Comp. by: M.Sivaraman Stage: Proof Chapter No.: FrontMatter Date:14/4/22 Time:01:04:55 Page Number: 3 Title Name: Etlin THE CAMBRIDGE GUIDE to the ARCHITECTURE of CHRISTIANITY Volume 1 a General Editor R I C H A R D A. E T L I N University of Maryland, College Park Associate Editors ANN MARIE YASIN University of Southern California STEPHEN MURRAY Columbia University Comp. by: M.Sivaraman Stage: Proof Chapter No.: FrontMatter Date:14/4/22 Time:01:04:55 Page Number: 4 Title Name: Etlin University Printing House, Cambridge CB 2 8BS , United Kingdom One Liberty Plaza, 20th Floor, New York, NY 10006, USA 477 Williamstown Road, Port Melbourne, VIC 3207, Australia 314–321, 3rd Floor, Plot 3, Splendor Forum, Jasola District Centre, New Delhi – 110025, India 103 Penang Road, #05-06/07, Visioncrest Commercial, Singapore 238467 Cambridge University Press is part of the University of Cambridge. It furthers the University’s mission by disseminating knowledge in the pursuit of education, learning, and research at the highest international levels of excellence. www.cambridge.org Information on this title: www.cambridge.org/9781108558914 DOI : 10.1017/9781108917124 © Cambridge University Press 2022 This publication is in copyright. Subject to statutory exception and to the provisions of relevant collective licensing agreements, no reproduction of any part may take place without the written permission of Cambridge University Press. First published 2022 Printed in the United Kingdom by TJ Books Limited, Padstow Cornwall A catalogue record for this publication is available from the British Library. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data NAMES : Etlin, Richard A., editor. TITLE : The Cambridge guide to the architecture of Christianity / edited by Richard A. Etlin, University of Maryland, College Park. DESCRIPTION : Cambridge ; New York, NY : Cambridge University Press, 2020. | Includes bibliographical references and index. IDENTIFIERS : LCCN 2019043470 (print) | LCCN 2019043471 (ebook) | ISBN 9781108471510 (hardback) | ISBN 9781108456470 (paperback) | ISBN 9781108558914 (epub) SUBJECTS : LCSH : Church architecture. CLASSIFICATION : LCC NA 4800 .C 36 2020 (print) | LCC NA 4800 (ebook) | DDC 726.5–dc23 LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2019043470 LC ebook record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2019043471 ISBN - 2 Volume Set 978-1-108-47151-0 ISBN - Volume I 978-1-108-83139-0 Hardback ISBN - Volume II 978-1-108-83140-6 Hardback Additional resources for this publication under RESOURCES at www.cambridge.org/Etlin-CGACwebimages Cambridge University Press has no responsibility for the persistence or accuracy of URLs for external or third-party internet websites referred to in this publication and does not guarantee that any content on such websites is, or will remain, accurate or appropriate. Comp. by: M.Sivaraman Stage: Proof Chapter No.: FrontMatter Date:14/4/22 Time:01:04:55 Page Number: 1 Title Name: Etlin THE CAMBRIDGE GUIDE TO THE ARCHITECTURE OF CHRISTIANITY Volume 1 The Cambridge Guide to the Architecture of Christianity offers a wide-ranging overview of one of the most important genres of Western architecture, from its origins in the Early Christian era to the present day. Including 103 essays, specially commissioned for this volume and written by an international team of scholars, these two volumes examine a range of themes and issues, including religious building types, siting, regional traditions, ornament, and structure. They also explore how designers and builders responded to the spiritual needs and cult practices of Christianity as they developed and evolved over the centuries. The publication is richly illustrated with 588 halftones and 70 color plates. 856 additional images, nearly all in color, are available under RESOURCES at www.cambridge.org/Etlin-CGAC-webimages and are keyed into the text. The most comprehensive and up-to date reference work on this topic, The Cambridge Guide to the Architecture of Christianity will serve as a primary reference resource for scholars, practitioners, and students. RICHARD A . ETLIN is a Distinguished University Professor Emeritus at the School of Architecture, Planning and Preservation of the University of Maryland. His books include In Defense of Humanism: Value in the Arts and Letters (1996); Symbolic Space: French Enlightenment Architecture and Its Legacy (1994) – winner of an International Architecture Book Award from the American Institute of Architects; Frank Lloyd Wright and Le Corbusier: The Romantic Legacy (1994); Modernism in Italian Architecture, 1890–1940 – winner of the 1992 Alice Davis Hitchcock Award from the Society of Architectural Historians, an International Architecture Book Award from the American Institute of Architects, and the 1991 Most Outstanding Book in Architecture and Urban Planning from the Professional and Scholarly Publishing Division, Association of American Publishers, Inc.; and The Architecture of Death: The Transformation of the Cemetery in Eighteenth-Century Paris (1984). He is also the editor of Art, Culture and Media under the Third Reich (2002) and Nationalism in the Visual Arts (1991). Etlin has held fellowships from the John Simon Guggenheim Foundation, the National Endowment for the Arts, the National Endowment for the Humanities, the National Gallery of Art, Dumbarton Oaks, the American Academy in Rome, and Magdalene College, University of Cambridge. Comp. by: M.Sivaraman Stage: Proof Chapter No.: FrontMatter Date:14/4/22 Time:01:04:55 Page Number: 5 Title Name: Etlin CONTENTS Editors’ Biographies page vii List of Contributors to Volume 1 viii Preface, Richard A. Etlin, General Editor xi Additional illustrations, identified in the text as (W-Fig.), can be found under RESOURCES at www.cambridge.org/Etlin-CGAC-webimages PART I EARLY CHRISTIAN AND BYZANTINE ARCHITECTURE Ann Marie Yasin, Associate Editor 1. Early Christian Pilgrimage and Sacred Landscapes 3 Veronica della Dora 2. Domestic Architecture and Christian Worship in Late Antiquity 14 Kim Bowes 3. Sacred Space and Sensory Experience in Late Antique Churches 23 Béatrice Caseau 4. The Conversion of Pagan Temples into Churches in the Late Antique East 33 Helen Saradi 5. Early Christian Monasteries 40 Beat Brenk 6. Early Christian Baptisteries 56 William R. Caraher 7. The Early