1/2 wakaawak-aan-ii-ka HAB:hate-l.PL- INF:PAST- NEG 'We may have been fighting, but we never hated each other.' The conditional and ｾｨ･＠ concessive can occur as independent words, namely sen adverbs. The sentential adverb baro or bare expresses surprise, and the adverb means 'even'. garma-qa' bare to hefee' boy-DEM3 SURPRISE S.3 just be:negligent:3.SG.M 'That boy is negligent.' hee-qa m-u aminuus-aar tarn bal6-r man-DEM3 PROH-O.M believe-IMP.NEG even day:CON-F 'Don't believe that man, not even once.' The adverbs bar and tarn can occur sentence-initially or immediately before the :to. be'. These are the normal positions for sentential adverbs; see 5.3. If the ad IS m front of the verb 'to be', the verb 'to be' can be cliticised to it as it does t word; see 2.1:3. The adverb bar has developed ｴｨｾ＠ meaning Ｇｩｾ＠ other ｰｲ･ｾ､ｩｮｧ＠ the followmg sentence the obJect pronoun u referring to Imboru is infixed into adverb bare, which still has its final e. The final vowel e is usually dropped if adverb is used as a conditional marker on 'to be'. Imboru b<u>re keer, intseehheesan-te-'ee) Mbulu(M) COND<O.M> go:2.SG greetings-F1-l.SG.POSS ka 6> 0.3:DEP.S.1/2:0.F say:2.SG 'If you go to Mbulu, give my greetings.' ala kwacango b<a>ro aand-i behind: CON hare: BACK SURPRISE<O.F> see:2.SG:INT -INF:PAST 'Behind the hare, did you see her?' garma bar peesa boy COND money nga-n 0.3:DEP.S.3:0.F-EXPEC consequence, the change of the vowel of the adverb is like 'infixation'. bar iga (-+) biriga COND-0.1.SG-PERF bar i (-+) biri (-+) bir COND-S.3 bar-ni-na (-+) birnina COND-HIT-PAST bar-ti-sa (-+) birtisa COND-IMPS:O.l.SG- REAS This "infixation" has to precede suffixation of the perfect tense because after the vowel coalescence with the suffix -a, the vowel that conditioned the assimilation of the vowel in the adverb is deleted and the presence of this vowel is only evident from the assimilated vowel in the adverb, which has thereby become an infix. = birta [[bar-[ta-i]]-a] COND-IMPS:O.l.SG-PERF tumna = [tam-nu]-a CONCES-0.2.PL-PERF The order of cliticisation to the adverb and suffixation of the perfect tense is not fixed, as can be concluded from the following example. = bar taasa [bar-[[[ta-i]-a]-sa]] COND-IMPS:O.l.SG-PERF-REAS If the verb 'to be' starts with a consonant, an epenthetic vowel may occur between the conditional adverb and the verb 'to be'. The epenthetic vowel assimilates to the following vowel. tam-(V);-ndu-a (.-+) tumunda CONCES-(V)-0.2.PL-PERF bar-(V)-ngu-a (-+) burungwa COND- 0.3:DEP.S.3:0.M-PERF The r of bar- can be optionally deleted before a nasal. burngwa (-+) bungwa COND-0.3:DEP.S.3:0.M- PERF The perfect tense suffix may precede the case clitic. bar-i-sa baalin ka tlakw-ee-ka COND-S.3-REAS win-DUR:3.SG.M 0.3:IMPS:O.F bad-BACK-NEG 'If he wins because of it, it is not bad.' nga hlay, dasi 0.3:DEP.S.3:0.F:PERF get:3.SG.M girl sawaadi-r-i tlaaxw present-F-DIR buy:3.SG.M:PRES bar-a-sa baalin ka COND-S.3:PERF-REAS win-DUR:3.SG.M 0.3:IMPS:O.F tlakw-ee-ka bad-BACK-NEG 'If he won because o(it, it is not bad.' or: garma peesa bar nga hlay, dasi boy money(F) COND DEP.S.3:0.F:PERF get:3.SG.M girl nga-n sawaadi-r-i tlaaxw DEP.S.3:0.F-EXPEC present-F-DIR buy:3.SG.M:PRES 'If the boy were tcr get money, he would buy a present for the girl' If the verb 'to be' is cliticised to the conditional adverb, the vowel of the ad assimilates to the vowel of 'to be'. Subsequently the final vowel can be dropped. As impirmo b<u>r-ku-r-a neet ball(M) COND<0.M>-0.3:IMPS:O.M-INSTR-PERF play:PAST or impirmo b<u>r-kw-a-r neet ball(M) COND<0.M>-0.3:IMPS:O.M-PERF-INSTR play:PAST 151 150 'If the ball is played with, ... ' After .bar- the perfect tense suffix -a can express a suppositional followmg examples are present tense suppositional conditions. tla<ano h<u>r-a bara-si caytis, stone(M) COND<O.M>-PERF inside-DEM.2:DIR drop: 2.SG feehhiit S.3 tear:3.SG.M 'If you put a stone into it, the bag will tear.' If object pronouns are used after the questioning prefix m-, these refer to datives. an m-1 babay 1.SG WHAT-O.l.SG tell:3.SG:M 'What does he tell me?' mi-ti bay WHAT-IMPS:O.l.PL tell:PRES 'What are we told' The prefix m- indicates an element of disapproval if it is used together with the reason aning h<i>r-i axwes, a axaas l.SG COND<O.l.SG>-DIR t alk :2.SG S.1/2 1·1st en: 1.SG 'If you talk to me, I will listen.' case clitic s. mi-ti-sa hla>-e, WHAT-REC-REAS like-3.PL:PAST 'Why do you like each other? (implying you should not)' aning bir-a->i axwes, a axaas l.SG COND<O.l.SG>-PERF-DIR talk:2.SG S.1/2 listen:l.SG 'If you talked to me, I would listen.' Compare the neutral way of forming 'why'-questions. An?ther way of making a condition suppositional is by suffixing the infinitive t mam verb. ｔｾ･＠ past tense infinitive on the main verb indicates that the conditio o not been realised; see 4.2.8. n 4.1.15. The prohibitive and questioning mood prefixes mThe prefix .m· prefi xe d to . . turns a statement into a question asking 'what?' • • If 1't Is vowel is inserted Th' 1 · ·1ates to consonant-1mt1al stem an epenthetic . • IS vowe ass1m1 next vowel. Although the question is 'what?', there is no object pronoun. laari m-a 'ay-aan today WHAT-S.1/2 eat-l.PL 'What are we eating today?' ma-t( a) kahi WHAT-IMPS say:3.SG.M 'What do they say?' m-i kahi WHAT-S.3 say:3.SG.M 'What does he say?' If it is followed by an instrumental , reason , or d'Irec t'wna 1 case suffix, the ques becomes 'how?', 'why?', or 'where to?'. ga-r ti-sa hla,-e, thing.CON-F REC-REAS like-3.PL:PAST 'Why do you like each other? (neutral)' A similar disapproving attitude can be expressed by using har instead of s. har is a preposition that is also used as a first element in compound verbs. The implication is that there is no reason for a certain action. See also 4.1.16, 4.4.2, and 5.4. m-a-har Imboru keer WHAT-8.1/2-NEAR Mbulu go:2.SG 'Why do you go to Mbulu? (There is no reason to do so).' m-a-har fa'a-r cag WHAT-S.1/2-NEAR porridge:CON-F eat:2.SG 'Why do you eat porridge?' (a possible continuation is: "if there is nicer food") m-a-s fa<a-r cag WHAT-8.1/2-REAS porridge:CON-F eat:2.SG 'Why do you eat porridge?' (a possible continuation is: "it is not good to eat porridge") There is a homophonous prefix m- which is prefixed to the verb 'to be' if the verb is in the negative imperative. For subjects other than second person, the prefix m- and the dependent 'to be' with the background suffix -wa is used for negative commands. This is an extension of the use of -wa in indirect commands; see 4.1.13. mi-ndi-r doohl WHAT-DEP.S.l.SG-INSTR dig:l.SG:SBJV 'With what should I dig?' m-u aminus-aar PROH-O.M believe-IMP.NEG 'Don't believe him!' garma mu-ku-y yacab-iit boy WHAT-0.3:IMPS:O.M-DIR send-MIDDLE:PRES 'vVhere is the boy being sent to?' kurmo mu-ngu huw-ar hoe(M) PROH-HIT:O.M bring-IMP.NEG 'Don't bring the hoe!' 152 garma m-i-wa axwees boy PROH-S.3-BACK talk:3.SG.M 'The boy should not talk!' hee m-i-wa tlees man PROH-O.l.SG-BACK waken:3.SG.M 'Nobody should waken me!' The meanings of the two prefixes m-, questioning or prohibitive, although too far apart to analyse them as a single morpheme, despite the fact that the combinational possibilities are identical. 4.1.16. The case clitics 153 aning kurmo u-na-rar d6ohl l.SG hoe O.M-PAST-INSTR dig:l.SG 'I was digging with a hoe.' aning kurmo ngu-ri-rar d6ohl LSG hoe 0.3:DEP.S.l.SG:O.M-CONSEC-INSTR dig:l.SG 'And then I dug with a hoe.' impirmo mu-ku-wa-r neet ball PROH-0.3:IMPS:O.M-BACK-INSTR play:PRES 'The ball is not to be played with.' instrumental -r, reason -s, and ablative -wa cases are clitics positiOn Immediately before the verb. If there is a noun between the main verb the verb 'to be', they are attached to the noun; see 3.4.5. If there is no element the adverbial case clitic and the verb 'to he', the clitic is suffixed to the verb 'to huutli-w6s ngi-na hanis pots-3.SG.POSS HIT:O.N-PAST give:3.SG.F ngi-wa-rar huuriim DEP.S.l.SG:O.N-BACK-INSTR cook:l.SG 'She gave me her pots to let me cook with them.' faca-r-da> aning-i haniis-i tsu' porridge-F-DEM4 S.3 l.SG-DIR give-3.SG.M:SBJV S.3 be:nice:3.SG 'The porridge that he gave me is nice' aning kurmo u-n-ar doohl l.SG hoe O.M-EXPEC-INSTR dig:1:SG 'I dig with a hoe.' ｔｨｾ＠ ＿ｩｲ･ｾｴｶ＠ ＭｾＬ＠ in6s na'ay gu xwaytsi-r-ar taahh 3.SG child 0.3:0.M stick-F-INSTR beat:3.SG.M:PRES 'He will beat the child with a stick.' gurtu-da' di-r · kw-a-y hanis goat:M-DEM4 place:CON-F 0.3:DEP.S.1/2:0.M-PERF-DIR g1ve: · 2.SG 'To whom did you give that goat?' garma di-r ku-y ya'aaw a Tlawi boy place:CON-F 0.3:IMPS:O.M-DIR send:PAST COP Tlawi 'The place the boy was sent to is Tlawi.' The ablative case suffix -wa cannot be suffixed to the verb 'to be'. It would be as .the ｢｡｣ｾｧｲｯｮ､＠ aspect suffix -wa, which indeed it probably ｖＮｌｬﾷＬｾ Ｑ ｵＮ｡＠ from. Likewise the directive case suffix -i cannot be so easily suffixed to forms the perfect tense suffix -a since it would be interpreted as the consecutive suffix see 4.1.12. ｴ･ｲｰｾ＠ After ｾ＠ vowel the directional case suffix -i can optionally be realized as a glide, or precedmg vowel can be elided to i. ta-u-i -+ tu'i or tuy or ti IMPERS-0.2.SG.M-DIR m-g-ta-u-i-+ muku>i or mukuy or mukwi or muki WHAT-0.3-IMPS-O.M The instrum:ntal ｾｵｦｩｸ＠ -r has an allomorph -rar after the imperfective past tense the consecutive -r1, and sometimes after the background suffix -wa· and an -ar after the expectational -n. ' ｵＮｶｊｌｖｩｦＧＢｾｬＡ＠ The reason clitic -scan be followed by the perfect tense marker. The imperfective past tense -na, however, precedes the reason clitic. The reason clitic -s has an allomorph sa after the imperfective past -na, the narrative tense -ri, and the background suffix -wa. ga-r ti-s ·hla'-a' thing:CON-F REC-REAS like:2-PL 'Why do you like each other?' ga-r ti-s-a hla'-e' thing:CON-F REC-REAS-PERF like:2-PL:PAST 'Why did you like each other?' bar-ti-na-sa <aa<aam-in COND-IMPS:O.l.SG-PAST-REAS cry-DUR:3.SG.M 'If they were crying because of me.' The case clitics are suffixed to forms with an object pronoun because the noun can only be absent if its referent is understood or if it is at the beginning of the sentence, and in both cases an object pronoun is obligatory (however; see below). For example, i is ambiguous, that is, it can be either a third person subject or a first person singular object. In the following sentence, however, because of the case clitic, the only possible interpretation is that of first person singular object. 1nos i-na-y daqay he O.l.SG-PAST-DIR leave:3.SG.M 'He left on me' The exception to this is in an object relative clause. )n relative clauses in which the 154 155 head noun is the object, there is no object pronoun referring to the head noun. di-r ta-y tleer place:CON-F DEP.S.1/2-DIR leave:2.SG 'Where are you leaving for?' Verbal inflection a diima COP where The instrumental suffix -r is often used in complement sentences with the co tiser ad6r 'how, that'. in6s ga xuu' ad6r pikipiki 3.SG 0.3:0.F:PERF know:3.SG.M:PAST how motorcycle(F) ka-ra weeriis 0.3:IMPS:O.F-INSTR sell:3.SG.M:PAST 'He knew that a motorcycle had been sold.' Th; reas,on ｣ｾｩｴ＠ s can be prefixed to the following main verb instead of being s to to be . If It IS prefixed to the main verb, the argument structure of the main changed to the effect that the object is the benificient; see 4.4.2. A similar situ found with har, which can either be suffixed to the verb 'to be'; see 4.1.15, or to the main verb; see 4.4.2. ngu-s gadyuus 0.3:HIT:O.M-REAS work:l.SG 'I work for him.' sa-gadiyuus u O.M REA:S-work:l.SG 'I work for him.' The ｩｮｳｴｲｵｭｾ｡ｬ＠ suffix can be used in a metaphorical sense for 'together with' and fixed expressiOns: for example hlaw 'get' with the instrumental means 'to arrive'. kuung do> ngu-ra hleer aten 2.SG.M house(M) 0.3:HIT:O.M-INSTR get:2.SG l.PL ngu-wa tlehh-it-aan 0.3:HIT:O.M-BACK build-MIDDLE-l.PL 'You happened to arrive when we were building the house.' If there is a questioning prefix m-, the reason case clitic s precedes the verbs be' provided i.t has an initial consonant, such as the hither, or l.PL and 2.PL obj pronouns. This does not hold for the other case suffixes. A combination of the · and reason cases is possible if the reason case immediately precedes the verb 'to i.e. after the questioning mood. mustunday hanfis m-s-ta-ndu-a-i haniis WHAT-REAS-IMPS-0.2.PL-PERF-DIR give:PAST 'Why were you (plural) favoured?' Introduction Verbs are marked for person, (15), gender, (16), and number, (17), and for tense, (18), and mood, (19). For example: (15) a d6ohl 'I cultivate' a d6hl 'You cultivate' (16) i doohl 'He cultivates' i d6hl 'She cultivates' (17) a d6hl 'You cultivate' a dohla' 'You (plural) cultivate' (18). a dohla' 'You (plural) cultivate' aga dohle> 'You (plural) cultivated' (19) i doohl 'He cultivates' i doohli 'Let him cultivate' Tense and mood are also marked on the verb 'to be' which precedes the main verb as was shown in chapter 4.1. Aspect is marked both on the verb 'to be' and on the main verb by derivational affixes, such as the durative suffix -m. The derivational suffixes are discussed in 4.3. The only tense distinction on the verb is present tense (including future) versus past tense. Explicit future tense is expressed by the use of the verb 'to go\ .Word ｾｲ､･＠ is also a factor in distingv.ishing present versus future tense;. see ＷＮＳｾ＠ There is a distinction between indicative and subjunctive mood on the mam verb m present tense. In the past tense there is no mood distinction. The paradigm of the verb distinguishes between first person sirtgular, second person singular, third person singular masculine, third person singular feminine, first person plural, second person plural, and third person plural. The verb form for the third person singular feminine is identical with the second person singular, although the distinction is maintained in the preceding verb 'to be'. The third person plural has two forms, with no difference in meaning. The various forms for person, number and gender are exemplified in the verb doohl 'to cultivate' in the present indicative in the following table. (20) Present indicative conjugation of doohl 'to cultivate' l.SG 2.SG 3.SG.M 3.SG.F l.PL 2.PL 3.PL 3.PL a d6ohl a d6hl i doohl i d6hl a doohlaan a dohla' i doohliya' i doohlir 156 4.2.2. The paradigms ｔｨｾ＠ basic conjugation is the present indicative. Verbs can be divided into three gatwnal classes on the basis of the final consonant. All verbs end in a conson o.f the three conjugations has several subclasses. The relevant factors for the tlonal :lasses are the ｦｯｲｾｳ＠ for second person singular and the third person masculme. ｾｨ･＠ first conJugational class consists of those verbs that end in m ｾｲｳｴ＠ person smgular. This class includes all the verbs that end in the durative tlonal suffix -m. The second class is made up of verbs that end in Vw a sh t ' or . h fi an d w, m t e rst person singular, and includes all the verbs with the inchoat' -uw · The paradigms for the conjugational classes I and II in the indicative Ive the following: (21) Indicative present for the I l.SG a k6om 2.SG a k6on 3.SG.M ikon 3.SG.F i k6on l.PL a koomaan 2.PL a koonda> 3.PL i kona> 'have' conjugation Ila maw me er may meer mawaan meera> maya> 'leave' classes I and II lib xwayluw xwayluur xwayluy xwayluur xwayluwaan xwayluura' xwayluya' 'give birth' class II includes the .monosyllabic verbs ending in aw , wh'1ch are go, aw go, maw 'leave', haw 'tell', hlaw 'get', tlaw '!eave', law 'hit' xaw' qaw 'graze' , gac aw · ' wat ch' , d aqaw '1 eave,' and compound verbs with' one of verbs as second element such as geeqaw 'break' warqaw 'to be chang d' d ' ld , ( · . ' e , an .grow o er mchoative from ur 'big, old'). Futhermore, it includes inchoative m -uw, see 4.3.8., and the verbs tsa'uw 'be cool', xwayluw 'give birth'. ,Conj_ugational , , , The third conjugational class is different from classes one and two in three Firstly, the third person masculine singular is identical to the first person ＧＢｾ＠ except for tone. Secondly, the third person masculine singular has a low tone on fina.l ｳｹｬｾ｢･Ｎ＠ Thirdly, the third person plural has two alternative forms. The t conJugatiOnal class consists of all verbs not belonging to classes I and II . Su b c1asses b · e recogmsed according to the final consonant in the first and second person . :a...ｾ＠ uucu'l;lii (22) First and second person singular for conjugation class Ill l.SG 2.SG Ilia h t IIIb r t IIIc w b IIId y g IIIe others The paradigms are: 157 The indicative present Ilia a oh l.SG a 6t 2.SG 3.SG.M i oh 3.SG.F i 6t a ohaan l.PL a ota> 2.PL i ohiya' 3.PL i ohir 3.PL 'seize' paradigms for conjugation class Ill Hid IIIc IIIb ea ay laaw eehar cag lab eehat eaay laaw eehar cag lab eehat caayaan eeharaan laawaan caga> lab a' eehata' caayiya' laawiya' eehariya' caayir laawir eeharir 'eat' 'go to cultivate' 'follow' IIIe doohl doh I doohl dohl doohlaan dohla' doohliya' doohlir 'dig' Subclass Ilia consists of verbs ending in h, which have a short vowel in the final syllable. The members of this subclass are oh 'to seize', loh 'to move', dah 'to enter', adah 'to tread upon', hardah 'to arrive', hayoh 'to carry off', wah 'to drink', wa>alah 'to exchange', kah 'to be dry', kah 'to speak', and compounds with oh such as har>oh 'to arbitrate'. Subclass IIIb consists of verbs in r. Verbs in r have long or short vowels in the final syllable. There is also some variation between long and short vowels, e.g. burumbuur or burumbur 'to collect'. The verbs in this subclass are gweer 'to open', migir 'to collect firewood', af>ur 'to suffer', awer 'to descend', marmaar 'to wring', geehar 'to follow', eehar 'to follow', faar 'to count', gagar 'to carry' gir 'to go in front', haar 'to proceed', harweer 'to encircle', ii>ar 'to try', qarqar 'to be bitter', qwaar 'to lose', tsagaar 'to give poison', tsawar 'to choose', tsaweer''to strangle', tsaxar 'to shoot', tsuruntsur 'to gather', wahhar 'to become fat', xwar 'to dig .up'. The final t in second person singular and third person singular feminine can be realized as voiced d. Subclass IIIc consists of verbs ending in VV w. These are laaw 'to go to cultivate', gwaaw 'to fast', qaaw 'to keep silent', tutuuw 'to clear a new field', huuw 'to bring', hhaaw 'to waste time', yaaw 'to protect with a fence', yacaaw 'to send', goow 'to run', giiw 'to grow dark'. Subclass IIId is made up of verbs ending in VVy. The only verb in this group is caay 'to eat', the second person singular form of which is ea g. There are other verbs, of the IIIe type, that also ending in the second person singular, like dog 'rneet:2.SG', d6og 'meet:l.SG'. The verbs ending in g can undergo the optional final devoicing rule (18) in 2.5.4. Subclass IIIe constitutes the largest group and includes those verbs which end in other consonants, here exemplified by doohl. In general, the vowel of the final syllable in class Ill verbs is long in the first and third persons singular and short in the second person singular. 158 (24) Indicative present conjugation class III l.SG a tsaweer laaq 2.SG a tsawet Iaq 3.SG.M i tsaweer laaq 3.SG.F i tsawet Iaq l.PL a tsaweeraan laqaan 2.PL a tsaweta> laqa' 3.PL i tsaweeriya> laaqiya' 3.PL i tsaweerir laaqir 'strangle' 'show' 159 Ioh lot loh lot loohaan Iota> lohiya' lohir 'move' (26) Verbs ending in h have a short final stem vowel. The verbs in h that have a vowel ｳｾｯｲ･ｮ＠ this, vowel word-finally, that is in first and third person mas smgular, a loh I move, but a loohaan 'we move'. The same holds for oh 'to Verbs ending in r or hh can have a short or long final stem vowel in the first "'\'erbs ending in another consonant all have a long stem final vowel in the first p some of them have a short stem vowel in the first person plural. Th smgular ｾｵ＠ some vanat10n among speakers as to which verbs have a short final stem vowel in first person plural. See also (26) below. ｳｾ･ｭ＠ (25) Verbs with vowel shortening preceding the l.PL suffix l.SG l.PL qaatl qatlaan 'to die (of many), break' daakw dakwaan 'to whittle' guu' gu'aan 'to sleep' difaan 'diif 'to beat with head (of animals)' cfif cifaan 'to sigh' daahh dahhaan 'to come from' kwaahh kwahhaan 'to throw away' tuntuuk tuntukaan 'to cover' laaq laqaan 'to show' baats batsaan 'to store' muux muxaan 'to beat' haats hatsaan 'to fill' The indicative past is characterized by high tone also for the 3.SG.M form of verbs the third conjugational class and by -e' in 2.PL and 3.PL instead of -a>. aa d6ohl 'he cultivated' aga dohle> 'you (pl) cultivated' aa doohliye' 'they cultivated' The subjunctive present is characterized by a low tone for all verbs and a suffix -i the 3.SG.M form of verbs of conjugation class III only. i doohli 'let him cultivate' Some verbs have a ｳｨｯｾｴ＠ stem vowel if the i follows in the 3.SG.M form, (26). group partly overlaps With those verbs which have a short stem vowel in the first p plural, such as laq. Compare for example, sii>aan 'we refuse', and si>i 'let him ｬＮｶｵＢＧｾ＠ Verbs with short vs long stem vowel for 3.SG.M subjunctive. short stem vowel long stem vowel ngi tlahhi ngi tleehhi 'Let him beat it.' 'Let him do it.' 1 aax1 ngi muxi 'Let him be satisfied.' 'Let him beat it.' i hamaatli i hatsi 'Let him wash.' 'Let him fill.' ngi tuuci ngi si>i 'Let him root it up.' 'Let him refuse it.' ngi laqi 'Let him do it.' i kahhi 'Let him be absent.' ta qatli 'Let them die.' ngi dakwi 'Let him whittle it.' ngi dahhi 'Let him come from it.' ngi kwahhi 'Let him throw it.' The subjunctive verb forms are used in subordinate clauses and in relative clauses. In and adhortatives. simple sentences, the subjunctive is used for ｾｩｳｨ･＠ 4.2.3. Person, gender, and number marking The indicative present tense paradigm is the reference paradigm. It takes no suffixes other than person, gender and number marking. Tense and mood suffixes are added in the other paradigms which are discussed in 4.2.4. Person, gender and number marking. IIIb Ilia II I (V)Vr Vh aw VVm l.SG Vt Vt VVn eer 2.SG VVr Vh ay 3.SG.M Vn Vt Vt eer 3.SG.F VVn VVmaan awaan Vhaan Vraan l.PL Vta> Vta> eera> VVnda> 2.PL Vha> Vriya' 3.PL Vna' aya' Vrir Vhir 3.PL (27) Illc VVw Vb VVw Vb VVwaan Vba> VVwiya' VVwir IIId VVy Vg VVy Vg VVyaan Vga' VVyiya' VVyir IIIe vvc VC vvc VC VVcaan VC a> VVciya' VVCir The first person singular is the conjugational base. The final stem vowel is long for verbs in the first conjugation and for most verbs in the third conjugation, with the exception of verbs which end in h and some verbs ending in r. The second person singular ends in a long vowel plus n for verbs like firiim 'to ask', in a long vowel plus r for verbs like tlaw 'to get up', in a short vowel plus a stop for verbs ending in a glide, in a short vowel plus t for verbs ending in h, in a short vowel 161 160 plus the final consonant for other verbs. See the following examples: (28) Second person singular endings 1.SG 2.SG firiim firiin 'to ask' thiw tleer 'to get up' tsa'uw tsa'uur 'to get better' caay cag 'to eat' laaw lab 'to go to cultivate' loh lot 'to move (house)' eehar eehat 'to follow' doohl dohl 'to cultivate, dig' doog dog 'to increase' Historically the second person singular suffix is -d. Voiced stops are optionally word-finally. For example cag and lab can be realised as cak and lap. The *d obligatorily devoiced with verbs ending in h or r. Historically, stem final voiced are lenited in the first (and third) persons: b to w, g toy, and d tor. Evidence this historical change can be found in derivation, where the voiced stop is ret For example, cagagiim 'eat habitually', labiim 'be going to cultivate', eehadiim be following', but also in forms such as eehad-a 'Will you follow?'. This process lenition was blocked by the stop that followed the final stem consonant in the ｳ･｣ＺｯｮｴｾＧｬ＠ person. Final stem vowels were shortened in the second person because of the that two consonants followed the vowel. This vowel reduction is the only trace of second person marker for verbs of class IIIe. In class II, the stem originally ended ay or ee and the second person marker d lenited to r. Futher evidence for the that historically the stem of class II verbs contained ee can be found in the causa derivation tlees 'to cause to leave' from tlaw 'to leave'. In class I, the stem en in V n, short vowel plus n. Lengthening of the vowel immediately before nd and reduction of nd to n word-finally are synchronic phonological rules, (1) in 2.2. (19) in 2.5.4. These historical observations follow roughly Elderkin (1988). The third person singular masculine suffix was i, which was dropped in most The i shows up in the third person masculine singular subjunctive, and in the person plural -iya? and in the third person infinitive allomorph. i doohl-i ｾ＠ i doohli 'let him cultivate', SUBJ- 3.SG.M i doohl-i-a> ｾ＠ doohliya' 'they are cultivating' -3- PL i doohl-i-a-ka ｾ＠ i doohliika 'he does not cultivate' -3.SG.M-INF-NEG The first person plural suffix is -aan, and is suffixed to the form of the first ＢＧ Ｐ ＢＧｮｾ＠ singular. For some verbs the preceding vowel shortens, (25), although these verbs exceptions which originally had a short stem vowel. With some other verbs, the has a short vowel. a kicisan 'we return' a daqawan 'we leave' The second person plural is formed by adding a plural suffix -a' to the second ｰ･ｊＺｳｯｬＩｾ＠ . 1 r form. The plurality marker -a' also occurs in the third person plural form, srngua . . . . . l'k k . ', 'th plural subjects m certam relative clauses; see 4.2.7., and m forms 1 e us1nga ｾ［･ｳ＠ you (plural)', cf. kusing 'this you'. In class 1 the second ｰ･ｲｳｾｮ＠ singular ends in nd underlyingly, as is clear from the plural form. Word-final nd 1s reduced to n, see (19) in 2.5.4. a a a a lot 'you move' lot-a> 'you (pl) move' firiind ｾ＠ a firiin 'you ask' firiind-a> 'you (pl) ask' The third person plural is formed by adding -a' to the third person singular masculine form, but iya> for verbs of the third conjugation class, e.g. i tlay 'he leaves' i tlaya' 'they leave' i doohl 'he cultivates' i doohliya' 'they cultivate' Verbs of the third conjugation class have an alternative third person plural marker -ir. The plural marker ir does not occur elsewhere. There is no difference in meaning.or use between -iya' and -ir. I have no explanation as to why only verbs of the th1rd conjugation class have the third person plural suffix -ir. The subject noun agrees in gender with the verb; see 3.1. A plural subject noun that is feminine takes the third person singular feminine ending of the verb. Only neuter subject nouns take the third person plural ending. axmis-a i c'aa<aam-iin. tsir>oo a bird(F) O.F hear:2.SG.:INT-INF S.3 cry-DUR:3.SG.F 'Do you hear the birds? They are singing.' hikwa(N) i axmis-a caacaam-in-a). cattle O.N hear:2.SG:INT-INF S.3 cry-DUR:3-PL 'Do you hear the cows? They are making a noise.' hlee a axmis-a caacaamiin. cow(F) O.F hear:2.SG:INT-INF 8.3 cry-DUR:3.SG.F 'Do you hear the cow? She is making a noise.' 4.2.4. The tense and mood markers The past tense is marked by a high tone on the last syllable of the verb. In the indicative mood, the high tone for past is only significant for the 3.SG.M forms .of class III verbs. Past tense is also marked by -e' instead of -a> as a plurality marker m 2.PL and 3.PL. 163 162 (29) Indicative past paradigms aga firiim l.SG aga firiin 2.SG fir in 3.SG.M a a firiin 3.SG.F a a aga firiimaan l.PL aga firiinde> 2.PL firine> aa 3.PL aa 3.PL thiw tleer tlay tleer tlawaan tleere' tlaye> d6ohl d6hi d6ohl d6hl doohlaan dohle> doohliye> doohlir A low tone marks subjunctive sentences, as does a vowel i for the third person ｾｕＧＭＢ＠ singular in conjugational class Ill. If the verb is in the subjunctive, the dependent 'to be' is used. The subjunctive is, among others, used in present tense object clauses, whereas in the past tense object relative clause the dependent 'to be' with verb in the past indicative is used. (30) Subjunctive present paradigms lll firiim tlaw l.SG ta firiin 2.SG tleer fir in 3.SG.M tlay i firiin 3.SG.F tleer ta firiimaan tlawaan l.PL ta firiinda> tleera> 2.PL firina> tlaya> 3.PL 3.PL doohl dohl doohli dohl doohlaan dohla> doohliya> doohlir There is an archaic subjunctive suffix -e>. In the hlufay, a traditional thanksgi poem, the first person plural subjunctive has a final e>. The line hhoo' koom-aan-e> peace have-l.PL-SBJV for: koom-aan hhoo> ka peace 0.3:DEP.S.1/2:0.F have-l.PL:SBJV 'Let us have peace.' is one among a whole series in the subjunctive, it is followed by a line with the nrl"'l'lP'nt,a day subjunctive form and it translates as 'let us have peace'. I therefore assume the form koomaane>, which only occurs in the hlufay, is an archaic subjunctive Other, sporadic examples of subjunctive -e> are the following: hhoo> ngi kone> peace 0.3:DEP.S.3:0.F have:3.PL:SBJV 'Let them have peace.' aten 16> lll axaas-aan-e> l.PL true HIT hear-l.PL-SBJV 'We wish we had learned something.' The suffix e> could be related to the imperative plural suffix -e>; see 4.2.6. Sentences with the verb in the subjunctive can occasionally occur without the verb 'to be'. axwees-aan speak-1.PL:SBJV 'Let us speak.' ti gwet ti gwed-e> O.l.PL open:2.SG:SBJV O.l.PL open:2.SG:SBJV 'Untie us.' 'Untie us.' (to many) ku intseehhiisan-te->ee' 6> 2.SG.M greetings-F1-l.SG.POSS say:2.SG:SBJV 'Pass my greetings.' 4.2.5. Irregular verbs There are a few irregular verbs. The verb kah 'to say' has the following paradigm, (31 ). Note that there is no third person plural form in -ya>. There is another verb kah 'to be dry' which is regular. (31) Irregular verb kah 'to say' l.SG 2.SG 3.SG.M 3.qG.F l.PL 2.PL 3.PL a kah a kat i kahi or kay i kat a kaha a kata> i kahir The verb ar 'to see' has an irregular second person form aan instead of at 'you see' and. aanda> 'you (pl) see', as though it were of class II. The word deer 'to be present, to exist' has many properties of a noun. It takes the background suffix -o as nouns do, for example in yes/no questions, i deero 'Is it present?' It does not conjugate for person, with the exception of the third person plural form. The third person plural form is daya> as though deer were a verb of conjugational class II. For the conjugational class II, third person singular feminine and second person singular forms end in eer. 8.1/2 S.3.SG S.3.PL a deer i deer i daya> The word hlaqas 'to be similar to', which is a defective verb with noun-like properties, has the derived forms hlaqamis, and hlaqamimis, containing verbal derivational suffixes; see 4.3. The noun hlaqasay (m) 'example' is derived from this. Neither tense nor subject indications are possible with hlaqas and its derived forms. hlaqas occurs as a complement of the copula, or of the object pronoun agreeing with the "subject" of hlaqas. The object pronoun is u, not gu, as it would be in a verbal sentence; 164 165 a non-verbal sentence does not take an object pronoun. An object pronoun with impersonal subject is, however, possible here, thus in this respect, hlaqas behaves an adjective. inos a (u) hlaqas nee nacaay-wos 3.SG COP (O.M) similar with child-3.SG.POSS 'He resembles his child.' ga-r ka hlaqas thing:CON-F 0.3:IMPS:O.F similar 'What is it similar to?' 4.2.6. Imperatives The imperative forms distinguish between singular and plural addressee, and indi whether or not there is an object, and whether or not the action is towards (on behalf for the benefit of) the speaker. The negative imperative is preceded by the prohib' marker ma or m plus an object pronoun; see 4.1.15. In the negative imperative only a singular or plural addressee is distinguished. There is no difference between three verb classes in theimperative forms. The forms of the imperative are given (32). (32) The imperative forms doohl ､ｯｨｬｅｾ＾＠ doohleek doohlaak doohlang doohlare' huwang huware> ma doohlaar ma doohlara> negative imperative idem and plural addressee IMP for NEG IMP.PL for NEG The suffix -ara' consists of -aar plus the plural marker -a'. The suffix are' looks like a fusion of -aar and -e', but its meaning cannot be predicted from its constituent parts and it is therefore considered a single suffix. All imperatives with an object have low tone on the verb form. This low tone can be seen as a marker for the presence of an object and thus as a separate morpheme. The forms -ang and -are' are considered to consist of two morphemes -ang IMP.HIT .SG and low tone. The suffixes -eek and -aak only occur with an object and thus the presence of an object is part of their meaning. The imperative forms for the negative require the verb 'to be' with the prohibitive prefix m-; see 4.1.15. This prohibitive prefix indicates the negative element. The imperative form itself is positive. mi-ti taahh-aar PROH-O.l.PL beat-IMP(NEG) 'Don't beat us!' kurmo(M) hoe mu-ngu huw-aar PROH-0.3:HIT:O.M bring-IMP(NEG) 'Don't bring me the hoe!' 'dig!' 'dig! (to many)' 'dig it!' 'dig it! (to many)' 'dig for me!' 'dig for me! (to many)' 'bring it to me!' 'bring it to me! (to many)' 'don't dig' 'don't dig (to many)' The following suffixes are added to the reference form, the simple imperative. (33) -aar -ara' List of imperative suffixes. suffix meaning plural addressee -e' -eek there is an object -aak idem and plural addressee -ang towards the speaker -are' idem and plural addressee -ang towards the speaker and there is an object -are' idem and plural addressee abbreviation IMP.PL IMP.O.SG IMP.O.PL IMP.HIT.SG IMP.HIT.PL IMP.HIT.SG:O IMP.HIT.PL:O There are some irregular imperative forms. The stem qwal only occurs in imperative forms: qwalang 'come here', qwalasare>, idem to many, qwalase> 'come on, let's go'. The form xawee(k) also means 'come here', from the verb xaw 'to come', but with the suffix -eek although there is no object. The forms xawe' and xaware' also mean 'come' (to many). There are no forms xaw or xawaak. There is an additional form xawaas also meaning 'come here!'. A suffix -as, which is no longer productive can be recognised in xaw-aas, qwal-as-e'. The form are, literally 'look!' (said to many) from the verb ar 'to see' is also used in speaking to a single person to express that you have something for him/her. Alternative forms are areengw and areengwaay. When presenting someone with something one says hanoo(s), related to haniis 'to give'. There are fixed expressions containing imperatives, for example ii>ari qaasaak literally 'put it in the ears' meaning 'listen!' (said to many) and used when starting a narration. 4.2. 7. Participles In present tense relative clauses with the head as subject, the verb form is not inflected for person, but for number and gender only, like adjectives. This participle has a high tone after masculine head nouns and a low tone after feminine head nouns. The same holds for adjectives. The head noun is in the premodifier form, as is the case before any relative clause or if an adjective ｦｾｬｯｷｳＮ＠ hee doohl i kaahh man:CON dig:M S.3 absent:3.SG.M 'There is no man who digs' 167 166 ､｡ｳｾｲ＠ 4.2.8. The infinitive suffixes doohl i k'hh girl:CON-F dig:F S.3 absent:3.SG.F 'There is no girl who digs' Plural personal (pro )nouns as head nouns require the plural suffix _,, on the Adjectives, too, show number agreement, but not with the suffix -a'. kuung,-d, yaamu gi sawawiti>i>iim-'' 2.PL-DEM4:CON land 0.3:0.N rule-PL 'You who rule over the land ... ' However, if the head noun is not a personal (pro )noun, the suffix _,, corresponds the neuter gender of the head noun and not to the number. With neuter head the verb has the suffix _,,, whether the noun is plural or singular, nac'a doohl-'' i kaahh-ir children:N:CON dig-N S.3 absent-3.PL 'There are no children who dig' ｾ｡Ｉ＠ on mu-k ,guu> people:CON-M1 sleep:.M 'People who sleep' doohlite-r angano s'ngw dahaas farmers:CON-F wheat now plant:F 'Farmers who plant wheat now ... ' In sentences with an impersonal subject, i.e. those containing ta as verb 'to be', verb form is not inflected for person. The verb form is identical with the verb stem. no object precedes, the tone on the verb is low for the present tense of conjuga class Ill and high in the past tense, and for conjugational classes I and II also high the present tense. In other words, it is identical to the 3.SG.M verb form. If an obj precedes, however, the tone is low for the present tense for all conjugational classes high for the past tense of all conjugational classes. In the subjunctive, the parti has a suffix i and low tone, like the 3.SG.M:SBJV form. ta tl'y 'one leaves, one has left' (II) ta taahh 'one beats' (Ill) ta taahh 'one had beaten' (Ill) kuung tu taahh 'you (masc.) will be beaten' (Ill) kuung twa t'ahh 'you were beaten' (III) kuung tu taahhin 'you are being beaten' (I) kuung twa taahhin 'you were being beaten' (I) axay l'aq ad6-r ta aleehleer-a well do:IMP manner:CON-F DEP.S.1/2 can:2.SG-INF 'Do whatever you can' umuu-qo g'-r ta qas-a bara every-EMPH thing:CON-F DEP.S.1/2 put:2.SG-INF in-CON tlakway-wi bag-DEM1 'Whatever you put into that bag, ... ' The infinitive suffix can follow the verb in a subordinate clause with the background aspect marker -wa, changing the meaning to 'before'. hhayso-ka see>ay mumukumiis-'' tail-DEMl:N dog waving-N 'The clog's tail that is waving ... ' Furthermore, plural head nouns that are not neuter do not take the suffix verb. The verb can have an additional suffix, -a, which I call the infinitive suffix. The infinitive suffix can follow the verb in a relative clause to give the clause a meaning of general validity. hikwa mas na loo'a i-wa dat-a S.3-BACK enter:3.SG.F-INF cattle HIT:PERF sun (f) daaf-ir. go:home-3.PL 'Before the sun sets, the cattle should return home.' kuung ni-wa kiic-a aning ｢｡ｾｷＭｲＱ＠ 2.SG.M HIT:BACK return-INF l.SG letter-F-DEM1 nga hhe>ees. 0.3:DEP.S.l.SG:O.F:PERF finish:l.SG 'Before you return, I will have finished writing this letter.' ｧｯ＾ｩｾｲＭ＠ writing-F-BACK The infinitive suffix can follow the verb in a conditional clause containing bar to make the condition suppositional or future, unfulfilled. nacii bar-n-i guu>-ii>a a tl'w children COND-PL-S.3 sleep-3.PL:INF S.1/2 leave:l.SG 'When the children are asleep, I'll leave.' impirmo b<u>r neet-aan-a, ball (m) COND<O.M> 'If we were to play with the ball, ... ' The past infinitive renders the condition counterfactual. in6s b<u>r-a atet-i geera na 3.SG COND<O.M>-PERF c.all:2.SG-INF:PAST before HIT:PERF hard'h arnve 'If you had called him (but you,didn't), he would have come.' 168 an bar-ti axwees, a axaas l.SG COND-IMPS:O.l.SG talk:PRES S.1/2 listen 'If I am talked to, I listen.' 169 (34) Negative paradigms for the present tense l.SG firiirnaaka tlawaaka 2.SG firiindaaka tleeraaka 3.SG.M firnaka tlayka l.PL firiimaanaaka tlawaanaaka 2.PL firiindaaka tleera>aaka 3.PL firin>aaka tlay>aaka 'to ask' 'to leave' (35) Negative paradigms for the l.SG firiimiika 2.SG firiindiika 3.SG.M firniika l.PL firiimaaniika 2.PL firiindiika 3.PL firin>iika 'to ask' b<i>r-n-a ganhl-in-e' COND<S.3>-PL-PERF hurry-DUR:3-PL:PAST 'If they hurried, ... ' birna ganhlin >i bar-n-i-a ganhl-in-e>-i COND-PL-S.3-PERF hurry-DUR:3-PL:PAST-S.3:INF 'If they had hurried (but in fact they didn't), ... ' The infinitive suffix can follow the verb in a subordinate clause in the concessive containing tarn, with no apparent additional meaning. anfng qayrno tarn doohl-a, bu>uungw u l.SG field CONCES:O.F cultivate-INF harvest O.M hlaw-a-ka get- INF- NEG 'I may cultivate the field, even if I cultivate the field, I won't get a harvest.' Futhermore, the suffix is used with yes/no question intonation, and preceding negative suffix -ka. ma>ay i koond-a water O.N have:2.SG:INT-INF 'Do you have water?' anfng a doohl-a-ka l.SG S.1/2 cultivate-INF-NEG 'I don't cultivate.' The general function of the infinitive suffix is to identify the preceding clause as a This unit is questioned with the yes/no question intonation, negated if the negati suffix follows. The subordinated clause with wa and the infinitive suffix is seen as unit and the event as completed at the time of the action of the main clause, hence translation 'before'. The infi:p.itive suffix with a conditional sentence sets the condi at a higher level, making the condition unfulfilled or counterfactual. The function the infinitive suffix is the verbal equivalent of the background suffix with nouns. background suffix, too, is used with yes/no question intonation and before the nega suffix -ka and indicates that the preceding clause is set apart as a whole; see 3.4.6. The form of the infinitive suffix is a, but i for third person in class Ill verbs. infinitive suffix is i for past tenses. Further, the suffix has the effect of lowering all preceding high tone.s of the verb. Negation is expressed by the negative marker -ka. When suffixed to a verb, it preceded by the infinitive suffix. There is no difference between indicative, subjunct' and conditional mood in the negative forms. The surface forms are presented in (34 There is no third person plural form in -ir for verbs of class Ill if the infinitive , past tense tlawiika tleeriika tlayka tlawaaniika tleeri>iika tlay>iika 'to leave' doohlaaka dohlka doohliika doohlaanaaka dohla>aaka doohlii>aaka 'to cultivate' doohliika dohlka doohliika doohlaaniika dohli>iika doohlii>iika 'to cultivate' The negation of the participle is -a-ka. carneenf-r halo baaliim-a-ka a ti woman:CON-F ever win-INF-NEG COP INDEP:F 'The woman who rrever succeeds is this one.' The vowel preceding -ka is lengthened. This rule applies after the syllable reduction rule, which deletes the short vowel of a syllable behyeen two syllables with short vowels; see rule (4) in 2.3. The rul.e applies in the following cases: dohl-a-ka -+ dohlka 'she does not dig' dohl-i-ka -+ ､ｯｨｬｾ｡＠ 'she did not dig' firin-a-ka -+ firnaka 'he does not dig' or -+ firinka (free variation) firin-i-ka -+ firnika -+ firniika 'he did not dig' or -+ firinka (free variation) tlay-a-ka -+ tlayka 'he does not get up' tlay-i-ka -+ tlayka 'he did not get up' The forms tlawaaka 'I don't get up' and tlawiika 'I didn't get up' are exceptions to the rule. The verb forms for yes/no questions have the infinitive suffix and a special intonation contour. This question intonation is an extra high tone on the penultimate syllable and a subsequent falL There is some variation in the vowel length of the syllable on which the intonation contour is realised, firiirnana or firiimaana 'Are we asking?' 170 (36) Verb forms l.SG 2.SG 3.SG.M l.PL 2.PL 3.PL 171 in yes/no questions for present tense a firiima tlawa doohla a firiinda tleera dohla i firna tlaya doohli a firiimana tlawaana doohlaana a firiinda'a tleera'a dohla'a i firna'a tlay>a doohlii'a 'to ask' 'to leave' 'to cultivate' suffix -s can be recognised, and in -uut the middle voice suffix -t. -uw -ees -uus -uut Verb forms in yes/no questions for present tense l.SG ga firiimi tlawi doohli 2.SG ga firiindi tleeri dohli 3.SG.M aa firni tlayi doohli 1.PL na firiimani tlawaani doohlaani 2.PL ga firiindi>i tleeri>i dohli'i 3.PL na firn'i tlay>i doohlii>i 'to ask' 'to leave' 'to cultivate' The yes/no question can be neutral or leading to the answer "no" A t' t th " , h h . . · ques Ion Ｑ･｡＼ｕｮ o e answer yes .as t e mtonat10n preceding the negative element , which is Ill · t case k ee, a contractiOn of ka-hee, negative suffix plus background ffi Th th f h . fi . . su x. e at a ter t e m ｭｾＱｶ･Ｎ＠ (.plus negative) suffix the nominal background suffix -hee used shows the nommahsmg character of the infinitive suffix. See also 9.5. Ｑ ｾＱ＠ a axas-a S.l/2 listen:2.SG:INT-INF 'Do you listen?' (Expected answer: "No") a-ga hhe'es-ii-kee S.l/2-PERF finish:2.SG-INF:PAST:INT-NEG:BACK 'You are finished, aren't you?' (Expected answer: "Yes") 4.3. Verbal derivation inchoative factitive factitive verbaliser Three of the verbal derivational morphemes have a progressive aspectual meaning: The durative suffix, the middle voice suffix, and the habitual reduplication. The precise meaning of these progressive morphemes can differ from verb to verb depending on what other progressive derivations are possible with the same verb stem. For example, the verb sasaahh 'to whisper' contains a reduplication in its base form. There is no verb form saahh. Since an extra reduplication for the habitual of sasaahh 'to whisper' is impossible, the form with a durative suffix sasaahhaam is used in situations where a habitual would be used. Likewise, leeleehh 'to search' is a base form that contains a reduplication. The form leehh 'to bring' exists, but leeleehh has acquired a new meaning, 'to search'. The habitual of 'to search' is expressed by a middle voice suffix, leeleehhiit 'to be searching, to search habitually', because an extra reduplication is impossible. I use the term "base form" for a verb form which contains no derivational morpheme, or one which does contain a derivational morpheme but where the corresponding form without the derivational morpheme does not exist or the meaning of the derived verb is not predictable. How these derivations with progressive meaning are interrelated in a systematic way is explained in paragraph 4.3.12. are not inflectional because the suffixes The suffixes with progressive aspect ｾ･｡