Sin Sukju's Record on the Painting Collection of Prince Anpyeong and Early Joseon Antiquarianism

Sin Sukju’s Record on the Painting Collection of Prince Anpyeong and Early Joseon Antiquarianism burglind jungmann University of California, Los Angeles I n their book Streams and Mountains without End: A Northern Sung Handscroll and Its Significance in the History of Early Chinese Painting, published in 1967, Wen Fong and Sherman Lee commented on the famous handscroll Dream Journey to the Peach Blossom Land (Fig. 1), done in 1447 by the Joseon court painter An Gyeon (act. ca. 1440–ca. 1470) for his patron, Prince Anpyeong (1418–1453): ‘‘Such a retardataire art, whether Korean or Chinese, is difficult to place in time and were it not for the incontestable fifteenth century date, one might argue for a Northern Sung attribution.’’1 Their judgment clearly states that this scroll presents us with an instance of antiquarianism. Ahn Hwi-joon’s careful comparison of Dream Journey to the Peach Blossom Land with Guo Xi’s famous hanging scroll Early Spring (dated to 1072) quite obviously reinforces Wen Fong’s and Sherman Lee’s point.2 Even though one might argue that An Gyeon’s choice of perspective and his preference for a two-dimensional representation of mountain surfaces is owing to Yuan interpretations of the Song master Guo Xi’s oeuvre, the atmospheric rendering of spatial recession gives the painting overall a more antique air.3 In addition, the iconography of Dream Journey is based on the wellknown prose-poem Peach Blossom Spring by Tao Qian (aka Tao Yuanming, 365–427), which itself conveys the idea of a paradise-like physical and social space situated in the distant past. We may also, however, see An Gyeon’s work as an example—in fact, a visualization— not only of the patron’s personal taste, but, given the prince’s eminence among the political, social, and cultural elites of his time, also as a reflection of contemporaneous cultural trends.4 If so, shouldn’t we be able to find similar or related tendencies of antiquarianism in other 15th-century cultural and political contexts? In addition, another important question emerges: how can our own perspectives on Chinese painting history be modified by the predilections of the mid-15th-century Joseon cultural elite? An Gyeon’s Dream Journey to the Peach Blossom Land is closely linked to the important 15th-century Korean text Hwagi, written in 1445 by the powerful politician and scholar Sin Sukju (1417–1475). Hwagi, or Record on Painting, describes a painting collection owned by Prince Anpyeong, son of King Sejong (r. 1418–1450), in which about 86 percent of the works were Chinese. The connection between An Gyeon’s painting and Hwagi lies in the role Prince Anpyeong himself played. He acted as patron of the court painter and commissioned Dream Journey to the Peach Blossom Land. Further demonstrating their close relationship, An Gyeon is the only Korean painter mentioned in Hwagi, although a number of other highly regarded mid-15thcentury Joseon painters are well known from contemporaneous and later sources. Among them are the brothers Gang Hui’an (1419–1465) and Gang Huimaeng (1424– 1483), prominent scholar-officials and members of the prince’s circle.5 We also know that An Gyeon had access to Prince Anpyeong’s collection and was thus able to shape his antiquarian style after Song and Yuan originals. Prince Anpyeong’s collection contained 171 paintings and pieces of calligraphy credited to Chinese artists, the earliest being Gu Kaizhi (346–407).6 Sin Sukju lists thirty-three masters of the Tang, Song, and Yuan periods. The latest known master listed is Wang Mian (1287– 1359) who died a decade before the end of the Yuan. No contemporaneous mid-Ming master is mentioned. The collection emphasizes the Song (30 works by 6 painters, or 14 percent of the Chinese collection) and Yuan periods (129 works by 21 painters, or 74 percent). According to Sin Sukju, Prince Anpyeong owned seventeen works by Guo Xi (ca. 1010–1090) and twenty-six pieces of calligraphy and two bamboo paintings by Zhao Mengfu (1254–1322). Two otherwise unknown Yuan painters, Wang Gongyan, who excelled in flowerand-bird painting, and the landscape painter Li Bi, are as well represented as the two famous masters, with twenty-four paintings each. Prince Anpyeong’s Chinese painting collection thus included works by painters who are well known to us and by others who have been forgotten in China, and—just as interestingly—it does not represent some Chinese painters whom we nowadays consider important or even canonical. I should like to offer a few examples 108 ARCHIVES OF ASIAN ART Fig. 1. An Gyeon (act. ca. 1440–ca. 1472). Dream Journey to the Peach Blossom Land. Dated to 1447. Korea. Handscroll; ink and light color on silk; h. 38.7 cm, w. 106.1 cm. Tenri University Library, Nara, Japan. of each of these categories without claiming this to be a comprehensive analysis of the list of artists and works. A complete translation of Hwagi is given in the appendix.7 Sin Sukju’s Comments on Chinese Painters Represented in Prince Anpyeong’s Collection The three earliest Chinese painters included in Prince Anpyeong’s collection, Gu Kaizhi, Wu Daozi (act. ca. 710–760), and Wang Wei (701–761), are represented by rather general titles. A woodblock print of Water and Rocks by Gu is certainly more likely to have been extant in 15th-century Korea than any of his famous figure paintings. In fact, Sin Sukju acknowledges that this piece does not reflect the brilliance of his original paintings. He also alludes to famous beauties of Chinese antiquity, thereby divulging his awareness that Gu was more famous for his paintings of elegant ladies. It is doubtful that works by Wu Daozi and Wang Wei were extant in the 15th century. One of the two Buddhist paintings attributed to Wu Daozi, however, bore a eulogy by Su Shi (1036–1101), allowing the surmise that it was a copy after Wu produced some time before the 12th century.8 For the Five Dynasties and the Song period, information becomes more concrete. A particularly interesting example of a Song painting in the collection of Prince Anpyeong is Traveling on the River in Clearing Snow, credited to Guo Zhongshu (ca. 910–977), which, according to Sin Sukju, carried an inscription by Song Huizong (r. 1100–1126). Two scrolls of exactly the same title and associated with Guo Zhongshu are extant, and both of them bear inscriptions supposedly by Huizong; one is in the National Palace Museum in Taipei and the other in the Nelson-Atkins Museum of Art (Fig. 2). Kim Hongnam, who has analyzed Hwagi in relation to Chinese calligraphy, states that either of these scrolls could have been in Prince Anpyeong’s collection.9 The Taipei painting is generally accepted to be by Guo himself, but some doubt exists about its inscription, and experts suggest that it was added by Jin Zhangzong (r. 1190–1208), who modelled his calligraphy after Song Huizong’s.10 The Nelson-Atkins scroll is nowadays regarded as a 13th-century free copy of the Taipei painting, as some details, for instance in the rendering of figures and ropes, suggest that the painter did not understand the spatial dimensions well. The seals on this second scroll, however, prove that it was also transmitted through the Ming and Qing imperial collections. Since it is most likely that more such copies existed, a painting similar to these two handscrolls could have been in the collection of Prince Anpyeong.11 Unfortunately there is no evidence that any collection seal was used by the prince, and it is thus impossible to ‘‘reconstruct’’ his collection. In one possible scenario a Mongol princess carried one of multiple versions in her dowry when she married a Goryeo prince, and it was later acquired by Prince Anpyeong. More important than the question how a copy could have entered the prince’s collection, however, is to acknowledge that Sin Sukju’s comments—often quite specific— can be regarded as a fairly reliable source of information on Song and Yuan painters and paintings. Sin BURGLIND JUNGMANN  Sin Sukju’s Record of Prince Anpyeong & Early Joseon Antiquarianism 109 Fig. 2. Artist unknown. Towing Boats under Clearing Skies after Snow. Song Copy after Guo Zhongshu. China. Handscroll; ink on silk; h. 52.7 cm, w. 142.9 cm. The Nelson-Atkins Museum of Art, Kansas City, Missouri. Purchase of William Rockhill Nelson Trust. Acc. no. 31-135/33. characterizes Guo Zhongshu as ‘‘good at painting multistoried buildings, temple halls, terraces, and water pavilions. Everything is lofty, archaic, and extraordinary.’’ About this particular painting he further states, ‘‘Big barques are travelling side by side [carrying] people and freight. The precision and sophistication are unmatched.’’ This short but very precise description could apply to either of the two extant paintings. The Song painter best represented in Prince Anpyeong’s collection certainly was Guo Xi (ca. 1010–ca. 1090). Of the seventeen paintings mentioned under his name, most bear landscape titles that can be easily connected with his familiar oeuvre. Sin Sukju’s list also reflects the painter’s concern for seasonal scenery. Moreover, two scenes of a subject extremely popular in 15thand 16th-century Joseon painting, the Eight Views of Xiao and Xiang, were included: ‘‘Wild Geese Descending to a Shore’’ and ‘‘Evening Snow over River and Sky.’’ Since early Joseon renderings of this theme (in contrast to Chinese and Japanese versions) are all based on the Guo Xi tradition, the existence of these two scenes in Prince Anpyeong’s collection is of vital importance. It opens the possibility that, besides the wellknown Southern Song tradition of Xiao-Xiang landscapes, some Chinese painters might also have based their Xiao-Xiang paintings on Guo Xi’s compositions and style.12 Only Fighting Bulls, with which Sin Sukju ends his list of paintings by Guo Xi, comes as a surprise. Since the connection between Guo Xi’s style and that of An Gyeon and other 15th-century Joseon painters has been thoroughly investigated and is widely accepted, I need not go into further detail here.13 An interesting lesser-known artist is the Southern Song painter Xie Yuan. He does not appear in standard records of Chinese painting, but a few extant works suggest that he was active at the Southern Song court during the 13th century. Sin Sukju erroneously lists him, as he does the famous Ma Yuan (act. ca. 1190– ca. 1230), who was probably Xie’s contemporary, as active during the Yuan dynasty. He titles Xie’s painting Broken Branch of [Blossoming] Crabapple, and further comments: ‘‘It is exquisite, beautiful, and succinct, in imitation of Creation itself.’’14 A handscroll now in a private collection in Taipei may help us to picture it. Showing a Broken Branch of Blossoming Emerald Peach (Fig. 3), its detailed, natural, and realistic depiction of the branch, leaves, and flowers indicates that Xie Yuan adhered to the style and standards of the Southern Song academy. Apart from Xie’s own signature there is no Song documentation on the scroll. Once, however, it was in the Qianlong emperor’s collection.15 In addition to three of Qianlong’s seals, it bears the seals of Chinese private collectors and inscriptions from the Yuan dynasty, particularly from the reign of Emperor Ayurbawada (Yuan Renzong, r. 1312–1320). The emperor was a grandnephew of King Chungseon (r. 1298, 1308– 1313) of Goryeo, whose importance in the cultural exchange between the Yuan and Goryeo courts will be discussed later. One of the poems, written by Feng Zhishen (b. 1257) at the bidding of Princess Sengge (ca. 1283–ca. 1331), the well-known collector and sister of Ayurbawada, alludes to the Peach Blossom Spring prose-poem by Tao Qian.16 The point where the branch was broken off the tree is an important detail of the 110 ARCHIVES OF ASIAN ART Fig. 3. Xie Yuan (act. 13th c.). Broken Branch of Blossoming Emerald Peach. China. Handscroll; ink and color on silk; h. 26 cm, w. 64 cm. Chen Qibin collection, Taipei. painting. If reading Sin Sukju’s title without visual evidence, we might imagine the more usual case of a branch protruding into the painting. Broken Branch of Blossoming Emerald Peach, however, shows that the title recorded in Hwagi is very precise.17 Again, even though it is doubtful that Hwagi refers to the extant scroll, the comparison between the description and the visual evidence suggests that Prince Anpyeong owned a similar work by Xie Yuan. Two painters mentioned in Hwagi who were directly connected to the circle of King Chungseon of Goryeo are Zhang Yanfu (14th c.) and Puming (Xuechang, d. 1349). Of the paintings in Prince Anpyeong’s collection by Zhang Yanfu, a Daoist and painter-in-attendance at the Yuan court known for his landscapes and horses, Sin Sukju mentions Rain Passing over Streams and Mountains, Steep Shore, Clouds Resting over a Tall Forest, Cloudy Mountains in Ink, and Pines and Rocks inscribed with a poem by the Yuan scholar-official Jie Xisi (1274–1344).18 He further comments: ‘‘Mountains are blue and clouds white, done in dim and light colors at level distance. All of them hold [the viewer’s] attention.’’ Unfortunately Zhang Yanfu’s only known extant painting, Thorns, Bamboo, and Quiet Birds in the Nelson-Atkins Museum of Art, bears little resemblance to any of the titles listed by Sin Sukju.19 But the majority of comments on Zhang’s paintings and poems by contemporary scholar-officials do refer to landscapes, such as Wei Su’s (1295–1372): ‘‘He is excellent at depicting landscapes . . . when I was taking turns on duty with other expository officials, I compared his works with ancient paintings in the collection and could almost not tell them apart.’’20 The antiquarian aspect of Zhang Yanfu’s style, emphasized by Wei Su and echoed in Sin Sukju’s remark, might have particularly appealed to Prince Anpyeong’s taste. The second painter of King Chungseon’s circle, Puming, was a priest at a Buddhist temple in Suzhou.21 Two paintings, Orchids Twisting in a Fierce Storm and Double Purity [Plum Blossom and Bamboo], Steep Shore, are recorded in Hwagi, and Sin Sukju adds that he was ‘‘a Buddhist who painted orchids and bamboo,’’ information that accords well with extant works such as Bamboo in the Wind in the Cleveland Museum of Art (Fig. 4). Luo Zhichuan (1265–ca. 1340) is one of those painters represented in the collection of Prince Anpyeong who have almost been forgotten in China, but he emerges from Japanese and Korean sources as a follower of the Li Cheng–Guo Xi tradition.22 A hanging scroll, Old Trees and Crows in Winter, now in the Metropolitan Museum of Art, shows old twisted trees in the foreground of a wintry landscape that extends into the far distance and includes a flock of circling crows (Fig. 5). It once carried an attribution to Li Cheng (919– 967), which indicates its antique flavor. This hanging scroll could very well be the Snowy Mountains by Luo Zhichuan that Sin Sukju lists in Prince Anpyeong’s collection—again, I am not trying to identify it as such, simply emphasizing the correspondence between text BURGLIND JUNGMANN Fig. 4. Puming (d. 1349). Bamboo in the Wind. China. Hanging scroll; ink on silk; h. 168.8 cm, w. 64.2 cm. The Cleveland Museum of Art. John L. Severance Fund. Acc. no. 1953.246.  Sin Sukju’s Record of Prince Anpyeong & Early Joseon Antiquarianism 111 112 ARCHIVES OF ASIAN ART Fig. 5. Luo Zhichuan (1265–1340). Old Trees and Crows in Winter. China. Hanging scroll; ink and color on silk; h. 132.1 cm, w. 80.3 cm. Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York. and visual evidence. A fan and hanging scroll in the Cleveland Museum of Art further prove that Luo Zhichuan followed the Li-Guo tradition in a close antiquarian manner, thereby representing a major trend of the Yuan period.23 Of the artists included in Hwagi, besides Luo Zhichuan and, of course, Guo Xi himself, the Yuan painter Liu Rong is known to have painted in the Li–Guo tradition.24 Among those best represented in the collection of Prince Anpyeong, alongside Guo Xi (seventeen works), Zhao Mengfu (twenty-eight), An Gyeon (thirty-six), and another unknown landscape painter named Li Bi (twentyfour), is Wang Gongyan. He seems to have been forgotten in China, but is mentioned by Yi Jehyeon (1287–1367), who spent several years between 1314 and 1322 at the Mongol court in the company of King Chungseon after the latter’s abdication.25 Yi Jehyeon’s poem was written for a painting by the aforementioned Zhang Yanfu, but it also refers to Wang Gongyan and other painters represented in the Anpyeong collection: BURGLIND JUNGMANN  Sin Sukju’s Record of Prince Anpyeong & Early Joseon Antiquarianism Formerly with Zhu Derun (1294–1365) of Suzhou, East of Yan [Beijing], I used to view screen paintings. Landscapes of Tekkan [the Japanese priest-painter] have a monkish spirit, While the flowers of [Wang] Gongyan are without literati air. Yueshan [Ren Renfa, 1255–1327] paints horses but leaves out the animating forces, He likes to do fluffy manes and golden eyes. I am only fond of Xizhai [Li Kan, 1245–1320] and Songxue [Zhao Mengfu, 1254–1322], For all traces of the hackneyed commonplace have been cleansed from their works. For landscapes, white clouds and green mountains, Zhang the Daoist, Although he appeared later, merits praise for his excellence.26 Sin Sukju lists ten paintings of trees and flowers, four of grass and flowers, four of fruit trees, three of sea eagles, and single paintings titled Egrets among Withered Lotus, Sparrow-Hawks among Peach Blossoms, and Wild Geese and Falcons—all by Wang Gongyan. Sin’s judgment on the painter differs distinctly from Yi Jehyeon’s critique: ‘‘Wang Gongyan was skilled in painting flowers, grass, feathers and fur. He grasps their essence and [thus] they have natural vitality.’’ And he further explains these qualities in his description of Wild Geese and Falcons: ‘‘Some [birds] fold their wings sedately while others fly about fighting fiercely, all realistically rendered.’’ These remarks are as clearly descriptive and evaluative as those on Guo Zhongshu cited earlier. Like Yi Jehyeon’s comment that Wang Gongyan’s flowers are ‘‘without literati air,’’ they suggest the detailed and lively paintings of a court painter in the tradition of the Southern Song academy.27 Only a few examples can be introduced here. As Sin Sukju himself states, the collection contained eighty-four landscape paintings, seventy-six paintings of flowersand-birds, twenty-nine of architecture and figures, and thirty-three pieces of calligraphy. The emphasis seems to be on landscape painting, partly because the majority of An Gyeon’s paintings, which are included in the count, were landscapes, but other genres are well represented too. The collection also contained a variety of idioms and styles, the blue-and-green landscape idiom figured as much as ink landscapes by Guo Xi and his Yuan followers. The same is true of flower-and-bird paintings. Moreover, we find not only secular topics, but also Buddhist imagery under the names of Wu Daozi and Yan Hui (act. 1297–1308). 113 Prince Anpyeong’s Collection and Early Joseon Antiquarianism The common explanation for the difference between the 15th-century Korean knowledge of the Chinese past and our present-day knowledge is that the contents of Prince Anpyeong’s collection were determined by geographical and political circumstances. In fact, Sin Sukju’s comments on Xie Yuan’s Broken Branch of [Blossoming] Crabapple illustrate some important aspects of communication and cultural exchange between China and Korea during the Goryeo period. First, Sin Sukju shows little or no knowledge of Southern Song painting. Second, Xie Yuan’s case appears to be another product of the close cultural contacts between the Yuan and Goryeo courts during the time of King Chungseon in the first half of the 14th century. That Sin Sukju was not familiar with Southern Song painters is understandable, as Goryeo did not have any diplomatic relations with the Southern Song but rather with the Jurchen Jin dynasty (1115–1234), which had conquered northern China and taken over the Northern Song capital in 1127.28 After the Mongols had conquered the Jin in 1234 and occupied the Southern Song capital of Lin’an (present-day Hangzhou) in 1276, the imperial collection was safely taken to Dadu (presentday Beijing).29 It is thus conceivable that the two Southern Song paintings in Prince Anpyeong’s collection, by Xie Yuan and Ma Yuan, reached Korea through Yuan channels. As is well known, the Mongols after establishing the Yuan dynasty in 1271 imposed strong political, cultural, and personal ties with Goryeo. Goryeo kings were married to Mongol princesses and Korean crown princes were held hostage in the Mongol capital until they ascended the throne in the capital of Gaegyeong (present-day Gaeseong).30 In order to reflect the close family ties and the hierarchy between the two ruling houses, the Mongols banned the characters for jo (‘‘progenitor’’) and jong (‘‘ancestor’’) in