Christian Churches of Palestine and Arabia 61 Yoram Tsafrir 8. Sacred Space in Late Antique and Coptic Egypt 68 Thelma K. Thomas 9. Armenian Churches of the Seventh Century 80 Christina Maranci 10. Typology and Scale in Byzantine Church Architecture 88 Robert Ousterhout 11. Byzantine Builders: Their Crafts and Materials 94 Robert Ousterhout 12. Rite and Passage in the Medieval Byzantine Church 106 Sharon E. J. Gerstel 13. Ritual and Authority in Hagia Sophia 121 Cecily J. Hilsdale 14. The Byzantine Church beyond the Liturgy 129 Vasileios Marinis 15. Aesthetics and Illumination of Byzantine Church Architecture 138 Liz James 16. Ekphrasis and Symbolism in Church Architecture 143 Richard Kieckhefer 17. Place, Time, and Text in the Monumental Decoration of the Middle Byzantine Church 149 Charles Barber 18. Religion in the Byzantine Countryside 159 Kostis Kourelis 19. Patronage of Byzantine Churches and Monasteries 166 Alice-Mary Talbot 20. Byzantine Architecture and the Monastic Experience 176 Nikolas Bakirtzis 21. Burials and Funerary Chapels in Byzantium 185 Sarah T. Brooks 22. The Architectural Setting of Pilgrimage in the Byzantine World: Learning from Cyprus 192 Tassos Papacostas 23. Cultural Conflict and Cultural Synergies: Crusaders, Colonists, and Byzantine Churches 202 Maria Georgopoulou 24. Islamicizing Motifs in Middle Byzantine Church Decoration 214 Alicia Walker 25. Symbolism and Ornament on Byzantine Church Exteriors, 900–1500 219 Jelena Trkulja 26. Early Christian Georgian Churches 225 Antony Eastmond 27. Medieval Religious Architecture in the Balkans 231 Jelena Bogdanović 28. Byzantine Architecture in Italy 245 Marina Falla Castelfranchi and William Tronzo v Comp. by: M.Sivaraman Stage: Proof Chapter No.: FrontMatter Date:14/4/22 Time:01:04:56 Page Number: 6 vi Title Name: Etlin CONTENTS PART II MEDIEVAL CHRISTIAN ARCHITECTURE Stephen Murray, Associate Editor 29. The Legacy of the City of Rome to Christian Architecture 257 Caroline Goodson 30. East and West in the Early Middle Ages: Josef Strzygowski and the Orient oder Rom Controversy 268 Christina Maranci 31. Basilicas and Centralized Churches in the Early Middle Ages 272 Caroline Goodson 32. Religious Architecture in Gaul in the Early Middle Ages 283 Charles B. McClendon 33. Monastic Christian Architecture 292 Sheila Bonde and Clark Maines 34. Carolingian Architecture 301 Jenny H. Shaffer 35. Liturgy and Architecture in the Middle Ages 313 Allan Doig 36. Christian Pilgrimage and Medieval Architecture 322 Paula Gerson 37. Anglo-Saxon Church Architecture 334 T. A. Heslop 38. The Year 1000 and the Promise of a New Millennium through the “White Mantle of Churches” 340 Stephen G. Nichols 39. The Notion of Romanesque 347 Walter Cahn 40. Romanesque Architecture in its Regional Manifestations 355 Janice Mann 41. Early Gothic Architecture 365 Arnaud Timbert 42. Gothic and the Medieval Quadrivium 373 Stefaan Van Liefferinge 43. The Architectural Metaphor in Western Medieval Artistic Culture: From the Cornerstone to The Mystic Ark 380 Conrad Rudolph 44. High Gothic Architecture in France, 1190–1240 391 Michael T. Davis 45. Gothic Structure 400 Andrew Tallon 46. The Sainte-Chapelle and Paris as the Heavenly Jerusalem 411 Meredith Cohen 47. Liturgical Furnishings and Material Splendor in the Gothic Church 420 Jacqueline E. Jung 48. Regional Gothic in Burgundy 434 Alexandra Gajewski 49. Gothic Church Building in England 445 Jeffrey A. K. Miller 50. Italian Architecture in the High Middle Ages 456 Caroline Bruzelius 51. Spanish Medieval Architecture: European Currents and Regional Solutions on the Fringe of the Christian World 467 Henrik Karge 52. Shared Sacred Spaces in the Holy Land 489 Kathryn Blair Moore 53. Late Gothic Architecture 495 Linda Elaine Neagley 54. Gothic Architecture and the Autumn of the Middle Ages 506 Ethan Matt Kavaler 55. Gothic Towers and Spires 517 Robert Bork 56. Microarchitecture in the Medieval West, 800–1550 528 Achim Timmermann 57. Numeric Symbolism in the Medieval Cathedral and City 537 M. Jordan Love 58. Gargoyles 544 Gerald B. Guest 59. Wall Painting and Sacred Space in Medieval Churches 549 Matthew M. Reeve 60. Nature and Gothic Architecture 560 Jean A. Givens 61. Reception of Gothic and Romanesque Architecture in the Nineteenth and Early Twentieth Centuries 565 Kathleen Curran Comp. by: M.Sivaraman Stage: Proof Chapter No.: FrontMatter Date:14/4/22 Time:01:04:56 Page Number: 7 Title Name: Etlin EDITORS’ BIOGRAPHIES G EN E RA L ED I T O R Transformation of the Cemetery in Eighteenth-Century Paris (1984). He is the editor of Art, Culture and Media under the Third Reich (2002) and Nationalism in the Visual Arts (1991). From 1994 through 2006, he was the editor of the Cambridge University Press monograph series “Modern Architecture and Cultural Identity,” which published nine books: one won an Alice Davis Hitchcock Award from the Society of Architectural Historians; another won a Historians of British Art Book Award; and a third was a Choice Outstanding Book of the Year. He has held Fulbright Fellowships for France and Italy. Other fellowships include a Guggenheim, National Endowment for the Arts, National Endowment for the Humanities, National Gallery of Art, Dumbarton Oaks, American Academy in Rome, and a Visiting Fellowship at Magdalene College, University of Cambridge. Richard A. Etlin is a Distinguished University Professor Emeritus at the School of Architecture, Planning and Preservation of the University of Maryland. His books include In Defense of Humanism: Value in the Arts and Letters (1996); Symbolic Space: French Enlightenment Architecture and Its Legacy (1994) – winner of an International Architecture Book Award from the American Institute of Architects; Frank Lloyd Wright and Le Corbusier: The Romantic Legacy (1994); Modernism in Italian Architecture, 1890–1940 (1991) – winner of the 1992 Alice Davis Hitchcock Award from the Society of Architectural Historians, an International Architecture Book Award from the American Institute of Architects, and the 1991 Most Outstanding Book in Architecture and Urban Planning from the Professional and Scholarly Publishing Division, Association of American Publishers, Inc.; and The Architecture of Death: The ASSOCIATE EDITORS Keble College, Oxford and the Courtauld Institute of Art, University of London. His teaching career