ｲｩｮｧ＠ are not obligatory in any of the progressive situations. The suffixes are derivational because they do not combine with every single verb, because for some verbs the meaning of the derived verb form has become specialised, and for some other verbs, the verb form without the affix does not exist. Moreover, inflectional affixes are usually at the extreme ends of the word. Here the progressive suffixes are close to the root and precede the causative suffix which is the most typical derivational suffix, because it can change the argument structure. 4.3.1. Introduction The verbal morphemes include a causative suffix -s , ad ura t'1ve suffi x -m, . derivational . middle 1 · 1 vmce suffix -t, and reduplication of the root consonant for the h a b't 1 ua. ｾｳ＠ a so an ｵｮｰｲｯ､ｾ｣ｴｩｶ･＠ durative suffix -ar. The morphemes mentioned are discm;sects;l m 4.3.2-8. There 1s also verbal compounding, which is discussed in 4.4. -s -m -t Reduplication causative durative middle voice habitual · h oa In ffi addition, , there are· verbalising.suffixes to derive verbs from adJ'ectives·. Th e me su ｾ＠ -uw to ｡ｾｱｭｲ･＠ the quality of the adjective', and the factitive suffix -ees ' provide the quality of the adjective'. There are other verbalising suffixes to · verbs from nouns, the factitive suffix -uus, and -uut. In -ees and -uus, the causa The order of the suffixes is strict. Since reduplication involves a root consonant, the habitual derivation is closest to the verb root. Next to this is the durative or the middle voice derivation, but only one of the two. The causative derivation is always last. (37) Root - RDP - DUR / STAT - CAUS The combination of the durative suffix -m and the middle voice suffix -t is only possible if the middle voice suffix -t is part of the base form of the verb. If the combination occurs, the durative must precede the middle voice suffix. The durative can also precede the verbalizer suffix -uut; see 4.3.11. lakiit 'to wait' hlaqaat 'to be tired' baqiit 'to be in defense' pacaat 'to be split' tsal>aat 'to sink' lakmiit 'to be waiting' hlaqamiit 'to get tired' baqimiit 'to be defending' pacamiit 'to be splitting' tsal>amiit 'to be sinking' 172 173 Derived verbs with the inchoative suffix -uw do not take any other derivation reduplication. Verbs with the factitive suffix -ees or -uus or with the verbaliser -uut can only take the durative suffix -m, in which case the final consonant factitive suffix is taken as a morpheme and is separated from the vowel, e.g. eemiis. axwanees 'to heat' hingees 'to take away' amohhe>ees 'to put in good order' hlaw 'to get' malguus 'to treat unjustly' caansu us 'to start' xuru ut 'to suspect' muunuut 'to abstain from food, to be disappointed' axwaneemiis 'to be heating' hingeemiis 'to be taking away' amohhe>eemiis 'to be putting in good order' hleemiis 'to be getting for' malguumiis 'to be treating unjustly' caansuumiis 'to be starting' xurumiit 'to be suspecting' munumiit 'to continue to abstain from food' Again, the order of the derivational suffixes is very rigid. The last consonant is al treated as a suffix if it is a possible suffix, i.e. if it is s, t, w, or m. For example, verb axaas 'to listen' has a durative form axmiis. The final s is treated as it were a causative suffix, although there is no verb stem ax related to axaas. durative suffix m is strictly speaking, an infix in such cases. These cases are n and regular. It is an infix of a very restricted nature because it can only be by what looks like a suffix. At any rate, l will indicate it as an infix ·because t fact that the form without the infix is a base form is important in certain cases: lak<m>iit 'to be waiting' the combination of durative and middle voice suffix is possible because the latter is in fact part of the base form. In a verb such as gac 'to watch' the reduplicated form is ga'<a'>aw, with reduplication of c as if it the final root consonant because aw looks like an inchoative suffix and, in "'"'"n•·rt"'"'"'":ji; with verbs with such a suffix, no durative suffix m can be used with this verb. the reduplicated form not only has the meaning of habitual but also covers durati aspect. What follows the infix is seen as a suffix in form, but at the same time it seen as part of the base form with respect to meaning. The vowel preceding the final derivational suffix is ii, irrespective of the final s The vowel preceding the other derivational suffixes or the reduplicated root ｣ｭＱｳ｡ｮｾ＠ is an epenthetic a. cay-m-iis 'to feed' 'aay-iim 'to be eating' doog-iit 'to be increasing' doog-aag-iit 'to be regularly increasing' ax<m-aam>iis 'to listen usually' tseeg-am-iis 'to slow down' However, the vowel preceding the non-final derivational suffixes can also be ii. fiir<iir>iim 'to ask usually, to be asking' hlip<im>iis 'to be drilling' qayts<im>iit 'to be investigating' · a reduct 1'on of the vowel of the syllable preceding the derivational suffix by There IS the syllable reduction rule (4) in 2.3. axaas 'to listen' cakuut 'to jump' aweer 'to descend' kwandeekw 'to do the first hoeing' suruuk 'to push' xorootl 'to snore' ax<m>iis 'to be listening' cak<m>iit 'to be jumping' awd-iit 'to be descending'" kwandk-uut 'to be hoeing' surkuum 'to be pushing' xortliim 'to be snoring' There is also assimilation of the epenthetic vowel to i, u or ＠ｾ in the preceding syllable through velar, pharyngeal, and glottal consonants; see (12) m 2.5.3. buu 'to harvest, pay' pa'aat 'to be split' daahh 'to boil' duux 'to take out, to marry' kongoo> 'to fall' ,. hunguuc 'to recover bu>uum 'to be harvesting' pacaas 'to split' dahhaas 'to boil sth.' duxuum 'to be taking out, to get married' kohgo>oot 'to be fallen' hungucuus 'to rest' :o t?e following epenthetic vowel is a The spreading of the rounding of the consonant morphophonological rule restricted to verbal denvatwn. daaxw 'to make an incision' deeqw 'to shave' daaxuum 'to be incising' deequum 'to be shaving' A long vowel is shortened in verb stems if a syllable follows with a velar, pharyngeal, or glottal consonant in the onset, or if a glide follows. However, ee and oo are not shortened. tuntuuk-iim --+ tuntukuum 'to cover-DUR' duux-iim --+ duxuum 'to take out, marry-DUR' hluuq-iim --+ hluquum 'to kill a big animal or man-DUR' ufaahh-iim --+ ufahhaam 'to blow-DUR' tuu'-iim --+ tu'uum 'to uproot-DUR' buu'-iim --+ bu>uum 'to harvest, pay-DUR' wa>alah-iim --+ wa>alahaam 'to exchange-DUR' qaaw-iim --+ qawiim 'to make sb. quiet' say-iim 'to rule over' goo>iim 'to write' This rule operates only in verbs, compare: 174 175 naa 'ani (f) 'penis' tlaaqati (f) 'gazelle' tsii,imo (m), pl.: tsii>o (f) 'chick' xwaa'ari (f) 'crow' dah 'to enter' naa c 'to be wet' qaas 'to put' Some verbs have a short stem vowel if a derivational suffix follows. This is the torically original short stem vowel which is lengthened in the inflectional system· 4.2.2. ' tlatiim 'to dream' firiim 'to ask' gusiim 'to have diarrhoea' For verbs with the causative suffix, the subject causes the action of the verb. Intr tive verbs become transitive and the subject of the intransitive verb becomes the of the causative verb. wa'aari aning tiq-m-iis-iya> vomiting(N) S.3 l.SG be:ill-DUR-CAUS-3.PL 'Vomiting is making me ill.' hiime-r tlet gadyeet g-a inhlahh-is. ropes:CON-F long:PL work 0.3-0.F be:easy-CAUS:3.SG.F 'Long ropes make the job easy.' With. ｴｲ｡ｮｳｾｩｶ･＠ verbs, the causer is the new subject of the causative verb, the obj remams obJect. (e.g. basoro ) The former subject is no longer expressed or ｢･｣＾ｭｾ｡ｴｬ＠ an oblique object, or the former subject (e.g. kuung, baynu ) is the new object. "basoro hleem-is-ang" basoro(F) ka get:DUR-CAUS-IMP.HIT millet 0.3:IMPS:O.F millet hleem-iis get:DUR-CAUS:PRES ' "Get the millet for me." They get the millet.' an kuung u inhlawt-iis cayto>o qayta-r-o l.SG 2.SG.M O.M remember-CAUS:l.SG maize inspecting-F-BACK 'I'll remind you to inspect the maize.' in6s baynu g-i-na cay-m-fis 3.SG pigs 0.3-0.N-PAST eat-DUR-CAUS:3.SG.M:PAST 'He fed the pigs.' The derived verb can acquire a specialised meaning: ceet 'to descend' Some verbs contain the causative suffix in their base form. loqoos 'to beat' hhe>ees 'to finish' 4.3.3. The middle voice suffix -t 4.3.2. The causative suffix -s cakuut 'to jump' dahaas 'to plant, to dress' na'aas 'to daub, to put mud on the wall' qasiis 'to divide' caktiis 'to drive, to bring a cow to a bull' caytiis 'to empty out' The suffix -t indicates primarly that the subject is a patient. In the following examples nagaaf means 'to glue, to be sticky' (said of the material); the subject has the glueing property. In nag>aafiit 'to adhere', the subject is glued together, but does not have the glueing property itself. moqonj6 i nagaf tree:glue S.3 glue:3.SG.F 'Tree glue is sticky.' aa nag'af-t-i S.3:PERF glue:INT-MIDDLE-INF:PAST 'Does it adhere?' For a number of verbs, derivation by -t changes the meaning of the verb in such a way that the body of.the subject is affected. For some of these the body itself is subject and has no control over the action. hamaatl 'to wash' tunqalaac 'to dislocate' tuuc 'to uproot' duux 'to take out, to marry (for a man)' gwaaw 'to abstain from' soloo> 'to be relaxed, flaccid' tleehh 'to make, to build' hamtliit 'to take a bath' tunqalacaat 'to withdraw oneself' tucuut 'to pull oneself out' duuxuut 'to get married (for a woman)' gwabiit 'to fast' solo>oot 'to be paralysed' (subject is bodypart) tleehhiit 'to become' Verbs that have the suffix -t in their base form often describe states of affairs in which the body is central, such as 'to sneeze', 'to cough' or 'to be tired' or positions of the body. ciifiit 'to snee.ze' tsihhiit 'to cough' hleeqawakuut 'to have a skin disease' nor>oot 'to get a piece of skin scraped off' hlambareeciit 'to lose skin' 176 177 hlaqaat 'to be tired' yuqumiit 'to be cold' (subject is body, not person) tsiit 'to wear' " kwatiit 'to touch' iwiit 'to sit' qaat 'to lie down, to sleep' mahhaat 'to bend down' qwambiit 'to bend' kweetliit 'to stretch' sihhiit 'to stand upright' tumbaaraaraa>aat 'to kneel' kumbaalaalaa'aat 'to lie with knees up to the chest' xaaraaraa'aat 'to lean in a tilted manner' gaalaalaa>aat 'to be straight at 90 degrees to the surface' ｾ＠ derived ･｡ｾｩｮｧ＠ｭ ?f -t ｩｾ＠ the stative meaning. The connection with the middle su.bject IS patient. As a result of the function of the middle voice IS that ｾｨ･＠ ｾ･ｲ｢ｳ＠ ＧＺＱｾｨ＠ th1s suffix are more often than not intransitive. Transitive verbs mtransitive after suffixation of-t an-a-ga diyaac l.SG-O.F-PERF separate:l.SG cayto'O hanuit maize 8.3 ripe:3.SG.F 'The maize will become ripe.' n1u-qa-qa' aa diya<-am-iit people-DEM3-DEM3 S.3:PERF spread-DUR-STAT:3.SG.M 'Those people have been spread, are scattered in different directions.' n1u-qa-qa' diya'-am-iit people-DEM3-DEM3 S.3 spread-DUR-STAT:3.SG.M 'Those people are in exodus now.' aa iwit S.3:PERF sit:3.SG.F 'She sits.' By extension of the stative meaning, the suffix -t is also used for duration, 'to be in the state of'. For these verbs in -t with durative meaning there is an agent, and they can be transitive. The suffix has an overlapping meaning with the durative suffixe -m. Some verbs can have either the durative or the middle voice suffix, some verbs can have either but not both at the same time, with no apparent difference in meaning. A combination of the two is only possible for verbs with a frozen middle voice suffix -t; see 4.3.1. 'I divorced her.' ·at-ag-a diya<-at-aan . l.PL-S.l/2-PERF separate-MIDDLE-l.PL 'We spread.' (intransitive) diyaac 'to separate from' gweer 'to open' baaq 'to use sth. for defense' baal 'to defeat sth., sb.' qaaw 'to keep silence' cu u tl 'to twist' fee< 'to tear down' doog 'to increase' burumbuur 'to gather' haleelee' 'to be a nuisance to sb.' diyacaat 'to be scattered' gweeriit 'to be open' baqiit 'to be in defense' baaliit 'to be able (to defeat)' qawiit 'to be silent' <uutliit 'to sit twisted' feeciit 'to be torn down' doogiit 'to be increased' burumburiit 'to be together' heeleelee>iit 'to have no proper residence' For the stative meaning, the perfect tense is necessary. In the non-perfect tense, meaning is future or progressive. cayto>o maize(F) aa hamat S.3:PERF ripe:3.SG.F 'The maize is ripe.' ｾ＠ siiq 'to cut' doog 'to increase' gweer 'to be open' xwaar 'to dig up' fool 'to dig a hole' hamaatl 'to wash sth.' leeleehh 'to search' migir 'to collect firewood' siiqiit 'to be cutting' doogiit 'to be increasing it' gweediit 'to be opening' xwadiit 'to be digging up now' fooliit 'to be digging a hole' hamtliit 'to be washing sth.' Ieeleehhiit 'go on searching' migdiit 'to be gathering firewood' Derived verbs can have double meanings, the middle voice meaning and durative meanmg. tleehh 'to build' duux 'to marry' tleehhiit 'to be building, to become' duuxuut 'to be preparing for marriage, to get married' The durative meaning of -m is very close to the- stative meaning of-t. A number of verbs have both derivations with subtle differences in meaning. tseegiit 'to be bound' baaliit 'to win' (not completed) tseegihn 'to be fastening' baaliim 'to win' In Eastern Cushitic languages, a verbal derivational suffix -t has been attested with autobenefactive, reflexive, and verbalizer functions; see Hayward (1977). In Iraqw, auto- 179 178 benefactive meaning is not usual with the suffix -t. One might see auto- ben meaning in the specialised verb leehhiit 'to search for a wife', from leehh 'to For reflexive meaning, Iraqw has the reflexive/reciprocal 'to be' ti; see 4.1.6. In too, the suffix -t is used as a verbalizer. The verb ooniit 'to be drunk' is derived oona (f) 'gourd for beer' and xahliit 'to keep quiet' from the ideophone for i')uenr.s:\'i xahl; see also 4.3.9-11 for the more usual verbalizers -ees, -uus and -uut. hheer ( adj) 'insufficient' hheeriit 'to be insufficient' ii>atleer (adj) 'having a bad reputation' ii>atleeriit 'to be of a bad reputation' wa'ari anfng tiq-s-iya' vomiting 8.3 l.SG ill-CAUS-3.PL 'Vomiting will make me ill.' However, the durative verb can be used in past tenses. aten a-na 'aay-iim-aan cisa xweera-wo l.PL S.l/2-PAST eat-DUR-l.PL yesterday night-BACK 'We were eating last night.' cisa an-a-na tutuw-fim yesterday l.SG-8.1 /2-PAST clear:field- DUR 'Yesterday I was clearing a new field.' There are a number of verbs that contain the middle voice suffix but without the suffix. The durative suffix can render verbs intransitive. qumburu<uut 'to dive into' ku>uut 'to be spilt' pa'aat 'to be split' hlur>uut 'to be damaged' <akuut 'to jump' natliit 'to jump' hi>iit 'to take a step' saloot 'to step down' aa 'ay-fn S.3:PERF eat-DUR:3.SG.M 'He has eaten.' not: aa 'aay S.3:PERF eat:3.SG.M Some verbs with the middle voice suffix have acquired a special meaning. buu> 'to pay' ciif 'to sigh' alkiic 'to repeat' tuu> 'to swell' bu>uut 'to. be enough' cifiit 'to sneeze' alkiciit 'to narrate' qaaw 'to keep silence' sol>oot 'to be paralysed (subject 1s body part)' qaw-iim 'to stop sb. from crying' so}><onl>iit 'idem (subject IS person)' tu>uut 'to pound with a pestle, work with a hoe' hamaatl 'to wash sth.' hlees 'to take up' <aac 'to cry' hamtliim 'to take a bath' hleemiis 'to get sth. for sb.' al<aa'amiim 'to cry with sb.' ba<aam 'to save sb.' laqaan1 'to show sb.' duuxuum 'to marry' 4.3.4. The durative suffix -m The meaning of this suffix is duration of the action. tutuuw 'to open a new farm' yaaw 'to protect with a fence' <aay 'to eat' poohh 'to feed a child' tiqiis 'to make sb. ill' weeriis 'to sell' The suffix can also change the meaning in such a way that the action of the verb affects a person. tutu uwiim 'to be opening a new farm' yaawiim or yaabiim 'be making a fence around' 'aayiim 'to be eating' poohhiim 'to be feeding a child' tiqmiis 'to be making sb. ill' weereemiis 'to sell always' Very often the durative suffix is used i'il· the present tense. Without the durative the verb can refer to the future. wa'ari anfng tiq-m-iis-iya> vomiting 8.3 l.SG ill-DUR-CAUS-3.PL 'Vomiting is making me ill (now).' baa< 'to win over' laaq 'to do' duux 'to take out' 'oohl 'to curse' hhehhe>ees 'to clean' hootuut 'to be overdue in pregnancy' (subject is foetus) 'oohliim 'to insult sb.' hhehhe>eemiis 'to circumcise' hootuumiit 'to be overdue in pregnancy' (subject is woman) A few verbs with -In in the base form have the same property that the object is the affected person. firiiin 'to ask sb.' hlii>iim 'to commit adultery' sayiim 'to let sb. take over a task' geetihn 'to stand in the way of sb.' xawiim 'to copulate' 181 180 A number of verbs require the durative suffix -m if they take the causative suffix. corresponds to the durative used for a person affected by the action. caay 'to eat' caymiis 'to feed' of reduplication contains a long vowel aa. This second type of reduplication will be discussed in the next section. Reduplication is used for habitual, iterative, durative, or pluractional meaning (pluractional refers to plurality of the subject or the object). adbaw 'to tell' If the base form has a middle voice suffix, the addition of the durative suffix renders the middle voice verb transitive or the middle voice verb inchoative. pacaat 'to be split' nag>afiit 'to adhere' diyacaat 'to be spread' pacamiit 'to be splitting' nag>afmiit 'to glue sth.' dicaamiit 'to spread sth.' qaseem 'to laugh' gacaw 'to watch' qaaw 'to keep silent' sol>omiit 'to be paralysed' For other verbs only one of the two derivations, -m or -t, is possible. The verbs have no durative derivation and the middle voice suffix serves for the d meaning. gweer 'to be open' fool 'to dig a hole' leeleehh 'to search' migir 'to collect firewood' gweediit 'to be opening' fooliit 'to be digging a hole' leeleehhiit 'to go on searching' migdiit 'to be gathering firewood' a siiq-iit S.1/2 cut-MIDDLE:l.SG 'I am cutting.' peehhay u siiq-aaq-iit planks O.M cut-HAB-MIDDLE:l.SG 'I am sawing planks.' Reduplication can have inceptive meaning for verbs that have a durative suffix: the process of entry into a state for verbs of state. In some verbs, the suffix -m is in the base form. niciim 'to dance' soopiim 'tQ limp' " tumbiim 'to swim, to bathe in the river' giiriim 'to be in front' ti)iim 'to run' tanderiim 'to go here and there' tamberiim 'to go here and there' tlatiim 'to dream' tsa ea am 'to climb' hhu>uum 'to confess' kwa>iim 'to refuse totally' yacaam 'to agree' wawiiti>iim 'to rule' muusariim 'to pound' tseecariim 'to be in search of' adbabaw 'to have the habit of telling' qaseeseem 'to be laughing' gacacaw 'to watch for some time' qawaqaaw 'to keep silent for some time' sol>omaamiit 'idem, for one body part after the other' aleem 'to be less' · duuxuum ''to marry' aleeleem 'to get becoming 'less' duux<ux>uum marry' ｾｨｯｲｴ＠ of, to be 'to start to The verb with the reduplication can acquire a specialised meaning, for example, aw 'to go' leehh 'to carry' loqoos 'to beat' hhe>ees 'to finish' taahh 'to hit once' tlakweemiis 'to do badly' from muusa 'pestle' from tseeca 'outside' Some verbs with the durative suffix have an unpredictable, specialised meaning. goo> 'to carve' guus 'to chase' goo>iim 'to write' gusiim 'to have giarrhoea' tsaaq 'to taste' tsaqaam 'to leak' 4.3.5. Reduplication for habitual For many verbs there are two different forms with reduplication. a>aw 'to fight' leeleehh 'to search' loloqoos 'to point with finger' hhehhe>ees 'to decorate' tataahh 'to carry off' tlatlakweemiis 'to submit, be polite' Some verbs contain reduplication in their base form. tutuuw 'to clear a new field' mamaac 'to be weak, to deceive' matataac 'to make a loose knot' tsutsuu' 'to smell ｢ｾ､ｬｹＧ＠ The reduplication can take different forms. The initial, the medial, or the final root consonant can be reduplicated. For monosyllabic verbs, the entire root can be redubetween the reduplicated and the original consonant. In plicated. A vowel is ｩｮｳｾｲｴ･､＠ 183 182 most cases this vowel is a. This epenthetic a assimilates to the nearest root the intermediate consonant is velar, pharyngeal, or glottal and if the '""''"' -. . "'V"''"-' For some verbs the vowel is ii. The reduplication involves a root consonant· form contains a frozen suffix or prefix, this affix is separated from the root ' reduplication. Rounded consonants are reduplicated entirely. Reduplication of the root-initial consonant. BASE tumbiim 'to splash in water' cakuut 'to jump' coos 'to excrete' hhe>ees 'to finish' loqoos 'to beat' goow 'to flee' caay 'to eat' leehh 'to carry' paahl 'to push aside, pass' REDUPLICATED tatumbiim cacakuut eo coos hhehhe>ees loloqoos gogoow caacaay leeleehh papaahl Reduplication of root-medial consonant: qwalaac 'to be happy' malaahh 'to loosen (of a cough) qwalalaac malalaahh Root-final consonant: Verbs with the inchoative suffix -aw or -uw and verbs with ｾ＠ frozen durative suffix reduplicate the final root consonant. The reduplicated verb also covers the durati aspect. There is no (other) durative form for these verbs. uraw 'to become big' boocaw 'to become black' tsa>uw 'to become cool' tsa<aam 'to climb' aleem 'to be less' qaseem 'to laugh' ya<aam 'to agree' laqaam 'to show' pungahhamuut 'to be mad' uraaraw boocaacaw tsa'aa'uw tsa<a<aam aleeleem qaseeseem yacaa<aam laqaqaam pungahhamumuu t Reduplication of the verb root: Some. verbs, mostly monosyllabic verbs, reduplicate the complete verb root. kuumiit 'to continue' huw 'to bring' hhaam 'to chase far away' hhaaw 'to waste time' 'kumkumiit huwahuw hhaamahhaam hhaawhhawaw Intermediate vowel is ii: A number of verbs with a frozen durative suffix -iim take the vowel ii between the reduplicated and the root-final consonant. goo>iim 'to write' fiiriim 'to ask' kuumiit 'to continue' awiim 'to make a blockade' geetiim 'to stand in the way' ti>iim 'to run' tlatiim 'to dream' sayiim 'to let sb. take over a task, ask permission for sb.' goo>ii>iim fiiriiriim kuumiimiit awiiwiim geetiitiim ti>i>iim tlatiitiim saayiiyiim Reduplication applies to the root, not to the stem. If a base form contains a frozen derivational suffix, this is skipped over; see for example fiiriim 'to ask', reduplicated form: fiir-iir-iim. The first element in compound verbs (see 4.4.) also is neglected. ilawaats 'to answer' intsaahh 'to get used to, to learn' ilawawaats intsatsaahh 4.3.6. Reduplication with long aa Reduplication with a long vowel aa is used fqr verbs ending in aw, and for verbs with a frozen durative suffix or with a frozen middle voice suffix. These groups _ of verbs have in common that they have no durative derivation in -m and that they have another reduplicated verb form. Verbs ending in aw have a reduplicated form with an epenthetic (short) vowel a, and verbs with a frozen durative suffix have a reduplicated form with a vowel ii. For a number of verbs the reduplication with long aa is the only ｾ･､ｵｰｬｩ｣｡ｴ＠ verb form. For the latter group of verbs the meaning of the reduplication with long aa is the same as the meaning of reduplicated verb forms in general, thus habitual, frequentative, iterative, pluractional. If two reduplicated verb forms exist, the one with a long aa expresses duration or extension in time, i.e. 'always'. Compare the following pairs of sentences. an-a-ga goo'<ii'>iim l.SG-S.l/2-PERF write<HAB>:l.SG 'I used to write now and then.' an-a-ga goo'<aa'>iim l.SG-S.l/2-PERF write<HAB2>:l.SG 'I wrote for a long time.' an-a-na iiw<iiw>iit bara kur-ku cisa year-Ml:CON yesterday l.SG-S.l/2-PAST sit<HAB>:l.SG in:CON ofsi-r-o office-F-BACK 'Last year I used to sit in the office.' 185 184 kur-ku cisa an-a-na iiw<aaw>iit bara year-Ml:CON yesterday l.SG-S.l/2-PAST sit<HAB2>:l.SG in:CO ofsi loo'a-r yaariit office hour:CON-F many 'Last year I used to sit in the office for many hours.' Imboru ka-kaw a S.l/2 Mbulu HAB-go:l.SG 'I usually go to Mbulu.' umu kur-k-o ala tluwo ayto>o every:CON year-Ml-BACK after:CON rain:BACK maize S.3 ur-aar-eer big- HAB2- INCHOA:3.SG .F 'Every year after the rains the maize grows.' Other verbs that have a reduplication with a long aa besides one with a short a dadaw mamaw 'hlahlaw babaw a'aw gacacaw kakah kakaw xwayluluw daadaw maamaw hlaahlaw baabaw aa'aw ga'aacaw kaakah kaakaw xwaylaaluw A few other verbs have two derived reduplicated forms of which one involves a long pungahhamuut mad' luuc 'to hide' hhaam 'to expel' 'to be pungahhamumuut pungahhamaamuut lucucuum hhaamahhaam luucaaciim hhamaahhaam Other verbs with a frozen durative or a frozen middle voice suffix that have a red cation with a long aa besides one with ii are: iwiit 'to sit' kuumiit 'to continue goo>iim 'to write' fiiriim 'to ask' awiim 'to make a blockade' iwiwiit kuumiimiit goo>ii>iim fiiriiriim awiiwiim geetiitiim geetaatiim ti>i>iim tlatiitiim gusisiim ta>aa>iim tlataatiim gusaasiim cohlihliim sayiyiim cohlahliim sayaayiim verbs with a frozen durative or middle voice suffix that have only a reduplicated form with a long aa are: Imboru kaa-kaw a S.l/2 Mbulu HAB2-go:l.SG 'I always go to Mbulu.' deer 'to be in a place' maw 'to leave' hlaw 'to get' haw 'to tell' a>aw 'to fight' ga'aw 'look at' kah 'to say' kaw 'to go' xwayluw 'to have a child' geetiim 'to stand in the way ' ti>iim 'to run' tlatiim 'to dream' guusiim 'to have diarrhoea' coohliim 'to insult' sayiim 'to ask permission for sb.' iwaawiit kuumaamiit goo>aa>iim fiiraariim awaawiim niciim 'to dance' soopiim 'to limp, to hop' tumbiim 'to splash in water' taambeeriim 'to wander' doogiim 'to add more' huuriim 'to cook' baaliim 'to win' hamtliim 'to bathe' mu usariim 'to pound' tsee'ariim 'tq be in search of' nicaaciim soopaapiim tumbaabiim doogiit 'to be increasing sth.' baaliit 'to be able to win' doogaagiit taambeeraariim doogaagiim huuraariim baalaaliim hamtlatliim mu usaaraariim tseecaraariim baalaaliit 4.3.7. The durative infix <ar> Some verbs have an infix <ar> for habitual and durative aspect. The middle voice suffix -t and the durative suffix -m cannot combine with the durative infix <ar>. The form with the infix, daraac 'to roast', has developed a specialised meaning. The verb daraax 'to tremble' probably contains the infix, although it cannot be traced to a form without <ar>. dah 'to enter' hardah 'to arrive' adah 'to tread upon' daahh 'to come from' daa' 'to burn' darah hardarah adrah darahh daraa c 'to roast' daraax 'to tremble' 'to arrive' and adah 'to tread upon' are compound verbs based on The verbs ｨ｡ｾ､＠ the verb root dah 'to enter'. In fact there are only four roots that use this infix <ar>: dah 'to enter', daa' 'to burn', daahh 'to come from, to throw down', and daraax 'to tremble'. All four verb roots have an initial d. Word-initial d 's can be reflexes of an 187 186 ｨｩｳｴｾｲ｣｡ｬ＠ initial r. If these roots had an initial r at an earlier stage, this would the m:fix <ar> as a reduplication of the initial consonant. * rah -+ dah 'to enter' * ra-rah -+ darah 'to enter habitually' Further evidence for a historical rule r > d word-initially comes from the Alagwa and Iraqw corresponding words: Alagwa ra'am 'sing' raqatimo 'frost' rog-im 'increase' Iraqw da>am 'sing' daqtamo 'frost' doog 'increase' Such a sound chamge r > d word-initially would also explain the absence of word · r 's in Iraqw. However, another possibility is a sound change d > r intervocalically. * da-dah -+ darah 'to enter habitually' ur 'big' boo' 'black' hhoo' 'nice' uraw 'to grow' boo'aw 'to become black' hhoo>aw 'to become nice' tseew 'close' cawaak 'white' alhoor 'clear' tleer 'long' saaw 'far' gawid 'difficult' niina 'small' ilakahaar 'ambitious' tseewuw 'to become close' cawaakuw 'to become white' alhooruw 'to become clear' tleeruw 'to become long' saawuw 'to grow far' gawduw 'to become difficult' niinawuw 'to become small' ilakaharuw 'to become ambitious' geetlakuw 'to become invisible' hhoohho>uw 'to become beautiful' iloo>uw 'to become heavy' geehhoo>uw 'to become visible' tsa'UW 'to become cool' qoqmaruw 'to become short' geetlaakw 'invisible' hhohhoo> 'beautiful' iloo' 'heavy' geehhoo' 'visible' tsa' 'cool' ququmar 'short' In some instances this suffix is also used to derive verbs from a noun. Additional ･ｶｩ､ｾｮ｣＠ ｦｯｾ＠ the direction d > r is the lenition rule (20) in 2.5.4., and second person smgular m r for verbs in conjugation class II from a presumably second person marker *-d. Moreover, Alagwa has an initial din the corresponding 'to burn', dac, besides other corresponding words with initial d 's in both ｈＭＧｾｆＮｌｬ｡］Ｌ［ｯｺ＾Ｂ＠ Alagwa dac 'burn' deelo 'day' duux 'take out' Iraqw daac 'burn' deelo 'day' duux 'take out, marry' Choosing the second option, the word-initial r - d correspondence remains to be plained in some other way. There are additional cases of a <ar> in:fix in words with an initial d such as d ｴｾ･＠ d.urative ｾｯｲｭ＠ of ､｡ｾｦ＠ 'to return from herding'. Compare ｡ｬｳｾ＠ duub 'to bo With 1ts durative form With reduplication durb-iib-iim. There is another, unrelated suffix -ar, for which see 5.1. 4.3.8. The inchoative suffix -uw The suffix -aw or -uw is used to derive verbs from adjectives giving them the ｈｾｊｵＮ Ｑ Ｌ Ｑ＠ 'to become', entry into a state, inchoative. Most adjectives take -uw some take The adjedive It h as .. niina . 'small' is the only adjective that ends in a ｶｾｷ･ｬＮ＠ a llomorp h nunaw 1f followed by the inchoative suffix -uw or the factitive suffix -e resulting in niinawuw and niinawees respectivily; see 4.3.9. The plural form of is also irregular: niinakw; see 5.1. ｭ｡｣ｾ､ｵ＠ (m) 'certain fruit' xwayla (f) 'birth' ma'anduw 'to make lumps' xwayluw 'to give birth' The verb pungahhamuw 'to have a nightmare' is related to pungahhamuut 'to be delirious' which contains the verbalizer suffix uut, suggesting a non-verbal base for these two derived verbs. There are a number of verbs with a monosyllabic root that end in aw and have a second person singular form in eer, conjugation class II; see 4.2.2. haw 'to tell' adbaw 'to tell' hlaw 'to get' maw 'to leave' kaw 'to go' aw 'to go' geeqaw 'to break' warqaw 'to be changed' law 'to hit' tlaw 'to get up' There is no reason to suppose that these verbs contain the inchoative suffix, but in reduplication of the root final consonant the ending aw is skipped over. Moreover, these verbs have in common with inchoative verbs that the durative suffix is not possible and that the causative suffix is -ees, replacing aw. 189 188 tlaw 'get up' tl-aatl-aw 'get up habitually' tl-ees 'awaken' tlaw 'to get up' warqaw 'to be changed' hlaw 'to get' ur-aw 'to grow' ur-aar-aw 'to be growing' ur-ees 'to enlarge' Similarly, the factitive -ees might be a fusion of the nominal suffix -ay and the causative suffix -s. 4.3.9. The factitive verbalizer -ees ur 'big' uray 'size' urees 'to enlarge' The factitive -ees, which contains the causative -s derives verbs from adjectives the meaning 'to confer the quality of the adjective'. ur 'big' booc 'black' hhoo) 'nice' tseew 'close' cawaak 'white' alhoor 'clear' tleer 'long' saaw 'far' gawid 'difficult' niina 'small' ilakahaar 'ambitious' geetlaakw 'invisible' hhohoo) 'beautiful' iloo) 'heavy' 'visible' · ｾｧ･ｨｯＩ＠ tsa> 'cool' ququmar 'short' wahl 'without' tlees 'to waken sb.' warqees 'to change' hleen1iis 'to be getting' urees 'to make big' boocees 'to blacken' hhoo>ees 'to make nice' tseewees 'to get nearer to' cawakees 'to whiten' alhoorees 'to clear' tleerees 'to enlarge' saawees 'to cause to be far' gawdees 'to make difficult' niinawees 'to make small' ilakaharees 'to make ambitious' geetlakwees 'to make invisible' hhoohoo>ees 'to make beautiful' iloo>ees 'to make heavry' geehhoo)ees 'to make visible' tsa>ees 'to cool' qoqmarees 'to shorten' wahlees 'to remove' Other verbs in -ees are not derived from adjectives but from nouns or interjections. axunay (m) 'warmth' laway 'hello' xirif (m) 'praise' axwanees 'to heat sth.' lawe>ees 'to greet' xeerfees 'to praise sb.' qoon (inj) 'all right' but also: qoom (v) 'to be all right' qoomees 'to put right' In connection with the recognition of -ee as being a separate morpheme from -s, I should add that there are two verbs ending in -ee-n1: aleem 'to be less' and qaseem 'to laugh'. The final m is separated in reduplication as if it were the durative suffix: aleeleem, qaseeseem. 4.3.10. The factitive verbalizer suffix -uus The verbalizer suffix -uus is also used to derive verbs from nouns. It is not a causative but a verbalizer because the derived verb need not have the causative meaning and can be intransitive. gadyeet (f) 'work' gadyuus 'to work' ilatleeri (f) 'greed' ilatleeruus 'to have a greedy nature' qeeruus 'to think deeply about sth.'·" kakanuus 'to weed' cayu us 'to blossom' qeeru (m) 'intelligence' kakani (f) 'weeding' cayo (f) 'flowers' or cayiis One verb has the suffix in its underived form, namely malguus 'to treat unjustly'. The verbalizer suffix -uus is also used with Swahili verbal loans. Sw.: kuanza 'to begin' Sw.: kupasi 'to pass' Sw.: kusoma 'to read, study' Agentive nouns contain the suffix -uus, for example: fiis 'to steal' Further, the transitive verb gunqarees 'to forget sth.' is related to the ｭｴＮｲ｡ｮｳｬｖｉｾｊ＠ verb gunqaruut 'to forget' which contains another verbalizing suffix -uut. verbs haam 'to be warm, to harm' and haamaar 'to become ripe' have related in -ees: haamees 'to heat', different from haamiis 'to stir up fire, to do harm', hamarees 'to make ripe'. For the verbs hingees 'to take away', and axwees 'to there is no other word from which they can be derived. Verbs in aw have a causative in ees, which is an indication that their stem vowel ay or ee, e,xplaining their second person singular form in eer. caansuus 'to begin' paasuus 'to pass' soomuus 'to read' fiis-us-mo 'thief' fiis-us-o)o 'female thief' fiis-us-e 'thieves' The verbalizer suffix cannot be doubled. The agentive noun of soom-uus 'to read' is soon1-us-mo 'reader' and not soon1ususn1o. The verbalizer suffix -u us contains the causative -s. The vowel u reappears in other verbalizer suffixes, such as the inchoative suffix -uw and the verbalizer -uut ; see 4.3.11. '' 191 190 4.3.11. The verbalizer suffix -uut The verbalizer suffix -uut containing the middle voice suffix -t derives a middle verb from a noun. xure (f) 'doubt' xuruut 'to be in doubt' muuna (m) 'heart' xirif (m) 'praise' munuut 'to be in a bad mood' xerfu ut 'to be honoured' al u ( n) 'reverse, behind' aluut 'to be last' Some verbs contain the suffix -uut although they are derived from verbs, not nouns. For deer 'be present', it is questionable whether it is a verb or a noun; 4.2.5. The verb naa'aruut 'to be bare' (said of soil) may be derived from the naa'ari 'damp soil'. For some verbs, the suffix -uut is preceded by the adjectival s -ar; see 5.1. deer 'present' hoot 'to be overdue' (of pregnancy) kwaahh 'to throw' naa c 'to be wet' and naa cari (f1) · 'damp soil' tleehh 'to do' hheetiim 'to ､･ｳｴｲｾｹＧ＠ tambeeriim 'to wander' deeruut 'to come into being' hootuut 'to be in overdue pregnancy' kwahhuut 'to forge' naacaaruut 'to be bare (of soil)' tleehharuut 'to happen, to come about' hheetruut Ｇｴｾ＠ be ､･ｳｴｲｯｹｾ＠ tamberuut 'to be in a wandering state' ' Some verbs end in the suffix -uut, where there is no form without the suffix. iihlakuut 'to be taking out' <akuut 'to jump' The suffix -uut should not be confused with verb forms with an assimilated "'"'''"'......'LJ.'"''"""u vowel uu followed by the middle voice suffix -t. tuuc 'to uproot' tucuut 'to pull oneself out' 4.3.12. Combinations of derivations and the relation between the different progressi derivations In 4.3.1.(37) I have given the formula for the order of the derivational suffixes. I will discuss the possible combinations of the morphemes. In addition to a causati suffix, verbs can have a durative, middle yoice, or habitual derivation. tiiq 'to be ill', tiqiis 'to make ill', tiqmiis 'to make constantly ill, a habit makes ill' kiic 'to return', kiciis 'to return sth.', ki<imiis 'to be returning sth.' hunguuc 'to recover' hungu'uus 'to rest, to heal' hungu'uum 'to be recovering' hungu'umiis 'to be healing' quu' 'to smoke (intr.)', qu'uus 'to make smoke' ququ>umiis 'to make smoke every time' Ioh 'to move', lohiis 'to carry sth. ', lohiitiis 'to transfer' bayni (f) 'ostracism', bayniis 'to ban', baynitiis 'to be banned' doohl 'to cultivate', doohlitiis 'to teach to cultivate' hi>iit 'to take a step', hi>itiis 'to help to walk', hi>imiit 'to go for a walk', hi>iitimiis 'to go on walking, to hawk goods' The middle voice suffix -t and the durative suffix -m cannot cooccur in one verb stem unless the middle voice suffix -t is part of the base; see 4.3.1. One exception is diyaa' 'to spread', diya'aat, diya'amiit. The infix <ar> does not combine with a durative suffix -m nor with the middle voice suffix -t. A reduplication of the infix is possible with a habitual meaning. Verbs with a durative infix <ar> and a reduplication of this infix are: dah 'to enter' daahh 'to come from' adah 'to tread upon' daam 'to wait' darah darahh adrah damaraam dararah dararahh adrarah damraraam Verbs with an inchoative suffix -aw or -uw do not have a durative nor a middle voice derivation. These verbs can take two derivations involving reduplication, one with an epenthetic (short) a and one with a long aa; see 4.3.6. The same derivation cannot occur twice in one verb stem, except for reduplication and durative -m. A number of verbs have a single and a double reduplicated form, namely those which have a frozen durative suffix m. A number of other verbs with a frozen durative suffix have two derived forms involving reduplication; one with the vowel ii and the other with the vowel aa; see 4.3.6. Verbs with a frozen durative suffix that have a single and a double reduplicated form are: ya'aam 'to agree' tsacaam 'to climb' laqaam 'to show' tsaqaam 'to leak' yacacaam tsacacaam laqaqaam tsaqaqaam yacacacaam tsacaacaa<aam laqaqaaqaam tsaqaqaaqaam The durative suffix m also seems to occur twice in some verbs. I interpret the second m not as a durative suffix but as an instance of reduplication although the regular order is reduplication first. My reason for doing so is that these verbs lack another reduplicated form and the form with the reduplicated durative has a habitual or iterative meaning. Reduplication of the durative also involves a long aa. The verbs in question have a causative or a middle voice suffix in their base form. Verbs with a reduplication of the durative suffix involving a long aa are: 193 192 axaas 'to listen' feehhiis 'to tear' boo<ees 'to make black, to consider' <arees 'to make less' nor>oot 'to get a piece of skin grazed off' hlur'uut 'to be damaged' deeruut 'to come into being' xerfuut 'to be in honour of' hootuut 'to be overdue (of pregnancy)' xuruut 'to be in doubt' munuut 'to be in a bad temper' tsal>aat 'to sink' qumburuu<uut 'to dive' ta>andeeruut 'to have gone to sleep' (of body part) axmiis feehhamiis boo<eemiis axmaamiis feehhamaamiis boo<eemaamiis <areemiis nor>omiit 'areemaamiis nor>omaamiit hlur>umiit deeruumiit hl urur'u umaamiit deeru umaamiit xerfuumiit hootuumiit xerfu umaamiit hootuumaamiit xurumiit munuumiit xurumaamiit munuumaamiit in meaning to the progressive derivations because it expresses entry into a state. fhe progressive verbal derivations have one of the progressive aspects as their core rneaning and can have the meaning of any of the other progressive aspects depending which other progressive derivations with the same verb root are possible. 011 The durative derivation and the middle voice derivation have all the progressive meanings if there are no reduplicated forms of the same verb root possible. One of the possible reasons for the non-existence of a reduplicated form is that the base form already contains a reduplication. axaas 'to listen' cakuut 'to jump' siiq 'to cut' sasaahh 'to whisper' tsal>amiit qumburu cu umiit ta>andeeruumiit tsal'amaamiit qumburuu<uumaamiit ｴ｡＾ｮ､･ｲｵｭ［ｊｩＮＬｾ＠ There are· a few verbs with the double durative suffix that lack the simple ､ｭｲ｡ｴｩｶ･ｾ［ｬ＠ verb form. · lakiit 'to wait' gadyuus 'to work' xerfees 'to praise sb.' amohhe>ees 'to put m good order' alee<iis 'to help' <aymiis 'to feed' hlakaat 'to hunt' lakiit 'to wait' kwahhuut 'to form by beating' qunqulu>uut 'to be like a spiral' lakmaamiit gadyuumaamiis xerfeemaamees amohhe>eemamiis alee<iimamiis <aymamiis hlakamamiit lakmamiit kwahhuumaamiit qunqul u 'U umaamiit There is one exceptional verb with a double durative and a triple durative for the bas.e ｦｾｲｭ＠ does not ＿ｮｴｾｩ＠ any derivational suffix, tsaaq 'to taste', tsaqmiim be tastmg , tsaqmaamnm to be usually tasting'. ｾｰ｡ｲｴＮ＠ from ｴｾ･＠ causative derivation, all the verbal derivations have progressive m their meanmg. Progressive meaning includes durative, habitual iterative stat The middle voice suffix has a stative component. The inchoative ､ｾｲｩｶ｡ｴｯｮ＠ ｩｾ＠ rela leeleehh 'to search' axmiis 'to be listening, to listen periodically' cakmiit 'to be jumping, to jump every now and then' siqiit 'to be cutting, to cut habitually' sasaahhaam 'to be whispering, to whisper now and then' leeleehhiit 'to be searching, to search habitually' With stative verbs, duration need not be expressed and the durative suffix has other meanings, either habitual, as in aluut 'to be last' guu> 'to sleep' aluumiit-'t'o be usually last' gu 'U urn 'to be usually .asleep (at a certain moment)' or inchoative meaning. The verb hlur>uut 'to be damaged' has a durative form hlur'umiit 'to become damaged'. With some stative verbs, however, no durative -m can be added, e.g. iwiit 'to sit'. Other examples of inchoative meaning of -m are: hlaqaat 'be tired' pa<aat 'to be split' ku>uut 'to be spilt' hlaqamiit 'to become tired' pa<amiit 'to be splitting' ku >umiit 'to be in the process of spilling now' The reduplication can have durative meaning for those verbs that lack a durative derivation, i.e. verbs with a frozen durative or middle voice suffix, such as iwiit 'to sit' and verbs ending in aw, such as qaw 'to graze'. saree<a i-wa bara buffalo 8.3-BACK in:CON duqa i di-da-wa duqa S.3 place-DEM4-ABL 'While the buffalo is grazing in xats-ta-wa qa-qeer, gees6 valley-Fl-ABL HAB-graze:3.SG.F gees6 iw<iiw>iit. sit<HAB>:3.SG.M:PRES the valley, Geso Duqa is staying there.' Besides a durative and a habitual derivation, a combination of a habitual and a durative derivation is possible. If all three exist, the combination of habitual and durative has 195 194 (39) specific iterative meaning. BASE caay 'to eat' yaaw 'to protect with a fence' axaas 'to listen' aw 'to go' goo>iim 'to write' ya'aam 'to agree' niciim 'to dance' lakiit 'to wait' an-a 'aay-iim l.SG-S.l/2 eat-DUR:l.SG 'I am eating.' an-a caa-'aay l.SG-S.l/2 HAB-eat:l.SG 'I usually eat.' an-a caa-'ay-fim l.SG-S.l/2 HAB-eat-DUR:l.SG 'I eat now and then.' The verb hlur>uut 'to be damaged' has a reduplicated form hlurur>uut ｾＭｵＮｬＨﾷ＠ be totally damaged'. The durative form hlur>umiit is used for 'to become ........... ｵＮＬ Ｑ ＺＮｾ＠ The reduplicated durative form involving long aa, hlurur>uumaamiit, is used for be always completely damaged' daa>aw-ta balang-qa> i hlur<ur>-uum-aam>it brand-Fl:CON corn-DEM3 S.3 be:damaged<HAB-DUR-HAB2>:3.SG 'That brand of crops is always completely damaged.' However, the combination of reduplication and durative, in any order, is more co for those verb roots that lack a simple reduplicated form. In verbs for which red cation requires a durative suffix, the order is often durative-reduplication but there at least three of these verbs for which the order is reduplication-durative. yaaw 'to protect with fence' tutuuw 'to open a new field' saap 'to move on' yawiim or yaabiim tutuwiim yawaawihn yaabaabiim tutuuwaawiim sarpaapiim The following table summarizes the various possibilities of progressive derivations a given verb stem. For each possibility a representative verb stem is given. For sake of completeness, the actual forms are also given in table (39). (38) Examples of combinations of progressive derivations Possible combinations of progressive derivations DUR RDP RDP+DUR caay 'to eat' DUR RDP+DUR yaaw 'to protect with a fence' DUR DUR+RDPaa axaas 'to listen' RDP RDPaa aw 'to go', goo>iim 'to write' RDP RDP+RDP yacaam 'to agree' RDPaa niciim 'to dance' DUR+RDPaa lakiit 'to wait' DUR cayiim yawum axmus RDP ea ea ay a'aw goo>ii>iim yacacaam RDPaa cacaayiim yawaawiim axmaamiis aa>aw goo'aa>iim yacacacaam ni'aaciim lakmaamiit Since what I call the durative derivation may have habitual meaning and what I call the habitual derivation may have durative meaning, the terminology needs justification. I have named the suffix -m durative because the suffix -m is in many cases the first and only, and thus the more general progressive derivational suffix. Durative is in fact the core meaning of progressive aspect. My second reason for doing so is that the derivation with -m has duration as its specific meaning if there is an alternative form with habitual meaning. For the same reasons, I call the infix <ar> durative. I call the reduplication habitual because its meaning is habitual if it is the second progressive derivation. It can have a general progressive meaning, only if the durative derivation does not exist for that particular verb. 4.4. Compound verbs Compound verbs are verbs consisting of two roots forming a single word. The combination of two roots is a fixed one and the compound verb has a ·new meaning. The first element of the compound verb can be a verbal adverb, a case clitic, or a noun. The second element of the compound verb is a verb; the resulting compound is a verb. Compound verbs arise from constructions in which the first part of the compound immediately precedes the verb. doohlaan aten a al l.PL S.l/2 together cultivate-l.PL 'We cultivate together.' ti>ita-r-i aayi nee baaba ngi-n story-F-DEMl mother and father 0.3:HIT:O.F-EXPEC alkiic<aa'>iit-iya> narrate<HAB:PAST>-3.PL 'This story, mother and father used to recount it to us.' gidaba-r ku-sa yahas reason:CON-F DEP.S.l/2:0.M-REAS ask:2.SG 'Why did you ask him?' mu-k-da-da ta sawawiti>in people-Ml-DEM4-DEM4:CON IMPS govern:3.SG.M 'The people that govern.' 