the posthumous names of Goryeo rulers and caused the title wang (‘‘king’’) and the character chung (‘‘loyalty’’) to be adopted instead. King Chungseon’s father, Chungnyeol (r. 1274–1308), married a daughter of Khubilai Khan (Shizu, r. 1260–1294), and Chungseon himself, also known by his Chinese title Shenwang, became the first Korean ‘‘mongrel king’’ and a close relative of successive Mongol emperors.31 He was a cousin of Emperor Temür (Chengzong, r. 1294–1307) and a granduncle of his successors Khaishan (Wuzong, r. 1308–1311), Ayurbawada, and their sister, the famous collector Princess Sengge.32 During his term as king of Goryeo 114 ARCHIVES OF ASIAN ART he made reform efforts that were bound to fail due to intrigues in Gaegyeong by royal consorts of Mongolian origin, by eunuchs, and by powerful clans who maintained their own relations with the Mongol court, and he retired to the Yuan capital during his second short reign.33 After abdicating in favor of his son he immersed himself in cultural activities, built a famous library called the Hall of Ten Thousand Volumes (Mangwondang; C: Wanjuantang), and acted as patron of the arts.34 The most prominent personalities in his circle, which assembled scholars and artists of Chinese, Mongolian, Korean, and Japanese origin, were Zhao Mengfu and, on the Korean side, the aforementioned Yi Jehyeon. Further, the Yuan official and painter Zhu Derun was among those who gained King Chungseon’s support.35 Referring to such close sociopolitical and cultural contacts, Ahn Hwi-joon and Nishigami Minoru have stated that most of the Chinese collection of Prince Anpyeong may have originated in the dowry of Mongol princesses married to Goryeo kings and in King Chungseon’s intercultural activities.36 Such political conditions undoubtedly provided the basis on which the collection was formed, because it shaped the ‘‘market’’ from which Prince Anpyeong acquired the pieces he owned. Many of the artists represented in the collection were associated in one way or another with the circle of King Chungseon and Zhao Mengfu, including Li Kan, Puming, Zhang Yanfu, and Tang Di (1296–1364). In addition, the Japanese priest Tekkan and Wang Gongyan figure not only in Hwagi but also in the poem by Yi Jehyeon cited above; another Yuan painter included in Prince Anpyeong’s collection, Liu Daoquan, is also mentioned by Yi Jehyeon and by the prominent Goryeo scholar Yi Saek (1328–1396).37 Given such close and lively contacts between members of the cultural elites of Yuan and Goryeo just a century earlier, one wonders why Zhu Derun’s work is not included in the collection. Were Zhu’s paintings unavailable, or did they not appeal to Prince Anpyeong’s personal taste? It is even more astonishing that Sin Sukju did not know more about painters such as Li Kan and Tang Di. Although Sin mentions Li Kan, who had been a close friend of Zhao Mengfu and who was also praised by Yi Jehyeon under his sobriquet Xizhai, he states that he does not know his family name.38 Sin Sukju also mentions a painter he calls Zhang Zihua. If we follow Ahn Hwi-joon’s suggestion that this painter was most likely Tang Di, since Zihua was Tang Di’s pen name, then Sin mistook the name Zihua to designate another painter who was closely associated with Zhao Mengfu.39 Sin Sukju himself states, ‘‘I, Sukju, have not devoted myself to detailed research but have rather learnt what people have said.’’ This may sound as if he referred to the expertise of his friends. But the discourse that follows leaves no doubt that, rather than listening to the hearsay of his own times, his ideas were shaped by Chinese literary models and Northern Song scholar-painting theory, in particular the thought of Su Shi. By demonstrating his knowledge and appreciation of ancient Chinese literary models he asserts his own position as a highly educated and cultivated scholar. In his introduction to Hwagi he recalls his conversation with Prince Anpyeong about recording the collection: ‘‘[The prince said] ‘In the past Han Changli [Han Yu, 768–824] recorded Mr. Dugu’s paintings for the sake of his own observation. Please, write such a record for me.’ I, Sukju [answered], ‘I happened to hear that Zhang Dunjian had only a dozen or so scrolls stored in his house, but Bo Letian [Bo Juyi, 772–846] still recorded them for him.’ Han Yu’s text, which Sin Sukju mentions here, was titled Huaji (pronounced ‘‘Hwagi’’ in Korean). It is regarded as the starting point of a literary genre about the making, transmission, and collecting of art.40 Moreover, Mr. Dugu’s personal name, Shenshu, as it appears in Han Yu’s Huaji, consists of two characters also found in Sin Sukju’s name—‘‘Sin’’ and ‘‘suk.’’ Han Yu also emphasized that he made the record for Mr. Dugu ‘‘for the sake of his own observation,’’ because the collector had to depart with his paintings, which motivated Han Yu to provide a fairly detailed description of the paintings. Thus Sin Sukju had a number of reasons to follow Han Yu’s model. Bo Juyi, in the title of his record, Jihua, just reversed the two characters used by Han Yu (and Sin Sukju). All the paintings Bo wrote about were by Zhang Dunjian himself, and, although he offers some description, he rather concentrates on praising the painter’s outstanding artistic talent.41 Obviously Sin Sukju’s record has less in common with Bo Juyi’s than with Han Yu’s. His interest becomes even clearer at the end of his essay, where he turns to the philosophical aspects of painting. The centerpiece of Sin Sukju’s discourse is his description of the creative process: When it comes to painting, one has to exhaust the transformations of Heaven and Earth and to examine the movements of yin and yang, the sentiments of ten thousand things, and the changes of events. After taking such extensive [experience] into his chest, [the painter] wields the brush and realizes it on white silk; he concentrates and mysteriously communicates [with nature]. If he wishes [to paint] a mountain, he sees a mountain, if BURGLIND JUNGMANN  Sin Sukju’s Record of Prince Anpyeong & Early Joseon Antiquarianism he wishes water, he sees water. Whatever he desires he sees without fail, and it emerges from his energetic brush. Therefore he can capture the truth on the basis of illusion: this is the method of the painter. In this passage Sin evidently draws on Su Shi, who espoused the same ideas in a comment on Wen Tong’s bamboo painting: ‘‘Thus, in painting bamboo one must first have the perfected bamboo in mind. When one takes up the brush and gazes intently one will see what one wants to paint and rise hurriedly to pursue it, wielding the brush forthwith to capture what was seen.’’42 Then Sin Sukju goes on to explain the philosophical foundation of the creation of a painting: ‘‘What has been accomplished in his mind emerges through his hand accordingly. Mind and hand forget each other; the body and the object transform as if in trance. Just as in Creation itself no traces can be sought, but [nature] has manifested itself beyond the pigments.’’ The fusion of subject and object resulting in a trancelike state and leading to perfect creation derives from Zhuangzi’s idea of nonduality. Su Shi, again using Wen Tong as an example, employed it to describe the ideals of scholar-painting.43 References to Su Shi and his comments also occur earlier in the text, for instance, in Sin’s comment on Wang Wei that links poetry and painting. As I have shown in an earlier study, such close affinity to Northern Song art theory was common among the mid-15th-century Joseon cultural elite.44 Besides Su Shi, the thinking of Wen Tong (1018–1079) and Huang Tingjian (1045–1105) shines through the aesthetic concepts of early Joseon scholar-painters like Gang Huian, Gang Huimaeng, and Kim Nyu (1436–1490). Selfcultivation, the idea of a creative force or ‘‘inspiration’’ (C: tianji, K: cheongi), the concepts of grasping the principle of a thing rather than its outer appearance, of ‘‘lodging one’s mind lightly’’ (C: yu yi, K: ueui) upon phenomena rather than being absorbed by them—these concepts, which distinguish the scholar-painter from the professional painter, are all discussed in their writings. Even Sin Sukju’s description of Prince Anpyeong as a collector refers to familiar Chinese discourses. At the very beginning of Hwagi he comments on the prince’s zeal for collecting: ‘‘Bihaedang loved calligraphy and painting. [Whenever] he heard that someone owned a fragment [of calligraphy or painting] on paper or silk, he definitely purchased it, paying generously. Selecting the good pieces, he had them mounted and preserved them in his collection.’’ Then the prince is cited as saying, ‘‘I am fond of this [collecting] by nature; it is also an obsession,’’ a phrase through which he firmly 115 positions himself in the Chinese literati tradition, a tradition that continuously discussed the tension between the ‘‘sickly’’ obsession of collecting and the Confucian idea of nonattachment.45 Yet along with the author’s obvious effort to fashion himself as a worthy follower of revered Chinese philosophical ideas, Sin Sukju’s record also reveals Prince Anpyeong’s personal taste. Only for the periods preceding the Yuan did the prince primarily hunt ‘‘big names’’; for more recent works his selection appears to have been based on visual criteria. Reading Sin Sukju’s comments, one gets the impression that the prince favored antique-looking paintings, such as landscapes in the blue-and-green style, ink landscapes in the Li–Guo idiom with a strong Song flavor, and detailed flower-and-bird paintings in the style of the Southern Song academy. Two comments cited earlier in relation to Hwagi point in the same direction: Wei Su’s praise of Zhang Yanfu and the difference in opinion on Wang Gongyan between Yi Jehyeon and Sin Sukju—Yi dismissing Wang’s academic approach, Sin praising the lively description of Wang’s birds. Probably the most important evidence for Prince Anpyeong’s antiquarian taste is the exclusive position of An Gyeon’s paintings in the collection. Works by other contemporary painters, whether Chinese or Korean, were excluded from his collection, even though diplomatic relations during the mid-15th century allowed for the import of Chinese painting, and even though famous Korean scholar-painters such as the Gang brothers belonged to the prince’s circle and undoubtedly exchanged poems, calligraphies, and paintings with him on occasion.46 In addition to the visual evidence we find in Dream Journey to the Peach