spanned five decades: he held positions at Indiana University (where he was the founding director of the School of Fine Arts), Harvard University, and, from 1986 to 2017, Columbia University. His field of teaching included Romanesque and Gothic art, particularly involving the integrated understanding of art and architecture within a broader framework of economic and cultural history. His publications include books on the cathedrals of Amiens, Beauvais, and Troyes, as well as a book on medieval preaching. His most recent book, Plotting Gothic, was published in 2015. At Columbia University he established and directed the Media Center for Art History (1993–2003) and served as Departmental Chair (1997–2000). Working with the Media Center and with the support of the Mellon Foundation he established an ambitious interactive database of French cathedrals: www.mappinggothic.org. He is currently working on a new book, Life of a Gothic Cathedral: Notre-Dame of Amiens with an accompanying website: www.learn.columbia.edu/amiens. Early Christian and Byzantine Architecture Ann Marie Yasin is Associate Professor of Art History and Classics at the University of Southern California, specializing in the art and architecture of the Roman and late antique Mediterranean. Her first book, Saints and Church Spaces in the Late Antique Mediterranean: Architecture, Cult, and Community, was published in 2009, and her recent publications include studies of monumental arches and pilgrimage movement, architectural memory, materiality of devotional graffiti, and the contexts of relic depositions. Her current research addresses questions of architectural restoration and temporality in the Roman and late antique periods. She has held fellowships from the American Academy in Rome, Dumbarton Oaks, and the American Council of Learned Societies. Medieval Christian Architecture Stephen Murray is the Lisa and Bernard Selz Professor Emeritus of Medieval Art at Columbia University. He was educated at vii Comp. by: M.Sivaraman Stage: Proof Chapter No.: FrontMatter Date:14/4/22 Time:01:04:56 Page Number: 8 Title Name: Etlin CONTRIBUTORS TO VOLUME 1 Caroline Goodson, University Senior Lecturer in Early Medieval History, Faculty of History, and Fellow of King’s College, University of Cambridge Gerald B. Guest, Professor and Department Chair, Department of Art History and Humanities, John Carroll University T. A. Heslop, Professor of Visual Arts Emeritus, University of East Anglia, Norwich Cecily J. Hilsdale, Associate Professor, Department of Art History and Communication Studies, McGill University Liz James, Professor, Department of Art History, University of Sussex Jacqueline E. Jung, Associate Professor, Department of History of Art, Yale University Henrik Karge, Professor, Institut für Kunst- und Musikwissenschaft, Technische Universität Dresden Ethan Matt Kavaler, Professor, Department of Art, University of Toronto; Director, Centre for Reformation and Renaissance Studies, Victoria College in the University of Toronto Richard Kieckhefer, Professor, Department of Religious Studies, Northwestern University Kostis Kourelis, Associate Professor of Art History, Department of Art and Art History, Franklin and Marshall College M. Jordan Love, Carol R. Angle Academic Curator, The Fralin Museum of Art, University of Virginia Clark Maines, Kenan Professor Emeritus of the Humanities, Professor of Art History, Professor of Archaeology, Wesleyan University Janice Mann, Associate Professor of Art History, Department of Art and Art History, Bucknell University Christina Maranci, Arthur H. Dadian and Ara Oztemel Professor of Armenian Art and Architecture, Department of Art and Art History, Tufts University Vasileios Marinis, Associate Professor, Institute of Sacred Music, Yale University Charles B. McClendon, Sidney and Ellen Wien Professor in the History of Art, Brandeis University Jeffrey A. K. Miller, Independent Scholar Kathryn Blair Moore, Assistant Professor of Art History, School of Fine Arts, University of Connecticut Linda Elaine Neagley, Associate Professor of Art History, Rice University Stephen G. Nichols, The James M. Beall Professor Emeritus of French and Humanities, Johns Hopkins University Robert Ousterhout, Professor Emeritus, History of Art Department, University of Pennsylvania Tassos Papacostas, Senior Lecturer in Byzantine Material Culture, Department of Classics, King’s College London Matthew M. Reeve, Associate Professor and Queen’s National Scholar, Department of Art History and Art Conservation, Queen’s University at Kingston Nikolas Bakirtzis, Associate Professor, The Cyprus Institute, Nicosia Charles Barber, Professor, Department of Art and Archaeology, Princeton University Sheila Bonde, Professor of History of Art and Architecture, Professor of Archaeology Brown University Jelena Bogdanović, Associate Professor, Department of History of Art and Architecture, Vanderbilt University Robert Bork, Professor, School of Art and Art History, the University of Iowa Kim Bowes, Associate Professor, Department of Classical Studies, University of Pennsylvania Beat Brenk, Professor Emeritus, Università di Roma 1 “La Sapienza,” and Kunsthistorisches Seminar, University of Basel Sarah T. Brooks, Associate Professor of Art History, James Madison University Caroline Bruzelius, The Anne M. Cogan Professor of Art History Emerita, Department of Art, Art History and Visual Studies, Duke University Walter Cahn (deceased), Carnegie Professor of the History of Art Emeritus, Department of the History of Art, Yale University William R. Caraher, Associate Professor, Department of History, University of North Dakota Béatrice Caseau, Professor of Byzantine History, Sorbonne University, and director of the research cluster Labex RESMED (Religions and Society in the Mediterranean) Meredith Cohen, Associate Professor, Department of Art History, University of California at Los Angeles Kathleen Curran, Professor of Fine Arts, Trinity College, Hartford Michael T. Davis, Professor of Art History and Architectural Studies, Mount Holyoke College Veronica della Dora, Professor of Human Geography, Department of Geography, Royal Holloway, University of London Allan Doig, Emeritus Fellow, Lady Margaret Hall, Oxford University Antony Eastmond, A.G. Leventis Professor of Byzantine Art History, Courtauld Institute of Art, University