197 196 no verb qaad. an-a ahla hamiis stir:up l.SG-S.1 /2 fire 'I stir up the fire.' adverb hara has the meaning of 'up to, together, same time, almost' (comparison of two places, of closeness or approaching from two points, or of time). Chalinze nee Daresalaam ki hara saaw-en Chalinze and Dar-es-Salaam 0.3:IMPS:O.N apart far-N 'Chalinze and Dar-es-Salaam are far apart.' at-a-ga dabe>oh-aan l.PL-S.1/2-PERF join:hands-LPL 'We cooperated.' The construction which is the model for Noun- Verb compounds is a special cons in which the noun cannot be modified, does not have construct case, has to be referential, and where no other element can intervene between the noun and the see 7.3.4. Some of the first elements occur in several compounds. They are not productive certainly not prefixes, but the first element that occurs in several compounds has or less the same meaning. Some of the first elements are reduced in form. origin is not always obvious. The second part, the verb, does not always exist as independent verb. 4.4.1. The Adverb-Verb compounds Two adverbs regularly occur in a compound with a verb, al and hara. meaning 'together', can operate as an independent verbal adverb. aten a-ga al lmboru kaw-aan (al l.PL S.l/2-PERF together Mbulu:CON go-LPL RES PRO '.We went to Mbulu together.' aten a al geehardah-aan di-r-da>-ee l.PL S.l/2 together before:arrive-l.PL place-F-DEM4-BACK 'We will be near that point together.' In compounds al attributes the meaning of togetherness, of doing again, or of pleteness. · caac 'to cry' axwees 'to talk' daakw 'to sharpen' gaas 'to kill' hhe>ees 'to finish' kii c 'to return' qoom 'to be all right' qwaar 'to be lost' alcaaciim 'to pay tribute, express sorrow' al>axwees 'to plan' aldaakw 'to rethink' algaas 'to return cattle to the group' alhhe>ees 'to complete fully' alkiic 'to repeat, go against sb. m secret' alkiiciit 'to narrate' alqoom 'to be equal in comparison' alqwaarees 'to set (of sun)' The compound alqaad 'to give last instructions' contains the adverb al, but there hara caylin ta IMPS same:time sing:3.SG.M 'They sing at the same time.' gadyeet aa fak hara work S.3:PERF finish:3.SG.F almost 'The work is nearly finished.' ale RESPRO hara tseeg ti fu>una doo same:time close:3.SG.M IMPS:O.l.SG meat:CON house:CON 'I am shut in in the house together with the meaL' an-a-ga hara l.SG-S.l/2-PERF almost 'I am almost tired.' hlaqaat tired In the compounds, hara has a wide range of meanings: it can add· the meanings 'close to', Ｇｭ･ｾｩｮｧＬ＠ and 'by chance'. It can also intensify the'meaning of the verb. In some cases hara makes the compound transitive. suruuk 'to move a little' nakaac 'to get close' ti>iit 'to go out' tsooc 'to squeeze' xuu' 'to know' kiic 'to return' tlintii> 'to lean on sth.' faar 'to count' waac 'to vomit' waraahh 'to pass (intr.) gaas 'to kill' gwaa> 'to die' flits 'to sweep' tlaw 'to get up' harasuru uk 'to get closer' haranakaac 'to get close to sth.' harati>iit 'to meet by chance' haratsooc 'to squeeze (for little things)' haraxuu' 'to be confident' harakiic 'to come back and stay' haratlintii> 'to depend on sb.' harafaar 'to add to the number (tr. ), to check family relations before marriage' harawaac 'to flood' harawaraah 'to overtake intentionally (tr.)' haragaas 'to mix (tr.)' haragwaa> 'to join (intr)' harafiits 'to gather' haratlaw 'to go to sb. for a fight' 199 198 kuray (m) 'hawk' harawaatliim 'to get to live sb. 's residence' harakees 'to quicken sth.' waatl 'to go home' kaw 'to go' There are a small number of compound verbs with the element hara for which is no verb form without it. harahheef 'to expect' 4.4.2. The Case clitic- Verb compounds The case clitic sa adds the meaning of 'direction towards a person'. The elemen should not be confused with the adverb sa, short form of sangw 'now'. kwahleemuut 'to hold a meeting' dakuus 'to make a mistake' axwees 'to talk' kiic 'to return' wawiiti>iim 'to rule' maw 'to leave'· The compound verbs with har are: neet 'to play' hhe'ees 'to finish' hlaqaat 'to be tired' qaytsiit 'to investigate' oh 'to seize, grasp' For all the four case clitics, reason sa, instrumental ar, directive i and ablative there are equivalent elements in the compound verbs. The semantic relation is speculative. sakwahleemuut 'to accuse' sadakuus 'to make a mistake against sb.' sa>axwees 'speak as a go-between, marriage' sakii< 'to come to do harm to sb.' sawawiiti >iim 'to rule people' samamaw 'to stop using for sb.'s benefit' The element har- occurs in a small number of compound verbs. It is different hara because some verbs have both forms with a difference in meaning, for ex harhlaqaat 'to fail' versus hara hlaqaat 'almost tired'. The fact that har can with the instrumental case clitic in the following sentence suggests that the two related and have a common origin. dah 'to enter' meetiim 'to avoid' xahl (ideo.) 'quiet' hhaaf 'to spread (of a mat)' P,heek 'to go to fetch water' , gahhaat 'to rebuke' But in other contexts a more locative meaning, similar to hara is linked to har, example when it is used with diima 'where' as a complement. Chalinze nee Daresalaam a har Chalinze and Dar-es-Salaam COP where 'Where are Chalinze and Dar-es-Salaam in relation to each other?' har also occurs in compound nouns for certain bird names. konki (f) 'chicken' harkonki 'owl' har>oh 'to arbitrate, to stop a fight' hardah 'to arrive' harmeetiim 'to leave things, to neglect' iixaahl 'to clear the throat' iihhaaf 'to lay the layers of a mat' iihh.eek 'to scoop up water' iigahhaat 'to rebuke sb.' · aw 'to go' guu> 'to sleep' hlaw 'to get' kiic 'to return' tla>aas 'to let sth. open to harm' ii>aw 'to grow' iigu'uus 'to make known, to call' inhlaw or iihlaw 'to remember' inkiic 'to repeat' intlaa' 'to set out to dry' kuc 'to make tight' haar 'to proceed' inkuuc 'to make really tight' eehaar 'to follow' iihlaakw 'to take out' insareehh 'to be in doubt' intsaa' 'to pick like ama>intsaa>i 'millipede' ｨｍｮ･ｾ＠ COND-IMPS:O.l.SG-PERF play:with:3.SG.M:PAST 'If somebody played with me, ... ' harneet 'to play with sb.' harhhe>ees 'to be fed up now and then' harhlaqaat 'to fail' harqaytsiit 'to cast an mqmsitive eye on sth.' The element ii or in is used in a few verbs only. The meaning and origin are unclear. I tentatively coorrelate it with the directive case marker i. There is variation between in- and ii- for some speakers. Therefore the two are grouped under one. bir-ti-r neet COND-IMPS:0.1.SG-INSTR play:3.SG.M:PAST ｢ｾ｡＠ harkuray 'hammerheaded stork' The element waa whose origin is possibly gawa 'top' adds a directional meaning. In locative constructions i't is sometimes reduced to gwa; see 3.4.4. It is also related to the ablative case ｭ｡ｲｫｾ＠ wa. The ablative case clitic has to cliticise to the verb because it cannot combine with the verb 'to be' where it would be confused with the background · aspect marker -wa. wacakuut tlooma a an l.SG S.1/2 mountain jump:across 'I jump across the mountain.' 201 200 The element waa in verb compounds is parallel to the ablative case suffix -wa following two equivalents. The reason sense with the ablative suffix is not un see 3.4.5.2. b<a>r COND<S.l/2> caa-'aam-iin HAB-cry-DUR:2.SG aning wa l.SG ABL ale RESPRO 'If you cry because of me, ... ' aning l.SG h<i>r-sa wa-'aa-caam-iin COND<O.l.SG>-REAS cry:about-DUR:2.SG 'If you cry because of me, ... ' tlaw 'to get up, leave' tlees 'to lift' ciis 'to help' hleec 'to cross water' tlakweemiis 'to do badly' oh 'to seize' waatlaw 'to come up' waatlees 'to lift up, to open' waaciis 'to help a cow give birth' waahleec 'to revive' watlakweemiis 'to bring surprise' wayoh or hayoh 'to appropriate, to take away by force' waaqaa' 'to disapprove' wa>alah 'to exchange' 4.4.3. The Noun- Verb compounds Frequent first nouns in noun-verb compounds are body parts, and general nouns. There are also compound adjectives with the same nouns; see 5.1. sometimes reduced. gee- 'in front of' amoadalee- 'on behalf of' afilagursagaiia- from from from from from from from from from geera 'front' amo 'place' ado 'manner' ale resumptive pronoun ? afa 'mouth' ila 'eye' gura 'stomach' saga 'head' iia 'ear' The element gee- means 'in front of, before, pre- '. Its origin is geera 'front'. verbs there is still variation between gee- and geera-. haar 'to follow' kaw 'to go' hardah 'to arrive' geehaar or geerahaar 'to .be in front' geerakawiim 'to step in too quickly' geehardah 'to arrive before' buu' 'to pay' geebuu> 'to pay sb. before he asks for it' muruut 'to be shy' oh 'to take, grasp' maw 'to leave' geemuruut 'to be shy initially' gee>oh 'to support' geemaw 'to set free' element amo means 'place' as an independent noun. It is present in two verbs hhe>ees 'to finish' hhu>uum 'to confess' amohhe>ees 'to put in good order' amohhu>uum 'to confess' The element ad is probably from ado (f) 'manner'. haw 'to tell' koom 'to possess' laaq 'to do' dah 'to enter' adbaw 'to inform sb.' adkoom 'to be untouched' adlaaq 'to make to be' adah 'to tread on sth.' The element alee has as its basic meaning 'on behalf of sb., for the benefit of sb.'. It may be related to the resumptive pronoun ale, although the resumptive pronoun cannot appear immediately before the verb. ciis 'to help' firiim 'to ask' aw 'to go into' hlaw 'to get' kuuf 'to fart' dirii> 'to be here' doog 'to increase, to meet' aleeciis 'to help sb.' aleefiriim 'to ask on behalf of sb.' alee>aw 'to come in defence of sb.' a>aw 'to fight' aleehlaw or ahlaw.'to be able' aleekuuf 'to make a structure to hold a pot' aleedirii> 'to be troublesome' aleedoog 'to mix' The element saga (ml) 'head' appears in a number of compound verbs. aw 'to go' giiw 'to be dark' saga>aw 'to come in front of sb. as an obstacle' sagagiiw 'to be stupid' The element ila (fl) 'eye' is part of a number of compounds, mostly with a positive meaning. oh 'to seize' iwaac 'to respect, avoid' hanmiis 'to give' ila>oh 'to welcome sb., to sing a refrain' ila>iwaac 'to respect sb.' goow 'to flee' hlaw 'to get' ilagoow 'to escape from sth., to deny, to dislike' ilahlawi (f) 'reward' ilahanmiis 'to translate' ilawaats 'to speak' The element af comes from afa (f) 'mouth'. It is used in a number of words. 203 202 qaas 'to put' fiits 'to sweep' quu' 'to produce smoke' afaqaas 'to join' afafiits 'to fill to the brim' afaquu> 'to use bad language' afleesii> 'to be different, wrong' af)uruutl 'to make a knot' The element gur originates from gura' (m) 'stomach'. The stomach is the of the body, which is evident in the compounds with gur. It can also be place indication for 'inside, underneath'. buu' 'to pay' tse'ees 'to cool sth.' caay 'to eat' duux 'to take out' qaw 'to leave' gurbuu' 'to remind, warn' gurtse>ees 'to comfort' gurcaay 'to find out sb. 's inner feelings' gurduux 'to take out from underneath' gurqaw 'to forgive' gurhhamuut 'to be in sorrow' gurkwacas 'to comfort sb.' Other noun-verb compounds are: With dabe 'hands': oh 'to seize' tlakweemiis 'to do badly' dabe>oh 'to shake hands, to cooperate' dabetlakweemiis 'to do sth. forbidden' With daanda 'back' muut 'hit' daandamuut 'to slap on the back' With hari, a word that only exists in compounds; see also 5.1. aw 'to go' buu> 'to harvest, be enough' tlees 'to raise' hari>aw 'to harm' haribuu> 'to transfer by magic' haritlees 'to winnow by wind' With lama 'lie' buu' 'to harvest, be enough' lamabu>uum 'to witness, to testify' sition of the attributive adjective is after the noun that it modifies, and the noun in ｾ･＠ construct ｣ｾｳ･［＠ see 3.4.4. ｉｾ＠ the ｡､ｪ･｣ｴｩｶｾ＠ is predicative, it i.s ｰｾ･｣､＠ by ｾｨ･＠ 'to be' with an Impersonal subject and an object pronoun ｡ｧｲｾ･ｭ＠ m ｧ･ｮ､ｾｲ＠ w1th In both constructions adjectives agree in gender and m number . w1 th the ｾ｀Ｎ＠ The gender agreement is purely tonal. Adjectives Ｎｭｯｾｩｦｹｮｧ＠ a. ｭｾｳ｣ｵｬ･＠ ｾｯｮＬ＠ (ml) have a high tone on the final syllable. AdJectives mod1fymg a femmme · a1so mar ked or f) or '(fl ), or a neuter (n) noun have a low final syllable. Gender 1s ( noun, d . h d' . . the linker that is suffixed to the modified noun, an , m t e pre 1cative cons t rue t'wn, lU object pronoun. Plural adjectives carry a plural suffix. niina garm6o boy:M:CON small:M 'a small boy' niina dasi-r girl:CON-F small:F 'a small girl' niina duunga nose:N:CON small:N 'a small nose' tluway ku hheer rain(m) 0.3:IMPS:O.M insufficient:M 'Rain is insufficient.' faca ka hheer food(£) 0.3:IMPS:O.F insufficient:F 'Food is insufficient.' ququmat nacii ki children(n) 0.3:IMPS:O.N short:PL:N 'The children are small.' hhayso ki ququmaar tail(n) 0.3:IMPS:O.N short:N 'The tail is short.' It is an interesting feature of Iraqw that (number) agreement on the adjective which is so close to the noun is semantic and that (gender) agreement on the verb which in general has a looser connection with the noun is strictly automatic, never semantic: aa'i tleer kuung u hlakaat-im-is-iya'. trip:CON long 2.SG.M O.M tired-DUR-CAUS-3:PL 'A long journey (n) makes you tired.' a'aa tlet kuung u hlakaat-im-is-iya'. journeys:CON long:PL 2.SG.M O.M tired-DUR-CAUS-3:PL 205 204 iation between -en and -iyen, for example muriyen or muuren 'mixed colours', var:yen or naa'en 'with fine black and red stripes', biifiyen or biifen 'spotted black naa'I . . ' white', peehhayen or peehhen 'flat', hhantsare'Iyen or hhantsare'en fine, Adjectives with a plural suffix -en include many colours of cattle. The vowel the suffix -en is shortened unless it is ee. . 18 'Long journeys (n) make you tired.' daaq6o ur-en giil-in boys:M:CON big-PL S.3 fight-DUR:3.SG.M 'Big boys are fighting.' Not: daaq6o ur-en gil-n-a' boys:M:CON big-PL S.3 fight-DUR:3-PL Participles in subject relative clauses behave like adjectives. There is no person on the verb. The verb is the bare stem with tonal agreement with the gender noun but high tone for neuter nouns and masculine nouns, and low tone for f Neuter nouns require the plural suffix -a' on the adjective. The predicative adj construction also has its verbal equivalent in impersonal sentences. The same£ the verb 'to be' are used. The main verb is the stem with tone indicating tense, gender. High tone for past tense, low tone for present. See 4.2.7. garm6o d6ohl dasir doohl boy:M:CON dig:M girl:CON-F dig:F 'the boy who digs; the girl who digs' nacaa doohl-a' children:N:CON dig-PL 'The children who are digging ... ' garmo ku ateet boy · 0.3:IMPS:O.M call:PRES 'The boy is being called.' dasi ka ateet girl 0.3:IMPS:O.F:PERF call:PAST 'The girl was called.' nacii ka ateet children 0.3:IMPS:O.N:PERF call:PAST 'The children were called.' The number agreement on the adjective is on a semantic basis. The same noun have a singular or a plural adjective with a difference in meaning. Compare: afe-r mar'i-wos ka ur-en. mouths:CON-F houses-3.SG.POSS 0.3:IMPS:O.F big-PL 'His doors are big.' afe-r mar'i-w6s ka ur. mouths:CON-F houses-3.SG.POSS 0.3:IMPS:O.F big Lit. 'His doors are many', i.e. 'He heads a lot of houses.' Plural suffixes on adjectives are -en, and -t or shortening of the final syllable. some adjectives, singular and plural forms are identicaL Some adjectives take plural suffix -iyen: qul- quliyen 'spotted with black and white'. For others, t catlaar 1 'atlaren daa'aat I daacaten ceetl 1 'eetlen gawid I gawden kaahaar I kaaharen qaantsar I qaantsaren saaw I sawen saxamar I saxamaren hlahla<aar I hlahla<aren tsee'aat I tsee<aten tseew I tseewen ur I uren alhor I alhoren 'aankwets 1 'aankwetsen wahar I waharen diitsaakw I diitsaakwen narakw .1 narkwen peehh I peehhen hhantsarere' I hhantsar'en hheer I hheeriyen Cattle colours: qany I qanyen sirara'aat I sirarcaten far a c I far' en biif I biifen or biifiyen qul I quliyen naa' I naa>en or naa'iyen muur I muuren or muuriyen hhins I hhinsen hhisihhins I hhisihhinsen xusub 1 xusben bahhay I bahhayen farakw I farakwen girif I girifen amatl I amatlen fat red fresh hard, difficult dry green far away healthy dirty, bad yellow near, close big, great clear naked healthy, fat without help or company poor, rare flat, even fine, thin insufficient white, black stripe on back red and black spots white stomach and black spots spotted black and white big white and black spots fine, black and red stripes mixed colours red with stripes red with stripes grey grey grey (of hyena) with horns pointing forwards with horns pointing backwards 207 206 _Reduplication of the adjective is used to intensify the adjective. The other plural suffix for adjectives is -t for adjectives that end in r, and shortening of the final syllable for those that end in a different consonant. The has the same morphophonological behaviour as the third person feminine · subject suffix -d in the verbal conjugation; see 4.2.3. tleer I tlet tleerantleer I tledadet ququmaar I ququmat hhoo' I hho> adhhoo' I adhho>, adhho>en hhohhoo' I hhohho' geehhoo' I geehho> iloo' boo' I ilo' I hoc 'awaak 1 'awak tlaakw I tlakw liitlaakw I liitlakw geetlaakw I geetlakw iraakw I irakw intlaaxw I intlaxw inhlaahh I inhlahh meehh I mehh long very long short, brief good, well, nice safe, easy, acceptable beautiful, good, holy clear, visible, open heavy black white bad, rotten, evil poor obscure, invisible narrow broad light, easy, quick spotted black and white Some adjectives have no distinct plural ,form. The adjectives aben 'new' and 'old' have the plural form with -en generalised to the singular and therefore they longer have a distinct plural form. The adjective diren 'big' is only used in plur The fact that yaariit 'many' has no plural form is conceivable. This word refers to total quantity, the collection, not to every single entity in it. A plural adjective would refer to every single entity. -I diren yaariit 'aben 1 'aben qaren I qaren tsutsuf I tsutsuf big, wide (only for plural) many new old, of former times cruel different hatla' 1 hatla' The adjective niina 'small, little, young' has an irregular plural form ninakw. a few adjectives end in kw. This is probably the relic of a former suffix. I irakw tlaakw I tlakw farakw I farakwen diitsaakw I diitsaakwen narakw I narkwen iraakw narrow bad, rotten, evil grey (of hyena) without help or company poor, rare tleer I tlet tleerantleer long very long good, well, nice hhoo' I hho> beautiful, good, holy hhohhoo' I hhohho' red with stripes hhins I hhinsen red with stripes hhisihhins I hhisihhinsen dirty, bad hlahla'aar I hlahla<aren short, brief ququmaar I ququmat In one word, the suffix -ar is used to derive an adjective from a verb: kah 'to be dry', kaahaar (adj) 'dry'. There are more adjectives that end in ar, which could be a relic of this suffix ar. qaantsar I tledadet I qaantsaren 'atlaar 1 'atlaren saxamar I saxamaren hlahlacaar I hlahla'aren wahar I waharen green fat healthy dirty, bad healthy, fat (of people) ququmaar I ququmat short, brief The suffix -ar also appears in a few verbs. Especially if the verb is derived from a different word class, or if it has a factitive suffix. _naa' 'to be wet' naa'ari (fl) 'damp naa'-aar-uut 'to be bare (of · soil' soil)' tleehh-ar-uut 'to come to aptleehh 'to do' pear, to happen' muus-ar-iim 'to pound' muusa 'pestle' tsee'-ar-iim 'to be in search of' tsee'a 'outside' haam-aar 'to become ripe' haam 'to be warm' ham-ar-ees 'to ripen' daam-aar-aam 'to wait usually' daam 'to wait' ii>ar 'to try' gunq-ar-ees 'to forget' (tr.) gunq-ar-uut 'to forget' (intr.) There are some compound adjectives of which the first part is a noun. The noun does not display the gender linker, nor the high tone of the construct case suffix. More or less the same set of nouns used in compound adjectives is used in compound verbs; see 4.4. In the following, I include verbs or nouns that are compounds containing an adjective as the second element. element: With ii>a (f) 'ear' as ｦｩｲｾｴ＠ tleer adj. 'long' ii>atleer 'widely ｾｮｯｷＧ＠ ii>aloo' adj. 'sincere, faithful' lo> adj. 'true' With ila (fl) 'eye' as first element: 209 208 tleer adj. 'long' kahaar adj. 'dry' hhoo' adj. 'nice' ila tleeri (f) 'greed' ilakahaar adj. 'clever' ilahhoo'a (f) 'present, gift' With afa (ml) 'mouth' as first element: kahaar adj. 'dry' ur adj. 'big' lo> adj. 'true' hhoo' adj. 'nice' afakahaar adj. 'very talkative' afuray (m) 'suffering' afaloo>ees 'to be confident ab saying sth.' afbhoo>i (f) 'calf from a cow is lent to repay a debt, the calf the repayment' afbhamit adj. 'very important' With gura' (m) 'stomach' as first element: boo' adj. 'black' hhoo' adj. 'nice' tlaakw adj. 'bad' gawid adj. 'difficult' gurboo' adj. 'discontent' gurhhoo' adj. 'good-hearted' gurtlaakw 'sorrowful' gurgawid adj. 'courageous' With gee from geera (m) 'front' as first element: tlaakw adj. 'bad' hhoo' adj. 'nice' geetlaakw adj. 'invisible' geehhoo> adj. 'visible' With ad from ado (f) 'manner' as first element: . hhoo' adj. 'nice' adhhoo> adj. 'in good position' The adjective wahl 'without' only occurs in compound adjectives. wahl adj. 'without' ii>awahl 'foolishly stubborn, deaf', ii>a 'ear' xuu'awahl 'stupid' (without knowing, xuu>a 'knowing') The first element is much more free compared to other compounds. Noun plus has no different forms for singular and plural. The compound is preceded by the forms of 'to be' that are used for adjectives on which no tense difference can be Therefore I consider the noun plus wahl combination as a compound adjective ｡ｮｾ＠ not as a noun plus noun or a noun plus verb combination. fa'a ka huuringw wahl porridge 0.3:IMP8:0.F cooking without 'The porridge is not cooked.' In the following I give a few nouns that might be mistaken for adjectives because they traJlslate as such. umu 'every' is a noun which always has a construct case suffix. It always precedes the noun it modifies. The following noun has the background suffix. umu 'every' means in negative sentences or in questions implying a negation. In these sentences there is no background suffix after the modified noun. I consider the word to be a noun because no other word class modifies a following noun, except a noun in a Noun:CON-Noun construction. umu hee-wo cayma ga hlaa> umu deelo-r-o every day-F-BACK every man-BACK eating 0.3:0.F like 'Everybody wants to eat every day.' umu fu>unay i daya->a ala. any meat 8.3 be:present:3.PL-INF:INT but 'Is there any meat?' Implying "No" niina ar -claw tarn da umu ga-r INDEP.CON.F little 8.3 even thing:CON-F HAB-be:present any kahh be:absent:3.8G.F :There isn't anything, not even a little.' kila' (f) 'exactly, very' is a noun which follows the noun it modifies. It is a noun because it has gender (feminine) and because it can be followed by noun suffixes. kila> can have a possessive suffix, in which case it becomes an adverb; see 5.2. laa dasi-r kila-r doo-ren a-na today girl:CON-F very:CON-F house-l.PL.P088 O.F-PAST gaas-an-i kill-l.PL:INT- INF:P A8T 'Did we kill the very girl of our own house today?' naxay 1-na xwayluur ham-da-r kila>. by:change S.3-PAST give:birth:3.SG.F moment-DEM4-F:CON just 'She gave birth at that very moment.' The word for 'pregnant', tsihaay, is a noun. It has masculine gender it has a plural form. ti-da-r kila' ka sumu wahl INDEP.F-DEM4:CON-F just 0.3:IMP8:0.F p01son without 'Exactly that one without poison.' 'ameena-r-qa' a tsihaawe women-F-DEM3 COP pregnancies 'Those women are pregnant.' ma'ay wahl muru-sing ku water without things:M-DEM2 0.3:IMP8:0.M 'These things are without water.' tsihaay gwa kwahh pregnancy 0.3:0.M:PERF throw:3.8G.F 211 210 tsuwa qo na at ganhlar 'She had a miscarriage.' The word fontsi 'without beads, naked' is also a noun< dasi a fontsi girl COP without:beads 'The girl is without beads.' The word dimhe 'different', unlike hatla' (adj) 'other', is a noun because it the complement of a copula. faaro counting faaro counting 'Counting ar kangw 1raqw a dimhe' INDEP.CON.F matter:CON Iraqw COP different ar kiswahili INDEP.CON.F Swahili in Iraqw is different from counting in Swahili.' nee with 5.2. Verbal adverbs There are two types of adverb in Iraqw. The verbal adverbs that occur in the p · immediately before the verb and the sentential adverbs that never occur in the immediately before the verb. The sentential adverbs can occur sentence-initially, the subject, or sentence-finally. The verbal adverbs can occur after the verb so are followed by the resumptive pronoun ale. Sentential adverbs are never by the resumptive pronoun. The syntactic behaviour of the two types of adver different enough to treat them as different word classes. 'for sure, really' emphasis strengthening of imperatives 'like, similarly' 'quickly' Some adverbs end in wa, which could be a relic of the ablative case clitic: tseewa 'early', 16wa 'very' (from lo' 'true'), tsuwa 'for sure, really'. In male the resumptive pronoun ale may be fused. halo is based on hal 'day'. qar6 is related to qaren (adj) 'old'. Two adverbs seem. to contain the adverb ak 'more': lak 'almost', mak ｾｳｯｭ･ｷｨ｡ｴＧＮ＠ With l6wa 'very' a construct case linker is sometimes added. More often it is not. The form ganhlar 'fast' contains a construct case suffix. There is no noun ganhla without the construct case suffix. inin ta-na ganhlar nahhaat hara kiintamo-y 3.PL IMPS-PAST quickly:F:CON hide:PAST in:CON bush-DIR ale RES PRO 'They quickly hid in the bush.' i-na 16wa sawees S.3-PAST very go:far:3.SG.M:PAST or i-na sawees 16wa-r ale S.3-PAST go:far:3.SG.M:PAST very-F. RESPRO 'He went very far.' ' " The verbal adverbs are the following: ad a ak lak mak ala alge adawa al hahh halo hara male qar6 sa'ala sangw, sa tawo, to tseewa 'quickly' 'more, further' (used in comparison) 'almost' (often with negative) 'somewhat' (making statements weaker) 'firstly' 'almost, for a short time' 'all together' 'together' 'partly, together in a group' 'ever' (often with negation meaning 'never') 'nearly, together with, at the same time as' 'again' 'already' 'happily' (a relief) 'now, ever' (emphasis) 'just, in vain, uselessly' 'early' hee i-na lowa-r tliiq man:CON S.3-PAST very-F be:late:3.SG.M:PAST S.3 di-r daaqay-qa'-ee place:CON-F boys-DEM3-BACK 'Nobody was late among those boys.' kaahh absent Examples of usage of the verbal adverbs: tlaw ada ale leave:IMP quickly RESPRO 'Leave quickly!' g-1-na-r tlay adawa hikwa-wos cattle-3.SG.POSS 0.3-0.N-PAST-INSTR leave:3.SG.M together ale RES PRO 'He went with all his cows.' an-a-ga ak dakuus more fail:l.SG l.SG-S.l/2-PERF 'I failed again.' 212 m-u ak guru xu'-us-ar PROH-O.M more stomach-CON know-CAUS-IMP(NEG) 'Don't let him know too much.' aten a-ga Imhoru-wa al kaw-aan LSG S.1/2-PAST Mbulu-ABL together go-l.PL 'We went together from Mbulu.' ga-r-ok-sing ta-wa tlehh-a daa> thing-F-2.SG.POSS-DEM2 DEP.S.1/ .2-BACK do:2.SG-INF let an-a ala tlaw l.SG-S.1/2 but leave:l.SG 'Before you do that thing of yours, let me leave first.' konkomo ala ar-ang cock but see-IMP.HIT.TR 'But show me the cock.' aa alge yacan S.3:PERF almost agree:3.SG.M 'He almost agreed.' naqaqaati a-ga halo aand-i lizard O.F-PERF ever see:2.SG:INT-INF:PAST 'Have you ever seen a water lizard?' , aning a halo LSG ever S.1/2 'I'll go one day.' thiw go:LSG aning a halo tlaw-a-ka LSG S.1/2 ever go:1.SG- INF- NEG 'I'll never go.' gadyeet aa hara fak work S.3:PERF nearly be:finished:3.SG.F 'The work is nearly finished.' 213 naanu u-na mak firiim, ala ngw-a vegetables O.M-PAST just ask:l.SG but 0.3:HIT:O.M-PERF haniis-ii-ka give-S.3:INF-NEG 'I asked for vegetables but he didn't give me any.' aa sa>ala tlay S.3:PERF RELIEF leave:3.SG.M 'Luckily he has left.' sa tleehhiit do> ku-n house 0.3:IMPS:O.M-EXPEC now build:3.SG.M:PRES 'The house is being built now.' m-a-wa sangw male kiic again return:LSG PROH-O.F-BACK now 'I shouldn't repeat it again.' (sangw makes it stronger.) dayshimo u-ga qaro kala' snake O.M-PERF already tread:on:2.SG 'You had already trodden on a snake.' qaymo a-ga qaro amohhe'es field O.F-PERF already complete:2.SG 'You had already completed the field.' . aning a too'· qeeromaamiis tleehhamu doo'-o LSG S.1/2 just think:l.SG building-CON house-BACK 'I am just thinking of building a house.' dasu ma>ay na hheek-aak girls water very fetch-IMP:PL:TR 'Girls, do fetch water.' An adverb can also modify adjectives or other adverbs, in which it precedes them. Especially Iowa 'very' is used as a modifier of adjectives or adverbs; Iowa is possible as an independent adverb as well. The adjective hatla> means 'other', but with Iowa, it acquires a sense of degree, meaning 'excellent'. The adverb Iowa is also used for the expression of superlatives. ino>in ta gadyuus, ta hara caylin 3.PL IMPS work:3.SG.M IMPS same:time sing:3.SG.M 'They are working and at the same time singing.' ka Iowa huurin 0.3:IMPS:O.F very cook:3.SG.M 'It is very much cooked.' aa lak yacan-i-ka S.3:PERF almost agree:3.SG.M-S.3:INF-NEG 'He almost disagreed.' 1-na lowa cay wahhana ga-y hlay. S.3-PAST very eat:3.SG.M fatness 0.3:0.F-CONSEC2 get:3.SG.M 'The more he eats the fatter he gets.' aa lak hamaar S.3:PERF almost be:ripe:3.SG.M:PAST 'It is almost ready (ripe, hot)' saaw kay. lo'wa-r am o-r i-na go.3.SG.M S.3-PAST place:CON-F very:CON-F far 'He went very far.' 215 214 'Is it really true?' tsa ea 'an g-o ku Iowa hatla' tloom'i 0.3:IMPS:O.M very other mountains climbing-BACK 'He is excellent at climbing mountains.' aten ti bahh tlakw l.PL IMPS:O.l.PL partly bad:PL 'Some of us are bad.' wa'a-qo wak-ar time- EMPH one- INSTR 'At one go.' aten a Iowa tseewa tlaw-aan l.PL S.1/2 very early leave-l.PL 'We leave very early.' aangw aangw Iowa ale aten a-ga di-r-qa' before before very RESPRO l.PL S.l/2 place-F-DEM3 'We lived there long long ago.' dirangw a Iowa makito'o-r lion COP very animal:CON-F makay hleemeero animals all 'The lion is the worst of all animals.' The adverb qo is in fact a clitic. Nothing can occur between qo and the verb 'to be'. Moreover, a word cannot consist of CV only; see 2.2. The adverbial clitic qo is not restricted to the verb phrase. It is also suffixed to umu 'every'; see 5.1. And in other numeral noun phrases, such as tlakway badness hhe'ees finish Comparatives are expressed by the adverb ak 'more'. The standard against which comparison is made is introduced by the preposition ta 'than'. ak ka ni,ina 0.3:IMPS:O.F more small 'It is less.' ka ayto'o-r-i ta ak ak hho' maize-F-DEM1 0.3:IMPS:O.F more nice:PL than more to-qa'-e INDEP.F-DEM3-BACK 'This maize is better than that maize there.' dasi-r-qo girl:CON-F-EMPH 'The very girl.' kila' very qo is very often used after the copula in constructions like Noun-Relative clauseCopula-Noun, or Copula-Verb phrase. These constructions are used for emphasis; see 7.1.1. Question words are the complement of a copula in the first type of construction; see 9.1. qo is used if the question word is gaala 'which', but not if the question word is mila 'what'. qo is incompatible with the indefinite noun suffixes. The observed characteristics of qo indicate that its meaning is to express that there is no other possibility, and it consequently gives emphasis, hence the gloss EMPH. The adverb kilos 'only, alone' consists of the noun kila' 'exact, very' (see 5.1) and the third person singular possessive suffix os. Like a verbal adverb it can occur inside the verbal phrase. If kilos follows a noun, it modifies that noun. If the noun is a person, the meaning is 'alone'. di-r ni kaw a Imboru kilos only place:CON-F DEP.S.l go:l.SG COP Mbulu 'I am only going to Mbulu.' ta-n bara gu>ute kilos-i dirii' IMPS-EXPEC in:CON sleep only-DIR be:PRES 'They are only asleep.' kwa cangw is a mak al caymusmo hare 3.SG COP just deceiver 'The hare, he is a deceiver.' ga-r ta cag a fu>unay kilos thing:CON-F DEP.S.l/2 eat:2.SG COP meat(N) only (kilo-' in) (only-3.PL.POSS) 'You are eating only meat.' a-qo male wak COP-EMPH again one 'It is one again.' inos kilos tsatsa' gu-n ga'ay 3.SG only stars 0.3:0.M-EXPEC watch:3.SG.M 'He alone is watching the stars.' Verbal adverbs can also occur in the nominal complement of a copula construction. a at see'aay COP like dog 'He is like a dog."' a-qo tsuwa lo'-e COP-EMPH really true:INT-BACK If the adverb refers to a neuter noun, either kilos or the plural kilo>in _is used. fu'unay kilo-'in S.3 meat(N) only-3.PL.POSS 'She is eating meat only.' (kilos) 'ag (only) eat:3.SG.F 217 216 (ala) ala hee aa gwaa' but man:CON S.3.PAST die:3.SG.M but axmns-1 (ala) hear:3.SG.M:INT -S.3:INF but 'But a man who died, does he hear?' The sentential adverbs are the following. fu>unay kilos (kilo>in) 1-n caay meat(N) only (only-3.PL.POSS) O.N-EXPEC eat:l.SG 'I eat only meat.' If kilos is inside the verb phrase, it refers to the verb phrase. In the following kilos refers to the way the meat is eaten, and not to the meat as in the sentence aangw anga'aw wane doqa ari bar, bare tarn ceesi kwa'o tibe tomak kar fu>unay i-n kilos caay meat(N) O.N-EXPEC only eat:l.SG 'I eat meat only (i.e. first, sth. else may follow).' in os tsatseec kilos gu-n (kilos) 3.SG stars(M) only 0.3:0.M-EXPEC only ale) RES PRO 'He is only watching the stars.' gacay watch:3.SG.M kar aa kilos meet gan. well S.3:PERF only remain:3.SG.M:PAST well 'Well, he remained alone.' If kilos follows the verb phrase, the resumptive pronoun is optionally used. taxes naxes laati daqani ala alok mas or masok in6s doohl kilos ale 3.SG S.3 cultivate only RESPRO 'He is digging alone.' ta-n guu' kilos IMPS-EXPEC sleep:3.SG.M only 'They are only sleeping' S.3 'long ago, already, before' 'maybe (depending on decision of the subject)' 'maybe (beyond control of the subject)' 'maybe, possibly' (hesitation) 'mind you' (caution) 'if, surprisingly' (condition) 'even if' (concessive condition) 'always' 'for sure' 'another time' (often used twice) 'at that time (immediate past)' 'well' (used in narration to connect sentences, mostly sentence-initial) 'by chance' (good luck) 'by chance' (often in the combination kar naxes ) indicates· some surprise 'afterwards' 'but' 'hopefully' 'hopefully' (mild obligation) , I I If it refers to a first or second person, the appropriate possessive suffix is used. ar'ee hee a ki kilok. please man COP 2.SG.F just-2.SG.F 'Please, you are the only one.' The adverb masok varies with mas, and this element ok appears m alok as well. Both mean more or less the same, 'hopefully'. The noun kila> plus the appropriate possessive suffix can also have the meaning reflexive pronoun; see 4.1.6. Often the distinction between noun and adverb is difficult to make. The adverb ham, hami, or hamti 'now' can be analysed as a noun ham (fl) 'moment' followed by a demonstrative suffix. One could similarly explain the variation daxta or daxa 'now'. naagay 'for nothing' (uncertain or negative result) is a noun because it can be the complement of a copula. hleemeero 'all, whole' consists of hleemee followed by a gender linker and the background suffix which makes hleemee a noun. But hleemee is used as an adverb meaning 'also', which may have developed from hlam or hlami 'still, daringly' plus the background suffix. hleem has the meaning of 'all' in the expression daqihleem 'always' (all moments). aluwq 'later' consists of the neuter noun alu and the background suffix. Other words that we expect to be adverbs are nouns. kuung kil-ok ti aldaqw 2.SG.M just-2.SG.POSS REC think:2.SG 'You think about yourself.' 5.3. Sentential adverbs Sentential adverbs are words that are not nouns and that can occur ｳ･ｊｈｾｮ｣Ｍｉ［｡ｬＡｙ before or after the subject, or sentence-finally. They cannot occur within phrase. Ｑ＠ tseeca (n) 'outside' dinkwa (f) 'together' tsini (f) 'better' 219 218 Some adverbs have their origin in fixed expressions: angacaw 'maybe' from: an-a gacaw l.SG-S.1 /2 see:l.SG 'I see' or 'I suppose.' naana bare aa hheedruut vegetables SURPRISE S.3:PERF be:spoiled:3.SG.M 'The vegetables are spoiled?!' (with surprise) inos i hi><iim-am>iit amo-r-i ale ceesi always 3.SG S.3 travel<HAB-HAB>:3.SG.M place-F-DIR RESPRO 'He always travels to this place.' kararlo' surprise kar a 16> well COP true 'It is true.' ti-nee-ti-he INDEP:F-and-INDEP:F-BACK 'This and that' loo>itleer 'the next day, afterwards' loo>a i tleer sun S.3 get:up:3.SG.F 'The sun is up.' hhahlowahlee 'of course' hhahlo wahl-ee problems without-BACK 'Without problems' ｅｸｾｭｰｬ･ｳ＠ of the use of ｳｾｮｴ･ｩ｡ｬ＠ ham ari gan now mind:you you! 'Mind!' adverbs: aten aangw a-ga di-r-qa' hoot-aan. l.PL before S.1/2-PERF place-F-DEM3 live-l.PL 'Before, we lived there.' aten anga>aw a tlaw-aan l.PL may:be S.1/2 leave-LPL 'Maybe we will leave. (We will see, we haven't decided yet.)' aten doqa a tlaw-aan. l.PL maybe S.l/2 leave-l.PL 'Maybe we will leave.' (hesitation) aten wane a tlaw-aan l.PL maybe S.l/2 leave-l.PL 'Maybe we will leave. (It is beyond our control.)' doqa qoon, doqa qoond-a-ka maybe S.3 be:good:3.SG.F maybe S.3 be:good:3.SG.F-INF-NEG 'Maybe it is good; maybe it is not.' ( ari) ga afi-wa oh-iin ari (mind:you) 0.3:0.F mouthes-ABL take-DUR:3.SG.F mind:you 'Take care! She'll take it from the edges.' kwa>o a hee gu tleehh-aahh-iit bare man-CON 0.3:0.M build-HAB-MIDDLE SURPRISE for:sure COP an in g. l.SG 'The man who has been building it for sure is me' maamay daxta ngi-wa hlaa>-i masok uncle now 0.3:DEP.S.3:0.F-BACK want-3.SG.M:SBJV must (mas) ino>in i-n male qatl-iya' ado-r (must) 3.PL S.3-EXPEC again die-3.PL manner:CON-F ihl-t-6s-wa ale. eye-F1-3.SG.POSS-ABL RESPRO 'Uncle would now like them to die because of his eye.' aning daxta ( daxa, hami hamti) l.SG now now now now 'I am leaving for this area now.' y"aamu-ka geexaw land-DEMl.N DIR leave:l.SG hee-ko mas gadyee-sing ga tleehh. man-INDEF.M must work-DEM2 0.3:0.F do:3.SG.M:PRES 'Someone must do the work.' aa sa>ala thiy hlami g-a kah S.3:PERF relief leave:3.SG.M dare S.3-0.F say:3.SG.M 'Now that he has left, he dares to say it.' in6s aa sangw warahh kuung hlam a 3.SG S.3:PERF now pass:3.SG.F 2.SG.M dare S.l/2 kat-a. speak:2.SG:INT- INF 'Now that it (hunger) is over, you dare to speak about it.' hare-r-6k bar a tsahh-a-ka, a:qo wife-F-2.SG.POSS COND O.F recognise:2.SG-INF-NEG COP-EMPH naagay for: nothing 'If you don't recognise your wife, it is bad luck for you.' 221 220 ado-da-da' ta axwees-aan a COP manner-DEM4-DEM4 DEP.S.l/2 talk-l.PL naagay-hee for:nothing:INT- BACK 'Is the way we talk in vain?' bar inos-ee geera-wo ya'e ta hay6t COND 3.SG-BACK first-BACK river O.l.PL:PERF take:3.SG.F 'If it were up to him, the river would have taken us.' tarn ad6-r gaala-hee even manner:CON-F which-BACK 'in whatever circumstances' laati tsacam-t-o g-a-qo mak baal-ii-ka well climbing-Fl-BACK 0.3-0.F-EMPH just win-S.3:INF-NEG 'Well (light surprise), he cannot climb.' loo'a laati an-i hla> god well l.SG-O.l.SG like:3.SG.F 'Well, God likes me.' (hleemee) faca hleemee ga cak-ka also porridge also 0.3:0.F eat:3.SG.F-NEG 'She does not.eat porridge either.' (taxes) inos taxes na hardah ado-r suppose 3.SG suppose HIT:PERF arrive:3.SG.M manner:CON-F ta laq DEP.S.l/2 do:2.SG 'Suppose he arrived, what would you do?' alok mas u-na-r hlay wish must 0.2.SG.M-PAST-INSTR get:3.SG.M 'Hopefully he got you.' question word gaalay 'where?, why not?' is not a noun because it cannot follow a copula. It is an adverb because its position is that of an adverb. gaalay has a different meaning from diima 'where?'. It asks 'where', but knowing that the object is close, cf. gaala 'which?' which can also be used to express irritation. The verb is in the subjunctive. dangw ya'e-r tlaakw gaalay elephant:CON leg:CON-F bad where 'Where is the elephant with the bad leg?' (knowing it is one of the elephants around.) kar aako gaalay i-wa watli well grandfather where S.3-BACK return-3.SG.M:SBJV 'Why has the old father not come back?' (expecting him back) gaalay heedada' hard<ar-ar>ah-i where man-DEM4-DEM4 S.3 arrive<HAB-HAB>-3.. SG.M:SBJV inos hleemee 1 wah-an 3.SG also S.3 drink-DUR:3.SG.M 'He too is drinking.' 'How come that man has not arrived?' tibe ti time S.3 INDEP.F:DEMl 'Why didn't you do that job?' oo', tibe say:3.SG.M:PRES time S.3 OO' say:3.SG.M:PRES 'Now he says this, now he says that.' kar nacaay tibe gu-n kutsuhh, kutsuhha well child time 0.3:0.M-EXPEC pinch:3.SG.F pinching ar tsar-ee. INDEP.CON.F two-BACK 'She pinched the child another time, pinching for a second time.' toomak ku ung m-a-s kahh then 2.SG.M PROH-S.l/2-REAS be:absent:2.SG , 'Why were you absent at that time?' daqani aten a tlaw-aan afterwards l.PL S.l/2 leave-l.PL 'Afterwards we leave.' gadyee-da> gaalay ka tlehh work-DEM4 .where 0.3:DEP.S.l/2:0.F do:2.SG:SBJV Interjections are special adverbs. They are used in direct speech in addressing people only. From a syntactic point of view, they are adverbs. ar'ee gimay gim gimse xay ｸｾｹｧ｡ｮ＠ gan hand ay had a expressing pity order to get started introducer introducer addressing somebody, asking for a reaction (sentence finally) addressing somebody, calling for attention (sentence initially) 'you' 'there' 'let me' 223 222 daa' ax axay are areengwaay naas naamamiis law ay hiuw maray 'let me' 'well then' 'well then' 'here you are' id. 'thanks' 'thanks a lot' (with durative infixes; see 4.3.4) 'hello' (first greeting) 'how is your family?' (lit. 'news of the other combinations with lauw are possible. The variation between gim, gimse, and gimay 'well' shows a suffix -se which is in some irregular imperatives such as tlaw-se 'go'; see 4.2.6. gim-ay contains a -ay which is a collective number suffix for nouns; see 3.2.4.1 and appears in n 'for nothing', ax or axay 'well then', handay 'there', and areengwaay 'here· you Conjunctions are adverbs that occur at the beginning of a second clause in a seiJLtellleeJ The conjunctions are laqaa 'or', ala 'but', ala>is 'but', asma 'because', ｡Ｍｾ＿＠ . . ··of as the reason clitic and -ma a question suffix; see 3.8, and expressions such askahhoo' 'in order that'. For these adverbs as coordinating conjunctions; see Clauses can also be introduced by the prepositions, nee 'and', as 'because' and 'with' and by complementizer nouns such as gidaba 'that', ador 'that, how'; see laqaa a bara tlooma-r watl-a S.l/2 in:CON mouhtain:CON-F Sol/2 go:home:2.SG:INT-INF or keer go:2.SG a baabu-ren lo>wa-r gadyuus askahhoo' father:M-l.PL.POSS S.3 very:CON-F work:3.SG in:order:to bu>uutu-r shule-r-'ee' ga hela-r being:enough:CON-F school-F-l.SG.POSS 0.3:0.F money:CON-F hi ay. get:3.SG.M 'My father works hard to get enough money for my school.' 