Blossom Land, Sin Sukju’s comment in Hwagi makes clear that Prince Anpyeong favored the court painter over all other contemporary painters because of his antiquarianism: An Gyeon . . . is bright by nature, profound and erudite. Having viewed many ancient paintings, he was able to grasp their essence, combine the strengths of various masters, and digest them. There is nothing he did not master, with landscape [painting] being his greatest strength. Even searching in antiquity, one can hardly find anybody who can compare with him. Since he has been a close companion of Bihaedang for a long time, his paintings are the most numerous [in the collection].47 That An Gyeon shaped his style upon ancient Chinese masterpieces in the prince’s collection is also reflected 116 ARCHIVES OF ASIAN ART in many of the titles of An Gyeon’s paintings as listed in Hwagi: they echo titles or parts of titles of ancient Chinese paintings in the same collection. On another occasion I have argued that Prince Anpyeong used cultural patterns of Chinese antiquity as a means of Weltflucht, fleeing the world to form his own romantic realm while facing signs of an upcoming court intrigue that would eventually lead to his violent death.48 A few years after the completion of Sin Sukju’s Hwagi and An Gyeon’s Dream Journey to the Peach Blossom Land, in 1450, King Sejong died and political tensions arose, leading to the usurpation of the throne by Anpyeong’s brother, Prince Suyang. On his way to power as King Sejo (r. 1455–1468) Prince Suyang not only deposed Sejong’s successor, his nephew Tanjong, but also had Prince Anpyeong and some of his closest friends assassinated.49 Besides Prince Anpyeong’s supposed personal reasons to take refuge in Chinese antiquity, there was a general trend in the early Joseon period to build on late Goryeo thought and conventions, which themselves reached back to Northern Song models and further yet into Chinese antiquity. Illustrating this general trend is the standardization of measurements under King Sejong. As Gari Ledyard explains, the king’s researchers and specialists in earlier governmental praxis ‘‘apparently for ideological reasons’’ wanted to use the Zhoudynasty foot (jucheok) as a general standard of linear measure, a standard also advocated by the Chinese Neo-Confucian reformers of the 11th and 12th centuries, who aimed to restore the usages of Confucius’s times.50 Thus Sin Sukju’s introduction recalling Han Yu and Bo Juyi, and his philosophical discourse at the end of Hwagi echoing the thought of Su Shi, accord well with Prince Anpyeong’s antiquarian taste, An Gyeon’s painting style, and the intellectual and cultural patterns of their times. Contrasting Antiquarian Views However important it is to know which Chinese painters were favored by the collector Prince Anpyeong and praised by Sin Sukju, it is just as interesting to notice that some artists, nowadays much revered, are wholly absent from Hwagi, in particular the so-called Four Great Masters of the Yuan: Huang Gongwang (1269– 1354), Wu Zhen (1280–1354), Ni Zan (1301–1374), and Wang Meng (ca. 1308–1385).51 Despite the lively cultural exchange between Goryeo and Yuan during their times, none of these painters is mentioned. Such a clear difference of perspective on Yuan-period painting history may have several reasons. Again, geographic and sociopolitical conditions may have shaped the market. The Four Great Masters, active in the south of China and members of the Chinese elite that was discriminated against by the Mongol rulers, may well have gained little attention in court circles during the Yuan, and for that reason their works may not have found their way to Korea. In fact, word of these prominent Chinese painters whose work became the models of the orthodox literati style did not reach Korea until about 1600. Huang Gongwang, for example, became known there about the same time as Wen Zhengming (1470– 1557) and Dong Qichang (1555–1636).52 It is equally possible, however, given Prince Anpyeong’s antiquarian taste and his close identification with Northern Song scholarly and aesthetic concepts, that, even if available, their paintings did not appeal to him or other early Joseon collectors.53 On the other hand, we may also consider the later appraisal of Huang Gongwang, Wu Zhen, Ni Zan, and Wang Meng as notably superior to Tang Di, Li Kan, Puming, Zhang Yanfu, Luo Zhichuan, and Yan Hui as another kind of antiquarianism or, more exactly, as a view that is based on another antiquarian movement. This movement began in the Ming with Shen Zhou (1427–1509) and other Wu school painters who imitated and reinterpreted the Four Great Masters. It culminated in Dong Qichang’s theory of the Southern and Northern schools of painting and triggered the orthodox painting movement of the early Qing period.54 Southern school theory mingles social, political, and stylistic criteria in defining which painters of earlier periods adhered to the literati painter ideal and which did not and, hence, who was to be taken as a model. Its advocates have not accepted painters such as Zhu Derun or Tang Di into the Southern school tradition, even though they were scholar-officials (shidafu), on the grounds that they followed the Guo Xi tradition and also because they served the Mongol court. Not only has Southern school theory influenced later Chinese painting history by prescribing which orthodox masters to follow and to value; in Korea and Japan it has, together with painting manuals, given rise to the idea that there was a more or less coherent literati style in China.55 This idea in turn has inspired generations of Korean Namjonghwa and Japanese Nanga painters to create their own literati styles. Moreover, it has certainly influenced Chinese collectors over the centuries, and by thus directly affecting the preservation of visual material has conditioned views on Chinese painting history from Dong Qichang’s own times onward well into the present. Much like the well-known Kundaikan Sayūchōki, the 16th-century record of the Ashikaga collection, BURGLIND JUNGMANN  Sin Sukju’s Record of Prince Anpyeong & Early Joseon Antiquarianism Hwagi affords another perspective on earlier periods of Chinese painting. It is through the antiquarianism cherished by the mid-15th-century Korean cultural elite, led by Prince Anpyeong and his circle, that the names of forgotten painters and some descriptions of their works have been preserved. Appendix: Sin Sukju, Record on Painting 56 申叔舟 畫記 匪懈堂愛書畫。聞人有尺牋片素，必厚購之。擇其善 者，粧潢而藏之。一日，悉出而示叔舟曰：「余性好是， 是亦病也。窮探廣搜十餘年，而後得有是。嘻！物之成毀 有時，聚散有數。安知夫今日之成，復為後日之毀？而其 聚與散，亦不可必矣。昔韓昌黎 記獨孤生之畫，欲以自 觀。子為我記之。」叔舟：「竊聞張敦簡家藏畫纔十餘 軸，而白樂天猶為作記。況妙選古今，多至數百軸，而可 無記，以傳於後乎？」 今觀雅畜。東晉得一人焉。曰顧愷之，小字虎頭。 博學有才氣。丹青亦造其妙，然深自祕惜，世罕見其畫。 今有刻本水石圖一。其精華不可得見，而法度森然尚存。 若毛嬙、西施，老有餘態也。 於唐得二人焉。曰吳道子，工於畫，名振天下。與韓 文、杜詩，並稱為三絕。今有畫佛二。上有蘇東坡手題 贊。畫僧二。曰王維，精於山水，天機所到，邈而不可 及。蓋得之於詩者也。今有山水圖一，流峙天然，不見 痕跡。 於宋得六人焉。曰郭忠恕，善畫樓觀臺榭。皆高古不 羣。今有雪霽江行圖一。大舸並行，人物器用。精密莫 比，上有宋徽宗御筆。高閣臨江圖一。儒士與道人，共載 扁舟過閣下。有人倚闌凝望。風致洒落，不覺為畫也。 曰李公麟，自號龍眠居士，博問精識。其為畫，以立意為 先，而尤善於人物。今有甯戚長歌圖一。宋徽宗御筆題 云：「形氣瀟洒。每開圖閱翫，南山白石之聲，彷彿在人 耳也。」曰蘇東坡，今有眞書潮州印本一，風竹、雪竹、 春竹圖各一。雅健飄逸。固當在畫家格外。曰文與可， 善墨竹，與東坡最相親厚。今有風竹圖一、筍竹圖四。 巨竿挺拔，有萬尺之勢。豈所謂篔簹者乎。曰郭熙， 山水寒林，獨歩一時。今有山水圖二：一春景，山莊燕 罷，立馬渡頭；一秋景，江村釣魚，把竿獨立。朔風飄雪 圖一、夏景青嵐圖一、水石圖一、風雨圖一、江雪圖一、 載鶴圖一、古木平遠圖二、一水圖一。皆雄偉奇特， 筆勢飛動。平沙落雁圖一、江天暮雪圖一。其霜楓暎菊， 抱琴遠眺。雪霽長江，獨釣孤舟。亦各有閑放之趣。 林亭圖一、急雨圖一，皆扇團，鬪牛圖二。抵觸贔屭， 甚有氣力。曰崔懿，善花鳥，推譽于時。今有秋荷野鴨 圖一，風露淒涼，毛羽蕭散。 於元得二十一人焉。曰趙孟頫，書畫絕倫，今有行書 二十六、墨竹二。曰鮮于樞，與趙孟頫同學書，今有草書 六。曰王公儼，工花草禽獸，取義而成，自有生氣。今有 木花圖十。眾卉敷榮，禽鳥相呼。草花圖四、果木圖四。 117 花實草虫，嬋妍變化。敗荷鷺鷥圖一、海青圖三、桃花鷂 子圖一、鴉鶻圖一。或斂羽竦身，或飛翻鷙擊，各逼其 真。曰謝元、陳義甫，亦善花鳥。元今有海棠折枝圖一。 精華簡易，彷彿造化。義甫今有海花圖一、杏花圖一。 瓊葩媚日，幽禽嬌哢。曰劉伯熙、李弼、馬遠、喬仲羲、 劉道權、顏輝、張彥甫、顧迎卿、張子華、羅稚川，並以 山水名。伯熙則筆勢豪健，長於奇岩老樹。今有江亭雪霽 圖一、長林雪滿圖一、春曉烟嵐圖一，長江圖一。弼則筆 勢精微，長於樓閣人物。今有滕王閣圖一、華清宮圖一、 瀟湘八景圖各一、二十四孝圖十二、古木圖一、懸崖峻閣 圖一。遠則筆勢高雅，無與為比。今有長松茅舍圖一、 溪居灌盆圖一。仲羲則尺山寸木，不踰規矩，今有染彩山 水八。道權則尤善濃淡，今有水墨山水一。輝則善岩石人 物，今有山中看書圖一、幽林採藥圖一、畵佛三。彥甫今 有溪山雨過圖一、絕岸圖一、長林倦雲圖一、水墨雲山 圖一，倪中有詩，松石圖一，揭奚斯有詩，凡五圖。 山青雲白，暗淡平遠。皆有遐趣。迎卿今有青山白雲圖 一。幽邃閑曠，甚有高致！子華今有踈林蕭散圖一、 山水圖。稚川今有雪山圖一。各臻奇妙，氣格清新。 以畫馬名者，曰周朗、任賢能也。朗今有戯馬圖一、 牧馬圖一。賢能今有牽馬圖一。雪窻，浮屠也，善蘭竹， 今有狂風轉蕙圖二、懸崖雙清圖一。鐵關，倭僧也， 善山水，志於似真，而少豪逸。固時人誚云有僧氣， 然未可以是輕之也。今有山水圖二、古木圖二。息齋、 震齋，失其名，然息齋之竹、震齋之龍，皆高手也。 息齋今有彩竹圖二、金聲圖一。震齋今有雲龍圖一。 宋敏、王冕、葉衡、知幻，不知何時人也。宋敏今有 墨竹圖一。風調高絕，天下無比。王冕今有墨梅圖五， 各有詩。清標雅韻，書法三絕。葉衡今有脩竹圖一，亦有 詩，甚清絕。知幻今有墨竹圖二，亦佳作也。 我 朝得一人焉，曰安堅。字可度，小字得守，本池谷 人也。今為護軍。性聰敏精博。多閱古畫，皆得其要， 集諸家之長，總而折衷。無所不通，而山水尤其所長也。 求之於古，亦罕得其匹。於匪懈堂，陪遊已久，故其所畫 最多。今有八景圖各一、江天晚色圖一、絕岸雙清圖一、 奔流宗海圖一、江天一色圖一、雪霽天寒圖一、黃鶴 樓一、滕王閣圖一、雨後新晴圖一、雪霽餘寒圖一、 輕嵐匹練圖一、霽雪鋪漁圖一、水國輕嵐圖一、江鄉遠翠 圖一、起栗生花圖一、春雲出谷圖一、幽雲滿壑圖一、 狂風急雨圖一、虬龍反走圖一、長林細路圖一、銀河倒掛 圖一、絕壁圖一、墨梅竹一、水墨白雲圖一、山水圖二、 蘆雁圖一、花木圖二、長松圖一。 又古畫之難名者，十有一。龜一、梨花一、杏花一、 松鶴一、花鵝一、四牛一、王勃事實印本一、後園山 水一、雅鶻一、樓閣一、古木山水一。凡五代，得三十五 家，圖山水者八十四，圖鳥獸草木者七十六，圖樓閣人物 者二十九，而書又三十三，合二百二十二軸。 嗚呼！非愛好之篤，安能致多若是乎？叔舟雖未嘗鮮 研吮，然嘗聞其說：夫畫者，必窮天地之化，究陰陽之 運，萬物之情，事為之變。磅礡胸中，然後執筆臨素， 凝神冥會。欲山見山，欲水見水：凡有所欲，必見其物， 奮筆而從之。故能因假而奪真，此畫家之法也。若夫得之 118 ARCHIVES OF ASIAN ART 於心，應之於手。心手相忘，身與物化，嗒然兀然。若造 化之不可以跡求者，則固在於丹粉之外矣。觀乎此者， 茍能以彼之沖淡高雅，樂吾之性，以彼之豪健振厲，飬吾 之氣，則豈小補哉？至於精覈物理，博聞多識，則將與詩 同功矣！顧未知世之人，果有及於是者乎？正統乙丑孟秋 上澣有日，承議郎集賢殿脩撰，知製教，經筵司經高陽申 叔舟謹書。 Translation by Burglind Jungmann Bihaedang (Prince Anpyeong, 1418–1453) loved calligraphy and painting.57 [Whenever] he heard that someone owned a fragment [of calligraphy or painting] on paper or silk he definitely purchased it, paying generously. Selecting the good pieces, he had them mounted and preserved them in his collection. One day he took them all out, showed them to me, Sukju, and said, ‘‘I am fond of this by nature; it is also an obsession. After exploring exhaustively and searching widely for more than ten years, I finally gained [all] this. Alas! There are times for the completion and for the destruction of things, and it is [their] fate to be gathered and dispersed. How can we know that what has been built today will [not] be destroyed again in the future? Thus we cannot be certain about a [collection’s] gathering and dispersal. In the past Han Changli [Han Yu, 768–824] recorded Mr. Dugu’s paintings for the sake of his own observation. Please, write such a record for me.’’ I, Sukju [answered], ‘‘I happened to hear that Zhang Dunjian had only a dozen or so scrolls stored in his house, but Bo Letian [Bo Juyi, 772–846] still recorded them for him. [All the more] wonderful is your selection of as many as several hundred scrolls from past and present: How could there be no record to pass it down to later [generations]? I now review this elegant collection. There is one person of Eastern Jin, Gu Kaizhi (346–407), whose childhood name was Tiger Head. He was erudite and talented. His accomplishments in painting are marvelous, but he kept his secret [treasures] so deeply hidden away that people rarely saw his works. Now we have one print of Water and Rocks.58 We cannot see the brilliance [of his original paintings] but the well-structured method still exists. This is like [the famous beauties] Mao Qiang and Xi Shi who retained their [elegant] dispositions even when they grew old.59 From the Tang dynasty there are [works by] two masters. [One is] Wu Daozi [act. ca. 710–760], who so excelled in painting that his fame spread all over the world. [His painting], Han [Yu]’s prose, and Du [Fu]’s poetry are praised together as the ‘‘Three Excellences.’’ Now there are two paintings of Buddhas.60 The first bears an encomium by Su Dongpo [Su Shi, 1036– 1101]. [In addition] there are two paintings of monks [by Wu Daozi]. [The other master] is Wang Wei [701– 761], excellent at landscapes [in which] his heavenly inspiration achieves a profundity unreachable [by others]. It all comes from his poetry.61 We now have one Landscape. The flow [of water] and rising [of mountains] is natural, and it does not show any trace [of human effort]. From the Song period there are six masters. Guo Zhongshu [ca. 910–977] was good at painting multistoried buildings, temple halls, terraces, and water pavilions. Everything is lofty, archaic, and extraordinary. [In the collection] is a painting [called] Travelling on the River in Clearing Snow. Big barques are travelling side by side [carrying] people and freight. The precision and sophistication are unmatched. At the top is [an inscription by] the imperial brush of Song Huizong [r. 1100– 1126]. [In addition there is] a painting of a High Pavilion Overlooking the River. Passing beneath the pavilion in a small boat are a Confucian scholar and a Daoist priest. Some people lean over the railing [of the pavilion] and gaze into the distance. [Because of] its alluring and exuberant atmosphere, it does not seem like a painting. Li Gonglin [ca. 1041–1106], who gave himself the sobriquet Longmian Jushi (Hermit of Longmian), was erudite and discerning. When he created a painting he first determined the idea [of it], and he especially excelled in figure painting. We now have a painting of the High Chant of Ning Qi.62 The inscription on it by Emperor Huizong reads: ‘‘Form and spirit are free and inspired. Whenever I open this scroll and view it for pleasure it is as if the sound of the white stones of the Southern Mountain resonated in my ears.’’63 Su Dongpo [Su Shi] is represented [in the collection] by the Chaozhou printed edition of his standardstyle writing and by one painting each of Bamboo in the Wind, Bamboo in Snow, and Spring Bamboo. These are elegant yet vigorous, fluent yet untrammeled. He certainly transcends [ordinary] painters. Wen Yuke [Wen Tong, 1018–1079] painted ink bamboo well and was a very close friend of Dongpo.64 [By him] we now have a Bamboo in the Wind and four paintings of Bamboo with Sprouts. The huge stems rise straight, with the power of [culms] ten thousand feet high. How can this just be called bamboo? Guo Xi’s [1001–1090] landscapes and wintry forests were unrivalled in his own time. Presently we have two landscapes, one Spring Scenery, showing a mountain village where a banquet has just ended and horses halt at a pier, and one Autumn Scenery, depicting a river village with a fisherman standing alone and BURGLIND JUNGMANN  Sin Sukju’s Record of Prince Anpyeong & Early Joseon Antiquarianism holding his fishing rod. [In addition] there are paintings of Snow Flurry in a Cold Wind, Summer Landscape in Blue Mist,65 Rocks by the Water, Wind and Rain, Snowy River, Travelling with a Crane [in a Boat], a pair of paintings of Old Trees—Level Distance, and one painting of One River. All of them are heroic and grand, extraordinary and unique, and they [display] an energetic brush in dynamic movement. There is also a painting of Wild Geese Descending to a Shore, and one of Evening Snow over River and Sky.66 [In the first] frosty maple leaves echo bright chrysanthemums; carrying a zither [a man] gazes into the distance. [In the second] a single fisherman sits alone in his boat on a long river shown after a snowfall. Each [of the two paintings] has a relaxed and free atmosphere. [In addition] there are A Pavilion in a Grove and a Landscape of Sudden Rain, both circular fans, and a pair of Fighting Bulls. [The animals] push each other with their horns, exerting considerable strength and energy. [The last painter of the Song dynasty] is Cui Que [11th c.],67 who was good at painting flowers-and-birds and gained fame for that in his own time. Now we have a painting of Wild Ducks among Autumn Lotus. [The birds look] forlorn amidst wind and dew, and their plumage is in disarray. From the Yuan dynasty [Prince Anpyeong] obtained [works by] twenty-one masters. [The first one], Zhao Mengfu [1254–1322], whose calligraphy and painting are unparallelled, is represented by twenty-six pieces of calligraphy in semicursive script and two ink bamboo [paintings]. Of Xianyu Shu [1256–1301], who studied calligraphy together with Zhao Mengfu, we now have six pieces of cursive script. Wang Gongyan was skilled in painting flowers, grasses, and feathers-and-fur.68 He grasps their essence and [thus] they have natural vitality. We presently have ten paintings of trees and flowers. Abundant flowers blossom exuberantly, and the birds chirp, echoing the scene. [In addition, there are] four paintings of grass and flowers and four of fruit trees. Flowers and fruits, grass and insects are presented gracefully and in [great] variety. [There are also] one painting of Egrets among Withered Lotus, three of sea eagles, one Sparrow-Hawks among Peach Blossoms, and one Wild Geese and Falcons. Some [birds] fold their wings sedately while others fly about fighting fiercely, all realistically rendered. Xie Yuan69 and Chen Yifu are also good at painting flowers-and-birds. Of [Xie] Yuan [the collection] includes a painting of A Broken Branch of [Blossoming] Crabapple. It is exquisite, splendid, and succinct, an imitation of Creation itself. Of [Chen] Yifu there is a painting of Crabapple70 and one of Apricot Blossoms. 119 The luxuriant blossoms are enchanting in the sun, and hidden birds [can be imagined to] sing charmingly. Liu Boxi [Liu Rong],71 Li Bi, Ma Yuan,72 Qiao Zhongyi, Liu Daoquan [act. mid-14th c.],73 Yan Hui [act. 1297–1308], Zhang Yanfu [14th c.], Gu Yingqing, Zhang Zihua,74 and Luo Zhichuan,75 are all famous for their landscapes. [Liu] Boxi’s brush strength is for the heroic and vigorous, and he excelled in strange cliffs and old trees. We now have one River Pavilion in Clearing Snow, one Tall Forest in Deep Snow, one Spring Dawn in Mist, and a painting of The Long [Yangzi] River. [Li] Bi’s brush strength is for the fine and subtle, and he excelled in painting buildings and figures. Now we have one Pavilion of Prince Teng,76 one Huaqing Palace,77 and one each of the Eight Views of Xiao and Xiang, twelve paintings of the Twenty-four Paragons of Filial Piety,78 one of Old Trees and one Winsome Pavilion on a Steep Cliff. [Ma] Yuan’s brush strength is for lofty elegance, [in] which [he] is beyond compare. There are now Thatched Hut under Tall Pines and Watering Potted Plants by a River Dwelling. [Qiao] Zhongyi, who did foot-high mountains and inch-tall trees without transgressing the norms, is represented by eight landscapes in colors. From [Liu] Daoquan, who excelled in [the nuances] of dark and light [ink], we have now one Ink Landscape. [Yan] Hui, who was good at rocks and figures, is represented by one painting of Reading in the Mountains, one Gathering Herbs in a Deep Forest, and three paintings of Buddhas. By [Zhang] Yanfu there are Rain Passing over Streams and Mountains, Steep Shore, Clouds Resting over a Tall Forest, Cloudy Mountains in Ink which bears a poem by Ni Zhong,79 and one painting of Pines and Rocks with a poem by Jie Xisi,80 five paintings altogether. Mountains are blue and clouds white, done in dim and light colors at level distance. All of them hold [the viewer’s] attention. Now by [Gu] Yingqing there is Blue Mountains, White Clouds. [The mountains] are deep and impenetrable, [the clouds] quiet and wide; what a lofty charm it has! By [Zhang] Zihua we have Sparse Forest Scattered and Forlorn and a Landscape. By [Luo] Zhichuan there is a painting of Snowy Mountains. Each [of these aforementioned landscape paintings] attains an unusual and wonderful [quality], with atmosphere and forms being refreshing. Famous for painting horses are Zhou Lang and Ren Xianneng. By [Zhou] Lang we now have Frolicking Horses and Pasturing Horses, and by [Ren] Xianneng Groom Leading a Horse. Xuechang [Puming, d. 1349], a Buddhist priest who painted orchids and bamboo, is represented by a pair of Orchids Twisting in a Fierce 120 ARCHIVES OF ASIAN ART Storm and Double Purity, Steep Shore.81 Tekkan was a Japanese monk who was good at painting landscapes. He pursued likeness [but] lacks spontaneous and untrammeled [brushwork]. Therefore his contemporaries mocked him, saying that [his works] had a monkish air, but still one should not take him lightly. Now there are two landscape paintings and two paintings of old trees. Of Xizhai and Zhenzhai we have lost the names, but the bamboo of Xizhai and the dragons by Zhenzhai are both masterly.82 Of Xizhai there are two paintings of bamboo in colors and one Golden Sound.83 Of Zhenzhai we have a Dragon in the Clouds. Of Song Ming,84 Ye Heng,85 and Zhihuan we do not know the dates. By Song Ming there is now one Ink Bamboo. Its style and air are of unparalleled excellence. Of Wang Mian [1287–1359]86 we have five paintings of ink plum blossoms, each of which bears a poem. The clear depiction [of the blossoms], the elegant rhyme [of the poetry], and the [quality of the] calligraphy constitute the Three Excellences. Ye Heng is represented by a painting of Slender Bamboo, also with a poem, which is exceptionally pure. Of Zhihuan we now have two ink bamboo paintings that are also nicely done. Of [our Joseon] dynasty there is one master, An Gyeon. His style name is Gado, his childhood style name Deuksu, and his [family’s place of] origin is Jigok. At present he holds [the position] of brigadier general [hogun].87 He is bright by nature, profound and erudite. Having viewed many ancient paintings, he was able to grasp their essence, combine the strengths of various masters, and digest them. There is nothing he did not master, with landscape [painting] being his greatest strength. Even searching