of London Marina Falla Castelfranchi, Professore Ordinario, Storia dell’arte medievale e bizantina, Dipartimento di Beni Culturali, Università del Salento Alexandra Gajewski, Reviews Editor, The Burlington Magazine Maria Georgopoulou, Director, The Gennadius Library, The American School of Classical Studies at Athens Paula Gerson, Professor Emerita, Department of Art History, Florida State University Sharon E. J. Gerstel, Professor, Department of Art History, University of California, Los Angeles Jean A. Givens, Professor Emerita, Department of Art and Art History, University of Connecticut viii Comp. by: M.Sivaraman Stage: Proof Chapter No.: FrontMatter Date:14/4/22 Time:01:04:56 Page Number: 9 Title Name: Etlin LIST OF CONTRIBUTORS Conrad Rudolph, Distinguished Professor, Department of the History of Art, University of California, Riverside Helen Saradi, Professor (retired), Department of History, Archaeology and Cultural Resources Management, University of the Peloponnese Jenny H. Shaffer, Adjunct Associate Professor, Division of Applied Undergraduate Studies, New York University School of Professional Studies Alice-Mary Talbot, Director Emerita of Byzantine Studies, Dumbarton Oaks: Harvard University Andrew Tallon (deceased), Associate Professor, Department of Art, Vassar College Thelma K. Thomas, Associate Professor, Institute of Fine Arts, New York University ix Arnaud Timbert, Professeur des universités, Université de Picardie Jules-Verne, Membre du Laboratoire TrAme EA4284 Achim Timmermann, Associate Professor of Art History, University of Michigan Jelena Trkulja, Director of Education, Qatar Museums William Tronzo, Teaching Professor, Visual Arts Department, University of California, San Diego Yoram Tsafrir (deceased), Professor Emeritus, Institute of Archaeology, Hebrew University of Jerusalem Stefaan Van Liefferinge, Associate Research Scholar and Director of the Media Center for Art History, Columbia University Alicia Walker, Associate Professor, Department of History of Art, Bryn Mawr College Comp. by: Pradeep Kumar K Stage: Revises1 Chapter No.: 52 Date:14/4/22 Time:14:39:05 Page Number: 489 Title Name: Etlin Chapter 52 SHARED SACRED SPACES IN THE HOLY LAND Kathryn Blair Moore conquering Jerusalem; the crypt containing her tomb still exists (W-Figs. 52.6–52.8), although the church above, thought to have first been built during the reign of the emperor Theodosius I (379–95) and substantially rebuilt during the Latin kingdom of Jerusalem (1099–1187), had disappeared by the thirteenth century.6 By the early tenth century, Muslim pilgrims also visited a subterranean space in the southeast part of the Temple Mount (W-Fig. 52.9) that was referred to as the Mihrab Maryam (Room of Mary).7 The shrine was identified with the Quranic account of Mary’s retreat into the Temple, in a room that also became associated with the cradle from which Jesus spoke miraculously as an infant.8 The pilgrimage to the Mihrab Maryam (Room of Mary) may have been encouraged in order to provide a purely Islamic context for the worship of the Virgin Mary within the confines of the Temple Mount; already in the eighth century some writers specify that Muslims should not go to the Church of Mary in Jerusalem.9 The same traditions also state that Muslims should not worship at the two pillars in the Church of the Ascension on the Mount of Olives (Fig. 52.2, W-Fig. 52.10). The church at the site of Christ’s Ascension had been constructed by 392 but was later destroyed and rebuilt in the beginning of the twelfth century; these two pillars, which are no longer extant, were believed to stand in memory of the two men of Galilee described in Acts (1.2) and were identified by Muslim scholars as idols.10 Worship in the church itself was not admonished. In addition to Christ’s Ascension – commemorated by a pair of footprints – Muslims associated the Mount of Olives with the Latter Days, as the place where mankind will assemble when a bridge will be thrown across the Valley of Josaphat to the Temple Mount.11 In 1188, the Church of the Ascension was formally converted into a mosque, but Christian worshippers were allowed to visit as well. In the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, some Christian pilgrims who visited the building reported that one of the footprints had been taken to the nearby Dome of the Rock (c. 691–2) (Fig. 34.2, W-Figs. 52.11–52.12).12 In contrast to the Ascension of Christ, the Crucifixion and Resurrection were refuted in the Quran.13 The Church of the Holy Sepulcher, constructed by Constantine in the fourth century to memorialize the sites of both events, embodied the central doctrinal disagreements of Islam and Christianity. There is no evidence of Muslims worshipping inside the church until the development of a spectacular annual ritual, first recorded in the ninth century, in which the Holy Spirit From the conquest of 637 through the present day, Jerusalem has been almost continuously under Islamic rule but has remained a center for Christian worship. Some of the churches founded in the fourth century to memorialize the major events in the lives of Christ and Mary in Jerusalem as well as Bethlehem and Nazareth also came to serve Muslim worshippers. In the period of the Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem (1099–1291), mosques were converted to churches but sometimes continued to serve Muslim worshippers simultaneously, further blurring the boundaries between Christian and Islamic sacred spaces the Holy Land. Under the Mamluk administration, which ruled from Cairo from 1250 to 1517, the sharing of key sanctuaries became regulated and normalized. The most important instances of shared sacred spaces primarily resulted from common reverence for the Virgin Mary, as at the Church of the Nativity in Bethlehem (consecrated 339)1 (W-Figs. 52.1–52.3) and the Church of the Annunciation, which probably existed from the time of Constantine (r. 306–37).2 By the eleventh and twelfth centuries, some Marian shrines beyond the scope of centralized authority functioned as truly hybrid sacred spaces, where Muslim and Christian worshippers not only converged but also participated in the same cultic practices, as at the Convent of Our Lady of Saydnaya near Damascus (begun 547) and the Chapel of the Virgin (no longer extant) at al-Matariyya outside of