5.4. Expressions of time Expressions of time are not all adverbs. Many are nouns: nouns with a background suffix, a demonstrative suffix, or a directive suffix, or fixed expressions. I group them here all together. Nouns are indicated by their gender, but only if they appear without suffixes. Units of time: daqa, daqi (f1) de'ema (n) siiwa (f) loo'a (f) baala (f) deelo (f) wiiki (f) dominika (f) hlahhangw (m) kuru (ml) 'A snake bit mother but she recovered quickly.' ni buu' hami an too law-iin ala>is ga-r thing:CON-F HIT pay now l.SG just beat-DUR:2.SG but kahh absent:3.SG.F 'You are beating me for nothing; it pays nothing.' kuung a gurhamut-a 2.SG.M S.l/2 regret:2.SG:INT-INF di-r do'-og-i place:CON-F house-2.SG.POSS-DIR asma ta-wa because DEP.S.l/2-BACK kic, return:2.SG:SBJV 'Are you unhappy because you are going home?' 'day' 'week' 'week' 'month, moon' 'year' Divisions of time, the week: 'Are you going home or are you going to the mountain?' aayi dayshimo ga-na kiihh ala i-na mother snake 0.3:0.F-PAST bite:3.SG.M but S.3-PAST hunguc cure:3.SG.F 'moment' 'time' 'a while' 'hour, sun, god' 'day' (in combinations) deelor deelor deelor deelor deelor deelor deelor M ungu ki<ima tsar tarn tsiyahh koo'an lahhoo' 'Sunday (day of God)' 'Monday (day of return)' 'Tuesday (second day) 'Wednesday (third day) 'Thursday (fourth day) 'Friday' (fifth day) 'Saturday' (sixth day) The traditional names for the months of the year are not often used. The usual form of expression is hlahhangw mibangw 'the tenth month, October'. The traditional calender starts somewhat earlier than the modern calender. The months do not agree exactly. The first month starts about mid December. axwaarir tlaakw 'December, first month of the year' (axwaari (f) 'dry season, period of new food', tlaakw 'bad', period characterised by fierce rains from the West.) 225 224 axwaarir hhoo' tlufqa (f) huya>a (f) doomu booc doomu cawaak quu>a (m) tsaqutumo (m) tlambocamo (m) tarqway (m) qado kahaar qado maar 'January' (the nice dry period, month of of the crops) 'February' (heavy rains with big drops) 'March' (also the word for a star that is visible in this month, and the name for a beetle) 'ApriP (the black rainy season) 'May' (the white rainy season, lighter rains) 'June' (from quu>i (f) 'smoke, fog') 'July' (from tsaqwa (f) 'coldness') 'August' (a lot of wind) 'September' 'October' (qaday (m) 'dry period' and kahaar (adj) 'dry') 'November, last month' (maar (adj) 'of long delay') The periods that are used in the names of the months are: axwaari (f) doomu (m) qaday (m) 'period of new food, beginning of the year' 'rainy season' 'dry period, end of the year' The division of the year into seasons uses other periods: age (m), saxi (fl) tsirpahhaas buhare (n) 'dry season (June-October)' 'minor rainy season (October, November)' 'time between the rains (December, January)' from tsiriimi pahhaas 'seeds with wings drop down (by the wind)' 'rainy season (March- May)' amsi (n) darakita (f) 'fhe absolute time indications are: daxa, daxta hami, ham, hamti hamtir kila> siwri afiqomada tokaro daqtakaro siiwarkaro ceesi adv. aangw adv. daqada> daqihleem daqtayariire btil geera bal qaro 'morning' 'early in the morning' (lit. the black morning) 'early in the morning' (lit. head of sun) 'midday, midday food' (lit. meals) 'midday' 'afternoon (2-4 p.m.)' 'evening (4-6 p.m.) • 'sunset' (lit. return of the cattle) id. 'evening, early night' 'night' 'now' 'now' 'just now' (now-F very) 'now' 'at that time' (lit. mouth of that period) 'once upon a time' INDEP(F)-INDEF-F-BACK 'sometimes' (daqi-ta-ka-r-o time-Fl-INDEF-F-BACK 'at a certain time') 'sometimes' (siiwa-r-ka-r-o time-F-INDEF-F-BACK 'at a certain time') 'always' 'long ago' 'then' (daqi -DEM4 'that time') 'always' (daqi-hleem 'time-all') 'often' (time-Fl:CON many-BACK 'many times') 'in former times' (day-first) 'in_ olden days' (day-old) The relative time indications are: bal tsar bal xaw de>emaka hamtida' tseewa adv. wiikir aluwo wiikir ta kawana wiikir ta warahh hlahhangw alu 'afterwards' 'afterwards' (behind-BACK) 'after that, then' (behind-DEM4) 'firstly' (first-DEMl) 'the next day, some day afterwards (the sun gets up)' 'next day' (second day) 'future' (day that comes) 'recently' (time-DEMl:N) 'just ago' (now-DEM4) 'early' 'next week' (week:F:CON behind-BACK) 'next week' (week that is coming) 'last week' (week that has passed) 'next month' (month:CON behind) hlahhangw matlo hlahhangw geera 'next month' (month:CON tomorrow) 'last month' (month:CON before) daqani aluwo aluda> geeri loo>itleer The day is divided into the following periods: matlatle (f) ｭ｡ｴｬｨｾｲ＠ booc sagw loo>a caymadu (n) tlatlacangw (m) ameetleemu (n) tsiindo (n) daafi (f) yaaraafi (f) axweso (n) xweera (n) 'night, midnight' 'middle of the night' 227 226 hlahhangw cisa kurki kuru, kurko bal'aangw lat'aangw cisa (f) laa (f) laari matlo (n) baloqa' baldane tudane taqane tudadane 'last month' (month:CON yesterday) 'this year' (kuru-ku-i year-Ml-DEMl) 'next year' (year, year:Ml:BACK) 'second day before yesterday' (lit. day-before) 'day before yesterday' (lit. day-before) 'yesterday' 'today' only in narration, otherwise: 'today' (day-F-DEMl 'this day') 'tomorrow' 'day after tomorrow' (day-DEM3) 'second day after tomorrow' 'third day after tomorrow' 'fourth day after tomorrow' 'fifth day after tomorrow' 5.5. Prepositions The prepositions ay 'to', ar 'with', and as 'because' consist of a (the copula?) a case suffix. The meaning of a prepositional phrase consisting of a preposition noun is not different from that of a noun phrase containing a noun with a case s Prepositions can have a clausal complement; see 7.3.7. baaba father or baaba father aa buuhh as aning S.3:PERF be:angry:3.SG because l.SG aa aning-sa buuhh S.3.PAST l.SG-REAS be:angry:3.SG 'Father is angry because of me.' a-na baaliim-aan ar tlak6-r maheeri S.l/2-PAST win-l.PL by shooting:CON-F arrows 'We won by shooting arrows.' aning kilo'ee> a qumburucuut ay bihha-qa hatla> l.SG myself S.l/2 swim to side-DEM3:CON other 'I'll swim to the other side by myself.' Another preposition is nee 'and, with, by' di-r hhawate nee cameena-r-i axwees S.3 place:CON-F men and women-F-DIR talk:3.SG.M:PRES 'He is talking to men and women.' beecangw ku dal can nee ga-r-ka sheep 0.3:IMPS:O.M hit:DUR:PRES by thing-F-IND EF .F 'The sheep is hit by something.' faaro counting faaro counting 'Counting ar kangw iraqw a dimbe> nee INDEP.CON.F matter:CON Iraqw COP different with ar kiswahili INDEP.CON.F Swahili in Iraqw is different from counting in Swahili.' ku-na tlaahh nee fiisuuse 0.3:IMPS:O.M-PAST beat:3.SG.M:PAST by thieves ganhlar ta'a'-in rapidly run-DUR:3.SG.M 'He was hit by a thief and ran away.' nee i-na and S.3-PAST In a comparison the entity against which the comparison is being drawn is introduced by the prepostion ta. di-r ak hho' ta ak ayto'o-r-i ka place:CON-F more than nice:PL more maize-F-DEMl 0.3:IMPS:O.F to-qa>-e INDEP.F-DEM3-BACK 'This maize is better than that maize there.' Another preposition is har 'towards, near'. It is used as a preposition to diima 'where'. See also 4.1.15 and 4.4.2. har bara afa towar:ds in:CON mouth 'Up to the mouth' 5.6. Ideophones Ideophones are words that giv:e an impression of their meaning in their sound. They are often used as complements of the verb 'to say', after the preposition as 'because', or as sentences by themselves. Verbs can be formed on the basis of some ideophones by adding one of the verbal derivational suffixes. kar ba'armo i-na oo': xiing well bee S.3-PAST say:3.SG.M xing 'The bee said: xiing.' (sound of stinging) tsunqa n-i-na oo'-iye>: tlix saliva(n) PL-S.3.-PAST say-3.PL:PAST tlix 'The saliva said: tlix.' (sound of something falling onto a surface) ta-na oo>: xahl; ta-na xahl<m>iit IMPS-PAST say:3.SG.M xahl IMPS-PAST keep:silent<DUR>:3.SG.M 'They said: xahl (sound of silence); they kept silent.' ta-na ar-ar-an as hlap hlap IMPS-PAST HAB-see-DUR:3.SG.M because hlap hlap 'They saw each other and hlap hlap (sound of collapsing).' 229 228 6. The noun phrase ku-na al cakmiit-ii-ke as 0.3:IMPS:O.M-PAST together run-S.3:INF:INT-NEG:BACK xob xob xob xob 'They ran after him, didn't they? and xob xob (sound of irregular neewo-r-6s ga-na neer>is ar thread-F-3.SG.POSS 0.3:0.F-PAST spread:3.SG.F INDEP.CON.F bara daandu ma'ay. hii in:CON back:CON water hii 'She (the spider) made her thread over the water. hii (sound of passing ｾｵｶｲＬＧＢﾷ＠ The ideophones are: buk id. qut id. hlap id. tsaxw id. xiing id. tlix id. xahl id. wiis id. hii id. xobxob id·. tsirktsirk id. ssipssip id. 'sound of sth. dropping down' 'sound of filling calabash with liquid' 'sound of collapsing' 'sound of jumping on the ground' 'sound of a bee stinging' 'sound of sth. falling on a surface' 'sound of silence' 'impression of speed of light, of a shining surface' 'sound of sth. passing fast' 'sound of irregular running' 'sound of birds picking, of drops of water falling' 'sound of pounding maize' Reduplicated ideophones are used for sounds that include repetition. xobxob id. tsirktsirk id. ssipssip id. 'sound of irregular running' 'picking birds, drops of water falling' 'sound of pounding maize' Word order within the noun phrase A noun phrase always starts with a noun. The noun can be followed by the following :modifiers in the order given below. "Or" here means "only one of the possibilities", "either/ or". 1. a possessive suffix 2. a demonstrative or indefinite suffix or a demonstrative or indefinite pronoun 3. a construct case suffix or an construct case pronoun plus a modifier, e.g. - noun (plus noun suffixes) -numeral -(adverb plus) adjective -adverb - prepositional phrase - relative clause 4. a case clitic (directive, ablative, instrumental, or reason case) The first suffix that is attached to the noun must be preceded by a linker suffix agreeing in gender with the noun; see 3.4. A noun can have two modifying suffixes at a time. Instead of the second modifying suffix, an independent pronoun can be used. A demonstrative and an indefinite suffix/pronoun exclude each other because the meanings cannot be combined. A possessive must precede a demonstrative or indefinite marker. hhafeeto-w6k-sing mats-2.SG.POSS-DEM2 'These mats of yours' hiim-u-'ee' koo-ko rope-M-l.SG.POSS INDEP.M/N-INDEF:M 'A certain rope of mine' duguno-w-6s thumb-M-3.SG.POSS 'That thumb of his' ko-qa' INDEP:M-DEM3 The noun is in the construct case if one of the modifiers under 3 above follows the noun. Instead of the construct case, an independent construct case pronoun can be used if the modifier does not immediately follow the noun. The construct case can also be suffixed to the last noun suffix. The construct case and the construct case pronoun are not always necessary. With numerals and adverbs, the construct case can be used but is not obligatory. Several of the modifiers under 3 above can be used in one noun phrase. maka gada ninakw animals:N:CON forests:N:CON small:PL 'The small forest animals' 231 230 doohla-r-6k ta-qa' ar bara hoeing-F-2.SG.POSS INDEP:F-DEM3 INDEP.CON.F in:CON aa bu>ut-ii-ka S.3:PERF be:enough:3.SG.F-S.3:INF-NEG 'That hoeing of yours in the field is not enough.' gadyee-r->ee-da-r cisa aa too work-F-l.SG.POSS-DEM4:CON-F yesterday S.3:PERF in:vain tleehhit happen:3.SG.F 'That work of mine from yesterday was in vain.' hikwa-'ee> koo-kariya' koo>an cattle-l.SG.POSS INDEP.M/N-INDEF:N five 'Five of my cows.' hikwa-'ee> koo-kariya' (awa) Iowa cattle-l.SG.POSS INDEP.M/N-INDEF:N (INDEP.CON.N) very 'Some of my nice cows.' faca-ren ar ' d eeI o-r-o umu-qo porridge-l.PL.POSS INDEP.CON.F every-EMPH ､ｾｹＭｆｂａｃｋ＠ hanis-ang give-IMP.HIT.TR .'Give us our daily food.' If ｾｴｨ･＠ modifier is a ｮｯｾＬ＠ the ｳ･｣ｾｮ､＠ noun can again be suffixed by noun su.u.J.At:\li, . , followed by modifiers. These suffixes or modifiers have either the first or the noun as their referent, depending on the context. tiqti-r hlee-r-os Iowa hlahha> illness:CON-F cow-F-3.SG.POSS S.3 very serious:3.SG.F 'The illness of his cow is very serious.' muuxta-r oowi-r-os ka hhoohho> beating:CON-F drum-F-3.SG.POSS 0.3:IMPS:O.F nice:PL 'Her beating of the drum is nice.' The numeral can immediately follow an adjective. If the order is noun numeral tive, a construct case pronoun must precede the adjective. mar a ur-en tarn g-i kon houses:CON big-PL three 0.3-0.N have:3.SG.M or rnara tarn awa ur-en g-I kon houses:CON three INDEP.CON.N big-PL 0.3-0.N have:3.SG.M 'He has three big houses.' If the modifier is an adjective, this adjective can itself be modified by an intervening adverb. hikwa-'ee' ku-da koo'an lowa hhoo' cattle-l.SG.POSS INDEP.M/N-DEM4 five very nice 'Those five very nice cows of mine.' bahh tlakw aten ti LPL IMPS:O.l.PL some bad:PL 'Some of us are bad.' example, in the noun phrase hi>itanor ay Babati 'walking to Babati', ay Babati is a prepositional phrase that modifies hi>itano 'walking' which therefore occurs in the construct case. If, however, ay Babati occurs in sentence-final position, it no longer modifies the noun which then has no construct case marking. aning-u-wi cuuru koorn hi>iitano-r ay Babati a walking:CON-F to Babati O.F l.SG-M-DEMl strength:CON have aleehhiw can:l.SG 'I, who am strong, can walk to Babati.' tlacangw yaarna aangw loohi waarahh path(F) S.3 pass:3.SG.F middle(M):CON land(N):CON before awa Nade INDEP.CON.N Nade 'The path goes through the former land of Nade.' If there are several modifiers, the relative clause is the 'last one. aa wak ar tarn ar bird(F) even INDEP.CON.F one INDEP.CON.F S.3:PERF dakuus kahh miss:3.SG.M:PAST S.3 be:absent:3.SG.F 'A bird, even one, that he missed, does not exist.' The case clitics are the last element in the noun phrase. harntl-iind-a bara tlaw-t-i a S.l/2 bathe-DUR:2.SG:INT-INF in:CON lake-Fl-DEMl ale RES PRO 'Do you bathe in this big lake?' ur-wa big-ABL A special case of a prepositional phrase is the coordinating preposition nee 'and, with'. If a list of nouns is coordinated, the coordinating preposition nee can be but need not be repeated. di-r n1 keernu hlaa' a Kwerrnuhl, (nee) place:CON-F HIT going:CON want:l.SG COP Kwermuhl and Tlawi, (nee) Dongobesh, (nee) Haydom nee Daudi Tlawi, and Dongobesh and Haydom and Daudi 'I want to go to Kwermuhl, Tlawi, Dongobesh, Haydom, and Daudi.' 232 Within such a coordinated noun construction, a nominal suffix refers only to the to which it is suffixed. The same applies for adjectives. Adjectives can only the last noun. If it is to refer to both nouns, the adjective must be repeated. In after the preposition nee a new noun phrase follows. kitangw nee kabati-r ur gi tleehhiit chair and cupboard:CON-F big 0.3:0.N make:3.SG.M:PRES 'He is making a chair and a big cupboard (not: a big chair and cupboard).' kitangw ur nee kabati-r ur gi tleehhiit chair:CON big and cupboard:CON-F big 0.3:0.N make:3.SG.M 'He is making a big chair and a big cupboard.' An adverb after a prepostional phrase with nee can refer to both nouns, like ｮｵｾ･ｅｲ＠ m: hiikwa nee aara hleemeero awa kijiji daaqay and goats(N) all INDEP.CON.N village boys bar a gi qawo-r-i tlees 0.3:0.N in: CON meadow-F-DIR bring:3.SG.M 'The boys bring all the cows and goats of the village to the meadows.' ｾ｡ｴｬ･ＨｎＩ＠ If a coordinated noun structure is modified by another noun, the construct case is only needed once. dasi-r-i nee garma-wu Buura ki girl-F-DEMl and boy-DEMl:M:CON Buura .. 0.3:1MPS:O.N hlahlacar-en. ugly-PL 'The girl and the boy of Buura are ugly.' daaqay nee dasu K wermuhl boys and girls:CON Kwermuhl 'The boys and girls from Kwermuhl.' If the first noun has a construct case suffix and a coordinated noun structure '""'._. .. .,,,, this structure as a whole modifies the first noun, as in ti>ita-r kwacangw nee du>uma story:CON-F hare and leopard 'The story of the hare and the leopard'. mu-k do> nacams-u ayto>o nee loosi people:CON-Ml house dish-M:CON ma1ze and beans ku-n caay 0 .. 3:1MPS:O.M-EXPEC eat:PRES 'The family is eating a dish of maize and beans.' A case suffix will refer to the complete noun phrase and thus refer to both nouns coordinated noun structure without repetition of the suffix. 233 di-r hhawate nee cameena-r-i axwees S.3 place:CON-F men and women-F-DIR talk:3.SG.M:PRES 'He is talking to men and women.' i-na gacalee nee mahhangw-ar tlaquut S.3-PAST bow and arrow-INSTR shoot:3.SG.M:PAST 'He shot with bow and arrow.' The scope of a preposition extends over both nouns of a coordinated noun phrase. i-na tlaquut ar gacale nee (ar) mahhangw S.3-PAST shoot:3.SG.M:PAST INSTR bow and INSTR arrow 'He shot with a bow and arrow.' i-na a>ii kay ar ya>a nee gar1 S.3.PAST journey:DIR go:3.SG.M INSTR leg and car 'He travelled on foot and by car.' Within the noun phrase modifiers can be coordinated. inqwari-r-'ee> ar kal>a dacat-en nee sheet-F-l.SG.POSS INDEP.CON.F colours:CON red and qansar-n-ee-ka ala ar kal>a bahhay-en green-PL-BACK-NEG but INDEP.CON.F colours:CON grey-PL nee tsee>at-en. and yellow-PL 'My sheet is not red and green .but grey and yellow.' 6.2. Gender agreement within the noun phrase Linker suffixes agree in gender with the noun they are attached to, not with the head noun of the phrase which they modify. Within the noun phrase, gender agreement is local. The compound afer mar>i 'doors, lit. mouths of houses' is feminine, as can be seen from the gender agreement in the object pronoun, but the possessive suffix to the compound is not preceded by a feminine linker because the immediately preceding noun is neuter. afe-r mar>i-wos ka ur. mouths:CON-F houses-3.SG.POSS 0.3:IMPS:O.F big:F 'His doors are many: The number of houses he heads is big.' muruu cayma-r-os ku gawid things:M:CON eating-F-3.SG.POSS 0.3:IMPS:O.M difficult 'His food is difficult (to get)' hlahhangw oowi-r-os ku hhoohho>. beating:CON drum-F-3.SG.POSS 0.3:IMPS:O.M nice:PL 'Her beating of the drum is nice.' If a construct case pronoun is used after a coordinated noun structure within the noun phrase, it agrees with the last noun. The following sentence does not tell whether the 235 234 ,.,.[. Basic sentence structure friend is from Tumati or not. Non-verbal sentences mulqumo-w-i nee hhiya-'ee ku-da> friend-M-DEMl and brother-l.SG.POSS INDEP.M-DEM4 oo aya Tumati naa hardah-iye> INDEP.CON.M land:CON Tumati HIT:PERF arrive-3.PL:PAST 'This friend and my brother from Tumati have arrived.' 6.3. Gender agreement with the noun phrase Gender agreement with the noun phrase is with the gender of the head noun, be seen from the agreement in the object pronouns of the impersonal "to be" examples above. In the case of coordinated nouns, the gender is neuter, ｲｰｯﾷＢＧＬｾﾭ the gender of the individual nouns, see the object pronouns in the following sent naanu nee kasiis i-na cay-aan vegetables (M) and potatoes (F) O.N-PAST eat-LPL 'We have eaten vegetables and potatoes.' loosi nee kasiis i-na cay-aan. beans (F) and potatoes (F) O.N-PAST eat-l.PL 'We have eaten beans and potatoes.' daaqay nee dasu g-i-na intsahhatiis boys (M) and girls (M) 0.3-0.N-PAST teach:3.SG.M 'He has taught boys and girls.' dasi 7 r-6k nee cameni-r:-6k girl-F-2.SG.POSS and woman-F-2.SG.POSS ki saaw-en 0.3:IMPS:O.N far-PL 'Your daughter and that wife of yours are far.' ti-da> INDEP.F-DEM4 ki hara saaw-en 0.3:IMPS:0.3 apart far-PL 'They are far apart (Dar-es-Salaam and Chalinze).' If the coordinated noun phrase is the subject, it has neuter (that is, plural) ｡ｧｊｾ･ｭｩｴＧｬ＠ on the verb. kitaangw nee mesa i gwaranggwarimiit-iya> asma chair and table S.3 shake-3:PL because 'The chair and the table shake because of the earthquake.' Non-verbal sentences contain a copula or a verb 'to be' with a nominal complement. copula is a and is used when the sentence is an equation. The locative 'to be' is a for first and second person subjects and i for third person subjects. The complement 's locative. The dependent 'to be' is ta and sentences with ta have a temporal aspect: ｾｨ･＠ subject and complement are not inherently identical. The verb 'to be' has a special form for an impersonal subject, which is homophonous with the dependent 'to be', i.e. ta. The impersonal subject marker is used when the complement is an adjective. For details see 4.1.1. ｾｨ･＠ 7.1.1. Copular sentences The minimal verbless sentence consists of the copula and a noun. For example 16> a COP truth 'It is true.' In addition, the copular construction may have a subject. iraqw a doohlitee Iraqw COP farmers 'Iraqw are farmers.' dasi a 'tsihay girl COP pregnant:woman 'The girl is pregnant.' The complement of the copula can be a noun phrase consisting of more than a noun. ga-r-qa a gadyee-r umuu deelo thing-F-DEM3 COP work:CON-F every:CON day di-r-een-ee place- F -l.PL.POSS- BACK 'That is every day's work for us.' It is very common in Iraqw to use a sentence of the type: noun, followed by a relative clause, followed by a copula plus a noun. This construction is used to focus the last noun. The following sentence contains the introduction of the hare in the story. hee ga kwaahh man:CON 0.3:0.N:PERF throw:3.SG.M:PAST 'The man who threw them is the hare.' a COP kwa'angw hare The following sentence is an answer to .the question "What does it want?" na'ay ga-r hlaa>-i a fu>unay child thing:CON-F S.3 ·want-3.SG.M:SBJV COP meat 'What the child wants is meat.' 237 236 'Where are the sabasaba (national holiday) festivities this year?' This type of construction is also used for questions, with the question word noun. yaa'e di-r ooh-iin a ala river place:CON-F S.3 get-DUR:3.SG.F COP behind:CON tlooma-r-qa' mountain-F-DEM3 'The river, where it goes is beyond that hill.' konki saga df-r ngw-1 qas hen head place:CON-F 0.3:DEP.S.3:0.M-DIR put:3.SG.F:SBJV a diima COP where 'Where did the hen put the head in?' 7J.3. Temporal nominal sentences The subject of the copular construction can be a subordinate sentence. If a temporal aspect is expressed in the sentence, the dependent verb 'to be' ta is used. aning ni tlaa-tlaw a matlatle-r booc l.SG DEP.S.l.SG HAB-rise:l.SG COP morning:CON-F black:F 'I'll rise when it is early in the morning.' This verb can be followed by the aspectual suffixes; see 4.1.1. The dependent 'to be' is also used in subordinate clauses. an ta-wa nacay l.SG DEP.BE-BACK child 'When I was a child, ... ' ga-sfng ngi tleehh a wiiki-r thing-DEM2 0.3:DEP.S.l.SG:O.F do:l.SG:SBJV COP week:CON-F alu behind 'When I'll do it, is next week.' aama ta-wa tsihay mother DEP.BE-BACK pregnant:woman 'When mother was pregnant, ... ' ta-na hardah, ta-y di-r IMPS-PAST arrive:PAST DEP.BE-CONSEC2 place:CON-F af-ku tlawi mouth-Ml:CON lake 'They arrived and they got to the ed_ge of a lake.' 7.1.2. Locative 'to be' If the complement is a locative noun phrase, the locative verb 'to be' is used. locative 'to be' is a for first and second person subjects and i for third person see 4.1.1. kuung a bara qaymo 2.SG.M S.l/2 in:CON field 'You are in the field.' ga-r bara-da ta-r dasi-r thing:CON-F in-DEM4:CON DEP.BE-INSTR girl:CON-F do>-fn, in>fn ka xuu>-i house-3.PL.POSS 3.PL 0.3:IMPS:O.F know:INT-S.3:INF 'That the thing inside is the girl of their house, do they know that?' in6s bara qaymo 3.SG S.3 in:CON field 'S /he is in the field.' 7.1.4. Impersonal subject daandu hunkay loo>a i sun S.3 back:CON cloud 'The sun is behind the cloud.' If the subject is unspecified, the impersonal subject marker ta is used. The impersonal subject marker ta can have a locative complement. The impersonal subject marker cannot be used in an equation for which the copula a is used. b<i>r-qo di-r-qa> COND<S.3>-EMPH place-F-DEM3 'If he is there, ... ' ino>fn ta do> they IMPS house 'They are at home' dama i di-r bihhi>-i S.3 place:CON-F side-DIR calf 'The calf is at the side.' If the complement is the question word diima 'where' the locative 'to be' is used not in sentences of the type: "The place is where". These have a copula. f sikukuu sabasaba diima kur-k-i feast:CON sabasaba S.3 where year-Ml-DEMl bar-ta di-r do>-o-ka, COND-IMPS place:CON-F house-BACK-NEG 'If they are not at home, ... ' ' daqa they COP crowd 'They form a crowd.' 239 238 'He climbed down from the tree.' a di-r-og-i weeriis O.F place-F-2.SG.POSS-DIR sell:l.SG 'I'll sell it to you.' not: ta daqa IMPS crowd All three of these types of constituents, verbal adverbs, objects, and noun phrases with an adverbial case clitic can at the same time occur in the core of the sentence. With an adjectival complement, the marker ta is fused with the object pronouns prefixed by the third person object marker g-; see 4.1.1. basi-r-ar Arusha-r male kay S.3 bus-F-INSTR Arusha:CON-F again go:3.SG.M 'He goes again by bus to Arusha.' inos ku hhoo' inos ka hhoo' 3.SG 0.3:IMPS:O.M nice:M 3.SG 0.3:IMPS:O.F nice:F 'He is nice.' 'She is nice.' These constituents can occur in any order. The adverb can precede or follow a noun phrase with a case clitic. The object can precede or follow a noun phrase with a case clitic. male ateet aning a-na (male) amo-r-og-i place-F-2.SG.POSS-DIR again call:l.SG l.SG S.l/2-PAST (again) 'I called upon you again.' If the object is unspecified, it has feminine gender. The least specific non-human gaa 'thing', is feminine. hhoo' ka 0.3:IMPS:O.F nice:F 'It is all right.' 7.2. Verbal sentences: The core of the sentence The minimal verbal, non-imperative sentence consists of the verb 'to be' followed the main verb. A verb 'to be' is obligatory; see 4.1. Subject, object, aspect, ... ＮＭｾＬ［ case, and mood are expressed on the verb 'to be'; see 4.1.2. Subject, tense and are expressed on the main verb; see 4.2. Progressive aspect is expressed by ｲｾＮＬｨＺ［ＧＡ＠ of the main verb; see 4.3. Ｑ Ｇ＠ aax S.3 be:satiated:3.SG.M:PRES 'He is satiated.' qoon S.3 be:good:3.SG.F 'It is good.' The subject is expressed on the main verb. The object precedes the main verb. adverbs and noun phrases with an adverbial case clitic can also occur between 'to and the verb. Prepositional phrases, noun phrases with a background suffix, serlteJrrtlaJ:.I adverbs cannot occur between 'to be' and the verb. I will call the word group from be' to the verb, the core of the sentence. The following complete sentences consist just the core of the sentence. ta ti>ita-r axwees IMPS story:CON-F tell:3.SG.M 'They tell a story.' i-na male ateet S.3-PAST again call:3.SG.M:PAST 'He called again.' i-na gawa xa'ano-wa ceet S.3-PAST top:CON tree-ABL descend:3.SG.M:PAST (too) ateet an m-a-wa too garmo l.SG PROH-S.l/2-BACK in:vain boy:CON in:vain call:l.SG 'Don't let me call the boy for nothing.' (too) ateet an m-a-wa too garm6 l.SG PROH-S.l/2-BACK in:vain boy:CON m:vam call:l.SG 'Don't let me call the boy for nothing.' inos i daandu wawutmo-wa mu-k 3.SG S.3 back:M:CON king-ABL people:CON-Ml ateet-in call- D UR:3.SG .M 'He calls the people on behalf of the king.' inos mu-k daandu wawutmo-wa 3.SG S.3 people:M:CON-Ml back:CON king-ABL ateet-in. call-D UR:3.SG .M 'He calls the people on behalf of the king.' Two adverbs can occur before the verb. Two noun phrases with an adverbial case clitic can also occur before the verb, but this is mostly avoided by having one of them occur after the verb. male ada ta'-a'-in S.3 again fast run-HAB-DUR:3.SG.M 'He runs fast again.' Imboru-wa Karato-r-i kiic 1-na S.3-PAST Mbulu-ABL Karatu-F-DIR return:3.SG.M 'He returned from Mbulu to Karatu.' 241 240 i-na basi-r-ar daqay-ka tluwo-sa 8.3-PAST bus-F-INSTR leave:3.SG.M-NEG rain:M-CAUS 'He didn't go by bus because of the rain.' ale It is not possible to have two full objects. In the following sentence kasir h 'cooking of potatoes' is one constituent made up of two nouns, linked by the case suffix. The two nouns form one constituent because the reverse order of the nouns is impossible. inos kasi-r huuringw ay. 3.SG 8.3 potatoes:CON-F cooking:CON go:3.SG.M 'He will cook potatoes.' The object can be an object pronoun. ka kakanuus. g-ta-a RDP-kanuus 0.3-IMPS-O.F HAB-weed:3.SG.M:PAST 'They weeded it.' The complement of the case clitic can also be an object pronoun, and if so, the clitic will normally cliticise to the object pronoun. male doohl u-r O.M-INSTR again cultivate:l.SG 'I dig again with it (the hoe).' However, an adverb can intervene between the object pronoun and the case clitic. kiic-ii-ka inos fiiso ga halo 3.SG stealing 0.3:0.F ever DIR return-INF-NEG 'He will never steal again.' One can have an object pronoun plus a full object in the core, as can be seen in following sentence. The first person singular is the patient of the verb which has impersonal subject. There are two extra entities, 'meat' and 'house'. The these two nouns is fixed; fu>unay and doo cannot exchange positions. two are one constituent. hare-r-o ti-na tat6 doo house: CON parents:CON wife-F-BACK IMPS:O.l.SG-PAST haratseeg doo house: CON shut:3.SG.M 'At my in-laws', I was closed in in the house with meat.' 7.2.1. The subject The subject is obligatorily expressed on the verb. The referent of the subject can understood. <aa<aam-iin 8.3 cry-DUR:3.SG.F 'They (i.e. the birds (f)) are singing.' personal (pro )nouns are mostly used for people or personified animals in stories, and for things. A personal referring to an animal or a thing is accepted in proposed sentences in elicitation, but I never encountered it in spontaneous speech such as stories. in6s <aa<aam-iin 3.SG 8.3 cry-DUR:3.SG.F 'They are singing.' (i.e. tsir<oo (f) 'birds', or amaxupa (f) 'frogs') inos hu-hu>-un 3.SG 8.3 HAB-fall-DUR:3.SG.M 'It is falling.' (i.e. do> (m) 'house') deelo gaas-ii-ka is 3.SG S.3 day kill-S.3:INF-NEG 'It won't take a day.' The personal noun is rather used for contrast, not just for any known subject. In the story about the hare and the leopard, these two main characters are both masculine nouns. As long as there is no change in subject, the subject is only marked on the verb. The personal noun inos or is 's/he' is used whenever the other becomes subject. xa>i tu<u-t-o ngi-wa hhe>ees trees uprooting-Fl-BACK 0.3:DEP.S.3:0.N-BACK finish:3.SG.M:PAST i-na waatl. is i-wa 8.3-PAST return:home:3.SG.M:PAST 3.SG 8.3-BACK hardah xa>i-da> ka arrive:3.SG.M:PAST trees-DEM4 0.3:IMPS:O.N:PAST kwaahh. throw:3.SG.M:PAST 'When he (the leopard) finished uprooting the trees, he went home. When he (the hare) arrived, those trees were thrown.' For third person subjects, the verb distinguishes between masculine, feminine, and neuter subjects, identifying the subject by gender. Third person personal nouns have only two forms: singular and plural. The distinction between male and female singular subjects is only made on the verb. inos xa>i g1-na tuuc 3.SG trees 0.3:0.N-PAST uproot:3.SG.M:PAST 'He uprooted trees.' in6s xa>i gi-na tuc 3.SG trees 0.3:0.N-PAST uproot:3.SG.F:PAST 'She uprooted trees.' The impersonal subject has ta as verb 'to be' and the third person singular masculine ending on the verb. The impersonal subject has to be human, or, in a story, a personified animal. The third person plural personal noun, ino>in 'they' is used with an impersonal subject. The impersonal subject is always understood as a group of people; see 4.1.5. 243 242 ino'in ta tsaxaar 3.PL IMPS throw:3.SG.M:PRES 'They (together) throw.' If there are coordinated agents, the subject on the verb is plural. The subject on verb is plural even if the noun phrase with the coordinating preposition nee 'and, follows the verb. a hariim n1-wa axways-aan nee COP necessity HIT-BACK speak-l.PL:SBJV with xwaylite-r-'ee parents- F -l.SG .POSS 'I must speak to my parents.' nee Joni a-n bara necema-r kaw-aan with John S.l/2-EXPEC in:CON dancing:CON-F go-l.PL 'I am going to the dance with John' 7.2.2. The object If the object noun phrase is only a noun, or if its last element is a noun, this requires a construct case suffix. kar gees6 duqa i hare-r k6n well Geso Duqa S.3 wife:CON-F have:3.SG.M 'Well, Geso Duqang has a wife.' However, the object noun does not form a close unit with the verb because the noun phrase with the construct case suffix can be followed by an adverb. basi-r-ar Arusha-r male kay S.3 bus-F-INSTR Arusha:CON-F again go:3.SG.M 'He goes again by bus to Arusha.' The object noun phrase requires no construct case suffix if it is modified by a nmmeJtB;!H an adjective, or a relative clause, all of which follow the noun. i-na am6-r lowa-r saaw kay S.3-PAST place:CON-F very:CON-F far go:3.SG.M 'He went very far.' The object can be more than a simple noun. The object noun phrase can vv.u.u..,.££L.>:,.m genitive noun construction, for example with locative nouns as in bara guru 'in the inside of the mortars'. muuse-r tlet bara guru kune-r pestles:CON-F long:PL S.3 in:CON stomach:CON mortars:CON-F ka-keer HAB-go:3.SG.F 'The long pestles go down into the mortars.' aten ta shida-r ma'a koom-aan l.PL DEP.S.l/2 problem:CON-F water:CON have-l.PL 'We have water problems.' Nominal suffixes or their corresponding independent pronouns can follow the noun, for example muru'in kwi 'these things of theirs'. inin ta muru'-In kwi axwees, 3.PL IMPS things-3.PL.POSS INDEP.M:DEMl say:3.SG.M 'While they are telling these things of theirs, ... ' Adjectives, numerals, and relative clauses can follow the noun. is bohh6ngw yaariir fooliit 3.SG S.3 hole:CON big:M dig:3.SG.M 'He is digging a big hole.' kuung-u-sing tseeca nga hot mas 2.SG.M-M-DEM2 outside 0.3:HIT:O.N:PERF live:2.SG:SBJV must xu>uti-r hhoo> k6on a S.l/2 knowing:CON-F good:F have:2.SG 'You who have lived abroad should know better.' an-a nacaa tarn k6om l.SG-S.l/2 children:CON three have:l.SG 'I have three children.' doohlitumo i hikwa-w6s mibangw loot-in farmer S.3 cows-3.SG.POSS ten:N milk-DUR:3.SG.M 'The farmer is milking his ten cows.' qaym6-r ta d6ohl qaytsiit is 3.SG S.3 field:CON-F IMPS cultivate:PAST watch:3.SG.M 'He examines the field that is cultivated.' The object noun phrase can be a locative object. Some verbs have locations as object, for example kaw 'to go'. an-a Imboru kaw l.SG-S.l/2 Mbulu:CON go:l.SG 'I am going to Mbulu.' loo hi i di-r qama Nadi-r warahh path S.3 place:CON-F fields:N:CON Nade:CON-F pass:3.SG.F 'The path passes the plot of Nad e.' xaatli i bara hhay diri> trees S.3 in:CON row be:3.SG.F 'The trees are in a row.' yaama aben harweer-iya> encircle-3.PL S.3 land:N:CON new 244 'They will encircle the new land.' If the object noun is understood, it is represented by an object pronoun. This is case if the object is mentioned in the previous sentence or if it is evident from context. do> a kwe-'ee' kargan, bar aning house COP INDEP.M-l.SG.POSS well COND l.SG u-n tleehh-aahh-iit. O.M-EXPEC build-HAB-MIDDLE:l.SG 'The house is mine since I have been building it,' g-a-na alhhe>ees. 0.3-0.F-PAST finish:3.SG ..M:PAST 'He finished it (i.e. the field (f))' If there is no specific object and if the verb is transitive, the object pronoun is ternmine.,.l presumably referring to gaa (f) 'thing'. ga sii> 0.3:0.F refuse:3.SG.M:PRES 'He refuses (it).' There can be an external object, outside the core of the sentence, but the eXljerilatl object noun is represented by an object pronoun within the core of the sentence. buura a-ga. wah beer O.F-PERF drink:l.SG 'I drank beer.' 7.2.3. Adverbial case Noun phrases with one of the adverbial role case clitics, -i directive, -wa ablative, instrumental, or -sa reason, can be inside the core of the sentence. If the case ｭｃｊｌｲｋ･Ｚｾｬ＠ cliticises to the noun, it is preceded by a gender linker. See 3.4.5. for the Ｎｾｵ＠ ....,a.uaJ.F, these case clitics and for other morphological details. 245 fhe noun to which the case clitic is attached may be modified by noun suffixes, such as possessi ves. qaymo ga kurmo-'een-ar doohl field 0.3:0.F hoe-l.SG.POSS-INSTR dig:3.SG.M:PRES 'He cultivates the field with my hoe.' xaatli i gwa yaamu-'ee-wa na'a-na<-ir trees S.3 top:CON land-l.SG.POSS-ABL HAB-grow-3.PL 'Trees are growing on my land.' aning a-na di-r-og-i iwiit. l.SG S.l/2-PAST place-F-2.SG.POSS-DIR sit:l.SG 'I sat at your place.' The noun phrase with the case clitic may contain a genitive construction. i-na naanu tlaxw-ta-sa bara. sokoni-r S.3-PAST vegetables:CON buying-Fl-REAS in:CON market:CON-F kay go:3.SG 'He went to the market to buy vegetables.' hare-r-os nga-na bara do>-i huuw wife-F-3.SG.POSS 0.3:HIT:O.F-PAST in:CON house-DIR bring:3.SG.M nee na<ii-wos-ee. with children-3.SG.POSS-BACK 'He brought his wife together with his children into the house.' di-r nada-r-i ino>in in6s ng-u-na 3.PL 3.SG PL:0.3-0.M-PAST place:CON-F market-F-DIR aye' go:3.PL:PAST 'They met him at the market.' ';rhe noun may be modified by an adjective or a relative clause. muungay g-u-na <ameni-r-i haniis bracelet 0.3-0.M-PAST woman-F-DIR give:3.SG.M:PAST 'He gave the woman a bracelet.' kiic saaw wa amo-r naa ABL return:3.SG.M HIT:S.3:PERF place:CON-F far 'He returned from a far away place.' inos i-na gawa xa>ano-wa <eet. 3.SG S.3-PAST top:CON tree:M-ABL fall:3.SG.M:PAST 'He fell from the tree.' inqwari g-a hee inqwarf-r koom-a-ka-y cloth 0.3-0.F man:CON cloth:CON-F have-INF-NEG-DIR han<m>iis give<Dl}R>3.SG.M:PRES 'He gives ·a cloth to the man who has no cloth.' inos na<ay g-u xwaytsi-r-ar taahh 3.SG child 0.3-0.M stick-F-INSTR beat:3.SG.M:PRES 'He will beat the child with a stick.' a-ga ti>i>ing-sa hlaqaat S.l/2-PERF running:M-REAS be:tired:l.SG 'I am tired because of running.' The noun phrase may consist of a personal noun. inos aa aning-sa buuhh 3.SG S.3:PERF l.SG-REAS be:angry:3.SG.M 247 246 'He was angry because of me' The case clitic indicates that somewhere in the sentence there is a noun phrase has the role expressed by the case. This does not need to be the noun phrase which the case is cliticised. For example, in the following sentence the poison is into the beer and yet 'poison' and not 'beer' has the directive case clitic, because noun for 'poison' is in the core of the sentence, and 'beer' is external, which in i reflects the sequence of the action: you take the beer first and then put poison buura a-n sum-1 qaas-aan beer O.F-EXPEC poison-DIR put-l.PL 'We'll put poison into the beer.' In the following sentences, the instrumental case clitic can be attached either to 'tail' or to the 'ground'. yaamu g-i-n hhayso-r muux land S.3-0.N-EXPEC tail-INSTR beat:3.SG.M:PRES 'He is beating the ground with his tail.' hhayso g-i-n yaamu-r muux tail S.3-0.N-EXPEC land-INSTR beat:3.SG.M:PRES 'He is beating his tail on the ground.' It is also possible to exchange noun phrases within the core of the sentence and the adverbial case clitic in the same position. in6s hhar-ta hhawatri hanmiis 3.SG S.3 stick-Fl:CON man-DIR give 'He is giving a stick to the man.' in6s hhawatu hhart-i hanmiis 3.SG S.3 man:CON stick-DIR give 'He is giving a stick to the man.' If the noun with the adverbial role is understood but not expressed, there is an pronoun referring to it in the core of the sentence. The case is then cliticised to object pronoun. This is not possible for the ablative case clitic wa. It would mistaken for the homophonous background aspect suffix -wa; see also 4.1.16. an u-r d6ohl l.SG O.M-INSTR dig:l.SG 'I dig with it (the hoe)' The noun phrase to which the case clitic refers can also be outside the core of sentence. It is then represented by an object pronoun in the core of the sentence. kii'-ii-ka in6s fiiso ga bal6 3.SG stealing(£) 0.3:0.F ever DIR return-S.3:INF-NEG 'He will never steal again.' 7.2.4. Adverbs Certain adverbs can appear in the core of the sentence. These adverbs are verbal adverbs as opposed to sentential adverbs that cannot appear in the core of the sentence; see also 5.2. male ateet. aning kuung u-na l.SG 2.SG O.M-PAST again call 'I called you again.' naqaqaati a-ga bal6 aand-i lizard O.F-PERF ever see:2.SG:INT-INF:PAST 'Have you ever seen a monitor lizard?' naanu u-na mak firiim, ala ngwa vegetables O.M-PAST just ask:l.SG but 0.3:HIT:O.M:PERF haniis-ii-ka give-S.3:INF-NEG 'I asked for vegetables but he didn't give them to me.' qaymo a-ga qar6 amohhe)ees field O.F-PERF already complete:l.SG 'I have already finished the field.' 7.2.5. The linked noun Nouns that have an attributive function to the object head noun occur after the verb. In this case the dependent form of 'to be' must be used, a construction which is very common for numerals. umu-w-6s ku babay name-M-3.SG.POSS 0.3:IMPS:O.M call:3.SG.M:PRES 'They call him Black.' bobooc Black Hhaymu dasi ngi kon wak. Hhaymu girl 0.3:DEP.S.3:0.F have:3.SG.M:PRES one 'Hhaymu has only a single daughter.' ngaa laqwal tarn nacii children 0.3:DEP.S.3:0.N:PERF give:birth:3.SG.F three 'She gave birth to three children.' Note that the numerals are nouns; see 3.6. The linked noun construction is not possible with adjectives, hence the following sentence is impossible: *na'ii ng1 children 0.3:DEP.S.3:0.N 'She has big children.' koon ur-en have:3.SG.F big-PL:N Furthermore, locatives can immediately foll.0w the verb. Then the dependent form of 'to be' is used. The locative noun phrase is an essential part of the act of the verb, it immediately follows it, whereas if the locative noun phrase is circumstantial, it requires a background suffix. In the following sentences, the locative noun phrases immediately follow the verb since the locative expressions are an essential part of the action. 249 248 ku ka too qas bara afa 2.8G.M 0.3:DEP.8.1/2:0.F just put:2.8G in:CON mouth 'You just put it at the mouth.' du>uma ngi-na luuc bara qaymo leopard 0.3:DEP:O.N-PA8T hide:3.8G.M in:CON field 'The leopard hid them (the trees) in the field.' ku dasi-r do->fn ka 2.8G.M girl:CON-F house-3.PL.P088 0.3:DEP.8.1/2:0.F bara qat-u-wok, ka gagar in:CON bed-M-2.8G.P088 0.3:DEP.8.1/2:0.F carry:2.8G to qat a bed 'You transport the girl of their house into your place to sleep, you carry her the place of sleeping.' na'ay-w-os ku-du saree'a child-M-3.8G.P088 INDEP.M-DEM4:M:CON buffalo ku-n nunumaamfis di-r place:CON-F 0.3:IMP8:0.M-EXPEC let:suck ku-da' INDEP.N-DEM4 'His child, the buffalo's, was fed by those cows of his.' is 1-na doohl di-r niina 3.8G 8.3-PA8T cultivate:3.8G.M:PA8T place:CON-F small:F 'He cultivated a small part.' kar loo>itleer hhay caga naxes aa iwft dinkwa. well next:day clan cannibal well 8.3:PERF sit:3.8G.F together 'Well, another day the cannibal clan happened to sit together.' 7.3. Adjuncts Adjuncts are phrases that are not part of the core of the sentence. Possible adjuncts are a sentential adverb, a noun phrase, or a prepositional phrase. Noun phrases that are coreferent with the subject of the verb or with the object pronoun are called external subjects and objects, respectively. tokaro-ya sare'a bara xats-ta-ka-r-wa once-EMPH buffalo(F) 8.3 in:CON valley-Fl-INDEF-F-ABL qa-qeer HAB-graze:3.8G.F 'Once upon a time, a buffalo was grazing in a certain valley.' doohl-aahl-iit-a ayto>o a maize(F) O.F cultivate-HAB-MIDDLE:INT-INF 'Are you growing maize?' A ｶ･ｲ｢ｾｬ＠ adverb and a noun phrase with an adverbial case clitic require a resumptive pronoun ale if they occur outside the core of the sentence, since there is no -element within the core which refers to them .. ba)aramo i iwiit gwa daandu xarami bee 8.3 sit:3.8G.M top:CON back:M:CON honey:comb 'The bee is on the honeycomb.' aa buuhh aning-sa ale 8.3:PERF be:angry:3.8G.M 1.8G-REA8 RE8PRO 'He is angry because of me.' saga i hu>-un yaamu head 8.3 fall-DUR:3.SG.M ground 'The head falls onto the ground.' not: yaamu-i 'ground-DIR' inos i-na 'eet lak ale 3.8G 8.3-PA8T fall:3.8G.M nearly RE8PRO 'He nearly fell.' fadu->ee> hikwa daya' di-da-da> cattle 8.3 be:3.PL place-DEM4-DEM4 bones-1.8G.P088 ki fool 0.3:IMP8:0.N bury:3.8G.M 'Cattle will be at the place where you bury my bones.' Adjuncts that are locative, and temporal noun phrases are often followed by a background suffix. kwa'angw matlatlee-r-o i-na ti>fit. hare(M) morning-F-BACK 8.3-PA8T go:out:3.8G.M 'The hare went out in the morning.' ufe-r diren seehh<im>ft bara qaymo heaps:CON-F big:PL 8.3 stand<DUR>:3.8G.F in:CON field 'Big heaps are standing in the field.' du>uma i-na hardah matlatlee-r-o. leopard 8.3-PA8T arrive:3.8G.M morning-F-BACK 'Leopard arrived in. the morning.' loohi i waarahh tlacangw yaam-a aang way 8.3 pass:3.8G.F middle:CON land-N:CON before Nadee Nadeet 'The way passes through the former land of Nadeet.' cisa> xweera-wo inos u-gwa ar-ii-ka yesterday niglit-BACK 3.8G O.M-PERF see-INF:PA8T-NEG 'Last night I didn't see him.' 251 250 daq-ta yaariit-ee xweera-wo aning a time-Fl:CON many-BACK night-BACK l.SG S.l/2 guu'-a'-iim-a-ka (xweera-wo) sleep-HAB-DUR-INF-NEG night-BACK 'Often I cannot sleep at night.' External subjects and objects and sentential adverbs preferably precede the core of sentence. The sentential adverbs anga>aw 'maybe (controlled by the subject of sentence)', doqa 'maybe (hesitation)', daqani 'afterwards' have the same distri as wane 'maybe (beyond control)' in the following sentence. wane aten (wane) may:be l.PL may:be 'Maybe we will leave.' a tlaw-aan (*wane) S.l/2 go:away-l.PL maybe kar na'aay tibe g-u-n kutsuhh well child again 0.3-0.M-EXPEC pinch:3.SG.F 'She pinches the child again.' External case noun phrases, verbal adverbs, and prepositional phrases tend to the core of the sentence. ta-y hardah ay di-r do-'in IMPS-CONSEC2 arrive:3.SG.M to place:CON-F house-3.PL.POSS 'And they arrived at their house.' 