in antiquity, one can hardly find anybody who can compare with him. Since he has been a close companion of Bihaedang for a long time, his paintings are the most numerous [in the collection].88 [An Gyeon] is represented by one painting each [of a series of] Eight Views, one Evening Colors over River and Sky, one Double Purity, Steep Shore, one Rushing Torrent Flowing into the Sea, one River and Sky Merge Together, one Winter Sky Clearing after Snow, one Yellow Crane Tower,89 one Pavilion of Prince Teng, one Clearing after Rain, one Remaining Cold after Snowfall, one Light Mist over a Waterfall, one Spreading a Fishing Net in Clearing Snow, one Water Country in Light Mist, one River Village, Distant Green, one Sprouting Grain and Blossoming Flowers, one Spring Clouds Emerging from the Valley, one painting of Gorges Filled with Hidden Clouds, one Fierce Wind and Sudden Rain, one painting of Coiling Dragons Twisting and Turning, one Narrow Road through a Tall Forest, one painting of The Milky Way Hanging from the Sky, one Steep Cliff, one painting of Ink Bamboo and Plum Blossoms, one of White Clouds in Ink, a pair of Landscapes, Wild Geese among Reeds, a pair of Blossoming Trees, and one painting of Tall Pines. Then there are eleven old paintings that are anonymous: one Turtle, one painting of Pear Blossoms and one of Apricot Blossoms, Cranes under Pines, one of Geese among Flowers, one painting of Four Oxen, a printed edition of Wang Bo’s (648–676) stories,90 one Landscape of the Rear Garden, one of Crows and Falcons,91 one Storied Pavilion and a Landscape with Old Trees. Altogether [the collection represents] five dynasties and thirty-five masters [and comprises] eightyfour landscapes; seventy-six paintings of birds, animals, plants, and trees; twenty-nine of architecture and figures; and also thirty-three pieces of calligraphy. Altogether there are 222 scrolls. Alas! If one did not love it so dearly, how could one [collect] as many [artworks] as these? I, Sukju, have not devoted myself to detailed research but have rather learned what people have said: When it comes to painting, one has to exhaust the transformations of Heaven and Earth and to examine the movements of yin and yang, the sentiments of ten thousand things, and the changes of events. After taking such extensive [experience] into his chest, [the painter] wields the brush and realizes [what he has absorbed] on white silk; he concentrates and mysteriously communicates [with nature]. If he wishes [to paint] a mountain, he sees a mountain, if he wishes [to paint] water, he sees water. Whatever he desires he sees without fail, and it emerges from his energetic brush. Therefore he can capture the truth on the basis of illusion: this is the method of the painter. What has been accomplished in his mind emerges through his hand accordingly. Mind and hand forget each other; the body and the object transform as if in trance. Just as in Creation itself no traces can be sought, but [nature] has manifested itself beyond the pigments. Having observed this [process of transformation and creation in the paintings of Prince Anpyeong’s collection], if one can delight one’s nature through the modest and simple, yet noble and elegant, if one can nourish one’s spirit through the heroic and vigorous, yet edifying and stern, is this not more than a small aid? For investigating the principle of things, becoming erudite and widely knowledgeable, [painting] indeed has the same merits as poetry! Nevertheless, I do not know people of this world—has anyone attained this yet? Respectfully written on the eleventh day of the first autumn month in the eulchu year of the Zhentong era BURGLIND JUNGMANN  Sin Sukju’s Record of Prince Anpyeong & Early Joseon Antiquarianism (1445) by Sin Sukju from Goyang, Gentleman for Discussion (seunguirang), Sixth Councilor (suchan) of the Hall of Worthies (Jiphyeonjeon), Participant in the Drafting of Proclamations (jijegyo), First Secretary (sagyeong) at the Office of the Royal Lectures (Gyeongyeon).92 Notes 1. Sherman E. Lee and Wen Fong, Streams and Mountains without End: A Northern Sung Handscroll and Its Significance in the History of Early Chinese Painting (Ascona: Artibus Asiae Publishers, 1967), p. 9, n. 10. 2. The two paintings are illustrated side by side in Soyoung Lee’s catalogue Art of the Korean Renaissance, 1400–1600 (New York: Metropolitan Museum of Art, 2009), pp. 72, 73. For Ahn Hwi-joon’s analysis of the iconography and stylistic similarities between An Gyeon’s and Guo Xi’s works, see his PhD dissertation, Korean Landscape Painting in the Early Yi Period: The Kuo Hsi Tradition, Harvard University, 1974; ‘‘An Kyŏn and ‘A Dream Visit to the Peach Blossom Land’,’’ Oriental Art 26, no. 1 (1980): 60–71; An Hwijun [Ahn Hwi-joon] and Yi Byeonghan, Mongyu dowondo (Seoul: Yegyeong saneopsa, 1987). On the basis of the accompanying contemporaneous colophons Sunpyo Hong and Chin-sung Chang emphasize the interpretation of Dream Journey as an image of ‘‘grand peace and prosperity’’ (taepyeong) in their essay ‘‘Peace under Heaven: Confucianism and Painting in Early Joseon Korea,’’ in Art of the Korean Renaissance, pp. 71–75. 3. See, for instance, Tang Di’s Travelling in the Autumn Mountains (illustrated in James Cahill, Hills Beyond a River: Chinese Painting of the Yuan Dynasty, 1279– 1368 [New York: Weatherhill, 1976], p. 31). Yuan inspiration can be seen in An Gyeon’s exaggeratedly flat and slanting mountaintops. Yet Kim Hongnam in her analysis of two 15th-century Korean landscapes in the style of An Gyeon also emphasizes their closeness to Song models; see her ‘‘An Kyŏn and the Eight Views Tradition: An Assessment of Two Landscapes in the Metropolitan Museum of Art,’’ in Arts of Korea (New York: Metropolitan Museum of Art, 1998), pp. 380–381. 4. For a discussion of taste in relation to social space and structure, see Pierre Bourdieu, Distinction—A Social Critique of the Judgment of Taste, trans. Richard Nice (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1984), pp. 470–475. 5. For information on the Gang brothers, see Burglind Jungmann, Die koreanische Landschaftsmalerei und die chinesische Che-Schule (Stuttgart: Franz Steiner Verlag, 1992), pp. 62–65. 6. Altogether Sin Sukju mentions 222 works, of which 11 were anonymous, 4 were credited to the Japanese master Tekkan, and 36 to An Gyeon. 7. The original text is included in Sin Sukju, Pohanjae 121 jip (Yeongin p’yojeom Hanguk munjip chonggan, v. 10) (Seoul: Gyeongin munhwasa, 1988), fasc. 14, 2a–6a. The earliest 20th-century study was done by Inaba Iwakichi, ‘‘Shin Shukushu no gaki,’’ Bijutsu kenkyū 19 (July 1933): 1–8. 8. Kim Hongnam, in her investigation of Chinese calligraphy in Prince Anpyeong’s collection, states that Su Shi admired Wu Daozi from his youth and that a Wu Daozi painting bearing a Su Shi inscription may therefore have existed; see her ‘‘Anpyeong daegun sojang Jungguk seoye: Song Hwijong, So Sik, Jo Maengbu, Seonu Chu,’’ Misulsa nondan 8 (1999): 89. 9. Although Kim Hongnam acknowledges that both paintings have a pedigree of Chinese seals, colophons, or records dating from the Ming and Qing dynasties, she thinks it possible that the scroll could have found its way to Korea during the late Goryeo and then back to China after having been part of Prince Anpyeong’s collection; see Kim Hongnam, in Misulsa nondan 8 (1999): 80–81. 10. See Eight Dynasties of Chinese Painting: The Collections of the Nelson Gallery–Atkins Museum, Kansas City, and the Cleveland Museum of Art (Cleveland: Cleveland Museum of Art, 1980), cat. 77. 11. I thank Marsha Haufler for sharing her expertise and for closely examining the scroll with me at the Nelson Gallery–Atkins Museum. 12. For investigations of the topic, see Richard Barnhart, ‘‘Shining Rivers: ‘Eight Views of the Hsiao and Hsiang’ in Sung Painting,’’ in Proceedings of the International Colloquium on Chinese Art History, 1991: Painting and Calligraphy (Taipei: National Palace Museum, 1992), pp. 45–96: Alfreda Murck, ‘‘Eight Views of the Hsiao and Hsiang Rivers,’’ in Images of the Mind, ed. Wen Fong et al. (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1984), pp. 213–235. 13. Besides Ahn Hwi-joon’s publications listed in n. 2, see Kim Hongnam, in Arts of Korea, pp. 367–401. 14. Quoted by Hui-shu Lee in her Exquisite Moments: West Lake and Southern Song Art (New York: China Institute Gallery, 2001), p. 113. 15. The painting is also mentioned in Shiqu baoji (1745), the catalogue of Qianlong’s collection, but in no other Chinese source. Fu Shen investigated the scroll for the catalogue Qing gong zhenmi biecang tulu, ed. Wang Zhengsong (Taipei: Juanqinzhai, 1999), pp. 16–18. I thank Hui-shu Lee for her help in acquiring this source. 16. For the princess’s role in the appreciation of Chinese art and culture at the Yuan court, see Shen Fu, ‘‘Princess Sengge Ragi, Collector of Painting and Calligraphy,’’ in Flowering in the Shadows, Women in the History of Chinese and Japanese Painting, ed. Marsha Weidner (Honolulu: University of Hawai‘i Press, 1990), pp. 55–80. 17. As Hui-shu Lee explains, paintings of uprooted or broken flowers were during the Yuan dynasty often reinterpreted by means of inscriptions mourning the loss of the Southern Song; see Exquisite Moments, pp. 112–113. 122 ARCHIVES OF ASIAN ART 18. A high official of the Yuan, he was considered one of the ‘‘Four Great Masters of the Yuan’’ in literature. For a portrait, see Sherman E. Lee and Wai-kam Ho, Chinese Art under the Mongols: The Yuan Dynasty (1279–1368) (Cleveland: Cleveland Museum of Art, 1968), fig. 14, p. 81. 19. For an illustration, see Eight Dynasties of Chinese Painting, no. 84. 20. Cited in Eight Dynasties of Chinese Painting, p. 105; Zhang was of non-Chinese origin. He is also known to have refused Princess Sengge’s request for a painting. 21. For further information, see James Cahill, Hills Beyond a River, pp. 161–162; Eight Dynasties of Chinese Painting, no. 85; Chu-tsing Li, ‘‘The Oberlin Orchid and the Problem of P’u-ming,’’ Archives of Asian Art 16 (1962): 49–76. Besides Bamboo in the Wind in the Cleveland Museum of Art and one painting of orchids, bamboo, and rocks in an American private collection, all other works by Puming are preserved in Japan; cf. Suzuki Kei, ed., Chūgoku kaiga sōgōzuroku, 5 vols. (Tokyo: Tokyō daigaku shuppansha, 1982–1983), A 17-037, JM 5-018, JM11-100, JM 12-017, JT 101-004, JP 8-018, JP 17-044. 