Cairo, a site associated with the Holy Family’s flight into Egypt since at least the seventh century.3 Contrary to this trend, the central shrines of each religion, the Temple Mount (W-Fig. 52.4) and the Church of the Holy Sepulcher (dedicated 335, destroyed 1009, and reconsecrated 1149) (Plate 21, Figs 23.6–23.7, 52.1, W-Fig. 52.5) remained rigidly and exclusively Islamic and Christian respectively; the sacred spaces shared by Muslims and Christians in the Holy Land were physically and ideologically located at the periphery. During the Islamic conquests of the 630s and 640s, it had been standard practice for part of a church to be used as a mosque. This practice was later perceived as a justification for Muslim worship in any church. For instance, Ibn Qayyim alJawziyya (d. 1350) cited two reasons for permitting prayer in churches: the prophet had prayed in churches, and churches and monasteries are Muslim property, having become so following conquest.4 Marian churches seem to have been especially popular among Muslim worshippers because of her status as the virgin mother of the prophet Jesus and as an exemplar of chastity and virtue.5 An eighth-century tradition relates that the caliph ‘Umar (d. 644) had prayed at the Tomb of Mary after 489 Comp. by: Pradeep Kumar K Stage: Revises1 Chapter No.: 52 Date:14/4/22 Time:14:39:05 Page Number: 490 490 Title Name: Etlin KATHRYN BLAIR MOORE Fig. 52.1 Church of the Holy Sepulcher, Jerusalem, consecrated 1149 with vaulting over the nave reconstructed in the twentieth century. (Photo: Kathryn Blair Moore) represented by a fire (produced by striking flint) appeared to descend into the Tomb of Christ. According to some accounts, Muslims were not only curious spectators, but sometimes also actively participated in the ritual, praying with Christians for the fire to come.14 Other Muslim writers argued that the spectacle was a trick; such argumentation was part of a larger tendency to deride the Christian belief in the Crucifixion and Resurrection. This derision was most often expressed in a pun first recorded in the tenth century that rendered the name for the church as the “Church of the Dung Hill” (Bayat al-Kumamah) instead of Church of the Resurrection” (Bayat al-Kayamah).15 The destruction of the Church of the Holy Sepulcher in 1009 as ordered by the Fatimid caliph al-Hakim (d. 1021) may have been a response to the Muslim interest in the Miracle of the Easter Fire.16 The ultimate consequence of this transgression was the declaration of the First Crusade by Pope Urban II at Clermont in 1095.17 In 1099, the Christian Crusaders captured Jerusalem and made it the capital of the Latin kingdom. The Dome of the Rock (W-Figs. 52.11–52.12), the Aqsa Mosque (c. 705) (W-Figs. 52.13–52.14), and the Mihrab Maryam (Room of Mary) were appropriated as exclusively Christian sanctuaries.18 Mosques throughout Palestine were converted into churches, often with minimal physical alteration. Beyond the Temple Mount, which remained the primary symbol of both the possession of Jerusalem and of the rightful inheritance of the Old Testament traditions associated with the site, some of the converted sanctuaries permitted Islamic worship.19 For instance, the principal mosque of Acre became a church in 1104, but a portion of the building containing a mihrab associated with the nearby tomb of the prophet Salih accommodated Muslims.20 The church was destroyed in 1291, and in the seventeenth century the Ottoman traveler Evliya Çelebi describes the shrine of the prophet of Salih amidst the ruins of the city.21 While Acre would remain in the hands of the Frankish Crusaders until 1291, Jerusalem was retaken by the Ayyubid sultan Saladin (r. 1174–93) in 1187, and the sanctuaries on the Temple Mount again became exclusively Islamic places of worship, as they would remain almost continuously through the present day. Beyond the Temple Mount, there is evidence that the sharing of certain sacred spaces had become normalized and expected. In the treaty of 1229 signed by the Holy Roman Emperor Frederick II (d. 1250) and the Ayyubid sultan al- Comp. by: Pradeep Kumar K Stage: Revises1 Chapter No.: 52 Date:14/4/22 Time:14:39:05 Page Number: 491 Title Name: Etlin SHARED SACRED SPACES IN THE HOLY LAND Fig. 52.2 Church of the Ascension, Jerusalem, early twelfth century. (Photo: Kathryn Blair Moore) Kamil (d. 1238), which temporarily restored parts of Jerusalem, Bethlehem, and Nazareth to the Latin kingdom of Jerusalem, it was stipulated that Muslims have continual access to the Church of the Nativity in Bethlehem (W-Figs. 52.1–52.3).22 Like Christian pilgrims, Muslims visited the Cave of the Nativity under the church, where Muhammad himself was said to have prayed during the course of his nocturnal journey.23 The Islamic veneration for the place of the birth of Jesus can account for the fact that this is the only pre-Islamic church in the Holy Land to have survived intact up to the present day. The church was originally consecrated in 339 but rebuilt in the sixth century after a fire.24 In the seventeenth century, there are accounts of the basilica functioning as an ad hoc pilgrimage hostel for Muslim pilgrims and of the Christian monks in residence providing them with food and firewood. It had also become common practice by this point for the Muslim religious leaders of Jerusalem to lead a mass pilgrimage to the cave.25 Meanwhile, the church remained under the combined control of various Christian communities; today it is shared by the Roman Catholic, Greek Orthodox, and Armenian Apostolic Churches, who all maintain monastic communities on the site.26 The treaty of 1229 also specified that while the sanctuaries on the Temple Mount would be under Islamic control, Christian worshippers must still be permitted to enter to pray.27 The sharing of the Dome of the Rock and the Aqsa Mosque remained an ideological impossibility and contributed to the failure of the agreement. The conversion of the two buildings into churches during the Latin kingdom of Jerusalem had galvanized the Muslim counter-crusade, culminating in 491 Saladin’s conquest of Jerusalem in 1187. The Christian use of both sanctuaries was characterized as a defilement that must be ended; under Saladin the entire Temple Mount was purified with rosewater, in order to cleanse the sanctuaries of the pollution of