7.3.1. External subject The external subject usually precedes the "core of the sentence. The external is not necessarily the topic. The first noun phrase in the sentence is the topic only it is followed by a pause; see 7.7. A topic does not require a syntactic relation to core of the sentence. fiisusmo dirisha-r i-r-a dah thief window:CON-F S.3-INSTR-PERF enter:3.SG.M:PAST do) a ti house COP INDEP.F:DEMl 'The thief, the window by which he entered into the house is this one.' The external subject can, exceptionally, occur after the core of the sentence; see 7 i-na cak<m>it, hhay caga cannibals(F) S.3-PAST run<DUR>:3.SG.F clan 'They were running, the cannibal clan.' 7.3.2. External objects. The object can occur before the core of the sentence. If it does, an object pron follows 'to be' and this pronoun is suffixed to i't. Imboru ku kay do>owihee Imboru g-ta-u kay do>-u-f-hee Mbulu(M) 0.3-IMPS-O.M go:3.SG.M:PRES house-M-DEMI-BACK 'Somebody in this house is going to Mbulu.' If the object is a first or second person, the verb 'to be' is zero. If the object is a third person, there is a prefix g- to the verb 'to be'; see 4.1.2. xawa' u tsafemiis bara qaymo manure O.M spread:l.SG in:CON field 'I spread manure over the field.' hunkay doori ga tuntuuk clouds(M) sky(F) 0.3:0.F cover:3.SG.M 'The clouds cover the sky.' The external object noun phrase can contain a relative clause or other modifiers. hee-wi aa tleehh an-u do>-o-wi house-M-DEMI man-DEMl S.3:PERF build:3.SG.M l.SG-O.M watlakwemiis. admire:l.SG 'I admire the house that this man has built.' The question one must ask is: when is the object noun phrase within the core of the sentence, and when is it outside? In past tenses, the object tends to be external and in the' present tense internal. , baynu g-i-na caymis 0.3-0.N-PAST feed:3.SG.F pigs 'She fed the pigs.' However, the other orders do occur. In fact, the object can occur outside the core of the sentence in all tenses. The following sentences are examples of internal object in the past tense and external object in the present tense. bar a sok6-r kay as i- na S.3-PAST in:CON market:CON-F go:3.SG.M because naanu tlaxwa vegetables:M:CON buying 'He went to the market to buy vegetables.' tlaaxw garma kurmo gu-n 0.3:0.M-EXPEC buy:3.SG.M:PRES boy hoe 'The boy is to buy a hoe.' In clauses with simultaneous actions, the objects are internal. inin ta muru>-in kwi 3.PL IMPS things:M-3.PL.POSS INDEP.M:DEMl 'While they are telling these things of theirs, ... ' axwees, say:3.SG.M 253 252 kar is hikwa daaf, dasi i-n cakmam:ft well 3.SG S.3 cattle:CON return girl S.3-EXPEC run:3.SG.F 'While he returns the cattle, the girl is running.' ahla'ay Muray a kaw-a-ka a Kwermuhl-u no Muray O.F go:l.SG-INF-NEG S.l/2 Kwermuhl-M:CON kaw go:l.SG 'No, I am not going to Muray, I am going to Kwermuhl.' In sentences expressing intention, the object is external. famfe>amo u-n af-ku do>-i qaas-aan snake(M) O.M-EXPEC mouth-Ml:CON house-DIR put-l.PL 'Let us put a snake on the door.' saree'a-r awu a cay-aan buffalo:CON-F bull O.F eat-l.PL 'Let us eat the big bull.' Outside of a context, a sentence that is non-past and that has the object outside core, is interpreted as future. aning kasiis a huuriim l.SG potatoes O.F cook:l.SG 'I'll cook potatoes.' aning a kasii-r huuriim l.SG S.l/2 potatoes:CON-F cook:l.SG 'I cook potatoes.' General statements have the object in the core of the sentence. For example, kahawu waha S.l/2 coffee:CON drink:l.SG 'I drink coffee (I am a coffee drinker).' In subordinate clauses, the object is usually outside the core of the sentence. exception is when the action is or was a habit, a situation that is not specific in aangw ta-wa migr-u d<ar-ar>ahh-i before IMPS-BACK firewood-M:CON come:from<DUR-DUR>-SBJV ta-n da>-a'-aat IMPS-EXPEC sing-HAB-MIDDLE 'Long ago, whenever they returned from firewood collecting, they were is i-wa mu-k alcag-ag-in a 3.SG S.3-BACKGND people:CON-Ml deceive-HAB-DUR COP adooma how 'When he had tEe habit of deceiving people, how did he do it?' The object in negative statements is external. In the following sentence the object to be external. d6o ur gwa tleehh-ii-ka house:CON big:M 0.3:0.M:PREF build-INF:PAST-NEG 'He didn't build a big house.' In the following negative sentence the object is internal, but the object is the most readily expected object of this verb. a faca-r huuriind-a-ka S.l/2 porridge:CON-F cook:2.SG-INF-NEG 'You are not going to cook.' faca a huuriind-a-ka porridge O.F cook:2.SG-INF-NEG 'You don't cook porridge.' Nouns with an adverbial usage, such as diri 'here', dinkwar 'together', adori 'such' are internal. ti,ita-r-'ee-ti a-ga di-r-i story-F-l.SG.POSS-INDEP:DEMl.F O.F-PERF place-F-DEMl al-hhe'ees together' I have finished my story here.' ta dinkwa-r hoot-at-in IMPS together:CON-F live-HAB-DUR:3.SG.M 'They live together.' Geso Duqa fu'una saree'a gay Geso Duqa meat:N:CON buffalo 0.3:0.N:CONSEC2 ado-r-i laaq manner-F-DEMl do:3.SG:PAST 'And Geso Duqa did thus with the buffalo's meat.' The inherent object of a verb is inside the core of the sentence. aa>aa kaa-kay S.3 travels:N:CON HAB-go:3.SG.M 'He usually goes on journeys.' d6o tleehhiit S.3 house:M:CON build:3.SG.M:PRES 'He is building a house.' If the object of the sentence above is placed outside the core of the sentence, that is, in a sentence-initial position, the sentence needs an addition, for example 'over there'. The object 'house' is now the theme of the sentence that is modified by 'over there'. 255 254 do' gu tleehhiit di-r-qa-y ale house 0.3:0.M build:3.SG.M:PRES place-F-DEM3-DIR RESPRO 'He is building a house over there.' If the object is the theme of the sentence, it is external. In a sentence such as gadyeet ga faak work 0.3:0.F finish:3.SG.M:PRES 'He finishes the work.' yaamu ki-na piimuus land:N 0.3:IMPS:O.N-PAST measure:PAST 'The land was measured.' In the following sentence, the object is not the theme and therefore the object is in core of the sentence. doohla-r ale cultivating-INSTR RESPRO The object is in the core of the sentence if both verb and object are together in fo The answer to a question "What did you do yesterday?" IS a-na tlaba hhuunts-iit S.l/2-PAST clothes:N:CON wash-MIDDLE:l.SG 'I washed my clothes.' whereas tlabu i-na hhuunts-iit clothes O.N-PAST wash-MIDDLE:l.SG 'I washed my clothes.' would be the answer to "What did you wash yesterday?", supposing that there something else to be washed. Similarly the following sentence is an appropriate to "What are you doing?" or to "Are you eating porridge?" a faca-r caay S.l /2 porridge:CON- F eat:l.SG 'I am eating porridge.' Whereas faca a caay porridge O.F eat:l.SG 'I am eating porridge.' lama a k6om evidence O.F have:l.SG 'I have evidence.' hlee-r afa b6oc a-n gas-a cow:CON-F mouth:CON black O.F-EXPEC kill:2.SG:INT-INF 'Do you kill an innocent cow?' it is more fit for the object to be external because otherwise the meaning would be 'work' in general is 'finished' once and for all, which is hard to conceive. The is external if it is negated because then it is the theme of the sentence. The o is preferably external and sentence-initial in sentences with impersonal subjects. object is naturally the theme if the subject is not to be mentioned. kur-ku faak S.3 year-Ml:CON finish:3.SG.M:PRES 'He cultivates the whole year through.' is an appropriate answer to "What are you ･｡ｴｩｾｧ＿ＮＢ＠ or to "Are you eating porridge?", where the latter runs counter to the expectation of the speaker. In the following sentences the emphasis is on the external object. The object is usually in the core of the sentence if the sentence is in progressive aspect, with the durative suffix on the verb. The focus is on the aspect. doohla-r fak-in S.3 cultivating:CON-F finish-DUR:3.SG.M 'He is finishing cultivation.' an-a dama amhl-iim l.SG-S.l/2 calves:N:CON separate-DUR:l.SG 'I am separating the calves.' Themes tend to be specific. In past tenses, the situations or events also tend to be specific and therefore in past tenses the object is often externaL However, specific objects do not automatically occl!r externally. For example, place names that are the object of the verb aw 'to go' or the verb daahh 'to come from' are commonly inside the core. an a uholansi-r daahh l.SG S.l/2 Holland:CON-F come:frorn:l.SG 'I come from Holland.' Objects with a possessive suffix can occur in the core of the sentence, if they are general. umuu-qo hee-wo i-qo hare-r-6s k6n every-EMPH man-BACK S.3-EMPH wife-F-3.SG.POSS have:3.SG.M 'Every man has his wife.' Since personal nouns are specific, they are usually outside the core of the sentence, and a personal noun as an external object is usually in its full form, a ten 'us', not at, although an 'me' for aning is possible. However, the personal nouns can also occur inside the core of the sentence. aning kuung u-na ateet l.SG 2.SG.M O.M-PAST call:l.SG 'I called you.' a ten (*at) ti atet l.PL l.PL O.l.PL call:2.SG 'You call us.' 257 256 the external object, aten 'we'; 'fear' is a quality to be attributed to the object, 'us'. :Likewise, 'doors' is the object and 'two' is attributed to it. an-i-ga atet l.SG-O.l.SG-PERF call:2.SG 'You called me.' wakuse-r saw-en aten ti da>e-r tlaq-ka enemies:CON-F far-MULT l.PL O.l.PL fear:CON-F cut:3.SG.F-NEG 'Far away enemies don't make us afraid.' an-a in6s ateet l.SG-S.l/2 3.SG call:l.SG 'I'll call her/him.' External objects are usually in front of the core of the sentence. They can either or follow the external subject. If they precede the external subject, the external o is topic; see 7. 7. kuung dayshimo u ca-cag-a-kee 2.SG.M snake(M) O.M HAB-eat:2.SG-INF-NEG:INF:INT 'You don't eat snakes, do you?' kwacangw g-i-na ca-caay nacii->ee> children(N)-l.SG.POSS hare(M) S.3-0.N-PAST HAB-eat.3.SG.M 'My children, the hare ate them.' The external object can also follow the core of the sentence. This is a highly order. In stories it is used for the stylistic effect of establishing a series of related leading to a climax; see 7.8. diirangw gay faak lion 0.3:0.N:CONSEC2 finish:3.SG.M:PAST 'And the lion finished the cattle.' hikwa cattle If the external object is a sentence, this sentence follows the core of the main sen and the object pronoun is feminine; see 10. ga harahhef n1-wa hhoo>o-r->ee> sister-F-l.SG.POSS 0.3:0.F expect:3.SG.F DEP.S.l.SG-BACK kang- i haniis kanga-DIR give:l.SG 'My sister expects me to give her a kanga (a piece of cloth).' ku-wa yaah<aam>iis-i ga-n 0.3:IMPS:O.M-BACKGND ask<DUR>-3.SG:SBJV 0.3:0.F-EXPEC Iowa hlaa>-ii-ka very like-S.3:INF-NEG 'He does not want to be asked questions.' 7.3.3. Split object The object noun phrase can be partly inside the core of the sentence and partly The noun that is outside the core of the sentence haS" an object pronoun ｾｦﾷＢＧ［ＮＬｲｭＺ＠ it inside the core of the sentence. The part of the object that is inside the core of sentence consists of only a noun. This noun is attributive to the external object. construction is similar to that of the linked noun after the verb; see 7.2.5. The verb be' does not need to be dependent. For example in. the following sentence, 'fear' afe a-n tsar tleehh-aan doors O.F-EXPEC two make-l.PL 'We make two doors.' This construction with a split object is common for verbal nouns and their patient nouns. The patient of the nominalised verb is the external object. The object pronoun referring to it, together with the verbal noun, is the internal object. matlo aten gadyeet a tleehhama-r aw-aan-a-ka tomorrow l.PL work O.F doing:CON-F go-l.PL-INF-NEG 'We are not going to work tomorrow.' The internal object holds contrastive emphasis. In the following sentences the second sentence differs from the first in the fact that 'maize' has priority over other crops. In the third sentence, there is contrastive emphasis on the numeral which is inside the core of the sentence. aning cayto>o a doohla-r hlaa> l.SG maize O.F cultivating:CON-F want:l.SG 'I want to cultivate the maize.' aning a cayto>o-r doohla-r hhia> S.l/2 maize:CON-F cultivating:CON-F want:l.SG l.SG 'I want to cultivate the maize. afe a-n tsar tleehh-aan doors O.F-EXPEC two make-l.PL 'We make two doors.' 7.3.4. Bare noun internal object The object carries a construct case suffix if it ends in a noun as we have seen in 7.2.2. In certain instances, the core-internal object noun has no construct case. In such a case, the noun and the verb form a close- knit combination, that is, the noun is not modified by any noun suffix, nor can an adverb come between the noun and the verb. This construction is often used with body parts. Usually there is an external object and/or an object pronoun in addition to and related to the bare core-internal noun. The noun can be in a logical combination with the verb, like saga deeqw 'to shave the head'' sage naa> 'to cut the heads (the hair)'' or fixed expressions like saga aw 'to go in front'. The noun is like an adverb; the noun can be placed sentence-finally and if it is, it requires the resun;ptive pronoun ale an u deeqw saga ale l.SG O.M shave:l.SG head RESPRO 'I shave his head.' (lit. 'him the head') 259 258 gaa 'thing', or hee 'human being', where cameeni 'woman' would require a construct The following examples involve a human external object and the preverbal noun· of the body. Note that the noun sage 'heads' is plural agreeing with the pl the understood referent of the object (nacii (n) 'children'). an u saga deeqw l.SG O.M head shave:l.SG 'I shave his head.' a-ga hee gaas S.l/2-PERF man kill:l.SG 'I committed manslaughter.' g-i-na sage na> 0.3-0.N-PAST heads cut:3.SG.F 'She cut their (the children) heads (the hair).' a-ga cameni-r gaas S.l/2-PERF woman:CON-F kill:l.SG 'I killed a woman.' g-w-a saga ay nee hikwa-wo 0.3-0.M-PERF head go:3.SG.M and cows-BACK 'He went in front of him and the cows.' Alternatively, the verb is very general, for example tleehh 'to make'. Here tleehh expresses that one changes oneself into ｳｯｭ･ｴｨｩｮｾＮ＠ There is no object pronoun. kar aama g-u-na saga tsat well mother 0.3-0.M-PAST head cut:3.SG.F 'Mother cut his head off.' (lit. 'cut him the head off') i-ri tlacano tleehhiit S.3-CONSEC stone make:3.SG.M:PAST 'He turned himself into a stone.' cisa u-ga diitsa tsaat yesterday O.M-PERF finger cut:l.SG 'Yesterday I cut his finger.' (lit. 'I cut him a finger.') in6s ti-na kil-os mana tlehh 3.SG REC-PAST self-3.SG.POSS spirit make:3.SG.F 'She turned herself into a hyena-spirit.' cisa an ti-na kil->ee> diitsa tsaat yesterday l.SG REC-PAST self-l.SG.POSS finger cut:LSG 'Yesterday I cut my own finger.' The construction is also used with a verbal noun followed by the verb hhe)ees 'complete', meaning doing something completely. , aa si>iima hhe>ees S.3:PERF refusing finish:3.SG.M:PAST 'He refused completely.' dayshimo gitla-da> g-u-ri ya>e kiihh snake(M) man-DEM4 0.3-0.M-CONSEC leg bite:3.SG.M 'The snake bit that man in the leg.' The form a-ga is ambiguous. It can be S.l/2-PERF or O.F-PERF. In the sentence aga can only be interpreted as containing an object pronoun. is impossible with hlee alone as an object. case suffix. a-ga gaa hheet-iim S.l/2-PAST thing destroy-DUR:l.SG 'I destroyed something.' ＮｴｖｌｊｙＢＧｾ＠ a-ga hlee gaas O.F-PAST cow kill:l.SG 'I killed a cow for her.' There are, however, also sentences without an object pronoun and with a bare preceding the verb. Compare for example the following sentences. 1-na sihheena duuq S.3-PAST teeth brush:3.SG.M 'He brushed his teeth.' cisa a-ga diitsa tsaat yesterday S.l/2-PERF finger cut:l.SG 'Yesterday I cut my finger.' The compound verbs (see 4.4.3.) have developed from such constructions. The following sentence shows that the 'combination of noun and verb has acquired a new meaning. a-ga dabe tlakwemiis O.F-PERF hands do:bad:l.SG 'I did something illegal.' The following compound verbs contain the noun ila 'eye'. ilagoow ilahanmiis ila>oh ilahlaw 'to 'to 'to 'to run away from sth., avoid', goow 'to run' interpret', hanmiis 'to give' receive, to answer in songs', oh 'to take, catch' have good luck', hlaw 'to get' 7.3.5. External adverbial case noun phrase and external verbal adverbs: The resumptive pronoun ale Adverbs and noun phrases with adverbial case clitics can be in a position after the core The construction is also used in sentences where the noun is very general, for ex 261 260 of the sentence, in which case they require a resumptive pronoun ale. gadyeet aa fak hara ale work S.3:PERF finish:3.SG.F nearly RESPRO 'The work is nearly finished.' ale ala kurmo gw-a leeleehhahhit to hoe 0.3:0.M-PERF search:3.SG.F in:vain RESPRO but gw-a hleer-ii-ka 0.3:0.M-PERF get:3.SG.F-S.3:INF-NEG 'She looked for the hoe in vain.' aten a-ga Imboru kaw-aan al ale l.SG S.l/2-PERF Mbulu go-l.PL together RESPRO 'We went together to Mbulu.' muu u gacaw mak ale, ala a ad6-r people O.M see:l.SG somehow RESPRO but COP xaa'i trees 'I can see people somehow, but they are like trees.' i-na lak ceet gwa xa>ano-wa 3.SG S.3-PAST nearly fall:3.SG.M top:CON tree-ABL 'He nearly fell from the tree.' lllOS ti><ii>>in iimf-r Kuta-wa Basili n-i-na HIT-S.3-PAST run<HAB>:3.SG.M point:CON-F Kuta-ABL Basili ale RES PRO 'Basili was running from Kuta to here.' ta-y hardah di-da>-i ale IMPS-DIR arrive:PAST place-DEM4-DIR RESPRO 'They arrived at that place.' More than one phrase, each with its own resumptive pronoun, can appear after verb. inin ta-na nahhaat ganhlar ale bara 3.PL IMPS-PAST hide quickly:CON RESPRO in:CON kiintamo-y ale bush-DIR RESPRO 'They quickly hid in the bushes.' in6s i-na ceet lak ale gwa 3.SG S.3-PAST fall:3.SG.M nearly RESPRO top:CON tree-ABL ale RES PRO 'He nearly fell from the tree.' In general, nouns without an adverbial case suffix do not occur in a post-verbal position followed by ale, but occasional examples do occur. In these examples the noun phrase . not the object but an adverbial. See ganhlar ale 'quickly' above, and: IS kar ta-ri tlay sagw loo>a-r ale well IMPS-CONSEC leave:3.SG.M head:CON sun:CON-F RESPRO 'Well, they left in the early morning.' A core-internal bare noun can occur post-verbally. The nominal parts of compound verbs (see 4.4.) cannot be in a position after the verb. in6s fala g-a afa gweer 3.SG hide 0.3-0.F mouth open:3.SG.M 'He has opened the bag at the opening.' With a resumptive pronoun, the adverbial case noun phrase can also occur at other positions in the sentence if it is followed by a background suffix. di-r muu bahh ale-hee mar>afi i-qo place:CON-F people some RESPRO-BACK relationship S.3-EMPH kahh be:absent:3.SG.F 'Among other people, the system of family relationship is absent.' 7.3.6. Sentential adverbs ,The adjunct can consist of a sentential adverb. For a list and discussion of sentential 5.3. The sentential adverbs precede the core of the sentence. adverbs; ｳ･ｾ＠ aning daxta yaamu-ka geewaw l.SG now land-DEMl.N O.N leave:l.SG 'I am leaving this area now.' hee-ko mas gadyee-sing g-a tleehh man-INDEF.M must work-DEM2 0.3-0.F do:3.SG.M:PRES 'Someone must do the work.' gitla-qa> bare aangw a mak narkutamo man-DEM3 well before COP somewhat poor:man 'That man used to be somewhat poor.' is ham b<u>r gaas-aan a.d6-r 3.SG now COND<O.M> kill-l.PL manner:CON-F ku-r hlaw-aan a adooma 0.3:IMPS:O.M-INSTR get-l.PL COP how 'If we then kill him, how do we get him?' 7.3.7. Prepositional phrases The adjunct can consist of a prepositional phrase. There is a small set of prepositions: ay 'to (DIR)', ar 'with (INSTR)', as 'because (REAS)', nee 'and, with, by', har 'until', ta 'than (in comparison)'. The first three, ay, ar, as are variants of the adverbial case 263 262 clitics i, r, and sa and probably consist of a copula a plus the adverbial case cli noun phrase introduced by ay, ar, or as is comparable to a noun phrase with clitic. The preposition as can be replaced by asma with no difference in i-na S.3-PAST naanu vegetables bara sok6-r kay as ( asma) in:CON market:CON-F go:3.SG.M REAS because tlax-o buying-BACK 'He went to the market to buy vegetables.' naanu tlaxw-ta-sa bara sokoni-r 1-na S.3-PAST vegetables buying-F1-REAS in:CON market:CON-F kay go:3.SG.M 'He went to the market to buy vegetables.' kitangw nee mesa i gwarangwarimit-iya' as chair and table S.3 shake-3.PL because 'The chair and the table are shaking because of the earthquake.' kuung a gurhamut-a as kicima di-r 2.SG.M S.1/2 regret:2.SG:INT-INF because returning place:CON-F do)-6k house-2.SG.POSS 'Are you sad because of returning to your house?' kuung a kicima-w6k-sa gurhamut-a? 2.SG.M S.1/2 return-2.SG.POSS-REAS regret:2.SG:INT-INF 'Are you sad because of returning to your house?' kuung a gurhamut-a 2.SG.M S.1/2 regret:2.SG:INT-INF di-r do>-6g-i place:CON-F house-2.SG.POSS-DIR asma ta-wa because DEP.S.1/2-BACK kic. return:2:SG 'Are you sad because of returning to your house?' The noun following the preposition is not necessarily the semantic complement of preposition. The semantic complement of the preposition can be the object. T restricted to the prepositions that are nearly identical to the equivalent adverbial clitics for which this property has already been shown in 7.2.3. nee gu tsaxaar ar dasi and 0.3:0.M hit:3.SG.M INSTR girl 'And he beats the girl with it (the ball).' The preposition nee 'with, by' is also used for conjunction, 'and'; see 10.1 i-na tla-tleer nee sixm6 gawa S.3-PAST HAB-leave:2.SG with bracelet:CON top:CON dak-6s hand-3.SG.POSS 'She moved with a bracelet in her hand.' Other prepositions are ta, used in comparisons, and har 'until'. ayto'o-r-i ka ak hh6) ta ak di-r maize-F-DEM1 0.3:IMPS:O.F more nice:PL than more place:CON-F to-qa'-e INDEP.F-DEM3-BACK 'This maize is better than that maize there.' Chalinze nee Daresalaam a har diima Chalinze and Dar-es-Salaam COP until where 'Where are Chalinze and Dar-es-Salaam in relation to each other?' It is unusual for a prepositional phrase to occur sentence initially. For the first of the following two sentences, putting the prepositional phrase at the beginning was not accepted. The second sentence, however, with the prepositional phrase at the beginning was accepted with the comment that the order is unusuaL i-na bara sok6-r kay as naanu S.3-PAST in:CON market:CON-F go:3.SG.M because vegetables tlaxo 'buying 'He went to the market to buy vegetables.' as gurbu>uta in6s kangw-si tseewa oo'-eek because informing:CON 3.SG matter-DEM2 early tell-IMP.O.SG 'In order to inform him, send the news in time.' 7.4. The syntactic function of the background suffix Adjuncts can take the suffix -o which I call the background suffix; see 3.4.6. This suffix is used in a number of ways. It occurs before the negative suffix and with yes/no question intonation in nominal sentences. It is obligatory after a noun modified by umuu 'every'. in6s nacay gu taahh ala xwaytsi-r-ar 3.SG child 0.3:0.M beat:3.SG.M:PRES but stick-F-INSTR al-hee-ka RESPRO-BACK-NEG 'He beats the child but not with the stick.' In the ｦｯｬｷｩｾｧ＠ two sentences the presence or absence of the suffix reflects a difference in meaning 'her two children' versus 'two of her children'. The function of the suffix is to take tlie preceding noun phrase as the domain which is being backgrounded. The fact that her children are two ｣ｾｭｳｴｩｵ･＠ the background of the sentence. Likewise the 265 264 entire domain of the suffix -o is negated or questioned. aama na'ii tsara-wo ngi-n hamatl mother children two-BACK 0.3:DEP.S.3:0.N-EXPEC wash:3.SG.F 'The old woman should wash the two children.' (two is total) aama nacii tsar ngi-n hamatl mother children two 0.3:DEP.S.3:0.N-EXPEC wash:3.SG.F 'The old woman should wash two of the children.' In the following sentence the background suffix is attached to the external subject makes it the background of the sentence. hhoo'a-r-o aa kiic hee kar gu'a man:CON well swallowing nice-F-BACK S.3:PERF return:3.SG.M bara qaymo-da' in:CON field-DEM4 'As a person with great confidence he returned to the field.' The background suffix cannot occur on nouns within the core of the sentence. can it occur after prepositional phrases with the prepositions ay, ar or as. The for this is that there is a copula in the prepositions ay, ar and as. The oa(::K.e;rou.nd.J suffix cannot occur on the complement of a copula. Moreover, the noun phrase background suffix is comparable to a copula plus noun phrase. The background is, however, used after prepositional phrases with the preposition nee 'and, with'. aning ni tlaa-tlaw a· matlatle-r booc l.SG DEP.S.l.SG HAB-rise:l.SG COP morning:CON-F black 'I usually rise at dawn.' aning ni tlaa-tlaw matlatle-r boo'-ee l.SG DEP.S.l.SG HAB-rise:l.SG morning:CON-F black-BACK 'I usually rise at dawn.' background suffix. Especially when these circumstantial noun phrases are sentence initial, they require a background suffix. In the following sentences the background suffix is obligatory. bara nada-r-o kuung nee hee ta in:CON market-F-BACK 2.SG.M and man:CON DEP.S.l/2 hleer-e' get:2-PL:PAST 'At the market, the man whom you met. (i.e.: whom did you meet?)' qooma-r-ka wak-ee gitla-ko aa bara time-F-INDEF one-BACK man-INDEF.M S.3.PERF in:CON hi>iimiit. tineeti-hee dayshimo g-u-na gar-ta-wa 0.3-0.M-PAST forest-Fl-ABL walk:3.SG.M suddenly-BACK snake adah tread:on:3.SG.M:PAST 'Once upon a time a man was walking in the forest. Suddenly he stepped on a snake.' geera-da>-ee ku cawaak do>-o-wi house-M-DEMl before-DEM4-BACK 0.3:IMOS:O.M white:M 'Formerly the house was white.' du'uma loo'a-r hatla'-ee i-wa kiic, leopard day:CON-F other-BACK S.3-BACK return:3.SG.M:PAST qaymo ｾ｡＠ hhe'ees doohla-r-o. field 0.3:IMPS:O.F finish:3.SG . M cultivating-F-BACK 'When the leopard returned another time, the field was completely cultivated.' bara do>-o kaahh-i in:CON house-BACK S.3 absent:INT-S.3:INF 'Is it absent inside the house?' Not all circumstantial phrases of time or location have a background suffix. wiiki-r alu-wo ga-sing a tleehh week:CON-F behind-BACK thing-DEM2 O.F do:l.SG 'Next week I'll do that thing.' tleehh ngi ga-sing thing-DEM2 0.3:DEP.S.l.SG:O.F do:l.SG alu behind 'When I'll do that thing is next week.' a COP wiiki-r week:CON-F laari (*laari-hee) a deel6-r) lahh6o today today-BACK COP day:CON-F SIX 'Today is saturday.' Noun phrases that are adjuncts and indicate time or place are often followed background suffix. The background suffix indicates that the time or place is cir stantial. Locative noun phrases that are a complement of the verb do not have hia (laa-r-i) ni qaat loo'a-r today today-F-DEMl DEP.S.l.SG sleep:l.SG:SBJV hour:CON-F koo)an five 'Today, I'll go to bed at eleven o'clock.' Verbal nouns often occur with a background suffix. This will be discussed in the next paragraph. 7.5. Sentences with verbal nouns The nominalised verb can be an external subject, or an internal or external object. Tense distinctions are not possible in a nominalised verb. tsaxwa k6on tlaq6-r tlace throwing:CON-F stones S.3 danger:CON have:3.SG.F 266 'Throwing stones is dangerous.' doohla a ga-r kila> di-r doohlitee-r-o farming COP thing:CON-F just place:CON-F farmers-F-BACK 'Farming is the only thing for farmers.' mulqomo-'ee> Imhoru keemu hlaa' matlo. friend-1.8G.P088 8.3 Mbulu going:CON want:3.8G.M 'My friend wants to go to Mbulu tomorrow.' haaha kii<ima-wos g-i-n da>amar-an father return-3.8G.P088 0.3-0.N-EXPEC wait-DUR:3.8G.M 'Father waits for his return.' The verbal noun can be part of a noun phrase. aning hlaahh-ta oowi a-na axaas 1.8G beating-Fl:CON drum O.F-PA8T listen:l.8G 'I heard the beating of the drum.' in6s ya<<a<>an daandu xeemu 3.8G 8.3 believe<HAB>:3.8G.M back:M:CON coming:CON Yesu-w-o Jesus- M-BACK 'He believes ｾｮ＠ the coming of Jesus.' If the verbal noun is not an external subject, and if the verb is intransitive, the noun is an adjunct with a background suffix -o. The verbs caansuus 'to kuumiit 'to continue', hhe>ees 'to complete', may 'to leave', tseegemiis 'to be faak 'to finish', all indicating phasal activities. They are intransitive and take verbal noun with the background suffix. tluway i <aansuus tluwtan-t-o ram 8.3 begin:3.8G.M raining-Fl-BACK 'The rain starts (to rain).' geetima-r-o i-na kuumiit hara loohi-r-i blocking-F-BACK 8.3-PA8T continue:3.8G.M in:CON road-F-DIR ale RE8PRO 'He continued to obstruct the road.' in6s halo kii<-ii-ka fiiso-r-o 3.8G 8.3 ever return-8.3:INF-NEG stealing-F-BACK 'He will never steal again.' In general, these verbs do not take the verbal noun as an object. Although, the sii> 'to refuse' does allow the verbal noun <ayma 'eating' as an object, but specialised meaning, namely 'to be bitter, unfit for eating'. 267 hamtla-r-o h<i>r-na hhe>ees bathing-F-BACK COND<8.3>-HIT:PERF finish:3.SG.M:PAST 'When he finished washing, ... ' *aa hamtla-r hhe>ees 8.3:PERF bathing:CON-F finish:3.8G.M:PA8T laari <ayma-r-o in6s aa sii> today eating-F-BACK 3.8G 8.3:PERF refuse:3.8G.M 'Today he refused to eat.' aa <ayma-r sii' 8.3:PERF eating:CON-F refuse:3.8G.M:PA8T 'It tasted bitter.' To make a sentence explicitly future, the auxilliary aw 'to go' is used. The main event is expressed in a verbal noun. The verbal noun is the object of 'to go' and precedes the verb. The complement of the verbal noun forms a genitive construction with the verbal noun. The construction with aw 'to go' can also be used for actions that are posterior to a point of reference in the past. makay ma'a wahungw ay-a' animals 8.3 water:CON drinking:CON go:3-PL 'The animals will drink water.' awu h<u>r-a huhhutis . xarimiisu ay bull COND<,O.M>-PERF tease:2.8G 8.3 blowing:CON go:3.8G.M 'If you tease a bull, it will snort.' matlo aten a gadyee-r tleehhama-r aw-aan-a-ka. tomorrow l.PL 8.1/2 work:CON-F doing:CON-F go-l.PL-INF-NEG 'Tomorrow we will not go to work.' aama irmi i-na mu-k gucuungw eer Ama Irmi 8.3-PA8T people:CON-Ml swallowing:CON go:3.8G.F 'Ama Irmi was going to swallow people.' If the verbal noun is an adjunct with the background suffix and has an object, the object pronoun of the sentence agrees with the external or understood object of the verbal noun and not with the verbal noun itself. In the following two sentences the feminine object pronoun refers not to the verbal noun fiiso 'stealing', but to the understood object of 'stealing' if the verbal noun has a background suffix. fiiso ga halo kii<-ii-ka stealing 0.3:0.F ever DIR return-8.3:INF-NEG 'He'll never steal again.' kii<-ii-ka fiiso-r-o ga halo stealing-F-BACK 0.3:0.F ever DIR return-8.3:INF-NEG 'He'll never steal it again.' 269 268 The verbal noun with background suffix either immediately follows this object pears behind the verb. If it follows the main verb, the verb 'to be' does not have dependent. This is different from the linked noun construction of 7.2.5. caamu <ayma-r-o ngw-a qar6 pumpkins(M) eating-F-BACK 0.3:DEP.S.3:0.M-PERF already hhe>ees-i finish:INT -INF:PA8T 'Has he already eaten pumpkins?' qaymo ga-na alhhe>ees field 0.3:0.F-PA8T finish:3.8G.M:PA8T doohla-r-o. cultivating-F-BACK 'He finished the field cultivating.' kitangw do> fiitsa-r-o ngwa place:CON house sweeping-F-BACK 0.3:DEP.8.3:0.M:PERF hhe>ees, finish:3.8G.M 'When he finished sweeping the place of the house, ... ' hhape ngi-wa hhe'ees soil(F) 0.3:DEP.S.3:0.F-BACKGND finish:3.8G.M:PAST qaasa-r-o i-na waatl putting-F-BACK 8.3-PA8T return:home:3.SG.M:PA8T 'When he was finished moving sand, he went home.' mapri foola-r-o ngi-wa hhe>ees, ditches digging-F-BACK 0.3:DEP.8.3:0.N-BACK finish:3.SG.M 'When he had finished digging the ditches, ... ' ad6-r ku-r hlaw-aan gaasa-r-o manner:CON-F 0.3:DEP.8.1/2:0.M-IN8TR get-LPL killing-F-BACK 'How do we get him to kill him?' tsacam-t-o ga-qo mak baal-ii-ka climbing-Fl-BACK 0.3:0.F-EMPH somewhat succeed-S.3:INF-NEG 'Climbing it, he does not succeed.' A lot of different orders of the verbal noun and its patient are possible. can be an internal or external object. If the verbal noun has the background the patient of the verbal noun must be an external object, at least in the sentence. hlaa' imboru keemu gu 0.3:0.M want:3.8G.M:PRES Mbulu:CON going hlaa' keemu imboru gu 0.3:0.M want:3.8G.M:PRE8 going:CON Mbulu hlaa' keemu-w-o ? i imboru 8.3 Mbulu:CON want:3.8G.M:PRE8 going-M-BACK *keemu-w-o imboru hlaa' going-M-BACK 8.3 Mbulu:CON want:3.8G.M:PRE8 gu hlaa, imboru keemu-w-o going-M-BACK 0.3:0.F want:3.SG.M:PRE8 Mbulu hlaa' ｫ･ｭｵｾｷＭｯ＠ imboru gu 0.3:0.M want:3.8G.M:PRE8 going-M-BACK Mbulu nacii n-i-na hiimu uruxa-r ii>ar-iye> children PL-8.3-PAST rope:M:CON pulling:CON-F try-3.PL:PA8T 'The children were learning the work of pulling the rope.' nacii hiima uruxa ngi-na ii>ar-Iye> children rope(M) pulling(F) 0.3:DEP.8.3:0.F-PA8T try-3.PL:PA8T 'The children have tried to play ｾｯｰ･＠ pulling.' nacii hiima uruxa-r-o ngu-na children rope(M) pulling-F-BACK 0.3:DEP.8.3:0.M-PA8T ii>ar-iye' try-3.PL:PA8T 'The children have tried to pull the rope.' nacii hiima ng-u-n ii>ar<ar>iya> children rope(M) 0.3:DEP.8.3:0.M-EXPEC try<HAB>3.PL uruxa-t-o pulling- Fl- BACK 'The children try to pull the rope.' The position of the verbal noun with a background suffix outside the core of the sentence differs in meaning from its position within the core. The former is used for circumstantial phrases that are not directly related to the verb. This can be seen in the following examples where a verbal noun inside the core contrasts with a verbal noun with a background suffix outside the core. imbooru keen1u hlaa' 8.3 Mbulu:CON going:CO.N want:3.8G.M:PRE8 'He wants to go to Mbulu.' aning <ayto>o doohla-r-o a hlaa' L8G maize cultivating-F-BACK O.F want 'I am happy when I dig maize.' keem u hlaa' imboru gu 0.3:0.M going:CON want:3.8G.M:PRE8 Mbulu doohla-r hlaa> aning cayto>o a maize O.F cultivating:CON-F want. 1.8G 271 270 leehhama-r sukari-r-o garn1 a U - na Yacaaw bov O.M-PAST send:l.SG finding:CON-F sugar-F-BACK 'I ;ent a boy to collect sugar.' 'I want to weed the maize.' The verbal noun with a background suffix is not part of the external object. have seen above, the object pronoun of the core of the sentence does not verbal noun with background suffix. The object pronoun does, however, refer verbal noun if the verbal noun precedes the core of the sentence and has nob suffix. Compare the following sentences. tsacamto-r gawa xa'ano climbing:CON-F top:CON tree(M) 'He cannot climb up into the tree.' ga aleehlay-ka 0.3:0.F can:3.SG.M-NEG xa'ano tsacamto-r-o gu aleehlay-ka tree(M) climbing-F-BACK 0.3:0.M can:3.SG.M-NEG 'He cannot climb the tree.' The agent of the nominalised verb can be expressed by a possessive suffix, ass the agent is a person. tleemu-w-os ngu-na aning-i oo' leaving-M-3.SG.POSS 0.3:HIT:O.M-PAST l.SG-DIR say:3.SG.M 'He informed me of his leaving.' tleemu-'ee' ngu-na oo' leaving:M-l.SG.POSS 0.3:HIT:O.M-PAST say:3.SG.M 'He told me to go' The possessive suffix on the nominalised verb can also express the patient, nrrnnnAil''] this is a person. An interpretation of the possessive suffix as either the agent or patient of the nominalised verb is context-dependent. aning a harahhif-iit ara'aangw-os-ee l.SG S.l/2 expect-MIDDLE:l.SG seeing-3.SG.POSS-BACK 'I expect to see him.' The patient noun of the nominalised verb can precede the verbal noun. order, verbal noun in construct case followed by patient noun, is also possible, a clear difference in meaning. Adverbs and prepositional phrases can modify the verbal noun. an-a harahhiif hardahina-'ee' awa tseewa l.SG-S.l/2 hope:l.SG arriving-l.SG.POSS INDEP.CON.N early singida-r-o Singida-F-BACK 'I hope to arrive early in Singida.' matlo ay an-a fiikruumiis gara hleehh'amo-r-o forest going:through- F- BACK tomorrow to S.l/2-S.l/2 think:l.SG tumati. Tumati 'I am thinking of walking through the forest to Tumati tomorrow.' i-na yacan gadyeet tleehheemu-w-o as S.3-PAST agree work doing-M-BACK REAS 'He agreed to work for you.' kuung 2.SG.M If the nominalised verb is not cirumstantial and if there is another object, the nominalised verb can occur in the verbal phrase with the ablative suffix -wa. The verbal noun with -wa is an alternative for the verbal noun with a background suffix. Instead of -wa in some sentences, the reason clitic -sa can be used. ku u lawe'esa-r-wa hlaa' 2.SG.M 0.2.SG.M greeting-F-ABL want:l.SG 'I want to greet you.' barisee masamba ngi-na yacab d:l-r elders youth 0.3:DEP.S.3:0.F-PAST send:3.SG.F place:CON-F qwahlarmo fiiro-r tluway-wa ale medicine:man asking:CON-F rain-ABL RESPRO 'The elders sent the boys to ask the rainmaker.' garma gu-na barwadu leehha-r-wa ya'aaw boy 0.3:0.M-PAST letters catching-F-ABL send:3.SG.M 'He sent a boy to get the letters.' an-a too qeeromamiis do' tleehhamu-w-o l.SG-S.l/2 in:vain think:l.SG house building-M-BACK 'I dream in vain of building a house.' garma gu-na barwadu leehha-r-sa yacaaw boy 0.3:0.M-PAST letters catching-F-REAS send:3.SG.M 'He sent a boy to get the letters.' an-a too qeeromamiis tleehhamu do'-o l.SG-S.l /2 in:vain think:l.SG building:CON house-BACK 'I dream in vain of building a house.' daaqay gu hlaa' doohla-r-o boys 0.3:0.M want:3.SG.M digging-F-BACK 'He wants tlie boys to help to dig.' garma u-na yacaaw sukari leehhama-r-o boy O.M-PAST send:l.SG sugar finding-F-BACK 'I sent a boy to collect sugar.' , daaqay gu doohla-r-wa hlaa' boys 0.3:0.M digging-F-ABL want:3.SG.M 273 272 'He wants the boys to help to dig.' 'Give it to her /him!' The nominalised verb can also occur with an instrumental case marking in the the sentence. fala afa gweer-eek bag mouth open-IMP.O.SG 'Open the bag at the opening!' daaqay gu doohla-r-ar hlaa> 0.3:0.M digging-F-INSTR want:3.SG.M boys 'He intends to make the boys do the digging.' The conjunction nee can follow the subject in a reduced sentence with a verb and no conjugated verb. LJ.VJc.uuitt gurt-u-da aama aama nee gurta hanisa goat-M-DEM4 S.3 where mother and goat g1vmg ' "Where is that goat?" And the mother handed over the goat.' aama nee muruu cayma (i) gadyuusa mother and things: CON eating · (DIR) working 'And the mother made the food.' hiiyaa->ee> siiyo ngu-n oohi'ng brother-l.SG.POSS fish 0.3:DEP.S.3:0.M-EXPEC catching:CON a->ay nee hlakat HAB-go:3.SG .M and hunting 'My brother goes fishing and hunting.' 7.6. Imperative sentences IS musa ooh-eek mortar fetch-IMP.O.SG 'Take the mortar!' faca-ren ar umu-qo deelo-r-o porridge-l.PL.POSS INDEP.F:CON every-EMPH day-F-BACK hanis-ang give-IMP.HIT:O 'Give us our daily food!' The adverbial case relations can be expressed on the object. kurmo ar doohl-eek hoe INSTR cultivate-IMP.O.SG 'Dig with the hoe!' in6s-i hanis-eek 3.SG-DIR give-IMP.O.SG fala gweer-eek afa ale hide open-IMP.O.SG mouth RESPRO 'Open the bag at the opening!' Likewise, for negative imperatives, the object precedes the verb. m-a ani'ng axwees-ar PROH-S.2 l.SG speak-IMP(NEG) 'Don't speak to me!' 7.7. Topic aama nee huuringw mother and cooking 'And the mother was cooking.' The object in imperative sentences precedes the verb. The verb presence of an object. verb can be preceded by a bare noun. The topic is a sentence initial constituent that is followed by a slight pause or intonation break. Some sentences have one or even two topics, whereas other sentences have none. A common structure of a sentence with a topic is a noun phrase followed by a noun plus relative clause, copula and noun. hikwa-qa', df-r ngi-wa hlay a cattle-DEM3 place:CON-F 0.3:DEP.S.3:0.F-BACK get:3.SG.M COP diim.a where 'Those cows, where did he get them?' Two topics in a row are possible as well. konki, saga, df-r ngw-i qas a hen head place:CON-F 0.3:DEP.S.3:0.M-DIR put:3.SG.F COP diima where 'The hen, the head, where did she put it?' If the topic is an external object, the external subject can follow it. laa, awu-w-1 yaarfir, tsunqa ngwa tlaq-fr today bull-M-DEMl big:M saliva 0.3:DEP.S.3:0.M:PERF cut-3.PL 'Today, this big bull, saliva has killed him.' awu, famfe>amo g-u-na tsaxaar bull, python 0.3-0.M-PAST hit:3.SG.M:PAST 'The bull, the python hit him.' Not all external objects are topics. In the following sentence the object pr_onoun is • ' me,' cliticised to the external object, the short form of the persona1 ( pro )noun an1ng including shift of high tone, so there clearly is no pause after the external object. 275 274 'Geso Duqa, my calf, what are you doing to it?' an-i-ga atet l.SG-O.l.SG-PERF 'You called me.' call:2.SG The sentence-final position most unambiguous way of putting a noun phrase in focus, is by using a sentence the noun in focus after the copula, sentence-finally. If the topic is an external subject, it is followed by a pause. is qwari, na'ay g-u gaas hunger child kill:3.SG.M:PRES 0.3-0.M h<u>ra COND<O.NI> muruu'ayma-r-i hans-ii-ka food-F-DIR give:2.SG-INF:PAST-NEG 'Hunger, it will kill the child if you didn't give food to it.' ad6-r nga hiaq l.SG manner:CON-F S.l.SBJV:O.F:PAST do:l.SG S.3 kahh yaa>e di-r river(F) place:CON-F The topic does not have to be external object or subject. It need not have any to the verb. bara-di harakic ,road-DEM4 lake 0.3:0.N-PAST in-DEM4:DIR return:3.SG.F About th_at road, ｴｾ･＠ sea returned them (the cannibals) into it.' (A been magically cut m a sea and .the cannibals, in pursuit, drowned; see of time .. These adverbials are sentence initial' if · S.3 ga na'ay ga-r l.SG-S.l/2-EMPH xuu>-a know:l.SG:INT-INF 'Now, about your child, do I know?' child-2.SG.POSS tokaro-ya, sareeca once:upon:a:time- EMPH buffalo in:CON qa-qeer HAB-graze 'Once upon a time a buffalo was grazing in a certain valley.' The topic can be preceded by a sentence introducer or term of address. ala du>uma, m-a gawid. but leopard PROH-O.F difficult 'But the leopard, what is difficult? (implying it is easy)' Geso Duqa, dama-r-'ee', ad6-r ka Geso manner:CON-F 0.3:DEP.S.l/2:0.F 'IS do:2.SG Duqa calf-F-l.SG.POSS COP behind:CON a kwa'angw a fu'unay COP meat i-na 6t gwareehh, boy-INDEF.M S.3-PAST seize:3.SG.F dikdik garma-ko 1-na 6t tlaqati, INDEP.CON.F boy-INDEF.M S.3-PAST seize:3.SG.F gazelle ar garma-ko daangw g-u-na 6t INDEP.CON.F boy-INDEF.M elephant 0.3-0.M-PAST seize:3.SG.F 'The one (a trap) of one boy caught a dikdik, the one of another boy caught a gazelle, the one of another boy caught an elephant.' (The stories continues about this last one.) bar a S.3 catch-DUR:3.SG.F In stories there is sometimes a repetition of sentences with the object sentence-finally.. After such sentences comes the sentence which has the central, most important object ·noun. This noun occurs before the core of the sentence. · " ar manner:CON-F kite ala hlaa'-i INDEP.CON.F now kuray COP a child thing:CON-F S.3 want-3.SG.M:SBJV 'What the child wants is meat.' an-a-qo now a 3.SG man:CON 0.3:0.F throw:3.SG.M COP hare 'The man who threw them is Hare.' (Introduction of the hare in the story.) garma-ko nacay-wok, is ooh-iin kwaahh ar ham daxta, ad6-r hlaw, mountain-F-DEM3 'The river, the place where it flows is behind that hilL' hee be:absent.3.SG.F 'I, what I do is nothing.' balbal-da>, tlawi gi-na qeeru-r tlooma-r-qa' aning, The ｾｯｰｩ｣＠ can be ,.an ｡､ｾ･ｲ｢＠ the Circumstances. hami u-gwa 3.SG now O.M-PERF insight:CON-F get:l.SG 'He that I got the insight (from), he is Kite.' The external subject or object can occur sentence-finally as an afterthought. is i-na cakut, dama-r sareca 3.SG S.3-PAST run:3.SG.F calf:CON-F 'She was running, the calf of the buffalo.' 