22. Luo is thought to have been active in the early Yuan. He is not listed in the standard biographical literature, but James Cahill mentions two lesser-known Ming sources in his Index of Early Chinese Painters and Paintings, T’ang, Sung, Yuan (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1980), p. 305; see also Richard Barnhart, Painters of the Great Ming: The Imperial Court and the Zhe School (Dallas: Dallas Museum of Art, 1993), pp. 23–25; Wen Fong, Beyond Representation: Chinese Painting and Calligraphy, 8th to 14th Century (New York: Metropolitan Museum of Art, 1992), pp. 402–404; Richard Barnhart, Wintry Forests, Old Trees, Some Landscape Themes in Chinese Painting (New York: China House Gallery, 1973), p. 43; Lee and Ho, Chinese Art under the Mongols, no. 215. 23. The fan painting Ramblers over a Windy Stream bears his seal, and the hanging scroll Carrying a Qin on a Visit is attributed to him; see Eight Dynasties of Chinese Painting, nos. 101, 102. 24. For Liu Rong, see Zhongguo meishujia renming cidian (Shanghai: Renmin meishu chubanshe, 1981), p. 1332. 25. For the role that Yi Jehyeon played in the transmission of Confucianism to Korea, see Martina Deuchler, The Confucian Transformation, A Study of Society and Ideology (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1992), pp. 19–20. 26. This translation was adapted from Eight Dynasties of Chinese Painting, p. 106, with changes in the transliteration of Chinese and Japanese names. For the original text, see Yi Jehyeon, Ikjae nango (Seoul: Asea munhwasa, 1973), fasc. 4, 17a. 27. Unfortunately we do not have any clue connecting these remarks to visual material. As Roderick Whitfield has demonstrated, however, the Yuan court tradition of flower-and-bird painting found followers in 16th-century Korea, of whom the most important was the famous woman painter Sin Saimdang (1504–1551); see Roderick Whitfield, Fascination of Nature, Plants and Insects in Chinese Painting and Ceramics of the Yuan Dynasty (1279–1368) (Seoul: Yekyong Publications, 1993), pp. 55–56. 28. For a description of diplomatic contacts at the end of Northern Song, which were hampered by the Jin, particularly the famous anti-Goryeo policy of Su Shi, and the subsequent sporadic relations through private traders, see Erling von Mende, China und die Staaten auf der koreanischen Halbinsel bis zum 12. Jahrhundert (Wiesbaden: Franz Steiner Verlag, 1982), pp. 243–254. 29. See Shen Fu, Flowering in the Shadows, pp. 57– 58. 30. Lee Ki-baik, A New History of Korea, trans. Edward W. Wagner with Edward J. Shultz (Seoul: Ilchokak Publishers, 1984), pp. 155–156. 31. The term ‘‘mongrel king’’ was used by Nishigami Minoru in his investigation into the relationship between Zhu Derun and King Chungseon, ‘‘Shu Tokujun to Shin-ō,’’ Bijutsushi, vol. 104 (1978), pp. 127–144. 32. See the diagram in ibid., p. 134. 33. For Yuan dominance in Goryeo politics and King Chungseon’s political reform efforts, see Lee Ki-baek, A New History of Korea, pp. 158–161, 166; John Duncan, The Origins of the Chosŏn Dynasty (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 2000), pp. 164, 174. 34. For further information, see Nishigami Minoru, ‘‘Shu tokujun to Shin-ō,’’ pp. 133–134. 35. Zhu Derun was introduced to King Chungseon by Zhao Mengfu and, on the king’s recommendation, employed by the court; he also traveled to Goryeo; see Nishigami Minoru, ibid., pp. 134–135; Jungmann, Die koreanische Landschaftsmalerei, p. 52. 36. In fact, Seo Geojeong (1420–1488), a contemporary of Sin Sukju, states in his writings that King Chungseon took a great number of books, calligraphies, and paintings with him when he returned to Goryeo, and the 16th-century scholar and politician Kim Anro relates the dowry of a Mongol princess; see Ahn Hwi-joon, Korean Landscape Painting in the Early Yi Period, p. 74. The latter is also cited by Shen Fu, Flowering in the Shadows, n. 45. 37. See Ahn Hwi-joon, Korean Landscape Painting in the Early Yi Period, p. 72. The poetic inscription on a landscape by Liu Daoquan is included in Yi Jehyeon’s Ikjae nango, fasc. 4, 17a–b. 38. Li Kan, who held the high office of president of the Board of Officials, painted trees and bamboo and wrote a treatise on bamboo painting, Zhupu. 39. See Ahn Hwi-joon, Korean Landscape Painting in the Early Yi Period, p. 76. 40. See Chu Binjie, Zhongguo gudai wentixue (Taipei: Taiwan xuesheng shuju, 1991), pp. 379–382. For Han BURGLIND JUNGMANN  Sin Sukju’s Record of Prince Anpyeong & Early Joseon Antiquarianism Yu’s original text, see Ma Qichang, Han Changli wenji jiaoshu (Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1987), pp. 86–89. 41. For a partial translation of Jihua, see Susan Bush, The Chinese Literati on Painting, Su Shih to Tung Ch’ich’ang (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1971), pp. 65–66, n. 109; for the original text, see Bai Juyi ji, ed. Gu Xuejie (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1979), vol. 3, pp. 937–938. 42. Cited from Bush, The Chinese Literati on Painting, p. 37. 43. For further explanation, see ibid., pp. 37–43. 44. Jungmann, Die koreanische Landschaftsmalerei, pp. 66–74; see also James Cahill, ‘‘Confucian Elements in the Theory of Painting,’’ in The Confucian Persuasion, ed. Arthur F. Wright (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1960), pp. 77–87; Hong Seonpyo [Hong Sunpyo], ‘‘Joseon chogi eui hoehwagwan,’’ Jeongsin munhwa yeongu (Winter 1984): 199–209. 45. See Judith T. Zeitlin, ‘‘The Petrified Heart: Obsession in Chinese Literature, Art, and Medicine,’’ in Late Imperial China 12, no. 1 (1991): 4–7. 46. For details of Chinese paintings reaching Korea during the early Joseon period, see Jungmann, Die koreanische Landschaftsmalerei, pp. 54–61. 47. For another translation of this passage by Ahn Hwi-joon, see his ‘‘An Kyŏn and ‘A Dream Visit to the Peach Blossom Land’,’’ p. 68. 48. Jungmann, ‘‘Reflections of Antiquity: Prince Anpy’ŏng as Patron of An Kyŏn,’’ paper for a workshop on patronage in Korean art, SOAS, London, 2000. A few years before his death Prince Anpyeong built the Hermitage at Mugye (Mugye Jeongsa), which is said to have resembled the Peach Blossom Land he had seen in his dreams. Ahn Hwi-joon comments: ‘‘Four years after the dream and execution of the Dream Journey by An Kyŏn based on the dream, Anpy’ŏng made it a reality by building the Hermitage in the area whose surroundings are very reminiscent of the fairy land’’; see Ahn Hwi-joon, ‘‘An Kyŏn and ‘A Dream Visit to the Peach Blossom Land’,’’ p. 62. 49. See Ahn Hwi-joon, ibid., pp. 61–62. Bak Paengnyeon, who, according to Prince Anpyeong’s own account of his dream, accompanied him on his imaginary journey to the Peach Blossom Land, was among the most prominent victims of the coup d’état, the so-called Six Martyred Ministers (sa yuksin); the prince’s two other companions, Choe Hang and Sin Sukju, survived. Sin Sukju is regarded as one of the masterminds of the plot. 50. For more information, see Gari Ledyard, ‘‘Cartography in Korea,’’ in The History of Cartography, ed. J. B. Harley and David Woodward (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1994), vol. 2, bk. 2, p. 285. These measures were, of course, part of the overall concept of creating a state that accorded with the Confucian concept of the Mandate of Heaven. For the political and cultural aspects 123 of reconciling Chinese thought with native traditions, see JaHyun Kim Haboush, ‘‘Creating a Society of Civil Culture: The Early Joseon,’’ in Art of the Korean Renaissance, 1400–1600, ed. Soyoung Lee, pp. 3–13. 51. See, for instance, James Cahill, Hills Beyond a River, and also Cahill’s more recent treatment of the Yuan in Three Thousand Years of Chinese Painting, ed. Richard Barnhart et al. (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1997), pp. 138–195. 52. See Burglind Jungmann, Painters as Envoys: Korean Inspiration in Eighteenth-Century Japanese Nanga (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2004), pp. 56–66. 53. We find such a rejection of contemporaneous Chinese styles on the part of the famous Muromachi painter Sesshū, who traveled to Ming China in the mid15th century. Sesshū did not find many Chinese painters he could admire, except for the Zhe school painter Li Zai and one other unknown artist; see Matsushita Takaaki, Ink Painting, trans. and adapted Martin Collcutt (New York and Tokyo: Weatherhill/Shibundo, 1974), pp. 75– 76. For more information, see Tsukui Hiromi, Les Sources spirituelles de la peinture de Sesshū (Paris: Collège de France, Institut des Hautes Études Japonaises, 1998), pp. 83–123. 54. For an analysis of the dominance of Dong Qichang’s theory of a clear distinction between painters of Dong (Yuan)–Ju(ran) and those of Li–Guo lineage, and the prevalence of the first over the second in the treatment of Yuan painting history by modern scholars, see Jerome Silbergeld, ‘‘A New Look at Traditionalism in Yuan Dynasty Landscape Painting,’’ National Palace Museum Quarterly 14, no. 3 (1980): 1–29. 55. I have analyzed what I consider two phases of literati painting, differing in style, in Painters as Envoys, pp. 51–56. 56. I thank my colleague Hui-shu Lee for her most valuable suggestions on the translation and the Chinese literary background of this text. I certainly take sole responsibility for the translation and its flaws. I further thank Naomi Noble Richard for her editing of the text. 57. The name Bihaedang, ‘‘Master of Non-Idleness,’’ was given to Prince Anpyeong by his father King Sejong in 1442 to encourage his diligence in learning and in developing his literary talent; see Ahn Hwi-joon, ‘‘An Kyŏn and ‘A Dream Visit to the Peach Blossom Land’,’’ p. 61. 58. Following usual writing practice, Sin Sukju indiscriminately uses do (C: tu, ‘‘painting,’’ ‘‘chart’’) both for specific painting titles and for groups of paintings of the same genre, usually just giving a count. I have therefore translated phrases related to single paintings as specific titles, and phrases referring to a number of works as ‘‘paintings of ’’ bamboo, Buddhas, etc. But where it is quite clear that a pair or a set of four or more paintings is implied, I translated the phrase as a title. 