Christian worship.28 With the exception of the Temple Mount and the Church of the Holy Sepulcher, many sanctuaries continued to host both Christian and Muslim worshippers simultaneously after the restoration of Islamic rule. The different status of Christians was now registered through the levying of a tax on nonMuslims. This practice began in 1190 at the Church of the Holy Sepulcher and then was applied throughout the Holy Land, a lucrative system that was formalized by the Mamluk administration and continued by the Ottomans.29 In addition to the Tomb of Mary in Jerusalem (formerly the Church of Mary), Muslims controlled another major Marian shrine, the Cave of the Annunciation in Nazareth. A church on the site had been destroyed in 1263, and a treaty of 1272 required that Christian pilgrims be allowed access to the various shrines of Nazareth, although reconstruction of the church was forbidden.30 In Christian traditions, the cave was the House of the Virgin where Gabriel announced the coming birth of Jesus; the features of the cave included a window through which Gabriel was believed to have entered and the column that the Virgin was said to have grasped.31 In Islamic traditions, the cave was associated with the Quranic account of “an eastern place” (mashraqa) into which the Virgin withdrew in seclusion. Here an angel came to tell her that she would have a righteous son who would speak to mankind both while in the cradle and in manhood.32 The event of the conception itself seems to have been of particular interest, as suggested by a number of commentaries on the Quran; general consensus held that Gabriel came to Mary in the form of a handsome man and that she conceived when he blew in an opening of her shirt.33 Less orthodox views of the event are suggestive of the growing importance of Mary as represented by this event. The Sunni scholar al-Qurtubi (d. 1273) was among those who argued that Mary was in fact a prophet, to whom Gabriel revealed the coming birth of Jesus. Al-Qurtubi interpreted the event as a hermaphroditic conception triggered by Gabriel’s blowing on Mary, who unique among all women was created by God with some of the generative liquid otherwise only given to men.34 While Christian pilgrims were permitted to worship in the Cave of the Annunciation, the settlement of Franciscan friars in the vicinity met with difficulties. Franciscans established a friary in the mid-fourteenth century shortly after being declared the official custodians of the Holy Land on behalf of the popes in 1342, but they were occasionally expelled or harassed.35 In 1620 the Franciscans were permitted to construct a small structure over the cave and enlargements were made in both the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. The resulting structures were demolished to make way for construction of a new church in 1969, according to the designs of Giovanni Muzio. Today the sanctuary remains under the control of the Franciscan Custody of the Holy Land.36 The Franciscan attempts to appropriate the site of the Annunciation on behalf of the Western Church related to claims Comp. by: Pradeep Kumar K Stage: Revises1 Chapter No.: 52 Date:14/4/22 Time:14:39:05 Page Number: 492 492 Title Name: Etlin KATHRYN BLAIR MOORE made by Italian theologians that the House of the Virgin in Nazareth had been miraculously translated to Loreto. In the second half of the fifteenth century, the chapel that had housed a miracle-working image of the Virgin since the twelfth century was identified as the actual Holy House of the Virgin, miraculously translated intact from Nazareth to its new home in the Italian town of Loreto. Although graffiti in Greek and Hebrew on the stones indicates that the chapel may have originally been constructed with materials brought back by pilgrims from Nazareth, the first indications that the entire chapel was believed to be equivalent to the house of the Virgin are recorded in two treatises written around 1470.37 According to these two treatises, the Holy House remained in Nazareth until the conversion of the local population to Islam, when it was carried by angels across the sea to a series of places, finally landing in Loreto in 1295 (a story that the Franciscans refuted).38 A new basilica was begun in 1469 to enclose the existing chapel, and construction continued as new calls for a Crusade to retake the Holy Land were made.39 This is a unique and unparalleled instance of a symbolic appropriation of one of the sacred spaces of the Holy Land on behalf of Western Christianity, which in an imaginative leap literally freed the House of the Virgin from Islamic control. In the sixteenth century, the history of the Holy House of the Virgin was engraved into tablets on the walls of the new basilica in Loreto in eight languages, including Arabic.40 In addition to pilgrims who would have witnessed Muslim worship in Marian shrines in the Holy Land, many Christian writers appear to have understood the Quranic basis for the Islamic reverence of the Virgin, as well as Jesus.41 At the Tomb of Mary in Jerusalem, several Christian pilgrims recorded that they had witnessed the Islamic reverence for the Virgin Mary.42 Although the Church of Mary had been destroyed and rebuilt several times, the subterranean chapel continually accommodated Muslims and Christians who came to worship at the Tomb of Mary (W-Figs. 52.6–52.8).43 The Franciscan Fra Niccolò da Poggibonsi, for instance, described the presence of Muslim worshippers when he visited the tomb in 1347; he noted that while “at the tomb they made great reverence,” in the Mass they have no faith.44 The Muslim prayer rituals practiced at the Tomb of Mary are recorded in Christian pilgrimage accounts through the end of the nineteenth century.45 Despite evidence of spatial convergence and a perception of shared sanctity in certain sacred spaces in the Holy Land, there is little evidence for Muslim and Christian worshippers sharing a cultic practice. Rather than being syncretistic, these instances could be characterized as competitive sharing, whereby one group’s passive tolerance of another in a single space can instead reinforce boundaries between those groups.46 There are two exceptional instances of shared practices involving miracle-working objects connected to Mary that occurred on the periphery of the Holy Land, beyond