1-na <ak<m>it, buffalo hhay caga S.3-PAST ｲｵｮ＼ｄｕｒ＾ＺＳＮｓｇｆ＠ｾ clan 'They were running, the cannibal clan.' cannibals ga-da> ga-na qaas, hhape thing-DEM4 0.3:0.F-PAST put:3.SG.M:PAST soil 277 276 'He put that thing, soil. dirangw ga geemamay yagan, hlee lion 0.3:0.F:PERF capture:3.SG.M well cow 'The lion captured it, a cow.' Placing the object in sentence-final position is a further means of leaving the initial position free for another element which is to be emphasised, for exc:tml)l• verbal noun in the following example: ar-t-o u-n-qo hlaa'-a-ka garma-qa> seeing-Fl-BACK O.M-EXPEC-EMPH want-INF-NEG boy-DEM3 'I am not willing to see that boy.' The external object with a numeral is placed sentence-finally for contrastive on the numeral. The unmarked order is the one discussed in 7.2.5. a-na xwayhiur nacii tam-ee-kee S.l/2-PAST give:birth:2.SG children three-BACK-NEG:BACK:INT 'Didn't you give birth to three children?' hare i-na xwayluur nacay wak wife S.3-PAST give:birth:3.SG.F child one 'The wife gave birth to one child.' Another position utilized to indicate contrastive emphasis for objects or parts of ob is found inside the core of ｴｨｾ＠ sentence, as we have seen in 7.3.3. and 7.3.4. cisa a-ga diitsa tsaat yesterday S.l/2-PERF finger cut:l.SG 'Yesterday I cut a finger' clauses occurs after the head noun. The head noun is then in either the et case or takes a demonstrative suffix, mostly of third or fourth deixis. A const ru . . . If 1 . participle can be used m stead of a subject relative clause, see 8.1. a re ｾｴｲ［･＠ contains an object pronoun, this object pronoun refers to a noun phrase w1thm relative clause; it cannot refer to the head noun that is outside of the relative If the head noun is the patient of the verb in the relative clause, there is no cause. I object pronoun referring to the head noun. In the relative clause the verb is in ｴｨｾ＠ ｳｾ｢ｪｮ｣ｴｩｶ･＠ moo? for .present tense. In the past se there is no distinction between md1cat1ve and subjunctive mood. The dependent ten . . t d b 'to be' is used in relative clauses. There are some restnctwns on aspec an ver · · d mood in relative clauses, see 8.2. There is no difference between a restnct1ve an an attributive relative clause. If the relative clause does not immediately follow the head noun, a construct case pronoun agreeing in gender with the head noun replaces the head noun. umuu hee-wo every:CON man-BGND amiinuu<m>iis a believe<DUR>:M COP 'Anybody who believes in qwatlaariima-r INDEP.CON.M magic:CON-F daktani fool magic is a fool.' 00 muu a. maga' oo aa people COP ,how:many INDEP.CON.M S.3:PERF qaatr die:3 .SG .MASC :PAST 'How many people have died?' kurmo gaala oo ta tsawat hoe which INDEP.CON.M DEP:S.l/2 choose:2.SG:SBJV di-r ku-qa'-ee place:CON-F INDEP.M-DEM3-BGND 'Which hoe do you choose among those?' (ar) kung an deelo-da-da> inhlaw LSG day-DEM4-DEM4 remember:l.SG INDEP.CON.F 2.SG.M ni-wa diri hardat HITH-BGND here arrive:2.SG 'I remember the day that you arrived here.' 8.1. Participles Instead of a relative clause, a noun can be followed by a participle of which it is the ;ubject. The participle consists of the base form of the verb, which is homonymous with the first person singular. No person and no tense is expressed on the participle. Like adjectives, participles display gender agreement by tone (low tone for feminine and high tone for. masculine and neuter nouns). Neuter (singular and plural) head 279 278 ｾｯｵｮｳ＠ and plural personal nouns require the suffix -a' on the participle. The IS also us:d as a plural suffix in the verbal conjugation; the third person plural the verb 1s used for neuter subjects, see 4.2.7. This suffix does not occur on although adjectives do show number agreement with other plural suffixes. plural personal ｮｯｵｾｳＮ＠ receive the neuter demonstrative suffix if they function head noun of a participle, thus we have aten-a-ka LPL-N-DEMl:N 'these hhayso-ka see'aay mumulumiis-a' ga-r tail-DEMl:N dog wave-PL thing:CON-F S.3 laqaq-an-a' a qwal'amaye-r see>aay show-DUR:3-PL COP joy:CON-F dog 'The clog's tail that is waving shows that it is happy.' in6s-u-wi firiim a gaala 3.SG-M-DEM1 ask COP which 'He who is asking is which one?' ins-a-wi firiim a gaala 3.SG-F-DEM1 ask COP which 'She who is asking is which one?' aten-a-ka firiim-a> a tlaw-aan-aa-ka l.PL-N-DEMl:N ask-PL S.l/2 leave-l.PL-INF-NEG 'We who are asking are not leaving.' The object of the participle precedes it and the last noun of the object construct case. A noun phrase with an adverbial case clitic may precede the and a ｰｾ･ｯｳｩｴｮＧ｡ｬ＠ phrase may follow the participle. With regard to these word properties the participle is similar to the verb. camen:i-r Moshi-r daahh huuriin. woman:CON-F Moshi:CON-F come:from:F S.3 cook:3.SG.F 'The woman who comes from Moshi is cooking.' ma>ay-ka ｷ｡ｴ･ｲｾｄｅｍｬＺｎ＠ gawa loohi-r-ar wacamiim-a> ngi top:CON road-F-INSTR flow-PL 0.3:DEP.S.3: hhithhit-n-a' destroy-DUR:3-PL 'The water that is flowing over the road is destroying it.' mu-k guu> ar ad6-r ganaa> people:CON-Ml sleep:M INSTR manner:CON-F proper:F ku wahar. 0.3:IMPS:O.M fat:M 'People who sleep well are lucky.' garm6 dasi boy:CON girl aya-'in land-3.PL.POSS ga harawatli>ingwa huuw daharu 0.3:0.F capturing:ABL bring:M rules:M:CON g-w-a dakuus 0.3-0.M-PERF fail:3.SG.M:PAST 'A boy getting a wife on his own initiative is not according the rules of our country.' af-ku ar ya'e qaymo-r-'ee' ku-sing 2.SG.M-DEM2 field- F -l.S G .P OSS INDEP.CON.F mouth:CON-Ml nver an gila hla', a too dohl-iit, ga want:2.SG LSG 0.3:0.F just dig-MIDDLE:M S.l/2 war: CON hlaa' ngi DEP.S.l.SG:O.N want:l.SG 'You, who just cultivated my field at the river side, you want war, and I want it too.' tluway-wi ur deelo-r-i-hee tluu' barabara g-a rain-DEMl big day-F-DEMl-BGND rain:M road 8.3-0.F hhet-in destroy-DUR.3.SG.M 'This big rain that is raining these days is destroying the road.' Verbal adverbs such as bal6 'ever' and Iowa 'very', and sentential adverbs such as matlo 'tomorrow' are placed between the head noun and the participle. cameeni-r bal6 baaliim-a-ka a ti woman:CON-F ever win-INF-NEG COP INDEP.F:DEM.l 'The woman who never wins is this one.' muk-da> Iowa ti><aa'>iim Arusha-r kayo people:Ml-DEM4 very run<HAB>:M S.3 Arusha:CO'N-F go:3.SG.M 'The people who are running fast are going to Arusha.' matlo Arusha-r kaw gari-r hee-d a' man-DEM4 tomorrow Arusha:CON-F go:M S.3 car:CON-F kon-a have:3.SG .M:INT-INF 'Does the man who is going to Arusha tomorrow have a car?' Object pronouns replace the noun object that is not immediately before the verb. The object pronoun is preceded by the third person object marker g- . mu-k-da-da> yaamu gi sawawiti><i'>iim people-Ml-DEM4-DEM4 land 0.3:0.N rule<HAB>:M S.3 gila ay male ale war:CON go:3.SG.M again RESPRO 'Those people who are governing the country, are going to war again.' As soon as tense is expressed, a relative clause is used instead of the participle. hee-da-da> yaamu g-a sawawiti>in aa man-DEM4-DEM4 land 0.3:0.N-PERF rule:3.SG.M S.3:PERF male gila ay again war:CON go:3.SG.M 281 280 'That man who ruled the country (before) went to war again.' kuunga-da> yaamu i-ga sawawiti>iind-e> a 2.PL-DEM4 land O.N-PERF rule.2-PL:PAST S.l/2 eer-a> male ale go.2-PL again RESPRO 'You (PLUR), who ruled the country (before) went to war again.' 8.2. Relative clauses Relative clauses have the same order as other clauses: Verbal adverbs occur · ately before the verb, and sentential adverbs occur after the head noun. Adj a background suffix -o . ado-r is dawe ngi-r manner:CON-F 3.SG elephants 0.3:DEP:O.F-INSTR an-a ahlaw-ka l.SG-S.l/2 can:l.SG-NEG 'I cannot hunt elephants the way he does.' hee aning i-ga muux a man:CON l.SG O.l.SG-PERF beat:3.SG.M:PAST COP who 'Who is the man who has hit me?' qooma-r kuung ta tleer a period:CON-F 2.SG.M DEP:S.l/2:PERF leave:2.SG O.F xuu'-aa-ka · know-INF-NEG 'I don't know when you left.; Object pronouns are used if the object is external or understood. not refer to the head noun. xooro-r aten ta harwet a people:CON-F l.PL O.l.PL:PERF surround:3.SG.F:SBJV COP ti-da' INDEP.F-DEM4 'The tribe that surrounds us are those people·.' do>-o-wi mu-k-i i tleehhiit-i an-u house-M-DEMl people-Ml-DEMl S.3 build-3.SG.M:SBJV watlakwemiis admire:l.SG 'I admire the house that these people are building.' do'-o-wi ku ta tleehhit house-M-DEMl 2.SG.M DEP.S.l/2 build:2.SG:SBJV 'The house that you are building ... ' Only. if the subject ｯｾ＠ the relativ.e clause is impersonal, does the object pronoun in relative clause agree m gender with the head noun. The object pronouns in imp clauses lack the third person object prefix g- that is used 1·n non-re1a t'1Ve causes. 1 fu>una ti too meet-in meat:N:CON IMPS:O.N in:vain leave-DUR:PRES eaay eat:l.SG 'I will eat the meat that is left over.' an ni LSG But with a personal noun as head noun there is no object pronoun referring to it in the impersonal relative clause. ani-w-i (ins-u-qa') ta mux-i l.SG-M-DEMl (3.SG-M-DEM3) IMPS beat-3.SG.M:SBJV 'I (masc) (he) who is beaten, ... ' The conditional, concessive and prohibitive mood prefixes cannot be used in relative clauses. Among the aspectual suffixes, only the perfect suffix -(g)a and the background suffix -wa can be used. The background aspect suffix -wa is only possible in nonsubject relative clauses. doo-da' ta tlehh huu-hu'-un house-DEM4 DEP.S.l/2:PERF build:2.SG S.3 HAB-fall-DUR:3.SG.M 'The house that you built is falling down.' qooma-da> ku aning i-wa waqas-aas-een time-DEM4 2.SG.M l.SG O.l.SG-BGND laugh-HAB-DUR:2.SG ka diilo> 0.3,:IMPS:O.F long:ago 'The time when you were laughing at me is long ago.' qooma-da> wadachi n1-wa hard<ar>at 1raqw period-DEM4 Germans HIT-BGND arrive<DUR>:3.SG.F Iraqw i-na hlaqwa-r-ar eer S.3-PAST war-F-INSTR go:3.SG.F 'At that time that the Germans were arriving, the lraqw went to war.' 8.3. The head noun The head noun of the relative clause is marked by a relative suffix, one of the demonstrative suffixes, or a double demonstrative suffix da> , or qa' . Demonstratives are not used for general statements. The demonstrative -da' is used to refer to past tense, and it is doubled to make the head noun clearly specific. umuu-qo hee ga OO'-a U gaas every-EMPH man:CON 0.3:0.F say-INF O.M kill:l.SG 'I'll kill whoever reveals it.' do'-o-wi hee-wi aa tleehh an-u house-M-DEMl man-DEMl S.3:PERF build:3.SG.M l.SG-O.M watlakwemiis. admire:l.SG 283 282 'I admire the house that this man has built.' tlooma-r ti tsacam-an a mountain:CON-F DEP.S.l/2:DIR climb-l.PL:SBJV COP t , o-qa-r di-r-qa' ta ga<eer ＬｉｎｄｅｐＮｆＭｾｍＳＺｃｏ＠ place-F-DEM3 DEP.S.l/2 see:2.SG:S The mountam that we will climb is the one you see over there.' I hlee-da' baabu-'ee na haniis cow-DEM4 father:M-l.SG.POSS HIT:PERF give:3.SG.M:PAST aning-i ale i tfq l.SG-DIR RESPRO S.3 ill:3.SG.F 'The cow that my father gave me is ill.' daandu do-qa-qa ta tatsuun ar back:M:CON house-DEM3-DEM3 DEP.S.l/2 thatch:2.SG hlarhhee i tluw-iit grasses S.3 leak-MIDDLE:3.SG.M:PRES 'The roof of the house that you thatched is leaking.' kur<e-r doo-da-da> na tleehh-ir walls:CON-F house-DEM4-DEM4 PL:S.3:PERF build-3.PL hlahheeri-da> tsar na waarahh-ir aa months-DEM4 two PL:S.3:PERF pass-3.PL S.3:PERF kat-ii-ka. dry:3.SG.F-INF:PAST-NEG 'The walls of the house that they built two ｾｯｮｴｨｳ＠ ago are not dry.' The ､･ｭｯｮｾｴｲ｡ｩｶ＠ suffixes following personal pronouns as head nouns are i the speaker for fi:st person pronouns, sing 'close to the addressee' for second pronouns, and qa'. or da> for third person pronouns, although da> is used personal pronouns m the past tense. See also 3.5. The head noun can be .followed by a possessive suffix and a demonstrative suffix. head noun can be modified by an adjective, or a by numeral. nacay-w6k-da> ta'<a>>im Iowa uru child-2.SG.POSS-DEM4 run<HAB>:M S.3 very strength:CON k6n have:3.SG.M 'Your child, who is usually running, is strong.' daftaray-da> mibeeri tarn go>i-r-o exercise:books-DEM4 tens three writing-F-BGND na hhe>ees u-gwa qar6 yacaaw DEP.S.l.SG:PEB,F finish:l.SG O.M-PERF already send:l.SG di-r doo-ren place:CON-F house-l.PL.POSS 'The thirty exercise books that I finished writing, I have already sent home. can be formed by using a question word or by using the questioning prefix the verb 'to be'. Yes/no questions are formed by both a question intonation contour the infinitive suffix on the verb, or the background suffix on the noun. Question ! ..tn.nt:Lt,!V" is only used for yes/no questions. Other questions have no special intonation Leading questions are formed by a combination of the negative suffix and jno questioning. Questions are often used as a stylistic device to express negation, yes leading to the answer 'no'. Question words as a complement of the copula question words are nouns, see 3.8. They often occur as the complement of the copula, or the locative 'to be' if the complement is the question word diima . hlahhangw mibaangw nee tsar-ee doori a adooma month:CON ten and two-BACK sky COP how 'How is the weather in December?' diima kur-k-i sikukuu sabasaba i feast:CON sabasaba S.3 where year-Ml-DEMl 'Where are the sabasaba (national holiday) festivities this year?' gaala do>-6k a house-2.SG.POSS COP which 'Which is your house?' mu-k aa qaatl a maga' people:CON-Ml S.3:PERF die:3.SG.M:PAST COP how:many 'How many people have died?' kurm6 ta tsawat di-r hoe:CON DEP.S.l/2 choose:2.SG:SBJV place:CON-F ku-qa>-ee a gaala INDEP.M-DEM3-BACK COP which 'Which hoe do you choose among those?' The most common way of forming a question is with a relative clause construction. The head noun is general in nature, for example, hee 'man', dii 'place', aamo 'place', gaa 'thing', adoo or idoo 'manner'. This is followed by a relative clause which is then followed by the copula and the question word that is related to the sentence-initial head noun: heema 'who', diima 'where', aama 'where', adooma or idooma 'how'. Only the question word mila' 'what' is unrelated to the head noun gaa 'thing'. The question word diima 'where' can only be used with the head noun dii 'place' and, similarly, aama 'where' only with aamo 'place'. hee kuung man:CON 2.SG.M u axwees a heema O.M say:M COP who 'Who is talking to you?' 285 284 hlee a adooma nee asnna tseeree-r and why blood:CON-F cow COP how ka-wa daxw 0.3:DEP.S.l/2:0.F-BACK take:blood:2.SG:SBJV 'How and why do you take blood from a cow?' di-r naanu ku-wa place:CON-F vegetables 0.3:IMPS:O.M-BACK weereehh-eem-iis-i a diima sell-DUR-CAUS-3.SG.M:SBJV COP where 'Where do they sell vegetables?' mila ta dohl nee a diima a COP what DEP.S.l/2 cultivate:2.SG:SBJV and COP where 'What and where do you cultivate?' inos aamo-r kay a aama 3.SG place:CON-F S.3 go:3.SG.M:SBJV COP where 'Where is he going?' ado-r I'aa t'1-r dalaac manner:CON-F today IMPS:O.l.SG-INSTR fill:PRES 'How will I be filled today?' a COP laa ga-r ta cay-aan a mihi today thing:CON-F DEP.S.l/2 eat-l.PL:SBJV COP what 'What do we eat today?' There is often ･ｬｾｩｰｳ＠ cases, too, there IS ｷｨ･ｲｾ＠ th.e copula and the question word are left out. no questiOn mtonation. tla<ano tsaxara-r-o di-r ta eer stone shooting-F-BACK place:CON-F DEP.S.l/2 go:2.SG:SBJV 'How far can you throw a stone?' ｾ｡ｷｵ＠ ganaac ado-r · ku manure:M:CON good:M m anner: CON- F 0 .3:DE P.S.l/2:0.M tlehh build:2.SG:SBJV 'How do you make good manure?' am ta keer place:CON DEP.S.l/2 go:2.SG:SBJV 'Where are you going?' ｑｵ･ｳｾｩｯｮ＠ with more than one question word often start with a copula plus the ,wo:d. ｾｨ･＠ sec?nd copula with a further question word is coordinated nee and , either Immediately after the first one, or sentence-finally. ｱｵ･ｳｾｉｏｮ＠ a diima nee a xayla ta-wa laqwal COP where and COP when DEP·S·1/2 -BAC K born:2.SG:SBJV 'Where and when were you born?' a heema a mihi nga kuung-i COP who eo. pM what 0 .3:DEP..s 3: 0 .F:PERF 2.SG.M-DIR haniis give:3.SG.M:PAST 'Who gave you wh,at?' makay a gaala nee a gaala nee a maga animals COP which and COP which and COP how:many ki koon 0.3:DEP.S.l/2:0.N have:2.SG:SBJV 'What kind of animals do you have and how many?' Several strategies are used in asking for the logical complement of an embedded verb. One possibility is to have a double relative clause construction whereby the first relative clause occurs with the main verb, and the second relative clause occurs after a construct case pronoun with the embedded verb, followed by the copula plus question word. ta ga-r ta fiikrus ar thing:CON-F DEP.S.l/2 think:2.SG:SBJV INDEP.CON.F DEP.S.l/2 tlehh wiiki-r alu-wo a mila build:2.SG:SBJV week:CON-F behind-BACK COP what 'What do you think you will be doing next week?: ga-da-da' na oo' ar thing-DEM4-DEM4 HIT:PERF say:3.SG.M:PAST INDEP.CON.F n1 kuung-i haniis a mila DEP.S.l 2.SG.M-DIR give:l.SG:SBJV COP what 'What did he tell me that I gave you?' Another strategy is to have the "embedded" verb as a verbal noun in the relative clause. di-r aa>i ki keemu hla' place:CON-F trip 0.3:DEP.S.l/2:0.N going:CON want:2.SG.SBJV kur-k-o a diima year-Ml-BACK COP where 'Where do you want to go next year?' Another possibility is that of direct speech in the relative clause. hee ta beer "nnigir !llan:CON DEP.S.l/2 ask:2.SG:SBJV firewood:CON heema who 'Who do you order to collect firewood?' aw-ang" a go-IMP.F{IT COP M 287 286 garma a gaala oo boy COP which INDEP.CON.M "xaa'o tlaxw-ang" charcoal buy-IMP.HIT :xayla balangw bu'uung-o ku <aansus-aan 0.3:DEP.S.l/2:0.M start-LPL:SBJV n grain harvest-BACK wh e . ?' 'When do we start harvestmg · ta beer DEP.S.l/2 ask:2.SG:SBJV kaw-aan Imboru xayla k u Mbulu when 0.3:DEP.S.l/2:0.M go-l.PL:SBJV 'When do we go to Mbulu?' 'Which boy do you ask to buy charcoal?' Yet another strategy is to have the relative clause preceded by a conditional with the main verb. bar-a harahhif COND-S.l/2 expect:2.SG mila what ga-r n1 thing:CON-F DEP.S.l daqma ta watl when DEP.S.l/2 go:home:2.SG:SBJV 'At what time d o you go home.?' haniis give:l.SG:SBJV Questions with the questioning prefix on 'to be' . asking 'what?' · by the addition .of the h prefix t'm. t can be made a ques t 10n A ｳｴ｡ｾＬ･ｮ＠ 4 115 The difference in meaning from a question usmg t e ques ｾ＠ to 'to ｭｾｬ［ＬＮ＠ ｾＧＺｨ｡［＿ﾷＬ＠ ｩｾ＠ not clear. If the instrumental case suffix -r ｩｾ＠ ｡､･ｾ＠ to ::o ｡ｮｾ＠ word . . 'h ?' and with the reason case suffix -s the questiOn IS why. the questiOn 1s ow. , . 'What do you expect me to give?' 9.2. Question words as modifiers the implication is that it should be otherwise. The question words gaala 'which' and maga) 'how many' follow the noun they which is then not in the construct case. The verb 'to be' is of the dependent ｴｶｲｬ･Ｌ＾ｾｺＮ＠ tiqti gaala ta koon illness which DEP.S.l/2 have:2.SG:SBJV 'Which illness do you have?' laari m-a cay-aan today WHAT-O.F eat-l.PL 'What are we eating today?' m-a-r goo)iin WHAT-O.F-INSTR write:2.SG 'What are you.writing with?' nacii maga> ki koon. children how:many 0.3:DEP;S.l/2:0.N have:2.SG:SBJV 'How many children do you have?' Daresalama ka keer a Dar-es-Salaam 0.3:DEP.S.l/2:0.F go:2.SG:SBJV COP maga> how:many 'f kicima turn 'How many times have you been in Dar-es-Salaam?' If, however, the noun preceding the question word maga> 'how many?' does occur in the construct case, the interpretation is ordinal. For a parallel with other numerals, see 3.6. deel6-r maga) ta watl day:CON-F how:many DEP.S.l/2 go:home:2.SG:SBJV 'On which day do you come home?' mu-k maga) aa qaatl people:CON-Ml how:many S.3:PERF die:3.SG.M:PAST 'The people of which turn have died?' 9.3. Question words as adjuncts The question words xayla 'when' and daqma 'at what time' occur in an adjunct position in the sentence, and the dependent 'to be' is used. caacam-iin m-a-s WHAT-O.F-REAS cry-DUR:2.SG 'Why are you crying? (You should not cry)' 9.5. Yes/no questions and leading questions extra high tone and a subsequent fall. . . £ f Yes/no question mtonatwn takes the orm o anh b 'th a background suffix on It always combines with an infinitive suffix on t e ver or Wl the noun in nominal sentences, see 4.2.8. loosi ga doohl-i beans 0.3:0.F cultivate:3.SG.M:INT -S.3:INF 'Does he cultivate beans?' inos i am6-r saaw hoot-i 3.SG S.3 place:CON-F far:F live:3.SG.M:INT-S.3:INF 'Does he live far away?' tnos a irqawtu-w-o 3.SG COP Iraqw:INT-M-BACK 'Is he an Iraqw?' Yes/no questions are often used rhetorica ll y. Without a negation marker' the speaker expects a negative reply, for example: 288 ga-r ta koond-a thing:CON-F DEP.S.l/2 have:2.SG:INT-INF 'Do you have the thing? (Expectation: you don't.)' If a negation marker is present, where the negation follows the question · t expected reply is in the affirmative, e.g. m onat1 ga-r ta koond-a-kee thing:CON-F DEP.S.l/2 have:2.SG-INF:INT-NEG:BACK 'You have the thing, don't you?' However, in cases where the negation precedes the question intonat 1'on · t h £ 11 · , as can m e o owmg example, the expected reply is negative: ga-r ＬｴｨｩｮｧＺｃｾｎＭｆ＠ ta koond-a-kee DEP.S.l/2 have:2.SG-INF-NEG:BACK:INT You don t have the thing, do you?' dayshimo u ca-cag-a-kee. a'a a snake O.M HAB-eat:2-PL:INF-NEG:BACK:INT no S.l/2 ca-cay-an-aa-ka HAB-eat-l.PL- INF- NEG 'You don't eat snakes, do you? No we don't.' Leading questions can also have an extra addition of Iaq hlaa>i lit. aari · koond-a, laqhlaa>i ,. goats O.N have:2.SG:INT-INF isn't:it 'You have goats, isn't that so?' 9.6. Echo questions A question word can be put in place of a word that one has not heard properly. hhiiya-w6k nee heema ( oo) ta brother-2.SG.POSS and who INDEP.CON.M IMPS kay go:3.SG.M:PRES 'Your brother and who go together by car to Karatu?' loosi nee mila ngi al-caay beans and what 0.3:DEP.S.3:0.N together-eat:3.SG.M 'He is eating beans and what?' 289 Complex sentences eo mplex sentence consists of two or more clauses, each with a main verb, in one contour. One of the clauses can be the external subject or object of the The clause that is external subject or object can either follow or precede the is i-wa bara qaymo-r-wa gadyuus-i 3.8G 8.3-BACK in:CON field-F-ABL work-3.8G.M:8BJV 8.3 ga-r hhoo> tleehh<iim>iit ta ak is i-wa thing:CON-F nice:F make<DUR>:3.8G.M than more 3.SG 8.3-BACK buura-r wah-an beer:CON-F drink-DUR:3.SG.M 'That he works in the shamba is better than that he drinks beer.' in6s g-a haraxuu' gidaba tsatay g-u tlaaxw 3.8G 8.3-0.F expect:3.SG.M that knife 8.3-0.M buy:3.8G.M 'He expects to buy a knife.' in6s ador do> 1-r gweer-a g-a arta 3.SG how house 8.3-INSTR open-INF 0.3-0.F seeing:CON ay go:3.8G.M 'He will check if the door is open.' aning i-ga Iowa qwalcatiis tlooma-r-qa> 1.8G 0.1..8G-PERF very make:happy:3.8G.M mountain-F-DEM3 ni-wa aleehlaw tsacamto-r-o DEP.8.1.8G-BACK can:l.8G climbing-F-BACK 'It pleased me that I managed to climb that mountain.' a ga-r afbhamiit dir Buura-w-o doohla COP thing:CON-F important:F to Buura-M-BACK cultivating(F) ngi-wa alhhe>ees-i 0.3:DEP.8.3:0.F-BACK finish-3.8G.M:8BJV 'It is important to Bura to finish the hoeing.' Complex sentences can consist of a series of clauses in consecutive tense. The consecutive tense suffixes require the dependent verb 'to be', although the main verb is in the indicative mood. ala gadye-r->ee> ngi-wa hhe>ees after work-F-1.8G.P088 0.3:DEP.8.1.8G:O.F-BACK finish:l.SG ng1-r1 tlaw 0.3:DEP.8.1.8G:O.F-CON8EC leave:l.8G "After I have finished my work, I will leave.' If the verb is transitive and the complement clause is an external object, there is a feminine object pronoun in the core of the sentence. In 7.1.4. I have argued that an unspecific object has feminine gender, because the least specific non-human noun, gaa 291 290 xuur<uum>lit ni-wa imboru kaw ;.1/2 think<DUR>:l.SG DEP.l.SG-BACK Mbulu matlo tomorrow 'I think I will go to Mbulu tomorrow.' 'thing' is feminine. For the same reason there is a feminine object pronoun referring to the complement clause. aning ngi-wa xuu> kangw l.SG 0.3:DEP.S.l.SG:O.F-BACK think:l.SG matter:CON ku inhlaahh 0.3:IMPS:O.M easy:M yacaaw imboru barwadu ngi-wa garm a u-na letters 0.3:DEP:O.N-BACK boy O.M-PAST send:l.SG Mbulu oh-i catch- 3.SG. :NI:SBJV 'I sent a boy to Mbulu to collect letters.' 'I think that Iraqw is easy.' ga xuu> ador i-r tiiq 0.3:0.F know:3.SG.M:PRES how S.3-INSTR be:i1l:3.SG.M:PRES 'He knows that he is ill.' With intransitive verbs the complement clause has no object pronoun referring kuung ta-wa XUrUt kangw 2.SG.M S.l/2-BACK doubt:2.SG matter:MOD gawid. difficult:M The backgroun d suffi x -wa can be left out and the sentence will still be for example in: asma ta di-r kuung a gur h amu"'t -a 2.SG.M S.1/2 regret :2 .SG :INT -INF because DEP.S.l/2 placeCON-F do'-og-i kic. house-2.SG.POSS-DIR return:2.SG:SBJV . home.?' 'Do· you feel sad about returnmg Some verbs can be both transitive or intransitive, and there is some variation whether a feminine object pronoun referring to the complement clause is msertedll)'f;; not. hlaa> want:l.SG kuunga> ti 2.PL REC 'I hope that you like each other.' ｾｵｴ＠ after the verb hlaa> 'to want'' the complement clause must have the background suffix: an-a hlaa' kuung ta-wa (*ta) l.SG-8.1/2 want:l.SG 2.SG.M DEP.S.1/2-BACK (DEP.S.l/2 xahlit be:quiet:2.SG:SBJV 'I want you to be quiet.' The complement clause is either in the indicative or in the subjunctive mood. kuung a gurhamut-a asma a di-r 2.SG.M 8.1/2 regret:2.SG:INT-INF because S.1/2 placeCON-F do>-og-i kic. house-2.SG.POSS-DIR return:2.SG 'Do you feel sad about returning home?' kuung a gurhamut-a 2.SG.M S.1/2 regret:2.SG:INT-INF di-r do>-og-i placeCON-F house-2.SG.POSS-DIR asma ta-wa because DEP.S.1/2-BACK kic. return:2.SG:SBJV ( *.i) hardah-ii.;.ka an-a hhia> inos i-wa .a-BACK (S.3) arrive-INF:S.3--NEG l.SG-8.1 /2 want:l.SG 3.SG S 'I want him not to come.' which . to se t th e SI.tuation for another The function of the background suffix IS is in fact why it is preferred in complement clauses. loo>a i-wa kar aama sagw S.3-BACK well mother head:M1:CON sun na'aay g-u-na kutsuhh. child 0.3-0.M-PAST pinch: 2.SG 'When the sun was about to come out, the 'Do you feel sad about returning home?' A complement clause in the subjunctive mood requires the dependent verb 'to be' with the background suffix -wa. as kuung a gurhamut-a asma ta-wa 2.SG.M S.1/2 regret:2. SG :INT -INF because DEP.S.l/2-BACK di-r do)-og-i kic. placeCON-F house-2.SG.POSS-DIR return:2.SG:SBJV . home.?' 'Do you feel sad about returnmg Iraqw ku Iraqw 0.3:IMPS:O 'When you doubted that Iraqw is difficult.' an ngi' (ni) l.SG 0.3:DEP.S.l.SG:O.F (DEP.S.l.SG) hla>a-hla'-a' RDP-like:2-PL ｡Ｌ｣ｻｾ･ｵｬＡｴＮｈ＠ ｃｯｭｰｬｾ･ｮｴ＠ · clauses that clauses are often re1a t IVe 293 292 negation in the complement clause is acceptable. qooma 'period', iimi 'time', afir qooma 'until (lit. mouth of time)', adoo etc. The head noun adoo has a very wide usage which will be discussed in 1 gadyee-r-f maso ｾ＠ ｾｫ＠ ｾｯｭｲ＠ work-F-DEMl must S.3:PERF finished:3.SG.F period:CON-F i-wa xeer-a S.3-BACK come:3.SG.F-INF 'This job must be finished when the time has come.' afo-r na voice:CON-F DEP.S.l.SG:PERF amo-r xwaylite-ren-ee place:CON-F parents-l.PL-BACK waraahh pass:3.S G .M:PAST axaas hear:l.SG S.3 iimi-r time:CON-F kahh be:absent:3.SG.F hlahhangw-f a a month-DEMl 'I have not heard from my parents for a month.' hi>ino ｡ｬ･ｨｴｾｲ＠ a walking O.F can:2.SG hla> want:2.SG ay affrqooma-da> kuung ta to until-DEM4 2.SG.M DEP.S.l/2 'You can walk as far as you want.' There is often a choice between, using either a complement clause or a nomn1a11 verb, see 7.5. The complement must b_e a clause and not a nominalised verb if a tense difference. If the subject and the object of the complement are different those of the higher predicate, a clause is more usual than a nominalised verb. But possible to have a nominalised verb with a subject and object different from the predicate provided that the subject and object are personal pronouns. If the and object of the complement are nouns, a clause is required. an-a harahhiiffit kuung ara>aangw-os-ee l.SG-S.l/2 expect:l.SG 2.SG.M seeing-2.SG.POSS-BACK 'I expect you to see him.' an-a hlaa' in6s i-wa hardah-ii-ka an-a, . l.SG-S.l/2 want:l.SG 3.SG S.3-BACK arnve-INF:S.3-NEG 'I want him not to come.' Complementizers and clause introducers · th e secon d clause indicates the relation between the two fi st wor d m . clauses. In rcases a comp1emen t'tzer is obligatory' in other cases .a complementlzer . , cannot d d ,be d and in yet other cases it is optional. Complementlzers are g1daba an a or; use d th t · d' t the relation between two clauses are adverbs such as ala Other wor s a m tca e ' d ' d' . but', bar 'if', and prepositions such as as or asma Ｇ｢･｣｡ｾｳ＠ , . ｡ｾ＠ ?ee an . ·after, . W'th a dtrect ques t'ton no eo mplementizer is used ' but if the questiOn IS ,mdirect, , then h 1 . lementizer becomes necessary, for example with the verb yahaas to ask , w en a comp h '. d the complementizer ad6r 'how' t at IS use . tl uway th1w-i in6s i-na yahaas T k 3 SG M·PAST ram S.3 rain:3.SG.M:INT-INF:S.3 as : . . . 3.SG S .3-PAS 'He asked: "Will it rain?" ' , yahaas ador tluway i-r inos ga M PAST h ow ram S.3-INSTR 3.SG 0.3:0.F:PERF ask:3.SG. : tluuw rain:3.SG.M 'He asked if it would rain.' In the following sentence no complementizer can be used. ni-wa hariim nee xwaylite-r->ee a with parents-F-l.SG.POSS DEP.S.l.SG-BACK COP must axwaays-aan speak-l.PL:SBJV 'I must speak to my parents.' In the following sentence the complementizer is optional. harahhiif baab-u->ee> katibu LSG-O.F expect:l.SG father-M-LSG.POSS secretary ngu-wa arta ay 0.3:DEP.S.l.SG:O.M-BACK seeing:CON go:3.SG.M 'I expect my father to see the secretary.' hleemeero g-a i fiikruus (gidaba) bati 0.3-0.F 3.SG 8.3 think:3.SG.M (that) iron:sheets all aleehlay. can:3.SG.M 'He thinks that he'll get all the iron sheets.' In a complex sentence, negation is usually expressed in the first clause. Two common complementizers are gi· d a b a' 'th a t' an d a d6r ' 'how ' that' . The t choice d th of which complementizer to use depends on the main verb, the ｟｣ｯｭｰｬ･ｾｮ＠ ｡ｾ＠ Ｇｴｾ＠ mean in of the complementizer. In the following sentence ad or can e use . Wl ｾ＠ axwee: 'to talk' as a main verb followed by an action complement. ｷｨ･ｾｳ＠ ｧｩ､ｾ｢｡＠ here would be impossible. With a non-action complement, however, gidaba IS posstble. a-ga hlaa>-ii-ka do> 1-wa S.i/2-PERF want:l.SG-INF:PAST-NEG house S.3-BACK huw-i fall-3.SG.M:SBJV 'I didn't want the house to collapse.' 1nos 295 294 in6s ga axwees ad6r (*gidaba) 3.SG.M 0.3:0.F:PERF tell:3.SG.M:PAST that (*that) tlay leave:3.SG.M 'He said that he is leaving.' in6s ga axwees gidaba 3.SG.M 0.3:0.F:PERF tell:3.SG.M:PAST that 'He said that he is old.' The use of gidaba is possible with an action complement and another main in meaning to axwees, namely alkiciit 'to narrate'. in6s ga alkic{it gidaba 3.SG.M 0.3:0.F:PERF narrate:3.SG.M:PAST that S.3 'He said that he is leaving.' harahheef biya i-wa too in6s ga expect:3.SG.M:PAST beer S.3-BACK 3.sG 0.3:0.F:PERF in:vain aleen bu'ut-i ala>is S.3 be:insufficient:3.SG.F be:enough-3.SG.M:SBJV but 'He expected the beer to be sufficient but it is not.' ......ＢＮＧｾｩｳ＠ not used with verbs for which no particularly possitive attitude towards the can be implied, such as yahaas 'to ask', firiim 'to beg'. firim-aan (ad or) a ten a-ga l.PL S.l/2-PERF beg-l.PL (that) ka-r hlaw-aan 0:3:DEP.S.l/2:0.F-INSTR get-l.PL (*gidaba) (*that) ilahhoo'a present 'We asked to get a present.' The word gidaba is of Datooga origin, from Datooga gideeba 'that' (with front vowel). In Datooga, it functions as a general complementizer for indirect (John Macaulay p.c.). In Iraqw gidaba can be used as a feminine noun 'reason'. As a complementizer its meaning is not reason. If reason has to be as 'because' precedes gidaba. in6s oo>-{n gidaba ma'ay kahh-!r 3.SG S.3 say-DUR:3.SG.M that water S.3 be:absent-3.PL 'He often says· that there is no water,.' The complementizer gidaba is not completely neutral. It expresses a positive tation towards the complement. With the· verb daamaraam 'wait' in the two sentences, the use of the complimentizer gidaba in the second expresses an a daamaraam n1-wa tlaw l.SG S.l/2 wait:l.SG DEP.S.l.SG-BACK leave:LSG:SBJV 'I wait until I leave.' The aspect of positive attitude towards the complement and ｵｮ｣･ｲｴ｡ｩｾｹ＠ ｡ｾｯｵｴ＠ the complement is also reflected in the fact that with some of these verbs g1daba can be sed if the complement refers to a future event which will probably or hopefully take ulace. With hlahlaw 'to get to know' the complementizer ador is used. Only if the ｾｭｰｬ･ｮｴ＠ is in the future the complementizer gidaba can be used. an-a-ga hlahlaw ador Engaruka ka-r . LSG-S.l/2-PER;F know;l.SG that- Engaruka 0.3:IMPS:O.F-INSTR saaw far:F 'I got to know that Engaruka is far.' deer an a hlahlaw gidaba matlo neeto l.SG S.l/2 know:l.SG that tomorrow dance S.3 exist:3.SG.F 'I know that there is a party tomorrow.' an a daamaraam gidaba a tlaw LSG S.l/2 wait:l.SG that S.l/2 leave:l.SG 'I wait hoping to leave.' Because it reflects a positive value, the complementizer gidaba is not used after with a negative attitude such as dayuut 'worry', da>eemiit deny, dislike'. kuung a da'eem!t (*gidaba) tluway i-wa 2.SG.M S.l/2 fear:2.SG (*that) ram S.3-BACK tluw-i rain-3.SG.M:SBJV 'You fear that it will rain.' gidaba is not necessary, but possible, after verbs that in themselves already expre,ss a positive value, such as harahheef 'to expect', haraxuu' 'to expect', aldakuut 'to 1nos ngi OO' ador inos ta-r 3.SG 0.3:HIT:O.F say:3.SG.M:PRES · that 3.SG DEP:BE-INSTR man ur big:M 'He says to me that he is big.' 1nos ng1 oo' . gidaba aako 3.SG 0.3:HIT:O.F say:3.SG.M:PRES that grandfather ku ur 0.3:IMplS:O.M big:M 'He says to me that grandfather will be old.' Sentences following gidaba can have different tenses. 296 an-a-ga qeeruus gidaba in6s 1, LSG-S.l/2-PERF think:in:vain:l.SG that 3.SG S.3 i-na, i-ri hardah S.3-PAST S.3-CONSEC arrive:3.SG.M 'I thought in vain, that he arrives, has arrived, arrived, arrived aft Another common complementizer is ad6r 'how, that (lit. manner of)', a relative clause. The (dependent) verb 'to be' in the relative clause instrumental case suffix because the head noun is adoo 'manner'. But the ad6r is more general than 'how'. ar ad6r ta-r kanisa-r ani'ng a-ga l.SG O.F-PERF see:l.SG how DEP:BE-INSTR church:CON'I saw that the church is big.' an-a xuuruut ad6r ni-r tlaw l.SG-O.F doubt:l.SG how DEP.S.l.SG-INSTR leave:l.SG:SBJV 'I doubt that I will leave.' The clause with ad6r is often the external object of the higher clause. in6s 1-na ari-r-wa tsaat gidaba 3.SG S.3-PAST prediction-F-ABL cut:3.SG.M:PAST that gu gaas 0.3:0.M kill:3.SG.M:PRES 'He predicted he would kill a lion.' in6s ga-na ari-r-wa tsaat ad6r 3.SG 0.3:0.F-PAST prediction-F-ABL cut:3.SG.M:PAST that dirangw ngu-r gaas-i lion 0.3:DEP.S.3:0.M-INSTR kill-3.SG.M:SBJV 'He predicted he would kill a lion.' The instrumental preposition ar can be used as a complementizer. Again the is not clearly instrumental. aldakuut ar do> ahla ngw-a S.3 wonder:3.SG.M:PRES INSTR house fire 0.3:DEP:O.M-PERF cak eat:3.SG:F 'He wonders whether the house has burnt down.' The preposition as 'because' can be used as a complementizer, It can stand alone, it can be followed by gidaba. It also occurs in the asma 'because', and askahh 'in order to'. ani'rrg a tseewa tlaw as n1-wa l.SG S.l/2 early rise:l.SG REAS DEP.S.l.SG-BACK hardah afi'qooma-da ni hlaa> arrive:l.SG:SBJV until-DEM4 DEP.S.l.SG want:l.SG:SBJV 297 ,1 rise .early in order to arrive when I want.' , a gurhamuut as gidaba tluway an ram 8.3 tSG 8.1/2 be:sad:l.8G REA8 that tluw-ii-ka rain-INF:8.3-NEG 'I am sorry that it does not rain.' clause can be introduced by askahhoo> 'in order to'. This word consists of hhoo' literally 'because it is all right'. askahhoo> gadyuus baabu-ren i lowar father:M-l.PL.P088 8.3 very:CON work:3.8G.M:PRE8 in:order:to shule-r->ee' ga bu>uutu-r hela-r school-F-1.8G.P088 0.3:0.F money:CON-F being:enough:CON-F hlay. get:3.8G.M 'My father works hard to get enough money for my schooling.' Other sentence introducers are ala 'after', ala (or ala) 'but' ｾｮ､＠ ｾｬ｡Ｚｩｳ＠ 'but'. ala is derived from the construct case form of the locative noun alu behmd . ala gadye-r-'ee' ngi-wa hh.e>ees after work-F-1.8G. Po88 0.3 ·.DEP.8.1.8G:O.F-BACK fimsh:l.8G ngi-ri · tlaw . 0.3:DEP.8.1.8G:O.F-CON8EC leave:l.8G 'After I have finished my work, I will leave.' an a mak hlaa' Arusha i-wa tseewur ala 1.8G 8.1/2 rather like:l.8G Arusha 8.3-BACK be:close:3.8G.F but i yacaand-a-ka 8.3 agree:3.8G.F-INF-NEG 'I would rather prefer Arusha to be closer, but it is not.' naanu u-na mak firiim, ala ngwa vegetables O.M-PA8T just ask:1.8G but 0.3:HIT:O.M:PERF haniis- ii- ka give-8.3:INF -NEG 'I asked for vegetables but he didn't give them to me.' in6s ga too harahheef biya i-wa 3.8G 0.3:0.F:PERF in:vain expect:3.8G.M:PA8T beer 8.3-BACK bu>ut-i ala>is i aleen be:enough-3.8G.M:8BJV but 8.3 be:insufficient:3.8G.F 'He expected the beer to be sufficient but it is not.' The conditional sentential adverb bar, and the concessive tarn have already been discussed in 4.1.14. 299 298 h amaｾｴ＠ 'ayto'o 1' tarn · t Iuway maize S.3 ripen:3.SG F CONCES . 'The · 'll · · ram S.3 maize WI npen even if there is no rain.' a nee Gees6 Duqa was told by Maria Sanka on September 18th 1987, in her house in Haylotto. children were present. I taped the story and transcribed it later with the help Coordinate sentences can be separated by nee 'and', see also 5.5. ku-na tlaahh 0.3:IM_PS:O.M-PAST beat:3.SG.M:PAST ganhlar ta'<a'>in ｾｹ･＠ The buffalo and Geso Duqa Dafay and John Qamlali. saree'a i bar a ｡ｴｳＭｫｾｲｷ＠ｸ qa-qeer. 8.3 in:CON valley-Fl-INDEF-F-ABL HAB-graze:3.SG.F upon a time, a buffalo wandered around in a certain valley. fiisuusee thieves ,rapidly . run<HAB>3.SG.M He was hit by a thief and ran away.' bara xats-ta-wa qa":'qeer, i-wa 8.3-BACK in:CON valley-Fl-ABL HAB-graze:3.SG.F the buffalo is grazing in the valley, 'ayto>o-r weer<am>'' nee aning a S3 . liS . ｾ｡ｩｺ･ＺｃｏｎＭｆ＠ sell<DUR>:3.SG.M:PRES and l.SG tlax-uum buy-DUR:l.SG . 1't . ' 'He is selling maize and I am b uymg duqa i di-da-wa iw<iiw>iit. duqa 8.3 place-DEM4-ABL sit<HAB>:3.SG.M:PRES Duqa is around there. na'6o saree'a g-u-n kutsuuhh. child:M:CON buffalo 0.3-0.M-EXPEC pinch:3.SG.M:PRES pinches the child of the buffalo. na'OO saree'a b<i>r-a 'aa', child:M:CON buffalo COND<S.3>-INF cry:3.SG.M ｗｨｾｮ＠ the child of the buffalo cries, cakut ·1-n · ·o' saree'a b<i>r-a buffalo COND<S.3>-INF jump:3.SG.F 8.3-EXPEC say:3.SG.F when the buffalo jumps, she says: kw-a cfs a gees6 duqa na'aay ga-r thing:CON-F 0.3:DEP.S.l/2:0.M-PERF do:2.SG COP gees6 duqa child mila. what "Geso Duqa, what did you do to the child?" i kahh ar>ee dama-r-6k i-n net. 8.3 be:absent:3.SG.F sorry calf-F-2.SG.POSS 8.3-EXPEC play:3.SG.F "Nothing, sorry, your calf must be playing." g-a-na '<im>lis, kar>arlo', ado-r-1 truely manner-F-DEMl 0.3-0.F-PAST do<DUR>:3.SG.M:PAST Really, he was doing so, g-a-na male kutsuuhh 0.3-0.F-PAST again pinch:3.SG.M:PAST He pinched her again. saree'a b<i>r-a cakut 1-n o' buffalo COND<S.3>-INF jump:3.SG.F 8.3-EXPEC say:3.SG.F 300 301 When the buffalo jumps, she says: geeso duqa dama-r-'ee> na'ay-w-6k, ado-r ka geeso duqa calf-F-POSS.l.SG manner:CON-F "Geso Duqa, what are you doing to my calf?" an ado-r nga LSG manner:CON-F dama-r-ok cfs. 0.3:DEP.S.l/2:0.F na'aY qwari laaq kahh. 0.3:DEP.S.l:O.F:PERF do:LSG i-n S.3 net kicima tam-ee g-a-na kar is i-na geeqeer break:3.SG.F ya>e ngi-wa i-na oo> an ado-r nacay-w-ok a say:3.SG.M:PAST l.SG manner:CON-F child-M-2.SG.POSS O.F x:uu'-a-ka know- INF- NEG He said: "I don't know about your child." i-na fu>unay-'ee' i-na manner:CON-F gaas ni Iaaq. DEP.S.l.SG do:l.SG:SBJV i-n COP-EMPH 0.2.SG.F-EXPEC S.3-PAST m-i say:3.SG.F l.SG cay--aar, PROH-O.l.SG eat-IMP(NEG) cay-aar. PROH-O.l.SG eat-IMP(NEG) . fadu . dimbe dimbe different fol. infol-iit. l.SG-S.l/2-EMPH bury-MIDDLE:l.SG "I'll just bury you." i-na kill:LSG 0.2.SG.F-CONSEC eat:l.SG "What you do is that I'll kill you and I'll eat you." duux-eek m-i 0.3:DEP.S.1/2:0.N different bury:2.SG:SBJV You should bury them apart." an-a-qo caay. 1-na dimbe l.SG meat-l.SG.POSS different take:out-IMP.SG.TR bones Put my meat apart, and my bones apart. ki a-qo DEP.S.l/2 do:2.SG:SBJV i-ri o> S.3-PAST say: 3 .SG . F now geeso duqa now manner:CON-F "Geso Duqa, what do I do now?" laq gimay aning an o': S.3-PAST say:3.SG.F please l.SG She said: "Please, don't eat me. geeqeer, ta bu>-i. S.3-PAST geeso duqa daxata ado-r ad6-r child hunger 0.3-0.M kill:3.SG.F-S.3:INF:INT-NEG:BACK "won't hunger kill your child? kutsuuhh leg 0.3:DEP.S.3:0.F-BACK break:3.SG.F When she broke her leg, she said: ｨｾｭ＠ gas-ii-kee pinch:3.SG.M:PAST well 3.SG S.3-PAST again jump:3.SG.F Well, she jumped again. ya'e g-a-ri oo', say:3.SG.M:PAST thing:CON-F S.3 be:sufficient-3.SG.M:SBJV What use will it be?" male cakut leg 0.3-0.F-CONSEC s.he broke her leg. g-u ga-r calf-F-2.SG.POSS S.3-EXPEC play:3.SG.F "I am not doing anything. Your calf is surely playing." turn three-BACK 0.3-0.F-PAST Three times he pinched her. 1-na "ild-M-2.SG.POSS S.3-PAST c.u "Your chil d" , he sa1'd , O': ka hhoo' hleemee. S.3-PAST say:3.SG.F 0.3:IMPS:O.F She said: "That is also all right. nice:F also ad6-r nacay-w-ok ku-sing daqani ku bihhaa manner:CON-F child-M-2.SG.POSS INDEP.M-DEM2 than side:N:CON 0.3:DEP.S.l/2:0.M na<ay-'ee'. hikwa-wog-wa child-l.SG .POSS She said: "Don't eat me. What about my child?" cattle-2.SG.POSS-ABL suck-DUR-CAUS:2.SG Afterwards you should let that child of yours suck your cattle." 1-na oo' ham daxta ado-r I-na S.3-PAST say:3.SG.M:PAST now S.3-PAST an-a-qo now manner:CON-F xuu'-a l.SG-O.F-EMPH know:l.SG:INT-INF He said: "Now, what about your child, how do I know?" nunu-m-is. OO': say:3.SG.M:PAST aangw hikwa before cattle diima, S.3 where koom-a have:l.SG:INT-INF He said: "First of all where is the cattle? Do I have them?" O.N 303 302 1-na o' hikwa daya' di-da-da' S.3-PAST say:3.SG.F cattle S.3 be:present:3.PL place-DEM4-DEM4 fadu-'ee' ki fol. bones-l.SG.POSS 0.3:DEP.S.l/2:0.N bury:2.SG:SBJV She said: "The cattle will be there where you bury my bones. daqani ka xwara-r eer. than 0.3:DEP.S.l/2:0.F digging:CON-F go:2.SG:SBJV Afterwards you should go to dig for it. hikwa i-qo ti>iit-iya'. cattle S.3-EMPH go:out-3.PL The cattle will come out. kar'ee hikwa-wos ku-da' g-1 de'<a'>fn. well cattle-3.SG.POSS INDEP.N-DEM4 0.3-0.N herd<HAB>:3.SG.M Well, he is herding those cattle of his. de'<a'>in, na'ay-w-os kar ngi-wa well 0.3:DEP.S.3:0.N-BACK herd<HAB>:3.SG.M child-M-3.SG.POSS saree'a ku-n nunumamiis ku-du INDEP.M-DEM4:M:CON buffalo 0.3:IMPS:O.M-EXPEC feed:DUR:PRES hikwa-wos ku-da'. cattle-3.SG.POSS INDEP.N-DEM4 While he is herding them, the child of the buffalo is sucking those cows of him. dir at is daqani nacay-'ee> ku-sing ku than child-l.SG.POSS INDEP.M-DEM2 0.3:DEP.S.l/2:0.M nunu-m-is suck- DUR-CAUS:2.SG Afterwards you should let that child of mine suck them." kar naagay. kar geeso duqa hare-r kon. well well well gees6 duqa S.3 wife:CON-F have:3.SG.M Well. Geso Duqa has a wife. hare a dasi-r doo caga. wife COP · girl:CON-F house:CON cannibals The wife is a girl from the. cannibal clan. kar dasi-r doo 'aga geeso duqa ngi-wa well girl:CON-F house:CON cannibals gees6 d uqa 0 .3 :DEP.. S 3: 0 .F-BACK kon, have:3.SG.M Geso Duqa having a cannibal girl, kar geeso duqa fu>unay sareeca g-ay well gees6 duqa meat:CON buffalo 0.3-0.N:CONSEC2 laaq, do:3.SG.M Geso Duqa did such with the meat of the buffalo ' g-ay fol-iit, fu>unay dimbe, fadu 0.3-0.N:CONSEC2 bury-MIDDLE:3.SG.M meat different bones he buried it, meat apart, bones apart. di-da-r fadu g-a-na xwaar, hikwa place-DEM4-F bones 0.3-0.F-PAST dig:3.SG.M cattle ng-ay ti>iit-ir. 3.PL:0.3-0.F:CONSEC2 go:out-3.PL Where he dug up the bones, cattle came out. h<i>r de'en daa' 3.SG COND<S.3> herd:3.SG.l'v1 S.3 sing:3.SG.M When he herds, he sings. na'ay g-u-n qa-qay. child 0.3-0.M-EXPEC HAB-let:graze:3.SG.M He let the child graze. caga naxes aa iwit dinkwa. kar loo>itleer hhay well next:day clan:CON cannibals accidently S.3:PERF sit:3.SG.F together Then the cannibal clan happened to be sitting together. muk doo taat-oo hare-r-os people:Ml:CON house:CON grandfather-M:CON wife-F-3.SG.POSS ta-na oo' IMPS-PAST say:PAST The people of his wife's family said: gitla-qa' bare aangw a mak narkutamo. man-DEM3 behold before COP just pauper "That man used to be just a poor man. hikwa-qa' di-r ngi-wa hlay a diima. cattle-DEM3 place:CON-F 0.3:DEP.S.3:0.N-BACK get:3.SG.M COP where Where did he get those cattle? ham loohi-r hikwa-qa' cattle-DEM3 now way:CON-F gaala. which How do we get those cattle? ki-r hayoh-aan a 0.3:DEP.S.l/2:0.N-INSTR take-l.PL COP ki-wa hhoo' a hayoha. ga-r thing:CON-F 0.3:IMPS:O.N-BACK nice COP taking What would be nice about the cattle is taking them." 305 304 ta-na oo' ham ad6-r ki-r IMPS-PAST say:PAST now manner:CON-F 0.3:DEP.S.l/2:0.N-INSTR hlaw-aan. get-l.PL:SBJV They said: "Now how do we get them?" i-na oo' gim ad6-r S.3-PAST say:3.SG.M:PAST well manner:CON-F hlaw-aan-ya a-qo u-n gaas-aan get-l.PL:SBJV-BREAK COP-EMPH O.M-EXPEC kill-l.PL One said: "Well, the way we'll get them is to kill him." ta-na oo' aha, gimse b<u>r gaas-aan, IMPS-PAST say:PAST aha well COND<O.M> kill-l.PL They said: "Well, if we kill him, ad6-r ku-r gaas-aan. manner:CON-F 0.3:DEP.S.l/2:0.M-INSTR kill-l.PL:SBJV how do we kill him? hami b<u>r gaas-aan is 3.SG now COND<O.M> kill-l.PL If we kill him, cak<m><am>it i-n kar dasi i-n well girl S.3-EXPEC run<DUR><HAB>:3.SG.F S.3-EXPEC cak<m><am>it run <D UR> <HAB> :3.SG .F And the girl is running and running. cipiis, i-n o' gees6 duqa, an-a l.SG-S.l/2 suck:l.SG S.3-EXPEC say:3.SG.F gees6 duqa She says: "Geso Duqa, let me suck, lama koom. a witness O.F have:l.SG I have news." kiing nunuu> hat6> i-n oo>-i S.3-EXPEC say-SBJV 2.SG.F suck:IMP my:niece He says: "You suck, my dear." kar i-n nunu' nunu' well S.3-EXPEC suck:3.SG.F suck:3.SG.F She sucks and sucks. ad6-r ku-r hlaw-aan a adooma. manner:CON-F 0.3:DEP.S.l/2:0.M-INSTR get-l.PL:SBJV COP how how do we get him? dasi-r doo-ren i-qo girl:CON-F house:M-l.PL.POSS S.3-EMPH di-r-i-hee-kee. place-F-DEMl-BACK:INT-NEG:BACK Our girl is there, isn't she?" -r-o b<i>r-a kar nunu>a well sucking-F-BACK COND<S.3>-INF finish:3.SG.F When she is finished sucking, 6> laa ku m-a XU', i-n S.3-EXPEC say:3.SG.F today 2.SG.M WHAT-O.F know:2.SG.M she says: "Today, what do you think? a-qo is b<i>r-a de>eengw ay, COP-EMPH 3.SG COND<S.3>-PERF herding:CON go:3.SG.M It is when he was out herding, muruw-i ku-n axwees. things:M-DEMl 0.3:IMPS:O.M-EXPEC say:PRES that these things were said. inin ta muru-'in kwi 3.PL IMPS things:M-3.PL.POSS INDEP.M:DEMl They were saying their things, kar is hikwa daaf. well 3.SG S.3 cattle:CON return:home:3.SG.M He is bringing the cattle home. axwees, say:PRES gees6 duqa b<i>r-a de>eengw ay gees6 duqa COND<S.3>-PERF herding:CON go:3.SG.M when Geso Duqa has gone to herd. gees6 duqa, ku tu gaas nee muk gees6 duqa 2.SG.M IMPS:0.2.SG.M kill:PRES by people:Ml:CON taatu hare-r-6k. d6o house:M:CON grandfather:M:CON wife-F-2.SG.POSS Geso Duqa, you will be killed by the people of your wife." 1-n oo'-i aha, ga-r ti-s 8.3-EXPEC say-SBJV aha thing:CON-F IMPS:O.l.SG-REAS gaas-i. kill-3.SG.M:SBJV He says: "Aha, why will they kill me?" ta-na OO' cagmo-ren b<i>r-qo IMPS-PAST say:3.SG.M:PAST cannibal:M-l.PL.POSS COND<S.3>-EMPH di-r-qa', hikwa i-n hayoh-aan place-F-DEM3 cattle O.N-EXPEC take-l.PL 307 306 They said: "If our cannibal is there, let us take the cattle." 