59. These two famous beauties of Chinese antiquity are often mentioned together. Mao Qiang is mentioned by 124 ARCHIVES OF ASIAN ART Zhuangzi in a discourse on knowing the truth (of beauty); for a translation, see David Hinton, Chuang Tzu, The Inner Chapters (Washington, DC: Counterpoint, 1997), p. 30. Xi Shi, a girl of humble background who lived during the Spring and Autumn period (722–481 bce), is the more famous of the two for having figured in politics. For one version of her story, see Herbert Giles, Chinese Biographical Dictionary (Taipei: Ch’eng Wen, 1975), p. 271. When writing his comment, Sin Sukju might have also had Gu Kaizhi’s paintings of beautiful women in mind, such as the famous Admonitions scroll at the British Museum, which is considered a close copy of the master’s work. 60. Here and in speaking of Yan Hui later in the text, it is not certain whether ‘‘Buddhas’’ refers to the category of Buddhas only or to Buddhist deities in general. 61. Here, of course, Sin Sukju has in mind the famous comment by Su Shi about Wang Wei: ‘‘When one savors Mo-chieh’s poems, there are paintings in them, When one looks at Mo-chieh’s pictures, there are poems,’’ cited from Bush, The Chinese Literati on Painting, p. 25. 62. This refers to a story of the Spring and Autumn period, told in several ancient Chinese texts. Ning Qi, a poor man of the state of Wei, came to Qi and sang a song while beating time on the horn of his ox that pulled his cart. On hearing this song, Duke Huan of Qi ordered his prime minister, Guan Zhong, to pay him his respects. Later Ning Qi became prime minister of Qi; see Morohashi Tetsuji, Dai Kan-Wa jiten (Tokyo: Daishūkan shoten, 1955–1960), no. 21717.17. 63. This alludes to verses of the ‘‘High Chant of Ning Qi,’’ as recorded by the Tang author Li Hanzhuan in his collection of essays on people of antiquity, Mengqiu; see Morohashi Tetsuji, Dai Kan-Wa jiten, no. 21717.18. 64. In fact, Su Shi most frequently used the example of Wen Tong when explaining his theory of literati painting; see Bush, The Chinese Literati on Painting, pp. 29–43. 65. Guo Xi is known for his seasonal landscapes, a topic he also refers to in his own writings; see Shio Sakanishi, trans., An Essay on Landscape Painting, by Kuo Hsi (London: J. Murray, 1935), pp. 36ff. It seems, however, that the spring and autumn sceneries mentioned first belonged to one incomplete set of the Four Seasons and were unrelated to Snow Flurry in a Cold Wind or Summer Landscape in Blue Mist. 66. These are, of course, two scenes from the Eight Views of Xiao and Xiang. 67. Cui Que was a brother of the better-known court painter Cui Bo. Both painters specialized in flowers-andbirds and are thought to be close in style; for more information, see Hui-shu Lee, ‘‘Song yuanti hua niao shu zhi yanjiu,’’ MA thesis, Taiwan National University, 1984, pp. 64–77. For a list of extant paintings attributed to the two artists, see James Cahill, An Index of Early Chinese Painters and Paintings, pp. 180–181. 68. Feathers-and-fur stands for birds and small animals; for further information on categories of subject matter, see Lothar Ledderose, ‘‘Subject Matter in Early Chinese Painting Criticism,’’ Oriental Art 19, no. 1 (1973): 69– 83. 69. Xie Yuan was active in the 13th century during the Southern Song, not the Yuan period as Sin Sukju suggests; for more information, see Hui-shu Lee, Exquisite Moments, pp. 112–113. 70. Haihua, ‘‘sea flower,’’ refers to haitang hua, crabapple, which is considered the immortal among flowers, having come from across the sea; see Chen Jingyi, comp., Quan fang bei zu ji (Siku leishu congkan) (Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1992), pp. 935–987 (qianji, fasc. 7, 1a). I am indebted to Hui-shu Lee for pointing out this reference to me. 71. Liu Rong painted landscapes in the style of Guo Xi; see Zhongguo meishujia renming cidian, p. 1332. 72. The famous Ma Yuan was active at the Southern Song court. Sin Sukju’s lack of knowledge about him and Xie Yuan suggests that little to nothing was known about Southern Song art in early Joseon elite circles. 73. Although not recorded in Chinese sources, Liu Daoquan apparently gained fame among Korean literati officials of the 14th century, as he is mentioned by Yi Saek and Yi Jehyeon; see Ahn Hwi-joon, Korean Landscape Painting in the Early Yi Period, p. 72. 74. Ahn Hwi-joon suggests that Sin made a mistake here and the painter in question might be Tang Di, who used the pen name Zihua; see his Korean Landscape Painting in the Early Yi Period, p. 76. 75. For Luo Zhichuan, see n. 22. 76. Prince Teng, Li Yuanying, son of Tang Gaozu (r. 618–626), built a pavilion on the Yangzi River that inspired the famous poet Wang Bo (648–676) to write a poem on the vanity of human pleasure; for a translation, see Stephen Owen, The Poetry of Early T’ang (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1977), pp. 136–137. 77. This palace was built by Tang Xuanzong for his famous concubine Yang Guifei in the 6th year of his Tianbao reign-period (747), near the capital at Huaqing hot springs (at the foot of Li Mountain in Shaanxi Province). 78. The earliest extant version of illustrations of the Classic of Filial Piety (Xiaojing) is by Li Gonglin; see Richard Barnhart et al., Li Kung-lin’s Classic of Filial Piety (New York: Metropolitan Museum of Art, 1993). This and later copies and interpretations by followers of the master are based on the fifteen chapters of the classic. A book titled The Twenty-four Paragons of Filial Piety was written by the Yuan-dynasty scholar Guo Jujing, who was known not only as a poet but also as a filial son. The first book containing illustrations of the twenty-four paragons, however, seems to have been published in Korea during the Goryeo period. They appear in the first chapter, titled ‘‘The Twenty-four Paragons of Filial Piety’’ (‘‘Isipsa hyo do’’) of Record of Filial Conduct (Hyohaengno), bearing a foreword by Yi Jehyeon dated to 1346; see Osawa Akihiro, BURGLIND JUNGMANN  Sin Sukju’s Record of Prince Anpyeong & Early Joseon Antiquarianism ‘‘Mingdai chupan wenhua zhong de ‘Ershisi xiao,’ ’’ http:// www.sinica.edu.tw/~wujs/speech/speech-Osawa92012501 .htm#_edn1, 20 February 2007; Hashimoto Sōko, ‘‘ ‘Kōkōroku’ to ‘Zensō nijushi kōshisen’ shoshū setzuwa no hikaku,’’ in Jinbun ronsō, ed. Kyōtō joshi daigaku, no. 44 (1996), pp. 1–13. I thank Chinghsin Wu for her help in finding this information. 79. Ni Zhong was a Yuan-dynasty scholar and calligrapher; see Zhongguo meishujia renming cidian, p. 651. 80. For Jie Xisi’s role in art appreciation, see Ankeney Weitz, ‘‘Art and Politics at the Mongol Court of China: Tugh Temür’s Collection of Chinese Painting,’’ Artibus Asiae 64, no. 2 (2004): 243–280. 81. The term ‘‘double purity’’ is often used in painting titles for a combination of plum blossoms and bamboo. I thank Hui-shu Lee for this information. 82. Xizhai is the sobriquet of Li Kan (1245–1320). It is astonishing that Sin Sukju did not know this about the famous bamboo painter and high Yuan official, who was much admired by Goryeo scholar Yi Jehyeon. As for Zhenzhai, Ahn Hwi-joon suggests Zhang Qin, a Ming painter who, according to Tuhui baojian and Minghualu, was good at painting landscapes, flowers, and bamboo, in which he reached the style of the old masters; see Ahn Hwi-joon, Hanguk hoehwasa yeongu (Seoul: Sigongsa, 2000), p. 300, and also Zhongguo meishujia renming cidian, p. 858. 83. This title refers to a poem on bamboo by Han Yu, thereby indicating a painting of bamboo; see Chen Jingyi, comp., Quan fang bei zu ji, pp. 335–417 (houji, fasc. 16, 16b). 84. The bamboo painter Song Ming was active at the Yuan court during the Tianli reign period (1329–1330); he is mentioned in Tuhui baojian; see Zhongguo meishujia renming cidian, p. 327. 85. A certain Ye Heng, known for his calligraphy, lived in the mid-12th century; see Zhongguo meishujia renming cidian, pp. 327, 1222. 86. For Wang Mian, famous for his plum blossoms, see Cahill, Hills Beyond a River, pp. 160–161, and the same author in Three Thousand Years of Chinese Painting, ed. Richard Barnhart et al., pp. 192–193. 87. This is a nominal military position in the senior fourth rank, well above the usual sixth rank that was normally the highest that court painters were allowed to reach. 88. For a slightly different translation of this passage by Ahn Hwi-joon, see his ‘‘An Kyŏn and ‘A Dream Visit to the Peach Blossom Land’,’’ p. 68. 89. The Yellow Crane Tower is the point of departure in a farewell poem for Meng Haoran (689–740) by Li Bo (701–762); for a translation, see David Hinton, The Selected Poems of Li Po (New York: New Directions, 1996), p. 15. 90. Wang Bo (648–676) was a celebrated early Tang 125 poet and prose writer who also wrote the poem on the ‘‘Pavilion of Duke Teng,’’ mentioned earlier; for more information, see Owen, The Poetry of Early T’ang, pp. 123–137. 91. This title literally reads Elegant Falcons, elegance being a rather uncommon attribute for the hunting birds. It is, however, possible that ‘‘elegant’’ is a misprint for ‘‘crows’’; the two characters are pronounced the same (a in Korean and ya in Chinese). ‘‘Crows and Falcons’’ is certainly more plausible. 92. This impressive list of positions relates to institutions established by King Sejong, particularly the Hall of Worthies, which was founded in 1420 and succeeded in 1463, during Sejo’s reign, by the Office of Special Advisers (Hongmungwan). The positions Sin Sukju holds at this point, in the senior sixth and senior seventh ranks, are still low compared with his later career as chief state councillor. Character List An Gyeon 安堅 Anpyeong 安平 Bihaedang 匪懈堂 Bo Juyi 白居易 Bo Letian 白樂天 Chengzong 成宗 cheongi 天機 chung 忠 Chungnyeol 忠烈 Chungseon 忠宣 Dadu 大都 Dong Qichang 董其昌 Dugu 獨孤 Feng Zishen 馮子振 Gaegyeong 開京 Gaeseong 開城 Gang Hui’an 姜希顔 Gang Huimaeng 姜希孟 Goryeo 高麗 Gu Kaizhi 顧愷之 Guo Xi 郭熙 Guo Zhongshu 郭忠恕 Han Changli 韓昌黎 Han Yu 韓愈 Hangzhou 杭州 Huaji 畫記 Huang Gongwang 黃公望 Huang Tingjian 黃庭堅 Huizong 徽宗 Hwagi 畫記 Jie Xisi 揭奚斯 Jihua 記畫 Jin 金 jo 祖 126 ARCHIVES OF ASIAN ART jong 宗 Joseon 朝鮮 jucheok 周尺 Kim Nyu 金紐 Kundaikan Sayūchōki 君台観左右帳記 Li Bi 李弼 Li Cheng 李成 Li Kan 李衎 Lin’an 臨安 Liu Daoquan 劉道權 Liu Rong 劉融 Luo Zhichuan 羅稚川 Ma Yuan 馬遠 Mangwondang 萬卷堂 Ming 明 Namjonghwa 南宗畫 Nanga 南画 Ni Zan 倪瓚 Puming 普明 Qianlong 乾隆 Qing 清 Renzong 仁宗 Sejo 世祖 Sejong 世宗 Sengge Ragi 祥哥剌吉 Shen Zhou 沈周 Shenshu 申叔 Shenwang 瀋王 shidafu 士大夫 Shizu 世祖 Sin Sukju 申叔舟 Song 宋 Songxue 松雪 Su Shi 蘇軾 Suyang 首陽 Suzhou 蘇州 taepyeong 太平 Tang Di 唐棣 Tao Qian 陶潛 (Tao Yuanming 陶淵明) tianji 天機 ueui 寓意 wang 王 Wang Gongyan 王公儼 Wang Meng 王蒙 Wang Mian 王冕 Wang Wei 王維 Wanjuantang 萬卷堂 Wei Su 危素 Wen Tong 文同 Wu Daozi 吳道子 Wu school 吳派 Wu Zhen 吳鎮 Wuzong 武宗 Xie Yuan 謝元 Xizhai 息齋 Yan 燕 Yan Hui 顏輝 yang 陽 Yi Jehyeon 李齊賢 Yi Saek 李穡 yin 陰 yu yi 寓意 Yuan 元 Yueshan 月山 Zhang Dunjian 張敦簡 Zhang Yanfu 張彥甫 Zhang Zihua 張子華 Zhangzong 章宗 Zhao Mengfu 趙孟頫 Zhu Derun 朱德潤 Zhuangzi 莊子