the boundaries of the Latin kingdom of Jerusalem and far from central powers.47 Outside of Damascus, a “fleshlike” icon of the Virgin emitted a liquid that would heal the sick, attracting both Muslim and Christian worshippers from at least the twelfth century, as it does today.48 The icon was housed in the Greek Convent of Our Lady of Saydnaya, said to have been founded in 547 by the emperor Justinian (r. 527–65).49 Outside of Cairo at alMatariyya, a fountain in which the Virgin had reportedly washed Christ’s clothes also attracted both Christian and Muslim pilgrims because of its perceived healing powers.50 Water dripped from the clothes and in that ground balsam sprung up; by the fourteenth century, the garden and fountain had been augmented by a chapel, none of which survives.51 Both Marian shrines were first described by a Christian pilgrim in the twelfth-century account of the ambassador of the Holy Roman Emperor Frederick I (r. 1155–90), Burchard of Strasbourg, who emphasized that Muslims and Christians prayed together at both shrines because of their common devotion for the Virgin Mary.52 At Saydnaya and al-Matariyya, a single space for Christian and Muslim worshippers became the setting for shared customs on the level of non-institutionalized, popular religion.53 These shrines literally manifested the space “inbetween the designations of identity” that make possible cultural hybridity.54 At the center of the Holy Land, in the sanctuaries that have come to symbolize the fundamental identities of Christianity and Islam – the Church of the Holy Sepulcher and the Temple Mount – such activities remained, as they do today, a theoretical impossibility. Galeazzo Alessi’s sixteenth-century project to construct the Temple of Solomon at the Sacro Monte of Varallo in Italy, which merged an octagonal ground plan with an inner rectangular hall based upon the proportions described in the Bible, reflects the continuing interest in appropriating the symbolic forms of the Temple Mount, including the Dome of the Rock, on behalf of Christianity.55 The persistent tendency on the part of Christians to misrepresent Islamic worship similarly indicates how wide the ideological gulf remained between the two religions, despite the sharing of sacred spaces throughout the Holy Land. Many Christians believed that Islamic worship on the Temple Mount revolved around an idol of Muhammad; this idol supposedly had been destroyed during the First Crusade, but Muslim idolatry was often said to continue in Mecca in relation to the Black Stone.56 As early as the twelfth century, many Christians believed that the primary goal of Islamic worship was at the Tomb of Muhammad in Mecca, described as composed of lodestone and floating midair due to use of magnets in the surrounding structure, suggesting a parody of Christ’s Resurrection and Ascension.57 This legend represented both the basic similarity of Islamic and Christian worship – itself focused on the Tomb of Christ – and the tendency to view Islam as a dangerous perversion of Christianity, just as Muhammad was often characterized as the Antichrist.58 The fundamental similarities of Christian and Islamic theology and pilgrimage practices, especially in relation to the Virgin Mary, were constantly reaffirmed in the experience of worshippers in shared sacred spaces throughout the Holy Land. At the same time, the ideological incompatibilities of the figures of Christ and Muhammad, and the correlating emphasis on difference and exclusivity in the related sanctuaries in Jerusalem, ultimately prevented such sharing at the ideological centers of each religion. Comp. by: Pradeep Kumar K Stage: Revises1 Chapter No.: 52 Date:14/4/22 Time:14:39:05 Page Number: 493 Title Name: Etlin SHARED SACRED SPACES IN THE HOLY LAND SUGGESTIONS FOR FURTHER READING: Albera, Dionigi, and Maria Couroucli, eds. Religions traversées: lieux saints partagés entre chrétiens, musulmans et juifs en Méditerranée (Arles: Actes Sud, 2009). Burgoyne, Michael H. Mamluk Jerusalem: An Architectural Study (London: Scorpion Publishing, 1987). Elad, Amikam. Medieval Jerusalem and Islamic Worship: Holy Places, Ceremonies, Pilgrimage (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1995). Kedar, Benjamin. “Convergences of Oriental Christian, Muslim and Frankish Worshippers: The Case of Saydnaya and the Knights Templar,” in De Sion exibit lex et verbum domini de Hierusalem: Essays on Medieval Law, Liturgy, and Literature in Honour of Amnon Linder, ed. Yitzhak Hen (Turnhout: Brepols, 2001), 59–69. Peri, Oded. Christianity Under Islam in Jerusalem: The Question of the Holy Sites in Early Ottoman Times (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 2001). Pringle, Denys. The Churches of the Crusader Kingdom of Jerusalem: A Corpus, with drawings by Peter E. Leach, 4 vols. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993–2009). NOTES Additional illustrations, identified in the text as (W-Fig.), can be found under Resources at www.cambridge.org/Etlin-CGAC-webimages. 1 Denys Pringle, The Churches of the Crusader Kingdom of Jerusalem: A Corpus, with drawings by Peter E. Leach, 4 vols. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993–2009), vol. 1: A–K (Excluding Acre and Jerusalem), 137. 2 Pringle, Churches of the Crusader Kingdom of Jerusalem, vol. 2: L–Z (Excluding Tyre), 116. 3 John Victor Tolan, L’Europe et le monde arabe au Moyen âge: cultures en conflit et en convergence (Rennes: Presses universitaires de Rennes, 2012), 96–108. 4 Amikam Elad, Medieval Jerusalem and Islamic Worship: Holy Places, Ceremonies, Pilgrimage (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1995), 138. 5 A. J. Wensick, “Maryam,” in Encyclopaedia of Islam, vol. 6 (Leiden, 1991 new ed.), 628–32. 6 Elad, Medieval Jerusalem, 138–9; Pringle, Churches of the Crusader Kingdom of Jerusalem, vol. 3: The City of Jerusalem, 287. 7 Priscilla Soucek, “The Temple after Solomon: The Role of Maryam Bint ‘Imram and her Mihrab,” in The Real and Ideal Jerusalem in Jewish, Christian, and Islamic Art: Studies in Honor of Bezalel Narkiss on the Occasion of His Seventieth Birthday, ed. Bianca Kühnel (Jerusalem: Hebrew University of Jerusalem, 1998), 34–41. Pringle, Churches of the Crusader Kingdom of Jerusalem, 3: 310–1. 8 Jane I. Smith and Yvonne Y. Haddad, “The Virgin Mary in Islamic Tradition and Commentary,” The Muslim World 79 (1989), 164 (161–87). 