1-na o' tu gaas-ii-ka. S.3-PAST say:3.SG.F IMPS:0.2.SG.M kill-S.3:INF-NEG She said: "You will not be killed. ham matlo ga-r tu-r gaas-i, now tomorrow thing:CON-F IMPS:0.2.SG.M-INSTR kill-3.SG.M:SBJV ka-qo kwahleemuut. 0.3:IMPS:O.F-EMPH discuss:PRES Tomorrow, how they will kill you, will be discussed." 1-na o' an ng1-qo oo'. S.3-PAST say:3.SG.F l.SG 0.3:DEP.S.l.SG:O.F-EMPH say:l.SG She says: "I'll tell you." kar ta-na waatl. well IMPS-PAST return:home:PAST They went home. kar ｬｯ＾ｩｴｨｾ･ｲ＠ is i-wa de>eengw ay, well next:day 3.SG S.3-BACK herding:CON go:3.SG.M When he went herding, kar naxes ta kay-i: well accidently IMPS say-3.SG.M:SBJV they say: . ham ga-r ku-r gaas-aan a mila. now thing:CON-F 0.3:IMPS:O.M-INSTR kill-l.PL:SBJV COP what "How do we kill him? gimse fanfe'amo u-n af-ku do>-i qaas-aan well snake O.M-EXPEC mouth-Ml:CON house-DIR put-l.PL · We'll put a snake at his door. g-u-n tsaxaar, i-ri gwaa'. 0.3-0.M-EXPEC attack:3.SG.M:PRES S.3-CONSEC die:3.SG.M:PRES It will spit on him, and he will die." kar matlatlee-r-o hhay caga kat. well morning-F-BACK clan cannibals 8.3 say:3.SG.F The cannibal clan is speaking in the morning. fanfe>amo kwa-qo hhe>ees, snake 0.3:IMPS:O.M:PAST-EMPH finish:PAST The snake was ready, qaas. ' kwa 0.3:IMPS:O.M:PAST put:PAST it was put in position, I<ar Is laari daaf, well 3.SG today 8.3 return:home:3.SG.M:PRES fie returns the cattle today. cak<m><am>it kar dama i-na well calf 8.3-PAST run<DUR><HAB>:3.SG.F The calf was running. o' kar geeso duqa kar laa tu i-na S.3-PAST say:3.SG.F well gees6 duqa well today IMPS:0.2.SG.M gaas. ku m-a xu'. kill:PRES 2.SG.M WHAT-O.F know:2.SG.M . She said: "Today you will be killed. What do you thmk? ku laa tu gaas. 2.SG.M today IMPS:0.2.SG.M kill:PRES Today you will be killed." aha. oo> i-na S.3-PAST say:3.SG.M:PAST aha He said: "Aha." 6>: hhay caga laa fanfe>amo g-u bara i-na S.3-PAST say:3.SG.F clan cannibals today snake 0.3-0.M in:CON af-ku do'-i qas. gawa on:CON mouth-Ml:CON house-DIR put:3.SG.F She said: "T9day, the cannibals will put a. 'snake at your door. ta kay b<u>ru-nga tsaxaar, IMPS say:3.SG.M:SBJV COND<0.M>-0.3:DEP.S.3:0.M:INF attack:3.SG.M gwaa'. i S.3 die:3.SG.M:PRES They say: "If it spits on him, he'll die." n1 laaq i-na oo' ah, ala ad6-r DEP.S.l.SG do:l.SG:SBJV S.3-PAST say:3.SG.M ah but manner:CON-F a-qo gwaa'. ki maw-eek S.l/2-EMPH die:l.SG.M 2.SG.F leave-IMP.SG.TR He said: "Ah, what shall I do?, I'll die. You, leave it." i-na o' a gwa'-a-ka. 8.3-PAST say:3.SG.F S.l/2 die:2.SG-INF-NEG She said: "You won't die. yaqamba ku geerahar-is. daqani aw-qu bull-DEM3:M:CON giant 0.3:DEP.S.l/2:0.M go:front-CAUS:2.SG then ku daqani ta o' 2.SG.M then S.l/2 say:2.SG First of all you should let that big bull go in front, then you should say: 309 308 What shall we do? ad6-r ku-r hlaw-aan gaasa-r-o, rnanner:CON-F 0.3:DEP.S.l/2:0.M-INSTR get-l.PL:SBJV killing-F-BACK ad6-r ta cis-aan. rnanner:CON-F DEP.S.l/2 do-l.PL:SBJV How do we get to kill him?, what do we do?" tsunqa g-w-a tlaq-ir. saliva 0.3-0.M-PERF cut-3.PL "Saliva has killed him." " kar awu i-na geerahaar. well bull S.3-PAST go:front:3.SG.M:PAST The bull went in front. is i-na ti>iit 3.SG S.3-PAST go:out:3.SG.M:PAST He walked after his cattle. ala hikwa-wa behind cattle-ABL ale. RESPRO awu fanfe>amo g-u-na tsaxaar, bull snake 0.3-0.M-PAST attack:3.SG.M:PAST The snake spat on the bull, too aangw i-wa dah-i, awu i-ri m:vam before S.3-BACK enter-S.3:INF bull S.3-CONSEC even before he entered, and the bull died. awu i-wa gwaa> i-na ateet 1-na bull S.3-BACK die:3.SG.M:PAST S.3-PAST call:3.SG.M:PAST oo> say:3.SG.M:PAST When th.e bull died, he called, he said: ori>ok uu, laa awu-w-i' yaariir tsunqa people uu today bull-M-DEMl big:M saliva tlaq-ir, kill-3.PL "Uuu, people, today this big bull, saliva has killed him. qwal-ang sareeca-r awu a cay-aan. come-IMP.HIT buffalo:CON-F bull O.F eat-l.PL Come, let us eat the buffalo of a bulL" awu kway caay. bull 0.3:IMPS:O.M:CONSEC2 eat:PAST and the bull was eaten. ta-na 6o> IMPS-PAST say:3.SG.M:PAST they said: qaas-aan. ta-na oo> gimse a buura a-n O.F-EXPEC put-l.PL IMPS-PAST say:PAST well COP beer They said: "It is that we must place beer. kaY sumu-w-1 qaas-aan. 0.3:DEP.S.l/2:0.F:CONSEC poison-M-DIR put-l.PL We will put poison in it." kar buura ka-na qaas. well beer 0.3:IMPS:O.F-PAST put:PAST They positioned the beer. {s i-na cakut dama-r sareeca, 3.SG S.3-PAST jump:3.SG.F calf:CON-F buffalo She ran, the calf of the buffalo. i-na 6> gees6 duqa, laari a gwa', S.3-PAST say:3.SG.F gees6 duqa today S.l/2 die:2.SG She said: "Geso Duqa, today you'll die, today." aha. i-n a OO' 8.3-PAST say:3.SG.M:PAST aha He said: "Aha.'' i-na 6> hhay caga laari aa male 8.3-PAST say:3.SG.F clan cannibals today S.3:PERF again kwahleem<am>ut. discuss<HAB>:3.SG.F She said: "The cannibals have been discussing again today. buura a-n sum-1 qaas-aan. i-na o>-iye' 8.3-PAST say-3.PL:PAST beer O.F-EXPEC poison-DIR put-l.PL They said: "We'll put poison in the beer." oo> ki maw-eek. i-na 8.3-PAST say:3.SG.M:PAST 2.SG.F leave-IMP.SG.TR He said: "You, leave it .. an hia kar fanfe'amo-da-da> gwa geexay. today well snake-DEM4-DEM4 0.3:0.M:PERF leave:3.SG.M:PAST "Today that snake left him. ad6-r manner:CON-F kar ta ciis-aan, well DEP.S.l/2 do-l.PL:SBJV laari. today ti-qo gaas. an ado-r nl l.SG IMPS:O.l.SG-EMPH kill:PRES l.SG manner:CON-F DEP.S.l.SG laaq do:l.SG:SBJV I shall be killed. What shall I do?" 311 310 i-na o) e)e' tu gaas-ii-ka S.3-PAST say:3.SG.F no IMPS:0.2.SG.M kill-S.3:INF-NEG She said: "No, You will not be killed." oo> geeso duqa buura aw-ang. pS-PAST say:PAST gees6 duqa beer go-IMP.HIT.TR JM id· "Geso Duqa, come for beer. theY sa . i-na 0) daqani an i-qo hardah S.3-PAST say:3.SG.F then l.SG DIR-EMPH arrive:l.SG She said: "Afterwards I'll arrive there, \'Va}-ang buura a cay-aan q me-IMP.HIT beer O.F eat-l.PL CO Let us d rm' k b eer." buura bar-ki-nga haniis, beer COND-0.3:IMPS:0.3-0.3:HIT:O.F give:PRES if beer is given, ka too kooma-koon. 0.3:DEP.S.l/2:0.F m:vam HAB-have:2.SG you should just have it a short time. an binda hardah, l.SG COND:HIT:PERF arrive:l.SG If I have arrived, kuung hikwa ki tseewa dux. 2.SG.M cattle 0.3:DEP.S.l/2:0.N outside take:out:2.SG you push the cattle outside. hikwa b<i>r dux ala an-a di-r cattle COND<O.N> take:out:2.SG but l.SG-S.l/2 place:CON-F hikwa-wok, an daqani ni amo-di_ qawo-r cattle-2.SG.POSS l.SG then DEP.S.l.SG place-DEM4:DIR grazing:C aw. go:l.SG If you take the cattle out, and I am with your cattle, I'll go grazing at that i-na o> daqani an buura a-qo kalaac. S.3-PAST say:3.SG.F then l.SG beer S.l/2-EMPH kick:l.SG She said: "Then I'll kick the beer. ku ka too qas bara afa, 2.SG.M 0.3:DEP.S.l/2:0.F in:vain put:2.SG in:CON mouth You just put it to your mouth, ng-ay ku'us, qware)amo hleemee u 0.3:DEP.S.l.SG:O.F-CONSEC2 spill:l.SG calabash also O.M gaas kill:l.SG and I'll spill it, I'll break the calabash too. . ta-wa hardah, kar buura ka-wa qaas, IMPS-BACK arrive:PAST well beer 0.3:IMPS:O.F-BACK put:PAST When they arrived, they had put beer there, ka qaro sum-1 {aatf b uura tos well beer INDEP.F:3.SG.POSS 0.3:IMPS:O.F already poison-DIR qaas. put:PAST po1s· on had already been put into his beer. are bu ura gan. kar ta-wa hardah, ta-na oo, you ell IMPS-BACK arrive:PAST IMPS-PAST say:PAST here beer w . When they arnved, they sa1'd : "H ere, you, t ake your beer. " dalaac. qware)amo-w-os kwa calabash -M-3.SG.POSS 0.3:IMPS:O.M:PAST His calabash was filled. {s buura g-a-na qaas bara afa. 3.SG beer 0.3-0.F-PAST put:3.SG.M:PAST in:CON mouth He put the beer to his mouth. male duux. hikwa-w6s ga cattle-3.SG.POSS 0.3:0.N:PERF again take:out:3.SG.M:PAST He took his cattle out again. dama i mno-di qeer. calf S.3 place-DEM4:DIR graze:3.SG.F The calf is grazing there. dama-da-r sareeca hi>ft, qeer. calf-DEM4:CON-F buffalo S.3 walk:3.SG.F S.3 graze:3.SG.F That calf of the buffalo is walking, she is grazing. ta,o buura m:vam beer ga 0.3:0.F:PERF ngi-wa qaas bara afa, 0.3:DEP.S.3:0.F-BACK put:3.SG.M:PAST in:CON mouth wah-an-a-ka. ga too drink-DUR:3.SG.M-INF:PAST-NEG 0.3:0.F:PAST in:vain may. leave:3.SG .M 1f When he was just putting the beer to his mouth, he was not drinking it, he just e t it, dama i-na hardat di-r geera-w-os . calf S.3-PAST arrive:3.SG.F place:CON-F front-M-3.SG.POSS the calf arrived in front of him. 313 312 g-a-na kahic, qware'amo gway gas, 0.3-0.F-PAST kick:3.SG.F calabash 0.3:0.M:CONSEC2 kill:3.SG.F She kicked and she broke the calabash, buura i-ri ku)-ut. S.3-CONSEC spill-MIDDLE:3.SG.F beer and the beer was spilt. kar IS i-na cakuut, dama g-a-na al well 3.SG S.3-PAST run:3.SG.M:PAST calf 0.3-0.F-PAST together cakuut. run:3.SG.M:PAST He ran, he ran after the calf. 1-na oo' laa dama-r-I buura-r-'ee' S.3-PAST say:3.SG.M:PAST today calf-F-DEM1 beer-F-l.SG.POSS ngi-wa-qo ku>us-i. 0.3:DEP.S.3:0.F-BACK-EMPH spill-S.3:INF He said: "Today this calf completely spilled my beer. laarf a gaas, laarl. Is kay today O.F kill:l.SG today 3.SG S.3 say:3.SG.M Today I'll kill her, today", he says. hlee-r afa boo' a-n gas-a asma cow :CON-F mouth:CON blqck:F 07F-EXPEC beca"Use maw-eek aako, maw-eek. leave-IMP.SG.TR old:man leave-IMP.SG.TR "Do you kill an innocent cow? because of beer? Leave it, old man, leave it." dama gay may. calf 0.3:0.F:CONSEC2 leave:3.SG.M And he left the calf. ti-da> sumu k6on aa fak INDEP.F-DEM4 poison:CON have:3.SG.F S.3:PERF finish:3.SG.F The one with poison is finished on the ground. kar naagay loo>itleer ta-na 6o> well accidently next:day IMPS-PAST say:PAST Well, the next day they said: aa gwa>-ii-ka u gaceer-a'-a-kee. S.3:PERF die-INF:PAST-NEG O.M look:at:2-PL-INF:INT-NEG:BACK "He didn't die. Don't you see him? u-ga ｾ＠ har-hlaqat-aan, ta-na oo'. nearly-be:tired-l.PL IMPS-PAST say:PAST We are going to be exhausted with regard to him", they said. O:M-PERF 1s i-wa de>eengw ay ya, ta S.3-BACK herding:CON go:3.SG.M BREAK IMPS:PERF Irwahleemuut. rneet:3.SG.M:PAST When he went herding, they had a meeting. dama i di-r bihhi>-i dama qeer. calf S.3 place:CON-F side-DIR calf S.3 graze:3.SG.F The calf is aside. The calf is grazing. ka ha-huw-i-ka bara hikwa. 0.3:IMPS:O.F HAB-bring-S.3:INF-NEG in:CON cattle She is normally not brought to the cattle. dama i di-r bihhi-da-wa qeer. calf S.3 place:CON-F sides-DEM4-ABL graze:3.SG.F The calf grazes aside. dasi, ta-na 6o> gimse, xay really? girl: VOC IMPS-PAST say:3.SG.M well They said: "Well, really, girl, na laqam-ang. kling qatni-r-6s 2.SG.F bed-F-3.SG.POSS come:on show-IMP.HIT.TR show us his bed. u-n qat-i aw-aan xweera-wo. a-qo 80P-EMPH O.M-EXPEC bed-DIR go-l'.PL night-BACK The solution is that we go to his bed at night. loohi-r gitla-qa> ar hatla> way:CON-F man-DEM3 INDEP.CON.F other There is no other way for that man. kahh, S.3 be:absent:3.SG.F a hlaw-an-a-ka. S.l/2 get we won't get him otherwise." 6> qatni-r-6s handay. dasi i-na girl 8.3-PAST say:3.SG.F bed-F-3.SG.POSS there The girl said: "His bed is there." hare-r-6s qatni g-a-na laqaan. wife-F-3.SG.POSS bed 0.3-0.F-PAST show:3.SG.F His wife showed them the bed. ta-na oo> aten xweera-wo binda hardah-aan IMPS-PAST say:PAST l.PL night-BACK CONB:HIT:INF arrive-l.PL a-qo u-n gaas-aan, ta-na 6o> COP-EMPH O.M-EXPEC kill-l.PL IMPS-PAST say:PAST They said: "If we arrive at night we will kill him", they said. 315 314 ciis ｨ｡ｴＶｾＮ＠ ti-qo gaas. WHAT-S.1/2 do:l.SG my:mece IMPS:O.l.SG-EMPH kill:PRES ''But what am I to do, my niece? They'll kill me." ala m-a 6> ka hhoo'. 1-na S.3-PAST say:3.SG.F 0.3:IMPS:O.F nice:F She said: "That is all right." kar naagay hikwa i-wa daaf-ir, well well cattle S.3-BACK return:home-3.PL Well, when the cattle went home ' is 1-na ta><a'>iin. 3.SG S.3-PAST run<HAB>:3.SG.F she was running. o' geeso duqa, 1-na S.3-PAST say:3.SG:F gees6 duqa she said: "Geso Duqa, laa tu ahlay Iaa tu gaas. today IMPS:0.2.SG.M can today IMPS:0.2.SG.M kill:PRES today they are able to get you, today you will be killed." i-na oo> aha. S.3-PAST say:3.SG.M a ha He said: "A ha." 1-na laa o' kar tu-n qati S.3-PAST say:3.SG.F today well IMPS:0.2.SG.M-EXPEC bed:DIR ay, ta axwees. go:3.SG.M IMPS say:PRES She said: "Today they are going to your bed, they say. hare qatni-r-ok hleemee g-a 1aqaan. wife bed-F-2.SG.POSS also 0 .3- 0 .F show:3.SG.F The wife showed your bed as well. i-na qatni-r-os a ti-qa'. S.3-PAST say:3.SG.F bed-F-3.SG.POSS COP INDEP.F-DEM3 She said: "His bed is this one." ta-na oo' daqani u - gaas-aan. IMPS-PAST say:PAST then O.M kill-l.PL They said: "Then we'll kill him." I-na O' ka hhoo>. S.3-PAST say:3.SG.F 0.3:IMPS:O.F nice:F She said: "All right." kar is i-na oo> well 3.SG S.3-PAST say:3.SG.M:PAST Well, he said: 6> tu gaas-ii-ka. i-na 5.3-PAST say:3.SG.F IMPS:0.2.SG.M kill-S.3:INF-NEG said: "You won't be killed. tu kwatiit-ii-ka IMPS:0.2.SG.M touch-S.3:INF-NEG You won't be touched for killing,_" gaasa-r-o. killing-F-BACK gu', i-na o' gimay, hare b<i>r-a S.3-PAST say:3.SG.F well wife COND<S.3>-INF sleep:3.SG.F She said: "Well, when your wife sleeps, ku dasi-r do-'in ka-r z·.sG.M girl:CON-F house-3.PL.POSS 0.3:DEP.S.l/2:0.F-INSTR warahhas bara qat-uw-ok, gagar-eek. change:2.SG.F:SBJV in:CON bed-M-2.SG.POSS carry-IMP.SG.TR you should change the girl of their house with your bed, you carry her. inqwari-r dasi-r do->in na tsiit-eek. sheet:CON-F girl:CON-F house-3.PL.POSS come:on wear-IMP.SG.TR Take the sheet of their girl." aa gu' xweera-wo S.3:PERF sleep:3.SG.F night Well, mother was asleep at night. ka qat-i tsuuq. 0.3:IMPS:O.F:PERF bed-CON :DIR spit:PAST She was blessed in bed . gagaar ay bara qata, ka-na 0.3:IMPS:O.F-PAST carry:PAST to in:CON bed She was carried into bed, gees6 duqa. ay bara qat-uw-6s oo duqa to in:CON bed-M-3.SG.POSS INDEP.CON.M gees6 into the bed of Geso Duqa. hhe>ees kar qaatisa-r-o ka-wa well laying -F-BACK 0.3:IMPS:O.F-BACK When she was laid in the bed, geeso duqa i-na qaat bara qatu gees6 duqa S.3-PAST lie:3.SG.M:PAST in:CON bed:M:CON Geso Duqa went to his wife's bed. hare. wife 317 316 dasi gaasa-r-o kar inin ta-wa hardah, well 3.PL IMPS-BACK arrive:PAST Well, when they arrived, ka-wa hhe>ees, girl killing-F-BACK 0.3:IMPS:O.F-BACK finish:PAST the killing of the girl was over, piindo ka-na duux, ala qatni door 0.3:IMPS:O.F-PAST take:out:PAST but bed they took the door out, ta ka tlatacang-wa laqan-ii-kee. ＰＮＳＺｉｍｐｾｏｆｅｒ＠ midday-ABL show:3.SG.M-INF:PAST:INT-NEG:BA but hadn t the bed been shown in the afternoon? hikwa-qa-qa' b<i>r siw-r-i duux-aan. cattle-DEM3-DEM3 COND<O.N> time-F-DEMl take:out-l.PL If we take those cattle out right now, piindo duuxa-r-o ka-wa hhe'ees door taking:out-F-BACK 0.3:IMPS:O.F-BACK finish:PAST dah bar a do'. enter:PAST in:CON house After taking out of the door, they entered the house. tlaw-aan. hikwa-ka 1-r cattle-DEMl:N O.N-INSTR leave-l.PL let us leave with these cattle. ta-wa hardah bara qatni-r-da-r kay xay dasi ham a adooma. he girl:VOC now COP how theY say: "Well, girl, what now? IMPS say ta-na IMPS-P geeso duqa, duqa IMPS-BACK arrive:PAST in:CON bed-F-DEM4:CON-F gees6 When they arrived at that bed of Geso Duqa, ga-r bara-da ta-r dasi-r do>-fn thing:CON-F in-DEM4:CON DEP.BE-INSTR girl:CON-F inin ka xuu'-i. 3.-P"L 0.3:IMPS:O.F know:S.3:INT-S.3:INF the thing ins ｩ､ｾ＠ there was· the girl of their house did they know that? ka-na da'h · ga<m>Is-uw-o. 0.3:IMPS:O.F-PAST DIR enter:PAST killing<DUR>-M-BACK They were about to kill. ka-ri gaas. 0.3:IMPS:O.F-CONSEC kill:PAST and they will kill her. qwal, hikwa duux-ang. come cattle take:out-IMP.HIT Come, let's take out the cattle." ka.r geeso duqa i kay well gees6 duqa S.3 say Well, Geso Duqa said: ahla'ay baaba ado-sing-e-ka, no father manner-DEM2-BACK-NEG "No father, not like this, .. boo' ga-r baha xweera-ka>-ee afa hlee-r black:F thing:CONF hyena night cow:CON-F mouth:CON a mila ngi-s kihh -DEMl:N-BACK 0.3:DEP.S.3:0.F-REAS bite:3.SG.F COP An innocent cow, for what reason should a hyena bite it this night? hee g-a saga aw' is b<u>r-a gas-e' i-n is an m-i gaas-ara, 3.SG S.3-EXPEC say:3.SG.F l.SG PROH-O.l.SG kill-IMP.PL She said: "Don't kill me. man:CON 0.3-0.F head go:l.SG 3.SG COND<M>-PERF kill:2-PL:PAST a matlatlee COP morning Who will go against it? Since you have killed him. It will have to be in the morning." an-a to-hung. l.SG-COP INDEP.F I am yours." ta-na oo' ham tsuwa tsini-hee-ke, IMPS-PAST say:PAST now for:sure better-BACK:INT-NEG:BACK They said: "Isn't now much better?" inin ta kay• t'1-ll ' a I 'ag-In kar laari. 3.PL IMPS say IMPS:O.l.PL-EXPEC deceive-DUR:3.SG.M well today They said: "He is deceiving us today." well man:CON 0.3-0.N prevent:M S.3 exist:INT-BACK "Well, is there anybody who will stop them? kar ka-wa hhe'ees gaasa-r-o, well 0.3:IMPS:O.F-BACK finish:PAST killing-F-BACK When they were finished killing, 3.SG COND<S.3>-PERF die:PAST if he has died.'' kar fs hee b<i>r-a g-i ilaa' gwaa' deer-o. 319 318 ma laati kw-a gaas-ii-ka. but behold 0.3:IMPS:O.M-PERF kill-INF:PAST-NEG But he was not killed uu ga-r tleehh-ahh-iit-i ta-n a IMPS-PAST say:PAST uu thing:CON-F S.3 make-HAB-MIDDLE-S.3:SBJV ka ur. 0.3:IMPS:O.F big They said: "Uu, the thing that he has done is grave. ma laati ga-r ta gaas a dasi-r but well thing:CON-F IMPS:PERF kill:PAST COP girl:CON-F do>- in. house-3.PL.POSS But whom they killed was their own girl. hara- 'aa 'amin. ta IMPS nearly-cry:3.SG.M They nearly cried. kararl6> matlatlee-r-o sagw loo>a-r-o kar ta-na well morning-F-BACK head:M:CON sun-F-BACK well IMPS-PAST tlay, leave:PAST Well, in the morning before sunrise they left. laa dasf-r kila-r doo-ren a-na today girl:CON-F just:CON-F house:M-l.PL.POSS O.F-PAST gaas-im-i kill-l.PL:INT- INF:PAST Did we kill our own girl today? inin ta-wa waatl, 3.PL IMPS-BACK return:home:PAST When they had returned home, is dam a i-na 6>, dama-r-da-r sareeca 1-na calf S.3-PAST say:3.SG.F calf-F-DEM4:CON-F buffalo S.3-PAST 6> gees6 duqa m-a ga'eer, say:3.SG.F gees6 duqa WHAT-O.F see:2.SG the calf said, that calf of the buffalo said: "Geso Duqa, don't you see? nakaa', kar kw-a well 0.3:IMPS:O.M-PERF be:close:PAST They were close to him. aa hikwa-w6s-ar tlay. 3.SG S.3:PERF cattle-3.SG.POSS-INSTR leave:3.SG.M He has left with his cattle. tlaw-ang, nee hikwa-wo. leave-IMP.HIT with cattle-BACK Leave with the cattle. kar ta-na tla-tlay, tlaa-tlay nee hikwa-wo. well IMPS-PAST HAB-leave:3.SG.M HAB-leave:3.SG.M with cattle-BACK They left and left with the cattle. matlatlee-r-o ino>fn ta hikwa leehh morning-F-BACK 3.PL IMPS cattle look:for:PRES In the morning the others are looking for the cattle. hikwa i kahh-ir. cattle S.3 be:absent-3.PL The cattle are not there. hee-da-da' kaahh man-DEM4-DEM4 S.3 be:absent:3.SG.M:PRES That man is not in the house. do'-o. house-BACK ta-na hardah ta-na qaytsiit bara qatni IMPS-PAST arrive:PAST IMPS-PAST inspect:PAST in:CON bed tuwa-r dasi-r do>-fn. corpse:CON-F girl:CON-F house-3.PL.POSS They arrived, they had a look in the bed at the corpse of their girl. ku-na al ta>a>fn. 0.3:IMPS:O.M-PAST together run<HAB>:3.SG.M They ran after him, ala hikwa i hi>iit-iya loohi-r-o. but cattle S.3 walk-3.PL:INT way-F-BACK a.nd the cattle were walking on the road. kar kw-a nakaac ooha-r-o. well 0.3:IMPS:O.M-PAST be:close:PAST getting-F-BACK They were close to getting him. dama-da-r sareeca g-a-na calf-DEM4-F buffalo 0.3-0.F-PAST He told that calf of the buffalo: bay call:3.SG.M ti-nda hardah daxta, an-a-ga gwaa>. l.SG-S.1/2-PERF die:l.SG IMPS-HIT:PERF arrive:PAST now They have arrived now, I am dead. i-na 6> a gwa'-a-ka. 8.3-PAST say:3.SG.F S.1/2 die:2.SG-INF-NEG She said: "You will not die." 6> di-r-qa' hlahh-eek ar hhara. 1-na S.3-PAST say:3.SG.F place-F-DEM3 beat-IMP.SG.TR INSTR stick She said: "Beat there with your stick." 321 320 kar dii g-a-na hlaahh ar hhara. well place 0.3-0.F-PAST beat:3.SG.M INSTR stick He beat the spot with his stick. wa'angw yaariit yaariit 1-na di-da-wa pit:CON big big S.3-PAST place-DEM4-ABL tsat-iit. cut-MIDDLE:3.SG.M:PAST A big pit formed there. kar wa'angw i-wa tsat-iit, well pit S.3-BACK cut-MIDDLE:3.SG.M:PAST When the pit had made itself, ala wacangw-i dah ino>in ta-na IMPS-PAST behind:N:CON pit-DIR enter:PAST tiping-o. covering:D UR- BACK they fell from behind into the pit, filling it. 3.PL qar6 waraahh nee hikwa-wo. ino>in ta 3.PL IMPS already pass:PAST with cattle-BACK The others had already passed with the cattle. hhay 'aga i wacangw tip-iin, tip-iin. clan cannibals S.3 pit:CON cover-DUR:3.SG.F cover-DUR:3.SG.F The cannibal clan are filling and filling the pit. wa'angw ku-wa hhe>ees pit 0.3:IMPS:O.M-BACK finish:PAST When they finished filling the pit, inin ta-na tiping-o, covering:DUR-BACK male waraahh pass:PAST naagay ta-na di-r taahh ar bihhee-r-i binkicit-ir. ma'aY n-i-na water PL-S.3-PAST sides-F-DIR spread:aside-3.PL The water opened up. balbala 1-na bara tla<amu-da-r tleehh-ar-ut road S.3-PAST in:CON middle-DEM4:CON-F build-ar-MIDDLE:3.SG.F waraahh. ta-ri IMPS-CONSEC pass:PAST A road formed in the middle, and they passed. waraahh nee hikwa->in-ee ar kar ta-na well IMPS-PAST pass:PAST with cattle-3.PL.POSS-BACK INSTR bara-da-da> in-DEM4-DEM4 They passed with their cattle through there. kar warahham-o ta-wa hardah, tlawi. IMPS-CONSEC2 place:CON-F mouth-Ml:CON lake and they were at the edge of a lake. hhay 'aga 1-na hardat clan cannibals S.3-PAST arrive:3.SG.F the cannibals arrived at that lake. hara-ki<. ta-y bara-di faak. ta-y qaatl. IMPS-CONSEC2 in-DEM4:DIR finish:PRES IMPS-CONSEC2 die:PRES And they were finished in there, and they died in it. gees6 duqa nee dama-r-6s 6> tlaw-t-1 hlahh-eek hhar-t-o. 1-na S.3-PAST say:3.SG.F lake-Fl-DEMl beat-IMP.SG.TR stick-Fl-BACK She said: "Beat this lake with the stick." kar well S.3-CONSEC say:3.SG.F now And she said: "Now Geso Duqa, taahh di-r tlaw-ti-da-da>. place:CON-F lake-Fl-DEM4-DEM4 bara-di gees6 duqa and calf-F-3.SG.POSS and Geso Duqa and his cattle passed. tlawi g-a-na hhe>ees well passing<DUR>-BACK IMPS-BACK finish:PAST When they had passed, balbala-da> tlawi g-i-na af-ku hhara. road-DEM4 lake 0.3-0.N-PAST in-DEM4:DIR towards-return:3.SG.F That road, the lake turned upon them in there. well well IMPS-PAST arrive:PAST They had arrived, ta-y tlawi g-a-na lake 0.3-0.F-PAST beat:3.SG.M:PAST INSTR stick He beat the lake with the stick. ta-wa waraahh, i-na hi>it bara tlawi. IMPS-BACK pass:PAST S.3-PAST walk:3.SG.F in:CON lake When they had passed, they (the cannibals) stepped into the lake. 3.PL IMPS-PAST again they passed again. kar dama i-na 6> tlawi tahh-eek hhar-t-o. calf S.3-PAST say:3.SG.F lake hit-IMP.SG.TR stick-Fl-BACK The calf said: "Hit the lake with the stick." hhar-t-o well lake 0.3-0.F-PAST beat:3.SG.M:PAST stick-Fl-BACK He beat the lake with the stick. kar i-ri 6> ta-ri waraahh IMPS-CONSEC pass:PAST ham gees6 d uqa, gees6 d uqa 323 322 .. qo 11 dimay g-i-na tsuu' cOP-EMPH old:age 0.3-0.N-PAST kill:3.SG.M It was old age that killed them. ham m-1 gaas-aar. now PROH-O.l.SG kill-IMP(NEG) now, don't kill me." ｾｮ｡＠ o' kd daxta ham a gwa'-a-ka. S.3-PAST say:3.SG.F 2.SG.M now now S.l/2 die:2.SG-INF-NEG She said: "Now you won't die. 11wu kd ham a xfP-a. 2.SG.M now S.l/2 know:INT-INF Now do you know? bal b<u>r gaasa-r-wa hla> day COND<M> killing-F-ABL want:2.SG The day you want to kill him, to-r-o m-u gaas-aar in:vain-F-BACK PROH-O.M kill-IMP(NEG) don't kill him no matter what." hi>ii <m-am>iit. kar gees6 duqa 1-na hoot-at-in hoot-at-in, duqa S.3-PAST live-HAB-DUR:3.SG.M live-HAB-DUR:3.SG.M din. i-ri S.3-CONSEC be:old:3.SG.M Well, Geso Duwa lived and lived, and he became old. n-ay children:N:CON grandchild-3.SG.POSS PL:S.3-CONSEC2 The children of his grandchildren had died. a-qo dimay g-i-na tsduc. COP-EMPH old:age 0.3-0.N-PAST kill:3.SG.M It was old age that killed them. awa hatla' n-ay male qatl-ir. INDEP.CON.N other PL:S.3-CONSEC2 again die-3.PL Those of others had died again. aama-r-6s mother-F-3.SG.POSS His wife is absent. Is a-qo qatl-ir. die-3.PL i-qo kahh S.3-EMPH be:absent:3.SG.F kilos. 3.SG COP-EMPH just He is alone. oo' loo>itleer i-na next:day S.3-PAST say Then he said: daxta ala awu-w-i kar a gwa'-a-ka but bull-M-DEMl well S.l/2 die-INF-NEG now gaas-aa-kee. kill-INF:INT-NEG:BACK "I don't die but now shouldn't I kill this bull? ad6-r well gees6 nang-6s 1 kw-a laqwaaL 0.3:IMPS:O.M-PERF give:birth:PAST bull S.3 walk<DUR-HAB>3.SG.M:PRES The bull is walking around. awd 'awaak do'-og-ee bull:CON white:M house-2.SG.POSS-BACK laqwaal, bal b<u>r-a gas give:birth:PAST day COND<M>-INF kill:2.SG binga COND:0.3:DEP.S.3:0.F:PERF gas. kill:2.SG If there has been the birth of a white bull at your house, when he touched the top of the house, then you should kill him; the day that you kill him, nacaa wu-w-6s kwi bull-M-3.SG.POSS INDEP.M:DEMl This bull of his was born. 11 n1 l<iaq, manner:CON-F DEP.S.l.SG do:l.SG What shall I do?, I don't die." a u-n O.M-EXPEC gwa'-a-ka. S.l/2 die gaas. awu g-u-ri bull 0.3-0.M-CONSEC kill:3.SG.M:PAST and he killed the bull, muu g-w-ay adbay. people 0.3-0.M-CONSEC2 call:3.SG.M:PAST and he called the people, gaas alu-da ahi awu ngu-wa bull 0.3:DEO.S.3:0.M-BACK kill:3.SG.M:PAST back-DEM4 after:N:CON saw-a ｩＭｾ＠ gwaa'. far-INF S.3-CONSEC die:3.SG.M:PAST When he had killed the bull, after that, long after, he died. aa fak. S.3:PERF finish:3.F It is finished. 325 324 11.2. kwacangw nee hhooki The hare and the pigeon. This story was told to me by Maria Sanka on August 19th, 1987, in her Hay lotto. kwacangw hhooki g-a-na alcaay. hare pigeon 0.3-0.F-PAST deceive:3.SG.M:PAST The hare deceived the pigeon. i-wa hardah hhooki aa xwayhi ur. S.3-BACK arrive:3.SG.M:PAST pigeon S.3:PERF give:birth:3.SG.F When he arrived, the pigeon had given birth. ngaa laqwal tarn. nacii children 0.3:DEP.S.3:0.N:PERF give:birth:3.SG.F three She had given birth to three children. tarn waay nacii children three well Three children. hhooki g-a-na bay hhooki 1-na pigeon 0.3-0.F-PAST call:3.SG.M pigeon:VOC S.3-PAST oo>-ya a-na xwayh1ur nacii say:3.SG.M-BREAK S.l/2-PAST give:birth:2.SG children tam-ee-kee three-BACK-NEG:BACK:INT He called the pigeon: "Pigeon", he said, "you -gave birth to three children, isn't so?" kwacangw 1-na hardah, hare S.3- PAST arrive:3.SG .M:PAST The hare arrived, i-na oo> hhooki nacaay kwahh-ang. S.3-PAST say:3.SG.M:PAST pigeon:VOC child throw-IMP.HIT.TR He said: "Pigeon, throw me a child." i-na 6> ngu kwahh-a-ka. S.3-PAST say:3.SG.F 0.3:DEP.S.l.SG:0.2.SG.M throw-INF-NEG She said: "I won't throw you one." i-na oo' hara-tsa'am. S.3-PAST say:3.SG.M:PAST 0.2.SG.F towards-climb:l.SG He said: "I'll climb to you." laati kwacangw tsacamito-r bara X?'ano g-a behold hare climbing:CON-F in:CON tree 0.3-0.F ahlay-a-ka aako can:3.SG.M-INF-NEG old:man But the hare cannot climb into a tree, my dear, ala in6s g-u xu>-a but 3.SG 0.3-0.M know:INT-INF but does she know him? nacay-wos ngu-na caytis. child-3.SG.POSS 0.3:DEP.S.3:0.M-PAST drop:3.SG.F She let her child down. ngu-wa dalaa', gur-uw- O's stomach-M-3.SG.POSS 0.3:DEP.S.3:0.M-BACK fill:3.SG.M:PAST He filled his stomach, aa watl-ii-kee ala S.3:PERF return:home-S.3:INF:INT-NEG:BACK but he went home, didn't he? bal tsar i-na kiic, day:CON two S.3-PAST return:3.SG.M:PAST The second day he returned. i-na oo, hhooki na'aay kwahh-ang. S.3-PAST say:3.SG.M:PAST pigeon:VOC child throw-IMP.HIT.TR He said: "Pigeon, throw me a child." o'> nacaay ngu kwahh-a-ka. · 1-na S.3-PAST say:3.SG.F child 0.3:DEP.S.l.SG:0.2.SG.M throw-INF-NEG She said: "I won't throw you a child." · o'o> hara-tsa'am. 1-na S.3-PAST say:3.SG.M:PAST 0.2.SG.F towards-climb:l.SG He said: "I'll climb to you." kar g-u-na kwahh well 0.3-0.M-PAST throw:3.SG.F Well, she threw one. kwahha-t-o ngu-wa hhe>es, throwing-Fl-BACK 0.3:DEP.S.3:0.M-BACK finish:3.SG.F When she had thrown a child, meet wak-ee-kee ala. nacaa children:N:CON remain one-BACK:INT-NEG:BACK but all that is left of the children now is one child, isn't that so? loo>itleer kuray i-na hardah. next:day eagle S.3-PAST arrive:3.SG.M:PAST The next day the eagle arrived. kuray i-wa hardah, eagle S.3-BACK arrive:3.SG.M:PAST When the eagle arrived, 327 326 i-na OO' xay hhooki na'ii-wok S.3-PAST say:3.SG.M:PAST he pigeon:VOC children-2.SG.POSS ku-ka bal geera barema a tarn. INDEP.N-DEMl:N day:CON first behold COP three he said: "Well, pigeon, these children of yours were three before." i-na O' na'ii-'ee' kwa'angw g-i-na S.3-PAST say:3.SG.F children-l.SG.POSS hare 0.3-0.N-PAST 'a-'aay. HAB-eat:3.SG.M:PAST She said: "My children, the hare has been eating them." i-na OO' ah ad6-r ngi-r S.3-PAST say:3.SG.M:PAST ah manner:CON-F 0.3:DEP.S.3:0.N-INSTR hlaa-hlay. HAB-get:3.SG.M He said: "Ah, how did he get them?" i-na o' aning baa-bay na'aay S.3-PAST say:3.SG.F l.SG O.l.SG HAB-call:3.SG.M child kwahh-ang. throw- IMP.HIT. TR She said: "He told me "throw a child"." inos i-na oo> ., ah m-u-s kwa-kwahh. 3.SG S.3-PAST ｳ｡ｹＺＳｾｓｇＮｍｐａｔ＠ ah WHAT-O.M-REAS HAB-throw:2. He said: "Ah, but why did you throw one?" i-na O' kar i hara-tsa'an-a-kee. S.3-PAST say:3.SG.F well O.l.SG towards-climb:3.SG.M-INF-NEG:BACK: She said: "Well, wouldn't he climb to me? kahi hara-tsa'am. S.3 say:3.SG.M 0.2.SG.F towards-climb:l.SG He says: "I'll climb to you." " i-na oo' ee kwa<angw di-r tsa'amt6-r S.3-PAST say:3.SG.M:PAST ee hare place:CON-F climbing:CON-F xa'ano ngi-wa aleehlay a diima. tree 0.3:DEP.S.3:0.F-BACK can:3.SG.M:SBJV COP where He said: "Where is the place that a hare can climb a tree? kaa daktan-t-o 2.SG.F:COP fool:INT-Fl-BACK Are you a fool?" kar kuray i-wa waatl-ya, well eagle S.3-BACK return:home:3.SG.M:PAST-BREAK When the eagle went home, i-na hardah. S.3-PAST arrive:3.SG.M:PAST hare arrived. hhooki na'aay kwahh-ang. 00 , i-na · VOC throw-IMP.HIT.TR 1 ch'ld S 3_pAST say:3.SG.M:PAST ｾＱｧ･ｮＺ＠ · sal'd·· "Pigeon ' throw me a ch1ld. ' ka gurbu'-ii-kee hbooki laa . on today 0.3:DEP.S.l/2:0.F:PAST inform-INF:PAST:INT-NEG:BACK p1ge nee kuray. bv eagle Wasn't the pigeon informed by the eagle today? hhooki laarf a si'. pigeon today S.l/2 refuse:3.SG.F The pigeon refuses today. ngu kwahh-a-ka. 0' ' i-na S.3-PAST say:3.SG.F HIT:0.3:?:M throw:l.SG-INF-NEG She said: "I won't throw you one. hhooki hara-tsa'am. i-na 00 , 5.3-PAST say:3.SG.M:PAST pigeon:VOC 0.2.SG.F towards-climb:l.SG He said: "Pigeon, I'll climb to you." i-na o' tsa'am-ang qwal-ang. S.3-PAST say:3.SG:F climb:l.SG-IMP.HIT.TR come-IMP.HIT.TR She said: "Climb to me, come." na'aay-wos kwi-da gaas mu una daxa g-a 0.3-0.F kill:3.SG.M:PRES child-3.SG.POSS INDEP.M-DEM4 now heart ta cay-in. IMPS eat-DUR:3.SG.M The thought killed that that child of hers was to be eaten. laati tsa'amto g-a-qo mak baal-ii-ka. behold climbing 0.3-0.F-EMPH just win-S.3:INF-NEG He does not succeed in climbing. g-a-na al<aay 0.3-0.F-PAST deceive:3.SG.M He had deceived her. nacii naa faak-iye'. children PL:S.3:PAST finish-3.PL:PAST The children were finished. meet wak. nacaa children:N :CON remain:N one One child left. 329 328 i-na oo> na'aay ngu kwahh-a-kee. S.3-PAST say:3.SG.M:PAST child 0.3:HIT:O.M throw-INF-NEG:BAC He said: "You don't throw a child, is that right?" i-na o' laari ngu kwahh-a-ka al6k. S.3-PAST say:3.SG.F today 0.3:DEP.S.l.SG:O.M throw-INF-NEG sorry She said: "Today I won't throw one, sorry." i-na oo> hara-tsa'aam-a S.3-PAST say:3.SG.M:PAST 0.2.SG.F towards-climb:l.SG:INT-INF He said: "Shall I climb to you?" i-na o' tsa'am-ang. S.3-PAST say:3.SG.F climb:l.SG-IMP.HIT She said: "Climb to me." i-na oo> hee-w-a S.3-PAST say:3.SG.M:PAST man-M-DEMl:COP ga adbay. 0.3:0.2.SG.F:PERF call:3.SG.M He said: "Who has informed you today? heema laa who today hee-qa' laa g-a gurbuu> a man-DEM3 today 0.3-0.2.SG.F:PERF inform:3.SG.M:PAST COP Who informed you today", aa6o, kwa'angw. S.3:PERF say:3.SG.M:PAST hare said the hare. tsa<amot6-r gawa xa>ano g-a aleehlay-ka. climbing:CON-F top:CON tr.ee 0.3-0.F can:3.SG.M-NEG that he can't climb to the top of a tree. i-na 6> is hami u-gwa qeeru-r S.3-PAST say:3.SG.F 3.SG now O.M-0.3:PERF intelligence:CON-F hlaw, is a kuray. get:l.SG 3.SG COP eagle She said: "The one from whom I got the insight, is the eagle." ala ham ad6-r hia ti-r dalaa'. but now manner:CON-F today IMPS:O.l.SG-INSTR fill:PRES "But how will I be filled today? ga-r-qa' an hami a-qo caay-a. thing-F-DEM3 l.SG now O.F-EMPH eat:l.SG:INT-INF That thing, will I eat it? hami an a qaat l.SG S.l/2 lie:3.SG.M:PRES 11 ow barekwa'o a-na gwaa>. as:if S.l/2-PAST die:l.SG Now I will lie at the side of the path as an t<i>m 1.SG CONCES<O.l.SG> I'll pretend to be dead. di-r afa loohi place:CON-F mouth:CON way . . If I have d1ed. gwa>ara-r ilaqaas, dying-INSTR pretend:l.SG kahhos kuray aning i-qo 'ayma-r ay. in:order:to eagle l.SG O.l.SG-EMPH eating:CON-F go:3.SG.M 80 that the eagle will come to eat me. b<i>r-a cayma-r ay COND<O.l.SG>-INF eating:CON-F go:3.SG.M ngwa-ri 0.3:DEP.S.l.SG:O.M-CONSEC oh. catch:l.SG When he comes to eat me, I'll catch him." kar kuray hleemee aa fuqr-in. well eagle also S.3:PERF be:intelligent-DUR:3.SG.M But the eagle too is intelllgent. qaat afa loohi ado-r kar kwa'angw aa well hare S.3:PERF lie:3.SG.M mouth:.CON way manner:CON-F tu)a. corpse The hare has lain down at the edge of the path like a corpse. mak cayma-r-wa hlaa>. kar kuray g-u well eagle 0.3-0.M just eating:CON-F-ABL want:3.SG.M:PRES The eagle goes to eat him. g-u harwen. 0.3-0.M encircle:3.SG.M He encircles him. ' 6o) ujanja-da-r kwa'angw hami kar i-na well 8.3-PAST say:3.SG.M:PAST tricks-DEM4:CON-F hare now a adooma. COP how He said: "What are the tricks of the hare now? ham wanay ti-na ad6-r-qa-r ilaqaas now may:be REC-PAST manner:CON-F-DEM3-F pretend:3.S.G .M:PAST bara gur-uw-6s-i ale. in:CON stomach-M-3.SG.POSS-DIR RESPRO Maybe he is just pretending." 331 330 bara gur-uw-6s-ee i-na oo' in:CON stomach-M-3.SG.POSS-BACK S.3-PAST say:3.SG.M:PAST now OO'. say:l.SG To himself he said: "Now I'll say", kuray i-na oo' kar barekwa'o ta eagle S.3-PAST say:3.SG.M:PAST well as:if IMPS kahi-ya. say:PRES-BREAK the eagle said: "Well, people say: kwa<angw i <iis-i b<i>r-a gwaa', hare S.3 do-3.SG.M:SBJV COND<S.3>-INF die:3.SG.M:PAST What the hare does if he has died, he says "I go to eat beer", i-qo tla-tlay. S.3-EMPH HAB-leave:3.SG.M he will get up." naXciay g-w-a baa<. well 0.3-0.M-PAST win:3.SG.M:PAST Well, he won over him. hlay-ka aa qwaar. g-w-a 0.3-0.M-PAST get:3.SG.M-NEG S.3:PERF be:lost.3.SG.M:PAST He (the hare) didn't get him, he was lost, tlay. S.3-CONSEC leave:3.SG.M and he left. 1-ri hhayso g-i-n yaamu-r muux. tail 0.3-0.N-EXPEC land:CON-INSTR beat:3.SG.M:PRES is that he beats his tail on the ground." aa fak. S.3:PERF finish:3.F It is finished. is g-u ar-ta-wa hlaa' hadaxay gwa>ara dying 3.SG 0.3-0.M seeing-Fl-ABL want:3.SG.M:PRES really laqaa i ax<m>iis. lo>-ee, true:INT-BACK or S.3 listen<DUR>:3.SG.M:PRES He wants to check whether the dying is true or whether he is listening. 11.3. deel6r wakee ｡ｬｾ＠ hee aa gwaa' ax<m>iis-h. but man:CON S.3:PERF die:3.SG.M:PAST S.3 listen<DUR>:INT-S.3:INF But a man who is dead, can he hear? kar ado-r-i ngi-wa oo> yagan well manner-F-DEMl 0.3:DEP.S.3:0.F-BACK say:3.SG.M:PAST he While he was talking like this, kar kwa<angw hhayso ngi-wa yaam-u well hare tail 0.3:DEP.S.3:0.N-BACK land-M:CON dahiac dalaac. beat:3.SG.M:PAST beat:3.SG.M:PAST the hare beat and beat his tail on the ground. 1-na oo' laati i-na al<aay aako. S.3-PAST say:3.SG.M:PAST behold S.3-PAST deceive:3.SG.M old:man He said: "Well, he was deceiving, old man." oo' geera-w-o 1-na S.3-PAST say:3.SG.M:PAST first-M-BACK He said: "First of all, laat:f, behold i-n OO' buura <ayma-r aw, S.3-EXPEC say:3.SG.M:PRES beer eating:CON-F go:LSG About one day John Qamlali gave this account of a typical day among the rural Iraqw. It was taped on June 30th, 1987 in Mbulu. mulqumo-'ee' martiini hadaxay bara siiw-r-i-hee friend-l.SG.POSS ｾｍ｡ｲｴｩｮ＠ well in:CON -time-F-DEMl-BACK ad6-r aya-ren-ee ta-r hoot-at-iim-aan manner:CON-F land-l.PL.POSS-BACK DEP.S.l/2-INSTR live-HAB-DUR-l.PL ar aten nee xwaylitee-ren ta-r hoot-at-iim-aan INSTR l.PL and parents-l.PL DEP.S.l/2-INSTR live-HAB-DUR-l.PL tlahhayit-aan hadaxay ngi nee gaday-da ta and task-DEM4 DEP.S.l/2 do-l.PL well 0.3:DEP.S.l.SG:O.F alkiiciit di-r-6g-i ale. axa ii>a narrate:l.SG:SBJV place-F-2.SG.POSS-DIR RESPRO well ears qaas-eek waay. place-IMP.SG.TR well My friend Martin well now I'll tell you how we live in our land and how we and our parents live and what we do. Prick up your ears. bara aya-rn-ee umuu deelo-r-o dasu kaasi-r-in in:CON land-l.PL.POSS-BACK every day-F-BACK girls work-F-3.PL.POSS a hheeku matlatlee-r boo<. COP fetching:water morning:CON-F black:F In our land, every day, the work of the girls is to fetch water early in the morning. 333 332 hheeku ku-n 'aansuus iimi-r loo'a-r fetching:water 0.3:IMPS:O.M-EXPEC start:PRES since:CON-F hour:CONwak ar matlatlee ay loo'a-r tarn. one INDEP.CON.F morning DIR hour:CON-F three They start fetching water from seven o'clock in the morning until nine o'clock. dasu ma'ay ngi-n hhek-aak-iit girls water 0.3:DEP.S.3:0.N-EXPEC fetch:water-HAB-MIDDLE:3.SG.M Ioo'a-r tarn, ay loo'a-r tsiyaahh. hour:CON-F three DIR hour:CON-F four The girls fetch water until nine o'clock, ten o'clock. qooma-r-i bara ahi loo'a-r tsihh-ee dasu n1-n after:N:CON hour:CON-F four-BACK girls HIT-EXPEC in:CON qaymo-r-i hardah. field-F-DIR arrive:3.SG.M:PRES After ten o'clock the girls arrive in the field. dasu i-wa hheek-iit-i ｰ･ｲｩｯ､ＭｆｄｾｬｖｉＱ＠ girls S.3-BACK fetch:water-MIDDLE-3.SG.M:SBJV boys nee baaba ta laaw bar qooma-r d6ohla. and father IMPS go:cultivate:PRES COND period:CON-F cultivation daxa qooma-r-i ha·m ta-wa bara fiqit. ｮｯｾ＠ ｰ･ｲｩｾ､Ｍｆｄｅｍｬ＠ now DEP.BE-BACK in:CON harvesting Wh1le the g1rls fetch water, the boys and father go to cultivate if it is the cultivation and now, this period is harvest time. ｭ｡ｴｬｨｾ･Ｍｲ＠ boo' baabu nee daqaay-6s 1-n morning:CON-F black:F father and boys-3.SG.M S.3-EXPEC bara qaymo buluung mangware ngu-n in:CON field cereal:CON sorghum 0.3:DEP.S.3:0.l\II-EXPEC bu>-uun-iya'. harvest-DUR-3.PL In the early morning father and his boys go out into the field to harvest the ｳｯｲｧｨｵｾＬ＠ daqa-ta-kaa-r-o ayito>o bu>-uun-iya'. other-Fl-INDEF.F-F-BACK maize harvest-DUR-3.PL Another time they harvest maize. aay1 nee dasu-w-6s ta doo>-i meet. mother and girls-M-3.SG.POSS IMPS house-DIR remain:PRES Mother and her girls stay at home. bar har garma deer, nee COND wife:CON boy S.3 be:present:3.SG.F with ta-n di-r doo>-i meet. IMPS-EXPEC place:CON-F house-DIR remain:PRES aayi nee hargarma-w6s ta-n mother and daughter:in:law-3.SG.POSS IMPS-EXPEC Mother and her daughter-in-law do the grinding. dasu hhek-iit. girls fetch:water-MIDDLE:3.SG.M:PRES The girls fetch water i ma'ay hhek-iit. S.3 water fetch:water-MIDDLE:3.SG.M:PRES They fetch water. hargarma daughter:in:law If there the daughter-in-law. xoohl-in. grind-DUR ay DIR aten nee baaba ta-ri watl-aan am6-r do'. we and father DEP.S.l/2-CONSEC go:home-l.PL place:CON-F house a-n cayma-r-o aw-aan caaru. S.l/2-EXPEC eating-F-BACK go-l.PL breakfast We and father go home. We go to eat breakfast. cayma-r-o bar-a hhe>ees-aan nee with eating-F-BACK COND-S.l/2 finish-l.PL al-kii'-aan ay bara qaymo nee together-return-l.PL DIR in:CON field and deer di-r do>. exist:3.SG.F place:CON-F house When the breakfast is finished we return to the field . . the daughter-in-law if there is· ｾｮ･Ｎ＠ aay1 a-n mother S.l/2-EXPEC hargarma-wo b<i>r daughter:in:law COND<S.3> together with mother and with bar-a hardah-aan bara qaymo-r-o aay1 nee dasu COND-S.l/2 arrive-l.PL in:CON field-F-BACK mother and girls qooma-r-i daxa laqwaantay ngu kon-a). period-F-DEMl now baskets 0.3:DEP.S.3:0.M have:3-PL When we arrive in the field, the girls and mother now have baskets. balo-da ta bu'-uum-aan bar ayto>6-r-o day-DEM4 DEP.S.l/2 harvest-DUR-l.PL:SBJV COND maize-F-BACK ngu-n gagar-iya'. bar mangware 0.3.DEP.S.3:0.M-EXPEC carry-3.PL COND sorghum ngu-n gagar-iya'. 0.3.DEP.S.3:0.M-EXPEC carry-3.PL Those days that we harvest, if we harvest maize we carry it, if sorghum we carry it 335 334 bar di-r doo'-i COND place:CON-F house-DIR cattle exist:3.PL aten-da hhawatee-wo l.PL-DEM4 men-BACK hee wak bara man:CON one in:CON hikwa daaya' laqaa aari or S .3 waatl am6-r-d-i go:home:3.SG.M:PRES place:CON-F-DEM4-DIR RESPRO ngi-n goats ale hikwa cattle duux. 0.3:DEP.S.3:0.N-EXPEC take:out:3.SG.M:SBJV If there are cattle at home or goats, one of us men goes home to take out the hikwa ngi-n cattle dee'<aa>'in ay 0.3:DEP.S.3:0.N-EXPEC herd<HAB>:3.SG.M:SBJV DIR dakaat. eight He will herd the cattle until two o'clock. loo'a-r dakaat-ee hee hatla' 1-n hour:CON-F eight-BACK man:CON other xay-e', in:CON hikwa ni-n COND<S.3>-PERF come-3.PL:PAST cattle HIT-EXPEC daaf-iya'. return:home-3.PL When the evening has come the cattle go home. nee geera and front:CON hee tsiindo n1-wa evening HIT-BACK wak i-n person:CON one xay-i-ka, aayi nee baaba come-S.3:INF-NEG mother and father am6-r-d-i S.3-EXPEC place:CON-F-DEM4-DIR hara-kiic towards-return:3.SG.M:PRES And before the evening has come, mother or father, one of them returns there. ag'ale aayi 1-n am6-r-d-i always S.3-EXPEC place:CON-F-DEM4-DIR mother nee hara-kiic bara S.3-EXPEC tsiindo h<i>r-a evening towards-return:3.SG.M:PRES hargarma-wos-ee asma with daughter:in:law-3.SG.POSS-BACK because atlay. tseehhee qasa-r-wa leave:3.SG.M At two o'clock someone else will leave for the field. manure placing- F- ABL RES PRO Mother always returns home with the daughter-in-law to put the manure inside. bara dasu nee aten a-n in:CON ate-da daaqay-wo kwi-da-da girls l.PL-DEM4 boys-BACK INDEP.M-DEMl-DEMl ngu-n watl-iis as cayma-r-o 0.3:DEP.S.3:0.M-EXPEC go·home · - CAUS·3 · · ·SG ·M :SBJV REAS · eatmg-F-BACK l.PL and ale. meet-aan S.l/2-EXPEC bara qaymo asma remain-l.PL in:CON field fiq-aan because balo-da kwi-d<% na . day-DEM4 INDEP.M-DEM4 DEP.S.l/2:PERF harvest-l.PL finishing-F-ABL alhhe.'eese-r-owa ale ｡