9 Elad, Medieval Jerusalem, 140. 10 Ibid., 139–40; Pringle, Churches of the Crusader Kingdom of Jerusalem, 3: 72. 11 Elad, Medieval Jerusalem, 141. 12 Pringle, Churches of the Crusader Kingdom of Jerusalem, 3: 75–7. 13 Neal Robinson, “Jesus,” in Encyclopedia of the Quran, 6 vols. (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 2001–6), 3: 7–20. 493 14 Benjamin Kedar, “Convergences of Oriental Christian, Muslim and Frankish Worshippers: The Case of Saydnaya and the Knights Templar,” in De Sion exibit lex et verbum domini de Hierusalem: Essays on Medieval Law, Liturgy, and Literature in Honour of Amnon Linder, ed. Yitzhak Hen (Turnhout: Brepols, 2001), 60 (59–69). See also Marius Canard, “La destruction de l’église de la Resurrection par le Calife Hakim et l’histoire de la descente du feu sacré,” Byzantion 25 (1965), 35–8. 15 Palestine under the Moslems: A Description of Syria and the Holy Land from A.D. 650 to 1500. Translated from the Works of the Mediaeval Arab Geographers by Guy Le Strange, trans. Guy Le Strange (London: A. P. Watt, 1890), 202. 16 Michael H. Burgoyne, Mamluk Jerusalem: An Architectural Study (London: Scorpion Publishing, 1987), 46. 17 Johan V. Tolan, Saracens: Islam in the Medieval European Imagination (New York: Columbia University Press, 2002), 105. 18 Pringle, Churches of the Crusader Kingdom of Jerusalem, 3: 311. 19 Oleg Grabar et al., The Shape of the Holy: Early Islamic Jerusalem (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1996). 20 Kedar, “Convergences,” 62. 21 Pringle, Churches of the Crusader Kingdom of Jerusalem, vol. 4: The Cities of Acre and Tyre, together with Addenda and Corrigenda to Vols. 1–3, 38. 22 Bernard Hamilton, “Our Lady of Saidnaya: An Orthodox Shrine revered by Muslims and Knights Templars at the Time of the Crusades,” in The Holy Land, Holy Lands, and Christian History, ed. R. N. Swanson (Woodbridge: Boydell Press, 2000), 210 (207–15). 23 Oded Peri, Christianity Under Islam in Jerusalem: The Question of the Holy Sites in Early Ottoman Times (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 2001), 70. 24 Pringle, Churches of the Crusader Kingdom of Jerusalem, 3: 137–9. 25 Peri, Christianity Under Islam in Jerusalem, 70, 82–3. 26 Bellarmino Bagatti, Gli antichi edifici sacri di Betlemme: in seguito agli scavi e restauri practicati dalla Custodia di Terra Santa (1948–51) (1952; Jerusalem: Franciscan Printing Press, 1983). 27 Burgoyne, Mamluk Jerusalem, 49. 28 Gülru Necipoğlu, “The Dome of the Rock as Palimpsest: ‘Abd al-Malik’s Grand Narrative and Sultan Suleyman’s Glosses,” Muqarnas 25 (2008), 56 (17–106). See also Carole Hillenbrand, The Crusades: Islamic Perspectives (New York: Routledge, 2000), 286–301. 29 Peri, Christianity Under Islam in Jerusalem, 161. 30 Pringle, Churches of the Crusader Kingdom of Jerusalem, 3: 117–8. 31 John Wilkinson, Jerusalem Pilgrims Before the Crusades (Warminster: Aris & Phillips, 2002), 111, 163–4; Niccolò da Poggibonsi, Alberto Bacchi della Lega, and Bellarmino Bagatti, A Voyage Beyond the Seas (1346–1350), trans. Eugene Hoade (Jerusalem: Franciscan Printing Press, 1945), 64–5. 32 Smith and Haddad, “The Virgin Mary in Islamic Tradition and Commentary,” 166. 33 Ibid., 167. 34 Ibid., 167, 178. 35 Bellarmino Bagatti, The Church from the Circumcision: History and Archaeology of the Judaeo-Christians (Jerusalem: Franciscan Printing Press, 1984), 14–15. 36 Pringle, Churches of the Crusader Kingdom of Jerusalem, 3: 123. 37 Alexander Nagel and Christopher Wood, Anachronic Renaissance (New York: Zone Books, 2010), 195–6, 203. Comp. by: Pradeep Kumar K Stage: Revises1 Chapter No.: 52 Date:14/4/22 Time:14:39:06 Page Number: 494 494 Title Name: Etlin KATHRYN BLAIR MOORE 38 Bernard Hamilton, “The Ottomans, the Humanists, and the Holy House of Loreto,” Renaissance and Modern Studies 31 (1987), 2–3 (1–19). 39 Norman Housley, “Holy Land or Holy Lands? Palestine and the Catholic West in the Late Middle Ages and Renaissance,” in The Holy Land, Holy Lands, and Christian History, ed. Swanson, 232–3 (228–49). 40 Godfrey E. Phillips, Loreto and the Holy House: Its History Drawn from Authentic Sources (London: R. & T. Washbourne, 1917), 104. 41 Norman Daniel, Islam and the West: The Making of an Image (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1960), 166–75. 42 Elad, Medieval Jerusalem, 139; P. A. Arce, “Culte Islamique au Tombeau de la Vierge,” in Atti del Congresso Assunzionistico Orientale, ed. A. Acre (Jerusalem: Tipografia dei Francescani, 1951), 183–5 (177–93). 43 Pringle, Churches of the Crusader Kingdom of Jerusalem, 3: 72–7, 288–95. 44 Poggibonsi et al., A Voyage Beyond the Seas, 43–4. 45 Arce, “Culte Islamique au Tombeau de la Vierge,” 185. 46 Robert Hayden, “Antagonistic Tolerance: Competitive Sharing of Religious Sites in South Asia and the Balkans,” Current Anthropology 43 (2002), 206 (205–31). 47 Daniel, Islam and the West, 203. 48 Poggibonsi et al., A Voyage Beyond the Seas, 78; Hamilton, “Our Lady of Saidnaya,” 207. 49 Kedar, “Convergences,” 63–4. 50 Ibid., 59–60. 51 Marcus Milwright, “The Balsam of Matariyya: An Exploration of a Medieval Panacea,” Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London 66 (2003), 204 (193–209). 52 Tolan, L’Europe latine e le monde arabe, 102–5. 53 Maria Couroucli, “Le partage des lieux saints comme traditions Méditerranéenne,” in Religions traversées: lieux saints partagés entre chrétiens, musulmans et juifs en Méditerranée, eds. Dionigi Albera and Maria Couroucli (Arles: Actes Sud, 2009), 21–5 (15–26); Ora Limor, “Sharing Sacred Space: Holy Places in Jerusalem Between Christianity, Judaism, and Islam,” in In Laudem Hierosolymitani: Studies in Crusades and Medieval Culture in Honour of Benjamin Z. Kedar, eds. Benjamin Z. Kedar et al. (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2007), 222–3 (219–32). 54 Homi K. Bhabha, The Location of Culture (London: Routledge, 1994), 4. 55 Kathryn Blair Moore, “Textual Transmission and Pictorial Transformations: The Post-Crusade Image of the Dome of the Rock in Italy,” Muqarnas 27 (2010), 63–6 (51–78). 56 Suzanne C. Akbari, Idols in the East: European Representations of Islam and the Orient, 1100–1450 (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2009), 204–5. 57 Ibid., 226. 58 Daniel, Islam and the West, 184–8.