ｨｾ＠ RES PRO One of us boys goes home to eat. RESPRO carrying-BACK We and the girls stay in the field because in the days on which we harvest, we carry the harvest until it is finished. cayma-r-o h<i>r-a eating-F-BACK COND<S.3>-INF finish:3.SG.M bara hhe'ees, i-.ri kiic S.3-CONSEC am6-r in:CON cattle. When he has finished eating, he returns to the cows gwa INDEP.M-DEM4-DEM4 am6-r watlees. baaba bara return place:CON-F father COND i-n S.3-EXPEC ayto'o fiqit laqaa bara maize or harvest DEP.S.l/2-CONSEC2 hara kiic-aan towards return-l.PL do'. place:CON-F house When we are finished we return home. 0.3:0.M:PERF go:home-CAUS:3.SG.M waya hhe'ees-aan, ta-y bar-a COND-S.l/2 finish-l.PL hikwa. kwi-da-da gagar-o. COND mangware bu>uungw. sorghum harvesting · h arves t or a The one that is sent home will return to father whether 1't 1's a maize sorg h urn h arvest. ' jl ma'a wa baaba ki-n water INDEP.CON.N father hlay 0.3:IMPS:O.N-EXPEC get:3.SG.M i-ri S.3-CONSEC hamtl-in. bath-DUR:3.SG.M Water for father is collected and he takes a bath ate-da daaqay hamtlo too-ren a-n aw-aan l.PL-DEM4 boys O.F-EXPEC go-l.PL bara , bathing INDEP.F-l.PL.POSS ya'ee. in:CON river We, boys, go for our bath to the river. 337 336 b<i>ra bara ya'ee-r-wa kiic-aan, ta COND<S.3> in:CON river-F-ABL return-l.PL DEP.S.l/2 muruucayma tsiindo. food: CON evenmg When we return from the river we eat our evening meal. barc.i aya-reen-ee muruucayma tsiindo kaahh. in:CON land-l.PL-BACK food:CON eveing S.3 absent:3.SG.M In our land we don't have an evening meal. muruucayma-qo xweera loo>a-r tsar ar xweera food-EMPH night hour:CON-F two INDEP.CON.F night a-n cay-im-aan. alo cayma-r hatla> ta-wa S.l/2-EXPEC eat-DUR-l.PL after eating:CON-F other kiic-aan na matlatlee loo'a-r wak. uji return-l.PL:SBJV HIT:COP mornmg hour:CON-F one porridge a-n wah-aan uji-r ta ulwa-i qaas O.F-EXPEC drink-l.PL porridge:CON-F IMPS:PERF milk-DIR put:PAST nee na-rx gadyee-ren aw-aan. and HIT:S.l/2-CONSEC work-l.PL.POSS go-l.PL We eat at night, at eight o'clock at night. Afterwards the next meal is seven ｯＧ｣ｬ［ｾｫ＠ in the morning. We drink porridge in which milk is put and then we go to work. an a hlaa> mulqumo-'ee> martiini ga-r-i l.SG S.,l/2 want:l.SG friend-l.SG.POSS Martin thing-F-DEMl ad6-r maraa iraqwa-r-o ta-r manner:CON-F houses:N:CON iraqw-F-BACK IMPS-INSTR hoot-aat-in. maray iraqwo hleemeero qooma-r live-HAB-DUR:PRES houses:CON iraqw:BACK all period:CON-F hlaahhangw-i hoot-at-iin hleemeero a wak. month-DEMl live-HAB-DUR all COP one I want my friend Martin to know that this is the way the Iraqw families live. All the Iraqw families during this month are the same. di-r hoota ta-wa dimbedimbe kahh bara place:CON-F living DEP.BE-BACK different S.3 absent:S.3.SG in:CON irqwa-r-o. Iraqw-F-BACK There is no place in Iraqw land where it is different. an a hlaa' tsini axweesa ti>ita-r niina l.SG S.l/2 want:l.SG better taking story:CON-F small birnga di-r-i alhhe'ees. COND:0.3:DEP.S.l.SG:O.F:INF place-F-DEMl finish:l.SG I'd prefer if the telling of my small story would end here. . . History and origin of the Iraqw 11 4 is version of the oral history of the Iraqw people was narrated by ｾ｡ｴｨ･ｲ＠ Willibrord Th B hay on September 24th 1987. It differs in some details from the more 1{ waangw m as ' . . · The crossi·ng of a red sea· the manner m which clans are ornmon vers10n. ' . formed; cthe enemy b emg · the Hehe and the connection with Iringa are not shared with other A • versions. kayi Yahamiis ga-r- ka muu-k-i eople-Ml-DEMl S.3 thing-F-INDEF.F ask:3.SG.M:PRES S.3 say:3.SG.M P a aama. , hh d aa iraqw aangw am6-r i Iraqw before place:CON-F DIR come:from:3.SG.M:PAST COP where. These people ask something, they say: "The Iraqw, where did they come from m the past?" a inhlaw t o- k a, kar aning te-'ee> INDEP.F-l.SG.POSS INDEP.F-INDEF.F O.F remember:l.SG well l.SG ar aak6 doo-ren ni alkic-a INDEP.CON.F father:CON house-l.PL.POSS HIT narrate-INF COP ti. INDEP.F:DEMl . . 1 remember something that our father told me and that 1s th1s: bahu nici Bahu Nii S.3 tlaw-aan ' leave-l.PL:SBJV Bahu Nii says we kayi aten di-r ni-wa say:3.SG.M l.PL place:CON-F DEP.S.l-BACK a cuuya. · COP north come from the north. cii-kw-i diri>. irqwa-ren ar kila' Iraqw:land-l.PL.POSS INDEP.CON.F just S.3 north-Ml-DIR exist:3.SG.F Our real Iraqw land is in the north. aten ni-wa tlaw-aan a masomba-r bara tleemay. l.PL DEP.S.l-BACK leave-l.PL COP boys:CON-F in:CON adolescence When we left we were boys in adolescence. ta-wa bara tleemay ta duux-aax-in-ka. DEP.BE-BACK in:CON adolescence IMPS marry-HAB-DUR:3.SG.M-NEG Being in adolescence one didn't marry. ｴｬ｡ｷｾ＠ daa>aat lake-.Fl:CON red:F A red sea was crossed. ki-ngi-na waraahh. 0.3:IMPS-0.3:HIT:O.F-PAST pass:PAST ta kay tlaw-ta da>aat ki-ngi-na IMPS say:PRES lake-Fl:CON red:F 0.3:IMPS-0.3:HIT:O.F-PAST waraahh. pass:PAST They say: A red sea was crossed. 338 tlawi 1ake caben new Having ngi-wa warahh-aan, gimse daxta ?.3:DEP.S.l/2:0.F-BACK pass-l.PL well now 1-n gweer-aan. O.N-EXPEC open-l.PL crossed a red sea, we opened a new land. ala naxes ta-wa qaytsiit ino>in ta but accidently IMPS-BACK look:PAST 3.PL IMPS duux-uux-un-ii-ka. marry-HAB-DUR:3.SG.M-INF:PAST-NEG But they didn't marry. ta-ri kar ala xoor6-r 00 , 'aben ad6 IMPS-CONSEC say:PAST well but nation:CON-F ka-r new:F manner:CON ciimu u cu um-aan bar l 0.3:DEP.S.l/2:0.F-INSTR begin-l.PL:SBJV COND wives t aaway s kaahh. .3 absent:3.SG .M:PRES They said: "How can we start a new nation it if there are no wives?" kar ;;!I akoo-du u.r 00 aya-hee i-ri father-DEM4:M:CON big:M INDEP.CON.M land-BACK say:3.SG.M:PAST The leader of the land said: dooqa a-n leehh-tu b aw-aan di-r may e S.l/2-EXPEC searching-M:CON go-l.PL place:CON-F "Maybe we shall look for wives among these people." , 00 , m1.1a. IMPS-CONSEC say:PAST what? They said: "What? ta-ri ti-n tlatl a k weemns-an-a ·· "' di-r mu-k-qa REC-EXPEC despise-l.PL:INT-INF place:CON-F people- Ml-D EM3 Should we lower ourselves to those people? aten a wanajeshi. l.PL COP soldiers We are soldiers. ado-r-sing a ya 'am-an -a-ka, ado- r-sing manner-F-DEM2 S.l/2 agree- 1.p L-IN_F-NEG manner-F-DEI\112 S.l/2 a ya'am-an-a-ka. agree-l.PL- INF- NEG We will not agree to that. 339 xweera-wo i-n siwahhas-aan, night-BACK O.N-EXPEC beat-l.PL people, during the night we'll beat then fiercely. ta-r-a hlaw-aan 1-n tsuu<-aan, bhawata en:N:CON DEP.S.l/2-INSTR-INF get-l.PL O.N-EXPEC kill-l.PL Iil men that we encounter, we will kill; ooh-iim-aan tlawe-r€m-wa ale. get-DUR-LPL wives-l.PL-ABL RESPRO yaam-a caben gweera-r aw-aan. ta-ri DEP.S.l/2-CONSEC land-N:CON new:N opening:CON-F go-l.PL and we will start a new land." kar mu-k-da-da' ku-na iidaahh, well people-Ml-DEM4-DEM4 0.3:IMPS:O.M-PAST raid:PAST Well, those people were swept away siwawahhamamiis, siwawahhamamiis. ku-na 0.3:IMPS:O.M-PAST beat:PAST beat:PAST they were beaten fiercely. umuu-qo hee-wo hare-r-6s ngi-wa every-EMPH man-BACK wife-F-3.SG.POSS 0.3:DEP.S.3:0.F-BACK tindi-ri tlay bas-kw-i ale. hlay, get:3.SG.M IMPS:HIT-CONSEC leave:PAST ｳｯｾｴｨＭｍｬｄｉｒ＠ RESPRO When every man got his wife, they went southwards. matlatlee-r-o xooro-da> i-wa U'. morning-F-BACK nation-DEM4 8.3-BACK cry:3.SG.F In the morning when that nation cried, hlaqwara ku-na burumbuur. mu-k people:CON-Ml war 0.3:IMPS:O.M-PAST gather:PAST the people fit for war were gathered. ni-na mak eehar-in. kar mu-k-da> well people-DEM4-DEM4 HIT-PAST just follow-DUR:3.SG.M Those people tried to follow us. inin ta-na gwa-goo', gwa-goo' ay gwa tloom>i. 3.PL IMPS-PAST HAB-run:PAST HAB-run:PAST DIR top:of mountains They ran and ran up to the mountains. ay nee kukumay->in-ee nee gawa-da> ki-wa top-DEM4 0.3:IMPS:O:N-BACK go:PAST with slings-3.PL:POSS-BACK and lawlu-wo nee maheeri-'in-ee nee tla'ee gwangwarang-o. spears-BACK and arrows-3.PL.POSS-BACK and stones rolling:M-BACK Up there they went with their slings, spears, arrows, and stones to roll down. 341 340 are many, the slaves. tsa<amto ka-wa harhlaqaat, ta-ri climbing 0.3:IMPS:O.F-BACK be:tired:PAST IMPS-CONSEC waatl, kar ta-ri iw<iw>iit. return:home:PRES well IMPS-CONSEC stay<HAB>:PRES When they failed to climb they returned home and they stayed there. aak6 doo-ren kayi father:CON house-l.PL S.3 say:3.SG.M Our father says: aten ni-wa tlaw-aan a mak masomba-r bara l.PL HIT-BACK leave-l.PL COP just boys:CON-F in:CON "When we left we were only boys in adolescence." df-r muu bahhale mar>afi i-qo kahh. place:CON-F people group relation S.3-EMPH absent:3.SG.F Among some people there was no family bond. daxta ta-na da>iyuut now IMPS-PAST fear:PAST Now they were afraid, they said: ta-na oo' IMPS-PAST say:PAST kar-ya aten ni-wa tlaw-aan amo-da-de'-e well-BREAK l.PL HIT-BACK leave-l.PL place-DEM4-DEM4-BACK ga-r-ka a bahhale, mu-k aangw 00 thing-F-IND,EF CO'P group poople:CON-Ml before INDEP.CON.M tinda oh-in bara hlaqwaro-wa ale, IMPS:HIT:PERF get-DUR:3.SG.M in:CON war-ABL RESPRO ko-ko a mu-k-da-da' ta · sawaw1't'Pin, INDEP.M-INDEF COP people-Ml-DEM4-DEM4 IMPS govern:PRES yaamu-da' g-a sawawiti>in. land-DEM4 0.3-0.F govern:PRES Well, when we left that place, there was something of a group , 1'.e . the prisoners · war, some others were those people that were governing, governing that land. kar ta-ri 6o>: ado-r ta laq-aan well IMPS-CONSEC say:PAST manner:CON-F DEP.S.l/2 do-l.PL:SBJV bar-a ado-r-i-r kuumiit-aan, daqani. COND-S.l/2 manner-F-DEMl:CON-F continue-l.PL then They said: "What do we do if we continue like this?" mu-k people:CON-Ml mu-k people:CON-Ml hatla' yaariit other many The people that wawiti>i>iim a-qo kwi-da' kilos nee govern COP-EMPH INDEP.M-DEM4 only and ta- s k u-da' wawu t'. I'In a-qo IMPS-REAS govern:PRES COP-EMPH INDEP.M-DEM4 oo lawalee. INDEP.CON.M slaves govern are those, and the people that are governed are those others oo' ahla'ay, ado-sing ya'and-a-ka. say:PAST no manner-DEM2 S.3 agree:3.SG.F-INF-NEG wawita aangw oo INDEP.CON.M before INDEP.CON.M kings wak baw-aan, ku-da-da' clan:M:CON one call-l.PL INDEP.M-DEM4-DEM4 ta sawawati>in u-n tlahhoo wak IMPS rule:over:PAST O.M-EXPEC clan:M:CON one kwi-da-du lawale-r tinda INDEP.M-DEM4-DEM4:M:CON slaves:CON-F IMPS:HIT:PAST bara hlaqwaro-wa ale ino>fn hleemee in:CON war-ABL RESPRO 3.PL also tlahhoo wak baw-aan. clan:M:CON one call-l.PL original people, the kings, we call one clan; those who were ruled over we call clan; and those of the slaves who were caught in the war, those we call one clan as 00 duuxuut-ir bara ado-sing-ee ino'in mi-tawa PROH-REC:BACK ｭ｡ｲｹＭＳＮｐｾ＠ in:CQN manner-DEM2-BACK 3.PL tlahhay-du . ｷ｡ｾＺ･Ｎ＠ clan-DEM4:M:CON one-BACK Thus they should not marry within one clan. mu-k-du lawalee b<i>r duuxo-r people-Ml-DEM4:M:CON slaves COND<S.3> marriage:CON-F am6-r mu-k-da-da' hlaa' a want:3.SG.M:PRES COP place:CON-F people-Ml-DEM4-DEM4 yaamu g-i sawawuti>fim, laqaa am6-r INDEP.CON.M land 0.3-0.N govern:M or place:CON-F mu-k-da-da' oo ta sawawuti'in nee people-Ml-DEM4-DEM4 INDEP.CON.M IMPS govern:PAST and oo ta sawawuti>in bar ta mu-k-da-da> people-Ml-DEM4-DEM4 INDEP.CON.M IMPS govern:PAST COND IMPS duuxo-r hlaa' am6-r doo-da-du marriage:CON-F want:3.SG.M:PRES place:CON-F house-DEM4-DEM4:M:CON lawalee, ino'in kilo-'in ti wawita laqaa amo-r-du kings or place-F-DEM4:CON slaves 3.PL self-3.PL.POSS REC duuxuut-ii'-a-ka. marry-3.PL-INF -NEG If the slaves want to marry, it is among the people that govern the land or among the people that were governed and the people that were governed if they want to marry, it 344 daaqay ku-n ak ur 345 I, owa ale, dasu 0.3:IMPS:O.M-EXPEC more big:1VI very RESPRO .1 1-n-qo I k k 1h , gJr s aa l bara ay-k-o. a S.3-EXPEC-EMPH almost absent·3 . ·CON lan d -M1-BACK Th b . .SG · M m. e oys were very many, the girls were very few in the country. kaf ta-ri 6o> xay lakiit waay, hhaymu dasi Hhaymu girl well IMPS-CONSEC say:PAST he wait:IMP well gi kon wak. 0 o.3:DEP.S.3:0.F have:3.SG.M:SBJV one They said: "Wait a minute, Hhaymu has a daughter". kar basi daaqay bara tleema>i-r-o well well boys in:CON · ·· . , mitJatiOn-F-BACK waatl, aako k u-r1. dasi-da ka-na 6h nee mu-k-da-da girl-DEM4 0.3:IMPS:O.F-PAST seize:PAST by people-Ml-DEM4-DEM4 bara tleemay, ka-ri huuw 00 INDEP.CON.M in:CON initiation 0.3:IMPS:O.F-CONSEC bring:PAST bara hlaa'a bara tleema-r-'in ti-da. in:CON bush in:CON initiation:area-F-3.PL.POSS INDEP.F-DEM4 That girl was caught by those people in initiation, she was brought to the bush to their initiation area 1 .)oys ngi-wa 0.3:DEP.S.3:0.F-BACK b, return:home:3.SG.M:PAST father 0.3:IMPS:O.M-CONSEC ｣｡ｾｲＮｐａｓｔ＠ Well, when the boys returned from the initiation, they called the ｬ･ｾ､ｲＮ＠ xaygan n1u-k Ilee a t,en nee t -a' , hlaw-ang. he people:CON-M1 with 1·PL playing-PL get-IMP.HIT.TR "G et us a people to play with." ga'eer-a-kee ta kay-i-ka nlu-k see:2.SG-INF:INT-NEG:BACK IMPS say-S.3:INF-NEG people:CON-M1 aten hlaqw-a> ta-n kay1' n1u' - k nee aten LPL fight-PL IMPS-EXPEC say people:CON-M1 with l.PL hlaw-ang. get-HvfP.HIT.TR D?n't you see, they didn't say "people to fight with" th "G w1th"? ' ey say et us people asma mila, asma hlaqwara-da ka because what because -wa · a-'ay as war-DEM4 0.3:IMPS:O.F-BACK HAB-go:PRES yaam-a hleemu-w-o-ka laqaa as mu-k REAS land-N:CON getting-M-BACK-NEG or REAS hatla> sawawiiti>iin1a-r-o-ka asn1a d people:CON-M1 uuxo, ta-n . other , ruling:over-F-BACK-NEG because marriage IMPS-EXPEC duuxo-r hlaa> a-n- o , . C q ga-r ta s marnage: ON-F want:PRES COP-EXPEC EMPH . kahi • k thmg:CON-F IMPS-REAS munee aten neet-a' say:3.SG.M:SBJV people:CON-M1 'th 1• PL pay-PL 1 Wl B ecause of wha_t?, because they don't o to war to but because of marriage, that they ｷｾｮｴ＠ to marr g:t ｬｾｮ､＠ or to rule over other ｰ･ｯｬｾ［＠ "people to play with". Y Js t e reason that what they say ts kar bas1' aak 0 1-fl 00' xaysegan xooro' we11 well father S.3-CONSEC say: 3.SG .M:p AST he' 1 -r CON F aten t-a harwet peop e: . a Iowa xooro-r ur LPL O.l.PL-PERF ｾｮ｣ｊｲ＠ 1e: 3.SG .F COP very people:CON-F big:F neeto-r nee mo'm a aleehleer-a'-a-ka. playing:CON-F with 3.PL O.F can:2-PL-INF-NEG Well, the leader said: "The tribe that surround us is a very big nat. . IOn, you canno t play with them." ta-ri oo' gim mahh-eek dasi-r-i daxta IMPS-CONSEC say:PAST now lick-IMP.TR girl-F-DEMl now hare-ren aten hleemeero. wife-l.PL.POSS l.PL all They said: "Well, it is your problem now, this girl is the wife of all of us." ar i-ri Iowa ah aako uchongo gwa-r1 ah father aliger 0.3:0.M-CONSEC see:3.SG.M:PAST S.3-CONSEC very gurhamuut. be:angry:3.SG.M:PAST The leader became angry, very angry. oo' muu-k-i dasi-r-'ee' i-ri 8.3-CONSEC say:3.SG.M:PAST people-Ml-DEMl girl-F-l.SG.POSS ka hay6h. 0.3:IMPS:O.F:PERF take:PAST He said: "These people have taken my girl." xooro-da-da. amo-r tlay kar basi i-ri people-DEM4-DEM4 place:CON-F leave:3.SG.M well well S.3-CONSEC He went to that nation i-ri axwees. nee in os ta-ri wawutmo xooro-da king:CON people-D EM 4 and 3.SG IMPS-CONSEC talk:PRES S.3-CONSEC oo' daaqay-'ee' a ado-r-i nee say:3.SG.M:PAST boys-l.SG.POSS COP manner-F-DEMl and ta duux6-r hlaa' ti. INDEP.F:DEMl Il\!IPS marriage:CON-F want:PRES To the king of that nation and they talked together. He said: "My boys are such and so; they want marriage. 347 346 aten aangw ad6-r ta-r duux-aax-iim-aan l.PL before manner:CON-F DEP.S.l/2-INSTR marry-HAB-DUR-l.PL:SB ti nee ti. a COP INDEP.F:DEMl and INDEP.F:DEMl The way we used to marry is such." kar hooma-da i-ri o' xay ado-sing well enemy-DEM4 8.3-CONSEC say:3.SG.M:PAST well manner-DEM2 S.3 q6on. be:all:right :3 .SG .F The enemy said: "Well, that is all right." gim-ya gan aten nee ino'in bar-a neet6-r aw-aan, well- BREAK he l.PL and 3.PL COND-S.l/2 playing:CON-F go-l.PL ga-r ta geexaw-aan a peeray oo thing:CON-F DEP.S.l/2 leave-l.PL:SBJV COP few:people INDEP.CON.M too. hleemee dasu-da-da niina oo bara aya in:vain also girls-DEM4-DEM4 small:M INDEP.CON.M in:CON land kwa-ri faak-i-ka ala 0.3:IMPS:O.M-CONSEC finish-S.3:INF-NEG but. Thus if we go and play with them, only a few people will remain. too few for the small number of girls in the land. kar kuung kangw oo>-eek ti amohhe>ees-iye> well 2.SG.M news say-IMP:TR REC make:ready-3.PL:SBJV Tell them to prepare. mi-tu-wa haracak<m>it-aan. hlahhangw-i PROH-DEP.S.l/2:0.M-BACK jump:by:surprise<DUR>-l.PL moon-DEMl b<i>r-a faak nee coonar-6s kwa-qu COND<S.3>-INF finish and dark:period-3.SG.POSS INDEP.M-DEM3:CON alu bar tlacangw doori nga ay, behind COND middle:CON sky 0.3:DEP.S.3:0.F:PERF go:3.SG.M balo-da aten ni hardah-aan. day-DEM4 LPL HIT arrive-l.PL Let us not jump upon them by surprise. When this moon is finished and its moonless period as well and when the next moon goes to the middle of the sky, that day we will arrive." kar aako i- ri waatl well father S.3-CONSEC return:home:3.SG.M:PAST Well, the leader went home. hardah bara ay-k-o, i-na arrive:3.SG.M:PAST in:CON land-Ml-BACK 8.3-PAST burumbuur, , , xooro hleemeero g-a-ri uu. 0.3-0.F-CONSEC gather:3.SG.M:PAST cry:3.SG.M:PAST people all. nee laqwlo-r-o nagan hhawatee nee cameena-r-In-ee and women-F-3.PL.POSS-BACK and boys-F-BACK well !11en i-wa hardah i-ri oo' S 3-BACK arrive 8.3-CONSEC say:3.SG.M:PAST l men and their When he had arrived in the land he called ..He gather.ed all the peop e: women and the children. vVell, when he arnved he sa1d: 16wa ur , n 1• koom la ka ga-r b' F 1g: thing:CON-F DEP.S.l.SG have:l.SG.SBJV today 0 ..3:IMPS:O.F very tlawse awu-'ee' kwa-qu oo get:up:IMP bull-l.SG.POSS ｉｎｄｅｐＮｍＭｾＺｃ＠ INDEP.CON.M tsiretsi'emo leehh-are' geera n1-wa black:and:white bring-IMP.HIT.PL:TR front DEP.S.l.SG-BACK ilawats-an-a. talk-DUR-INF h' b f "I have something big today. Go and get me my bull, that black and w 1te one, e ore I talk to you." awu-da ku-ri leehh. bull-DEM4 0.3:IMPS:O.M-.CONSEC bring:PAST They br::mght that bull. · • 0' o' 1-r1 S.3-C ONSEC , say: 3 .SG .M :PAS T He said: "Kill it." gaas-aak. kill-IMP.PL.TR ku-ri gaas. 0.3:IMPS:O.M-CONSEC kill:PAST They killed it. · · 1-rl o' o' daq-aak. 8.3-CONSEC say:3.SG.M:PAST skin-IMP.PL.TR He said: "Skin it." ku-ri daaq. 0.3:IMPS:O.M-CONSEC skin:PAST They skinned it. gim 0' 0 , i-ri 8.3-CONSEC say:3.SG.M:PAST well ' am6-r saga nee amo-r CON - F l place:CON-F hea d an d pace: kiki'-ara'. pin-IMP(NEG ).PL:TR kahar-t-6s kiki>-aak skin-Fl-3.SG.POSS pin-IMP.PL.TR ya'a · tlacang-6s mu middle-3.SG.POSS PROH:O.M legs 349 348 He said: "Pin its skin down at the head and at the legs. Don't pin it in the middle. ku-wa hhe'ees kiki>a-r-o i-ri 0.3:IMPS:O.M-BACK finish:PAST pinning-F-BACK S.3-CONSEC oo' gimse mu-k-da hleemeero oo say:3.SG.M:PAST well people-Ml-DEM4 all INDEP.CON.M barta wak-i ooha-r-o g-a aleehlaw xoohla S.3 side:CON one-DIR instruments seizing-F-BACK 0.3-0.F can:M warahh-i. pass-3.SG.M:SBJV When they finislied pinning it, he said: "All the people who can carry weapons should pass to one side." kar i-ri paratl-iye', mu-k-da-da oo well S.3-CONSEC separate-3.PL:PAST people-Ml-DEM4-DEM4 INDEP.CON.M xoohla ooha-r-o g-a aleehlaw oo hlaqwara INDEP.CON.M war instruments seizing-F-BACK 0.3-0.F can:M g-a aleehlaw gwa-ri bay. 0.3-0.F can:M 0.3:0.M-CONSEC call:3.SG.M:PAST Well, they separated the people who can carry weapons, who can fight and he told them: gimse qwalas-are' gawa daandu well come-IMP.HIT.PL top:CON back:CON kahar-te-'ee'-ti awu-'ee>-kwi skin-Fl-l.SG.POSS-INDEP.F:DEMl bull-l.SG.POSS-INDEP,M:DEMl warahh-aak ad<ar-ar>ahh-aak. pass-IMP.PL.TR tread:upon<DUR-HAB>-IMP.PL.TR "Well, come and pass and tread upon this skin of my bull. ar INSTR wak. bar-a faak-is-e' ta o'-a' COND-S.l/2 finish-CAUS:2-PL:PAST DEP.S.l/2 say:2-PL:SBJV one If you are finished you will say "one". ta-ri kic-a> ay di-r ki DEP.S.l/2-CONSEC return:2-PL:SBJV DIR place:CON-F 0.3:DEP.S.l/2:0.N tsat-a' ar ya'a. cut:2-PL:SBJV INSTR feet You will do it again until you cut it with your feet. ax daqani ta warhh-e' gwa daandu kahar-ta well then DEP.S.l/2 pass:2-PL:PAST top:CON back:CON skin-Fl:CON awu->ee' kwi->ee> a ki cima maga> how:many bull-l.SG.POSS INDEP.M-l.SG.POSS COP turn ka-wa tsat-a> ar ya'a. 0.3:DEP.S.l/2-BACK cut:2-PL:SBJV INSTR feet Well, how many times will it be that you pas over the skin of my bull until you cut it with your feet?" kicima lahhoo'-ee kar i-ri kar ta-na war<ar>aahh six-BACK well well IMPS-PAST pass<DUR>:PAST turn nasut as adarahu-da. break:3.SG.F REAS stepping:upon-DEM4 They passed six times until it broke because of stepping upon it. ga-r-'ee' oo' gimse iwit-e' sit:2-PL:PAST thing-F-l.SG.POSS S.3-CONSEC say:3.SG.M:PAST well n1 oo' laari. HIT say:l.SG today He said: "Well, you sit down I'll tell you something today." i- ri 1-r1 oo' xayse gan ku unga'-sing-a' he 2.PL-DEM2-PL S.3-CONSEC say:3.SG.M:PAST he xoohla ooha-r-o ngi aleehlaw-a' a instruments seizing-F-BACK 0.3.:HIT:O.F can-PL COP kahar-ta awu-'ee' kwi>-ee ta hide-Fl:CON bull-l.SG.POSS INDEP.DEMl-BACK DEP.S.l/2 awa INDEP.CON.N gawa top:CON warhh-e' pass:2-PL:SBJV a kicima maga'. COP turn how:many He said: "You here who are able to carry weapons and have passed over the hide of this bull of mine, how many times was it?" kicima lahhoo'. ta-ri oo' six IMPS-CONSEC say:PAST turn They said: "Six' times." oo' mu-k-da-da nee kuunga' i-ri S.3-CONSEC say:3.SG.M:PAST people-Ml-DEM4-DEM4 with 2.PL waraahh-i kicima wak leeli neet-a> ino>in ta-n play-PL 3.PL IMPS-EXPEC pass-3.SG.M:SBJV turn one only xay daxta nee mu-k ado-r-i neeto kilo->in. just-3.PL.POSS he now with people:CON-Ml manner-F-DEMl playing aleehleer-a'-a. can:2- PL:INT-INF He said: "Those people to play with, they passed it only one time. Now, can you play with people of this kind?" ngi ta-na OO' aako daxta aten ga-r-qa thing-F-DEM3 0.3:HIT:O.F IMPS-PAST say:PAST father:VOC now l.PL aya-sing kwa ala yahas-aan daaqay-sing oo land-DEM2 0.3:IMPS:O.M but ask-l.PL:SBJV boys-DEM2 INDEP.CON.M tleema'-i. initiate:INT -S.3:INF They said: "Father, let us ask you something: These boys of this undergone initiation?" have they 351 350 Well, they went home and said: "Thanks a lot." ahla>ay aya->in-ee i-ri tleema S.3-CONSEC say:3.SG.M:PAST no land-3.PL.POSS-BACK initiation kahh absent:3.SG.F He said: "No, there is no initiation in their country." s.a mu-k-sing kwa alcuuhl-ln-i. people-Ml-DEM2 0.3:IMPS:O.M circumcise-DUR:INT-S.3:INF "Are these people circumcised?" kwa alcuhl-in-i-ka. ahla>ay mu-k-sing no people-Ml-DEM2 0.3:IMPS:O.M circumcise-DUR:3.SG.M-S.3:INF-NEG i-ri oo> eh-eh-eh-eh. S.3-CONSEC say:3.SG.M:PAST no "No, these people are not circumcised, no no no." ta-ri 6o> muruu hlaha-sing-ee. hee wak IMPS-CONSEC say:PAST things:CON dirt-DEM2-BACK man:CON one ga-r ta taahh-i a mila. di-r thing:CON-F IMPS beat-3.SG.M:SBJV COP what place:CON-F mu-k lahhoo>-ee a ga-r mila. mu-k-sing u people:CON-l\111 six-BACK COP thing:CON-F what people-Ml-DEM2 O.M faak-aan, t<i>m-ki yaariit. mu-k ta finish-l.PL CONCES-0.3:IMPS:O.N many:N people:CON-Ml IMPS tleema>-i-ka mu-k ta initiate-S.3:INF-NEG people:CON-Ml IMPS alcuhl-in-i-ka ga-s:fng a hlaha-rt-o circumcise-DUR:3.SG.M-S.3:INF-NEG thing-DEM2 COP dirt-Fl-BACK They said: "This is dirt. One man will capture what? What are they with six people. We will finish these people even if they are many. People who are not initiated, not circumcised, that is only dirt." kar aako i-ri 6o> basi gimse ti well father S.3-CONSEC say:3.SG.M:PAST well well REC amohhe>es-e> hlahhangw-i b<i>r-a faak nee prepare:2-PL:SBJV month-DEMl COND<S.3>-INF finish:3.SG.M:PAST and ku-qu alu bar tlacangw doori ngwa INDEP.M-DEM3:CON after COND middle:CON sky 0.3:HIT:O.M:PERF ay tindi hardah ti amohhe>es-e>. go:3.SG.M:PAST IMPS:HIT arrive:PRES REC prepare:2-PL:SBJV Well, father said: "Prepare yourselves, if this moon is finished and the next one goes to the middle of the sky they will arrive, prepare yourselves." kar ta-ri waatl, ta-ri oo> gim well IMPS-CONSEC return:home:PAST IMPS-CONSEC say:PAST well na>amamiis. thanks kareera ku-ri bay. smiths 0.3:IMPS:O.M-CONSEC call:PAST They called the smiths. gimse xoohla kwahuut-are. mahee:ri nee lawalu-wo nee well instruments forge-IMP:HIT:PL:TR arrows and spears-BACK and mil-hee nee gambodu ki-na ｬｅｾ･ｨＮ＠ what-BACK and shields 0.3:IMPS:O.N-PAST bring:PAST "Forge the weapons for us." Arrows, spears, shields and whatnot were brought. ta-wa waatl ta-wa diicaat-i dasi-r-6s IMPS-BACK return:home:PAST IMPS-BACK spread-S.3:INF girl-F-3.SG.POSS dasf-r aako-da ka-ri kic-:fs girl:CON-F father-DEM4 0.3:IMPS:O.F-CONSEC return-CAUS:PAST They returned home and they spread out. His girl, the girl of the leader was returned. ta-ri oo> xaygan gim naas mu-k nee aten IMPS-CONSEC say:PAST he well thanks people:CON-Ml with l.PL neet-a' ngwa hleer gim dasi-r-6k playing-PL 0.3:DEP.S.l/2:0.M:PERF get:2.SG well girl-F-2.SG.POSS han6os here They said: "Thank you that you, got us people to play with. Here is your girl." kar naxes aako i-;wa qaytsiit well well father S.3-BACK inspect:3.SG.M:PAST tsihay ·ah nagay ta-ri oo' ala pregnant ah well IMPS-CONSEC say:PAST but ta laq-aan. · DEP.S.l/2 do-l.PL:SBJV Well, when the leader saw that the girl was pregnant, they dasi naxes a girl well COP ad6-r manner:CON-F said: "What shall we do?" kar qooma-r hlaqwara-da ngi-wa xeer well period:CON-F war-DEM4 0.3:HIT:O.F-BACK come:3.SG.F ta-na hlaqw-aq-un ta-na hlaqw-aq-un. IMPS-PAST fight-HAB-DUR:PAST IMPS-PAST fight-HAB-DUR:PAST hooma-r-da ka-r mak tsuu'-i ala asma enemy-F-DEM4 0.3:IMPS:O.F-INSTR just kill:INT-S.3:INF but because baliit yaamu niina naxes ki ino>in ki-wa 0.3:IMPS:O.N win:PRES land 0.3:IMPS:O.N-BACK small well 3.PL ki oh-in ki oh-fn. 0.3:IMPS:O.N seize-DUR:PRES 0.3:IMPS:O.N seize-DUR:PRES The period of war came, they fought and fought. The enemy, how they were killed! But because the others are small in number, they are beaten and the land is taken. 353 352 kar aako i-ri uu' bara ay-k-o well father S.3-CONSEC cry:3.SG.M:PAST in:CON land-Ml-BACK i-ri oo' qwalas-are' S.3-CONSEC say:3.SG.M:PAST come-IMP.HIT.PL Well, the leader made a call throughout the country i-ri oo' xayse gan dasi-r-'ee' ka S.3-CONSEC say:3.SG.M:PAST he he girl-F-l.SG.POSS 0.3:IMPS:O.F hhet-in mu-k-i ku baal daqani spoiled-DUR:3.SG.M people-Ml-DEMl 0.3:IMPS:O.M defeat:PRES then alu-wo aten a lawale-r xooro-r-qa'. behind-BACK l.PL COP slaves:CON-F people-F-DEM3 ｡ｾ､＠ he said: "Well, my daughter is spoiled; these men will be defeated and then we will be the slaves of that nation. qwalas-are> come-IMP.HIT.PL ti-n IMPS-DIR-EXPEC Come, let us escape guw-aan cii-kw-i ale. kar a S.l/2 run-l.PL north-Ml-DIR RESPRO well di-r-i tlay cii-kw-i ale. place-F-DEMl leave:3.SG.M north-Ml-DIR RESPRO to the north", and they left in this direction, for the north. laya g-a-ri haniis di-r->in-ee sign 0.3-0.F-CONDEC give:3.SG.M:PAST place-F-3.PL.POSS-BACK 1-r1 6o, matlatlee-r boo'-ee daqani 8.3-CONSEC say:3.SG.M:PAST morning:CON-F black-BACK then .. hleemeero a ｴｬ･ｾｹＮＬ＠ kuunga' hleemeero. ' COP leaving 2.PL all all He gave a sign to them, he said: "Early in the morning everybody leaves, all of you." a-n-qo ay laari ga-r tsatsa'i-da COP-EXPEC-EMPH DIR today thing:CON-F star-DEM4 ka-s baa-bay tsatse'i-r hhaymu asma laati 0.3:IMPS:O.F-REAS HAB-call:3.SG.M star:CON-F Hhaymu because behold a laya a-na haniis ar qooma-r COP sign O.F-PAST give:3.SG.M:PAST INDEP.CON.F period:CON-F tleemu a-n-qo ga-r ka-s leaving COP-EXPEC-EMPH thing:CON-F 0.3:IMPS:O.F-REAS ha-bay tsatse'i-r hhaymu. HAB-call:3.SG.M star:CON-F Hhaymu ｾｨ｡ｴ＠ is why .until ｴｯ､｡ｾ＠ it is called the star of Hhaymu, because Hhaymu gave it as a sign at the time of leavmg; that is why it is called the star of Hhaymu. nagaygan i-na tlay yaamu-da-da ki-n well S.3-PAST leave:3.SG .. M land-DEM4-DEM4 0.3:IMPS:O.N-EXPEC ha-bay ma'angwata¥. HAB-call:PRES Maangwatay Well, they left that place called Maangwatay rna'angwatay gidaba-r-6s a hlahhamaye. Maangwatay reason-F-3.SG.POSS COP problems The meaning of Maangwatay 1s pro bl ems )) . 0 A " rna'angwatay hami a aan gidaba-r-6s a S.l/2 see:2.SG reason-F-3.SG.POSS COP Maangwatay now yaariit many "You see "maangwatay " now means " many probl ems" . basi tindi-na tlay cii-kw-i ale well IMPS:HIT-PAST leave:PAST north-Ml-DIR RESPRO Well, they left for the north. Iowa laati mu-k-du iraqw hlaqwara ga behold people-Ml-DEM:M:CON Iraqw war 0.3:0.F very xuu', kar hooma-da i-ri o' know:3.SG.M:PRES well enemy-DEM4 S.3-CONSEC say:3.SG.F "Those people, the Iraqw, know very well how to fight", said the enemy. tsu'-a'-in, kwa hara-faak kill- HAB-DUR:PAST 0.3:IMPS:O.M:PERF nearly-finish:PAST "Our boys have been killed a lot, they were nearly finished." ta-ri oo' kar ala daxta dasu-qu . IMPS-CONSEC say:PAST well but now girls-DEM3:M:CON aya-ren ga-r gu duuxuut a mihi. land-l.PL.POSS thing:CON-F 0.3:0.M be:married. COP what . They said: "Now, those girls of our country to whom will they be marned. tsini-hee-kee hlaqwara-r-i bar-a maw-aan. better-BACK:INT-NEG:BACK war-F-DEMl COND-O.F leave-l.PL tlawaay->in b<u>re hanis-aan. wives-3.PL.POSS COND<O.M> give-l.PL Isn't it better if we stop this war, if we give them their wives?" ta-ri 6o> ti-sing a tsini'. IMPS-CONSEC say:PAST INDEP.F-DEM2 COP better They said: "This is better. ga-r ti-s too faak-aan kahh. thing:CON-F REC-REAS in:vain finish-l.PL S.3 absent:3.SG.F There is no reason to destroy ourselves." kar basi .wayda kw-ay fiirin, 0.3:IMPS:O.M-CONSEC2 ask:PAST well well peace They asked for peace. 355 354 ta-ri oo> ti dabe leehh-aan IMPS-CONSEC say:PAST REC hands bring-l.PL They said: "Let us shake hands. dasu aya-ren ga-r gu duuxuut daxa asma because girlas:CON land-l.PL.POSS thing:CON-F 0.3:0.M be:married now mila. aten ta tsuuc-ac-ind-e>. a COP what l.PL O.l.PL:PERF kill-HAB-DUR:2-PL:PAST because the girls of our land, to whom will they be married? You will kill us." nagaygan ta-ri ya'an. well IMPS-CONSEC agree:PRES And they agreed. kar alu-wo ta-wa iwiit, tlawaay->in well after-BACK IMPS-BACK sit:PAST wives-3.PL.POSS ku-wa oh, daxta barisee-r aya-da-da 0.3:IMPS:O.M-BACK seize:PAST now elders:CON-F land-DEM4-DEM4 b<i>ri yahamis xaysegan kuunga> cuuru-hung COND<S.3> ask:3.SG.F well 2.PL power-2.PL.POSS ku-sing ya di-r ku-wa hleer-e' INDEP.M-DEM2 BREAK place:CON-F 0.3:IMPS:O.M-BACK get:2-PL:PAST When they were sitting together afterwards and had got their wives, the elders of that nation asked: "This power of yours, where did you get it?" ado-r-i-hee, kar ta-ri oo> aten ni manner-F-DEMl-BACK well IMPS-CONSEC say:PAST l.PL HIT oo>-an-a aya-rn-ee ga-r geera a tleema>i say-l.PL-INF land-l.PL.POSS-BACK thing:CON-F front COP initiation qooma-r bir-ti intsahhatmiis ufundi>iima-r period:CON-F COND-IMPS:O.l.PL teach:PRES techniques:CON-F qooma-r hlaqwara nee hleemee aten ta and also l.PL IMPS:O.l.PL:PERF period:CON-F war alcutl-in. circumcise-D UR: PAST So they said, we told them: "In our land, the first thing is initiation, the time when we are taught the techniques of warfare, and also the fact that we are circumcised." ino>in alcutlo ka-wa axaas, ta-wa 3.PL circumcision 0.3:IMPS:O.F-BACK hear:PAST DEP.BE-BACK ga-r ta xuu'-i-ka. thing:CON-F IMPS know-S.3:INF-NEG When they heard about circumcision, they didn't know it. diini a-n ino'in geera-wo ad6-r ga-r 3.PL front-BACK manner:CON-F thing:CON-F religion luu'are asma ya muruu dacari nee qwahla,ariima secret because BREAK things:CON witchcraft and magic lull care a cuuro-in di-r i dahh-i. secret COP force-3.PL place:CON-F S.3 ｣ｯｭ･ＺｦｲｾＭＳＮｓｇｍｂｊｖ＠ . With them at first religious things were secret, because w1tchcraft and magic get the1r force from secrecy. kar ta-ri oo' gimse daxta dasu-ren ngu well I:NIPS-CONSEC say:PAST well now girls-l.PL.POSS 0.3:HIT:O.M hanis-aan ala iimi-r laarf dasu b<u>r hla'-a' give-l.PL but time:CON-F today girls COND<O.M> want:2-PL alcutl-im-aak lakini alcutl6-r daaqay circumcise-DUR-IMP.PL.TR but crcumcision:CON-F m-a-wa axas-aan. PROH-O.F-BACK hear-l.PL:SBJV circumcise They said: "Now we give you our girls but from today if you want them but let us not hear of circumcision of boys. bar naxes alcutl6-r garma a-ga axas-an, hleemeero COND well circumcision:CON-F boy O.F-PERF hear-'l.PL all nu faak-aan asma kuunga' alu-wo b<a>r-a Q.2.PL finish-l.PL because 2.PL after-BACK COND<S.l/2>·PERF doog-ind-e> nee alcutlo-r-hung • UR 2 PL PAST by circumcision-F-2.PL.POSS increase-D : - : ti-sing-ee ala a ten ti ｦ｡ｾＭＧＮ＠ INDEP.F-DEM2-BACK after l.PL O.l.PL fi.msh.:2-PL all because If we h ear about the circumcision of a boy, we w1ll k1ll you 'll k'll " you increased again with this circumcision of yours, you WI 1 us. · balo-da-da xooro-da alcutl6-r karnagan iimi1-r well time:CON-F day-DEM4-DEM4 people-DEM4 dasu ku-wa daaqay ga-r1· me'er , . 0.3:0.F-CONSEC leave:3.SG.F g1rls 0.3:IPMS:O.M-BACK boys alcutl-atl-in. circumcise-HAB-DUR:PAST .l From that day onwards those people stopped circumcision of boys, g1r s were cised. an bara ga'aW l.SG COND:S.l/2 watch:l.SG wahehe daharu-'in a Hehe character-3.PL COP I think that these people are the wahehe asma , a mu- k -1 because peop 1e- M- DEMl COP Hehe kwi-sing. INDEP.M-DEM2 . Hehe, because the Hehe are hke that. 357 356 basi laati amo-r-da ta ha-bay ma'angwatay laati well behold place-F-DEM4 IMPS HAB-call:PRES Maangwatay behold iringa. a COP Iringa The place called Maangwatay must be Iringa. kar mu-k-i ni-ri well people-Ml-DEMl HIT-CONSEC barisee nee aamam>iy-o nee old:men and old:women-BACK and kondoa irangi. Kondoa Irangi These people ran to this place, old men, amo-r-i place-F-DEMl na<iiy-o children-BACK gwa-g6ow HAB-run:3.SG.M:PAST ay bara-qu to in-DEM3:M:CON women, and children to Kondoa Irangi. na'oo dasi-r hhaymu ku-wa laqwaal, child:M:CON girl:CON-F HHaymu 0.3:IMPS:O.M-BACK give:birth:PAST naxes a garma. well COP boy When the child of the daughter of Hhaymu was born it was a boy. ga-da a ga'eer-a-kee bara 1rqwa-r-o thing-DEM4 O.F watch:2.SG-INF:INT-NEG:BACK in Iraqw-F-BACK na'oo daroway a xwanhl6o hara-fiitsa. child:M:CON illegitimate COP dirt:M:CON nearly-sweeping an illegitimate child is like dirt to be swept away. Don't you know that in Iraqw ｬ｡ｾ､＠ lakini in6s ta-wa na'oo dasi-r hhaymu but 3.SG DEP.BE-BACK child:M:CON girl:CON-F Hhaymu kahamusm6 aya nee qwahlarmo hlaama arusamo. spokesman:CON land and medicine:man also prophet but he was the child of the daughter of Hhaymu, spokesman of the nation, medicine man and also prophet. ka-wa kahi ta qiitl-ka ti oo>aa-r-o 0.3:IMPS:O.F say:PRES IMPS praise-NEG INDEP.F:DEMl saying-F-BACK nee hleemee ak ale ka-wa ur-ee and also more RESPRO 0.3:IMPS:O.F-BACK big-BACK nacay-da-da oo xooro. boy-DEM4-DEM4 INDEP.CON.M nation as they said, they didn't dare to say these words and what is even more important is that the boy is a boy of the nation. a hleer di-r dasi-da ngu-wa COP get:3.SG.F:SBJV place:CON-F girl-DEM4 0.3:DEP.S.3:0.M-BACK ku di-r daq6o xooro, hee-w6s place:CON-F boys:M:CON nation man-3.SG.POSS 0.3:IMPS:O.M :xuu'-ii-ka a daq6o xooro. know-S.3:INF-NEG COP boys:M:CON nation . . . Where that girl got him was with the boys of the nation, the father IS not known, It IS the entire nation. daxta na'oo xooro ad6-r ku-r now child:M:CON nation manner:CON-F 0.3:IMPS:O.M-INSTR gaa<m-im>is-i. kill<DUR-HAB>-3.SG.M:SBJV How can one kill the child of a nation? kar na'ay-da-da alu-wo a doog-aag-in. well ｣ｨｩｬ､ｾｄｅｍＴＭ＠ after-BACK S.3:PERF increase-HAB-DUR:3.SG.M That child had a lot of offspring. tlahhay-w6s gu-r1 dimbe tsaat. clan-3.SG.POS 0.3:0.M-CONSEC different cut:3.SG.M:PAST and he started his own clan. a doog-ag-in, doog-ag-in. S.3:PERF increase-HAB-DUR:3.SG.M increase-HAB-DUR:3.SG.M They became very numerous. alo tindi-wa hardah a di-r-ka gitin after IMPS:HIT-BACK arrive:PAST COP place-F-INDEF.F Giting qooma-da-dee tlahh6o na'ay-da oo period-DEM4-DEM4:BACK clan:M:CON child-DEM4 INDEP.CON.M dasi-r hhaymu a tlahh6o Iowa ur-en. girl:CON-F Hhaymu COP clan:M:C?N very .. big-PL . When they arrived afterwards at a certam place G1tmg, at that t1me, the clan of the . son of the daughter of Hhaymu was very big. daxta naxes diinku>uma ka-ri ciimun male now well cooperation 0.3:IMPS:O.F-CONSEC start:PAST again ale. RES PRO Well, they started co-operation again. ta kay ah aten ga-r ti-s IMPS say ah l.PL thing:CON-F O.l.PL-REAS bal-al-it-i ya win-HAB-MlDDLE-3.SG.M:SBJV BREAK They say: "Why were we beaten? 359 358 This is the beginning of the Gorowa people, iimi-r aangw ni-wa ciikwa tlaw..:aan bar-a-n time:CON-F before HIT-BACK north leave-l.PL COND-S.l/2-EXPEC bal-al-im-aan, win-HAB- DUR-l.PL Since long ago when we came from the north, we have been winning, daxta iimi-r nacay-wi ku-wa laqwaal aten now time:CON-F child-DEMl 0.3:IMPS:O.M-BACK give:birth:PAST l.PL mi-s-ti bal-iit. WHAT-REAS-IMPS:O.l.PL win-MIDDLE:PAST since this child was born, why have we been defeated? hee ga-r tlaakw nga huuw man:CON thing:CON-F bad:F 0.3:DEP.S.3:0.3:PERF bring:3.SG.M:PAST a heema. COP who Who brought this bad thing?" kara in>in ta-ri waka-wak-ir di-r-1-wa ale. well 3.PL IMPS-CONSEC HAB-hate-3.PL place-F-DEMl-ABL RESPRO They were nagging at each other here. kwara Kwara ki-ri bay go row a. gidaba-r-os daroway. 0.3:IMPS:O.N-CONSEC call:PAST Gorowa meaning-F-3.SG.POSS illegimate gorowa, goromo, doromo. Gorowa Gorowa-man illegimate They were called Gorowa which means illegimate: "Gorowa, goromo, doromo." a-n-qo ay laari bara iraqwa-r-o a ga-r COP-EXPEC-EMPH DIR today in:CON Iraqw-F-BACK COP thing:CON-F gorwa ki-s ba-baw-aan nac6o dasi, Gorowa 0.3:IMPS:O.N-REAS HAB-call-l.PL child:M:CON girl gidaba-r-os na<oo baaba wahl. meaning-F-3.SG.POSS child:M:CON father without This is why until today in Iraqw land we call the Gorowa "children of a girl", meaning children without a father. gimay a-n ciimu>ungw xoor6-r gorwa. well COP-EXPEC beginning:CON people:CON-F Go row a tangwa d6o ruins:N:CON house:M:CON alu-wo ay after-BACK DIR afterwards to Mount Now and amo-r ciimU'UU'ln iraqw ar alqad6-r gim a-n place:CON-F begin:3.SG.M INSTR well COP-EXPEC history:CON-F Iraqw ni-wa basa, di-r ciiya, ay a dahh-aan lll place:CON-F HIT-BACK HIT come:from-l.PL:SBJV COP north DIR south ki-kic-aan a basa. HAB-return-l.PL:SBJV COP south . This is the history of the Iraqw people, how they started, where we come from 1s the north, then to the south, we returned to the south. a-n ti>ita-r ak6o COP-EXPEC story:CON-F father:CON alkiciit. narrate:3 .SG .M:PAST It is the story that our father told us. kar naxes ta ay-e> well well REC:PERF go:3-PL:PAST and they separated tlahhay-da 1-r1 tlay . gawa tlooma-r clan-DEM4 8.3-CONSEC leave:3.SG.M top:CON mountain:CON-F a-n galapo. COP-EXPEC Galapo That clan went to Mount K war a in Galapo. nagay iraqw i-na tlaa-tleer ay well Iraqw 8.3-PAST HAB-leave:3.SG.M DIR kalay alu-wo ay tlooma-r now, Kalay after-BACK DIR mountain:CON-F Now irqwa-r dacaw. Iraqw:CON-F east The Iraqw left again to the now deserted place Kalay, afterwards to Eastern Iraqw. doo-ren house:M-LPL.POSS na HIT:PERF 361 References Bradfield, Maitland. 1977. It in Iraqw: An analysis of the object-selector series of the Iraqw verb. African Languages/Langues africaines 3:1-44. Corbett, G.G. and R.J. Hayward. 1987. Gender and number in Bayso. Lingua 73:1-28. Elderkin, E. Derek. 1988. Person and number markers in Iraqw verbs. Afrikanistische Arbeitspapiere 14:79-96. Greenberg, Joseph H. 1966. The languages of Africa. Bloomington: Indiana University. Hayward, R.J. 1977. Middle voice verb forms in Eastern Cushitic. Transactions of the Philological Society 1975: 203-24. Hayward, R.J. 1981. Nominal suffixes in Dirayta (Gidole). Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 44:126-41. Heine, Bernd. 1982. African noun class systems. In Apprehension: Das sprachliche Erfassen von Gegenstiinden. I Bereich und Ordnung der Phiinomene, ed. H. Seiler and C. Lehmann, pp.189-216. Tiibingen: Gunter Narr. Hetzron, R. 1980. The limits of Cushitic. Sprache und Geschichte in Afrika 2:7-125. Kiessling, Roland. 1989. Die Rolle der Selektoren im Iraqw. Afrika und Ubersee 72:273-98. Maghway, Josephat B. 1989. Iraqw Vocabulary. Afrikanistische Arbeitspapiere 18:91118. [Nordbustad, Fr0ydis.] 1973. Historia fupi ya lugha ya Kiiraqw. Mbulu: Christian Literature Centre. ["A short history of the Iraqw language", about orthography] Nordbustad, Fr0ydis. 1988. Iraqw grammar: An analytical study of the Iraqw language. (Language and Dialect Studies in East Africa, 8.) Berlin: Dietrich Reimer. Owens, Jonathan. 1985. A Grammar of the Harar Oromo (Northeastern Ethiopia), including a Text and a Glossary.) (Cushitic Language Studies, 4.) Hamburg: Helmut Buske. · Qorro, Martha P.S. 1982. Tense and aspect of the English and Iraqw verb. M.A. thesis, Univ. of Wales, Bangor. Ransom, Evelyn N. 1986. Complementation: Its meaning and forms. (Typological Studies in Language, 10.) Amsterdam: John Benjamins. Sasse, Hans-Jiirgen. 1974. Notes on the structure of Galab. Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 37:407-38. Stroomer, Harry. 1988. A comparative study of three Southern Oromo dialects in Kenya (phonology, morphology and vocabulary). (Cushitic Language Studies, 6.) Hamburg: Helmut Buske. Whiteley, W.H. 1958. A sort description of item categories in Iraqw (with material on Gorowa, Alagwa and Burunge). (East African Linguistic Studies, 3.) Kampala: East African Institute of Social Research, Makerere College. 363 Samen vat tin g. Dit proefschrift is een synchrone beschrijving van het Iraqw. De gegevens staan in dit werk centraal en niet de theorie. Het Iraqw is een Zuid-Koesjitische taal die gesproken wordt door ongeveer een half rniljoen mensen in Tanzania. Over deze taal is betrekkelijk weinig gepubliceerd. De gegevens die aan dit werk ten grondslag liggen zijn verzameld door middel van eigen veldwerk. Hoofdstuk een geeft informatie over de geografische en socio-lingu"istische situatie van de taal en bespreekt de onderzoeksgeschiedenis en de classificatie. Ook vindt U er bibliografische informatie over het Iraqw. De inventaris van klanken, de lettergreepstruktuur en de klankregels worden behandeld in hoofdstuk twee. Het Iraqw kent onder andere verschillende keelklanken, laterale klanken en ejektieven. (Hoge) toon heeft beperkte positionele mogelijkheden binnen het woord en heeft meer een grammatikale dan een lexikale funktie. De vormleer wordt behandeld in de hoofdstukken drie voor de naamwoorden, vier voor de werkwoorden en vijf voor de andere woordklassen. Het naamwoord kent drie geslachten en een rijk systeem van meervoudsvorming. In de derde persoon richt het werkwoord zich naar het geslacht en niet naar het getal van het onderwerp. Centraal in de grammatika van het Iraqw staat een element dat eerder "selector" of "indikator" genoemd is. In hoofdstuk 4.1. laat ik zien dat dit in feite verschillende werkwoorden "zijn" en daarmee versmolten voornaamwoorden zijn. De achtervoegsels voor werkwoordsafleiding hebben een strikte volgorde; ook versteende en schijnbare achtervoegsels moeten hieraan voldoen, waardoor tussenvoegsels ontstaan. In hoofdstuk zes beschrijf ik de struktuur van de naamwoordgroep. De hoofdstukken zeven, acht en negen omvatten de rest van de syntaxis. In hoofdstuk ?even behandel ik de enkelvoudige zin, in hoofdstuk acht bijzinnen en in hoofdstuk negen vraagzinnen. Vraagzinnen bevatten vaak een bijzin. Hoofdstuk tien behandelt de samengestelde zin. Als voorbeeldmateriaal zijn nog enkele teksten toegevoegd in hoofdstuk elf, te weten twee verhalen, een beschrijving van een gewone dag in de Iraqw samenleving, en een versie van de geschiedenis van het Iraqw volk. Curriculum vitae Martinus Petrus Gerardus Maria Mous werd geboren in Willemstad, Curac;ao op 30 november 1955. In 1974 behaalde hij het einddiploma gymnasium-B aan de NewmanYpelaer scholengemeenschap te Breda. Daarna studeerde hij wiskunde, algemene taalwetenschap en Afrikaanse taalkunde te Leiden. In 1983 behaalde hij het doctoraalexamen wiskunde met als bijvakken creolistiek en algemene taalwetenschap en in 1984 het doctoraalexamen Afrikaanse taalkunde met als bijvakken creolistiek en algemene taalwetenschap. Van 1983 to 1985 was hij werkzaam als docent wiskunde en van 1985 tot 1987 als wetenschappelijk assistent en computer-assistent in dienst van de Rijksuniversiteit te Leiden en verbonden aan de vakgroep Afrikaanse Taalkunde. Van 1987 tot 1990 was hij in dienst van WOTRO jNWO. Hij verrichtte driemaal veldwerk in Tanzania.